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-- Q^hefe are th^ Lines thatjjiew tlty'Face-flut thoji 
'Jlia.tfhew tfiy Gi'dCC and Cflovy, hrujhter hec : 
<T'hy FaVC-jDifcamries and. J'owlc-Ovcrtfirpwes 
Of Salvages, muck Civillizd hy t/ici 
Hcjljhcw thy Sfiribiand to it Glovj^ CWytt^i. 
Sc,tkaii art B raise without, h tit C/olaZ Witliiii. 

This is a fine example of the art of the famous engraver 
Simon Passe, and was engraved in 1614 to illustrate 
the Map of New England given in the Description of New 
England, and some years later in the Generall Historic 
of Virginia. The portrait occupies the left top corner of 
the map. This is the only portrait of John Smith. 



an Cnjltsf) (garnet 








This Edition is limited to yt^o copies 
for England and America 


Edinburgh : T. and A Constable, Printers to His Majesty 



Introduction vii 

I. Of English Dogs, the diversities, the names, the natures 

and the properties. A Short Treatise written in Latin 

by Johannes Caius (1536) . . . and newly drawn 

into English by Abraham Fleming, 1576 ... i 

II. Dr. John Dee. The Petty Navy Royal. [Ap. The British 

Monarchy, 1577] 45 

III. Dean William Turner. Notes on Wines used in England. 

[From a New Book of the Nature and properties of all 
Wines, 1568] 55 

IV. A Politic Plat for the honour of the Prince, the great profit 

of the public state, relief of the poor, preservatioti of the 
rich, reformation of rogues and idle persons, and the 
wealth of thousands that know not how to live, by 
Robert Hitchcock, Gentleman, 1580 .... 59 

V. Elizabeth ar7ns Etigland, which Mary had left defenceless. 
By the Rev. William Harrison, B.D. (from the ' Descrip- 
tion of England' in Holinshed'sC^rd7;KV/^,Bk. Il.chap.i6) 96 

VI. The most dangerous and tnemorable adventure of Richard 
Ferris, one of the five ordinary Messengers of Her 
Majesty's Chamber, who departed from Tower Wharff, 
on Midsummer Day last . . . in a small wherry 
boat to row, by sea, to the city of Bristow. By Richard 

Ferris, 1590 loi 

VII. The English Army Rations in the time of Queen Elizabeth. 
By Captain Robert Hitchcock of Caversfield. (An 
appendix to W. Garrard's The Art of War, 1591) . . 115 
VIII. A brief note of the benefits that grow to this Realm, by the 
observation of Fish Days : with a reasoji and cause 
wherefore the law i?i that behalf made, is ordained. The 
Privy Council. loth March 1594 I33 

IX. Kemp's nine days' wonder. Performed in a dance from 
London to Norwich. Containing the Pleasure, Pains 
a?td Kind entertainment of William Kemp, between 
Lo7idon a7id that city, in his late Morrice. Written by 

himself to satisfy friends, 1600 139 

X. The Great Frost. A familiar talk between a Coutitrytnan 
and a Citizen touching this terrible Frost, and the Great 
Lottery, a7id the effects of them, 160Z . . . .163 

XI. The Secrets of A7tgli7ig : teachi7ig the choicest Tools, Baits, 
a7id Seasons, for the taki7tg of a7iy Fish i7i Pond or River: 

vi Social England in Seventeenth Century 


practised and familiarly opened in three books. By 

J. D., Esquire 187 

XII. Comments on the Secrets of Angling. By William Lauson. 
(Second edition. Augmented with 7na?jy approved ex- 
periments), 1653 237 

XIII. England's Way to Win Wealth, and to employ Ships and 
Mariners; or, A plain description what great profit it will 
brijtg into the Cotnmon Wealth of Etiglaiid, by the erect- 
ing, buildifig and adve?ituring of Busses to sea, a fishing. 
By Tobias Gentleman, Fisherman and Mariner, 1614 . 245 

XIV. Britain^ s Buss, or A computation as well of the Charge of 
a Buss or Herring Fish Ship ; as also of the Gain and 

Profit thereby. By E. S., 161 5 273 

XV. The King^s Majestfs Delaration to his Subjects concerning 

lawful Sports to be used. King James. 24th May 1618 313 

XVI. The same with preface and conclusion by King Charles, 

1633 31S 

XVII. Leather : A discourse tendered to the High Court of 

Parliament . . 317 

XVIII. The Carrier's Cosmography ; or, a Brief Relation of the Inns, 
Ordinaries, Hostelries, and other lodgifigs in and near 
London; where the Carriers, Waggons, Foot-posts and 
Higglers do tcsually come from any parts . . . With 
7iomination of what days of the week they do come to 
London . . . As also ivhere the Ships, Hoys, Barks, 
Tiltboats, Barges and Wherries do usually attend. By 
John Taylor, 1637 339 

XIX. The Worth of a Penny ; or, a Caution to Keep Money. 
With the causes of the scarcity and misery of the want 
hereof in these hard and merciless Times. By H. 

P[eacham], Master of Arts, 1647 363 

XX. A Narrative of all the Proceedings ifi the Drainitig of the 
Great Level of the Fe7is. Extending into the Counties of 
Northampton, Lincoln, Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridge, and 
Hu7itingdon, a7id the Isle of Ely ; fro7n the time of Quee7t 
Elizabeth U7itil this present May, i66r. By N. N., 1661 407 
XXI. Hi7its for Travellers, 1571-1671. By Edward Leigh, 

Esquire, M. A. {From Three Diatribes, tic.) . .415 

XXII. The Seco7id Ge7ieratio7i of E7iglish Professio7tal Actors, 
1625-1670. By James Wright. (From Histotia His- 
trio7iica, 1699) 421 

XXIII. A71 account of the Tor77ients the French Protestants endure 
aboard the Galleys. By John Bion . . . Chaplain 
to the 5?^/<?r^^ Galley, in the French Service, 1708 . 433 


The reader of the various tracts here reprinted may find it 
convenient to have a brief account of the authors. The 
first pamphlet, ' Of English Dogs,' translated in 1576, was 
published in Latin in 1570, by John Caius (15 10- 1573). 
He is best remembered as the founder of Caius (* Keys ') 
College in Cambridge, but in his time he was an eminent 
physician and writer on medicine. He was a student at 
Gonville Hall, Cambridge, which he practically refounded 
as ' Caius,' and was one of the early Greek scholars of his 
country, before the Revival of Letters, under Erasmus, 
Collet, Cheke, and More, was delayed by the reforming zeal 
of Henry VIII. The labours of that evangelist made Eng- 
land an extremely unquiet place for men of learning, while 
there is much reason to doubt whether Caius ever quite 
shook off 'the rags of Rome.' In 1539, probably to avoid 
the 'bustling of the university up and down' in matters of 
religion, Caius migrated to the schools of Padua. This 
was a tranquil home of letters and law, the mundane Re- 
public of Venice discountenancing the persecutions which 
raged among the godly, whether Lutheran, Calvinist, or 
Anglican. The university had an Anglo-Scottish ' Nation,' 
of which the registers have lately been published. The 
celebrated Vesalius was here Caius's teacher in anatomy, a 

viii Social England in Seventeenth Century 

study for which the Church in the Middle Ages professed 
no admiration. After taking his doctor's degree (1541), 
Caius made a scientific tour among the libraries of Europe, 
especially examining the MSS. of Galen, the Greek medical 
writer. Returning to England shortly before the death of 
Henry VIII., he was commanded by that prince to lecture 
on anatomy. He also wrote a treatise, reckoned fine, on 
the ' Sweating Sickness,' and was appointed to the post, no 
sinecure, of physician to the ailing Edward VI. On the de- 
cease of the young king, our English Josiah, Caius held the 
same office in the household of Queen Mary, usually styled 
by a vulgar sobriquet^ ' the Bloody.' The offices enjoyed 
by Caius were lucrative, and he was not like the wealthy of 
the Reformation, whom Latimer chides for their neglect of 
scholars. He re-endowed Gonville, where he had been 
educated, and became (1559) master of the College, without 
salary. On Mary's death, Elizabeth maintained Caius in 
his place of Royal physician, but, as Protestantism became 
of a more persecuting temper, he retired (1568), or was 
dismissed from his anxious post. After the affair of the 
St. Bartholomew, the Protestants were full of nervous 
suspicions, and Caius fell into trouble because he possessed 
certain ' idolatrous ' objects and ecclesiastical vestments, 
A bonfire of these was made in the College quadrangle, 
but, on July 29, 1573, Caius escaped, by death, from 
the tender mercies of Protestantism. Three years later, 
Abraham Fleming translated the tract on Dogs, written for 
Gesner the naturalist, whom Walton quotes so freely in the 
Compleat A ngler. 

The little tract by 'Dr.' Dee (he was only a Master of 
Arts) is outside the lines of his ordinary work, which was 
mathematical, astronomical, astrological, and concerned 

Introduction ix 

with 'crystal gazing.' John Dee (1547- 1608) was a fellow 
of Trinity College, Cambridge. Like Caius he travelled 
much in search of learning: unlike Caius his orthodoxy was 
suspected under Mary Tudor. Elizabeth extended to him a 
good deal of the favour which takes the shape of promises ; 
but he ruined himself, under his servant, Kelly, in experi- 
ments in ' crystal gazing,' or rather in gazing into a piece 
of polished obsidian. A similar plaque, Aztec in origin, is 
in the British Museum. He believed in the old magical 
absurdities connected with this practice, was duped by 
Kelly, and was regarded as a sorcerer, from which imputa- 
tion James I. declined to let him clear himself He really 
shone as a mathematician, but was an unpractical, flighty, 
superstitious scholar. His tract here seems to be a piece of 
hack work, done to advertise Robert Hitchcock's 'plat' 
or scheme for encouraging fisheries. The best account 
of Dee's transactions with the rogue Kelly, with foreign 
princes interested in magic, and with 'scrying' in the 'show 
stones,' is that of Miss Goodrich Freer (' Miss X.'), derived 
from Original MSS. in the Proceedings of the Society 
for Psychical Research. Perhaps Kelly was one of the 
many people who can induce hallucinations by gazing into 
any clear deep ; but his array of angels and spirits, and his 
various traditional mummeries, and 'calls' to spirits, are 
rejected by educated modern investigators. He gulled and 
ruined Dee, a learned, dull, credulous student. 

Of Robert Hitchcock, author of 'A Political Plat,' little 
is known except from his published and unpublished works. 
He held lands in Buckinghamshire, and in 1580 received a 
commission to raise Buckingham volunteers to serve in the 
Low Countries. He took much trouble with his ' Plat,' but 
the dissolution of Parliament in 1576 prevented it from 

X Social England in Seventeenth Century 

being considered at that time, and Hitchcock's expenditure 
in dinners to burgesses of seaport towns was wasted. He 
had written a Memoir on National Defence in 1571, and 
presented it to Elizabeth in 1580. Other tracts he wrote, 
and, in 1590, translated, as 'The Quintessence of Wit,' a 
selection of Italian maxims collected by Francesco San- 
sovino. His 'Arte of Warre' was an edition and com- 
pletion of a manuscript by William Garrard, an Englishman 
in Spanish service, 1591 ; with this Hitchcock combined 
the tract in the present volume.^ 

William Harrison (1534- 1593) was educated at St. Paul's, 
Westminster, and Christ Church. He was in Anglican 
orders, and is best known for his Description of England, 
planned by the Queen's Printer, Reginald Wolfe (edited by 
Dr. Merivale, 1877). He also wrote on Chronology and 
on Weights and Measures. 

Of John Dennis or Dennys, the author of The Secrets of 
Angling, it is to be said that he pursued the fallentis seniita 
vitcB as a contemplative man ought to do, as anglers love 
to do, and as a minor poet often, reluctantly, does. 

John Taylor, a worse poet, is more widely known (1580- 
1653). Maimed as a pressed sailor in Elizabeth's navy, he 
became a Thames waterman, but carriages and hackney 
coaches injured his business ; he took to rhyming, went on 
humoristic journeys, and turned his adventures into ' copy.* 
His best-known journey (161 8) carried him as far north as 
Braemar, in the train of James VI. and I., where he described a 
Highland hunting-party. He was born to be a rather rowdy 
pressman, to write buffooneries, and contribute to the press 
eccentric narratives and picturesque adventures of the road. 

1 See Mr. A. F. Pollard in Supplementary Volume (ii.) of the Dictionary of 
National Biography. 

Introduction xi 

Henry Peacham (1576-1643) was a literary struggler of 
a higher feather. A scholar of Trinity (Cambridge) and a 
schoolmaster, he could sketch, write Latin verses, English 
verses, and compose music to his own words. He produced 
occasional loyal odes. He wandered on the Continent, some- 
times as bear-leader to young men of rank, sons of Lord 
Arundel, sometimes alone. He was the author of The 
Coinpleat Gentleman^ a successful manual of accomplish- 
ments ; he compiled anecdotes, wrote reminiscences, political 
tracts (Royalist), and even books for children. In short 
he was a literary hack of all work, and, of course, was 
'reduced to poverty in his old age,' probably before he 
received any royalties on 'The Worth of a Penny.' 


The majority of the tracts in this volume represent 
ancient journalism. To-day the authors would put them 
forth as articles in newspapers, or perhaps in the more pon- 
derous magazines. Before such vehicles existed, the essays, 
as a rule, took the shape of pamphlets, in which the press, 
through the reigns of Elizabeth and James i., was prolific. 
The tractate on English Dogs, by Dr. Caius, is an exception 
to the general rule : it merely contains materials for Gesner's 
Natural History.^ The other tracts in the volume illustrate 
not the political and religious conditions of the time, but 
its social aspects, its peculiar political economy — then 
universal — its miseries, and its sports. The grievances were 
(as much earlier) the increase of grazing, the consequent 
depression of agriculture, the absence of efficiency every- 
where, the neglect of fisheries, the lack of employment, the 

* Historic Animalium. Tiguri : Froschover. 1551-15S7. 

xii Social England in Seventeenth Century 

want of safe investments, the hoarding of bullion, and the 
extremes of poverty and wealth. Of the ruinous system 
of monopolies we hear little. The tract of Caius avoids 
all these burning questions. The essay is of interest to us 
mainly for the odd vivacity of the translator's English 
style, like that of B.R.'s rendering of Herodotus, partly as 
matter of natural history and the evolution of species of 
dogs, and, again, because of the illustrations of sport. The 
spelling and accenting of Greek words in the translator's 
text is pleasantly fantastic. We leave them as we find 
them. We learn that the same dogs, leverarii, were used 
as harriers and as foxhounds. The actual foxhound is 
mainly the result of specialised breeding in the eighteenth 
century, during which hare-hunting (practised by Squire 
Western) gradually went out of vogue, and fox-hunting 
became fashionable, ' jelly dogs ' losing favour. Terriers, 
as their name proves, were used against foxes and badgers 
that had gone to earth. The * entering ' of terriers, their 
education, is adequately described by Dandie Dinmont in 
Guy Mannering, ' Beast or body, education should aye be 
minded. I had them a' regularly entered, first wi' rottens, 
then wi' stots or weasels, and then wi' the tods or brocks, 
and now they fear naething that ever cam' wi' a hairy 
skin on 't.' From rats to weasels, foxes, badgers, and 
otters (of which Dandie makes no mention) is the cur- 
riculum of a terrier's education. Dandie does not include 
cats, the habitual prey of the well-trained dandie dinmont. 
Not to assail cats ought to be part of his education; it is 
often successfully undertaken by puss herself, Caius is brief 
and unsympathetic in his section on terriers, and throws no 
light on the breeding of our extant classes of that hound. 
The dandie was fully developed at the close of the 

Introduction xiii 

eighteenth century, as may be seen in Gainsborough's 
portrait of the young Duke of Buccleuch, in company with 
a very fine dandie with a dome-like head. The present 
fashion breeds dandies too small and neat, and of insufficient 
strength, in the humble opinion of the present writer,^ The 
Borders, the home of the dandie, were also naturally the 
home of the bloodhound, so valuable for his use in 
' pursuing pestilent persons who plant their pleasure in 
practices of purloining' — everything that had legs. Such 
persons were 111 Will Armstrong, Kinmont Willie, and 
Dick o' the Cow. Among greyhounds both the rough and 
smooth varieties are reckoned, the former used in stag- 
hunting, the latter in coursing hares. The 'tumbler' and 
'thievish dog' would now probably be spoken of as 
' lurchers,' night-wandering poaching curs of low degree. 
The spaniel and setter appear to be much what they were 
in the time of Dr. Caius, though a comparison of pictures 
of dogs in portraits, from Holbein's time downwards, is 
necessary for precision. The Cams Piscaior of Hector 
Boece (* Boethius '), which ' seeketh for fish by smelling 
among rock and stone,' is probably one of the many myths 
of that pillar of falsehood. At all events, though one has 
known terriers to attack salmon in the water during the 
spawning season, and though a collie, Jock by name, has 
been trained to turn a hooked salmon when he tries to leave 
the pool, one has never heard of a dog that traces fish by 
the scent. 

Of dogs, 'little, pretty, proper, and fine, sought for to 
satisfy the delicateness of dainty dames,' we know that 
Mary Stuart, in captivity, was very fond, and one such dog 
was faithful to the end. ' She had a little dog with her 

^ See Mr. Cook's The Dandie Dinmont Terrier. 

xiv Social England in Seventeenth Century 

upon the scaffold, who was sitting there during the whole 
time, keeping very quiet and never stirring from her side, 
but as soon as the head was stricken off, he began to 
bestir himself and cry out. Afterwards he took up a position 
between the body and the head, which he kept until some 
one came and removed him, and this had to be done by 
violence.' The dog of the Queen was more loyal than her 
son. Henri III. of France, in his conscientious pursuit of 
effeminacy, made much ado with tiny toy dogs : ' This 
abuse,' says Caius, 'reigneth where there hath been long lack 
of issue.' Henri had none. Caius, as a physician, says much 
more of pet miniature spaniels than of terriers, because the 
science of his age held that the malady of a sick person 
might migrate into her lap-dog. This belief survives in 
France, if we may trust Gyp in her Ces Bons Docteurs. 
Caius's logic here shows a lack of scientific precision. 
Witches used to cause the maladies of their patrons to shift 
quarters into a beast, as the disease of Archbishop Adamson 
of St. Andrews (1580) into a white pony. But I am apt 
to regard this anecdote as a slanderous myth, invented by 
the superstition of the prelate's Presbyterian enemies, the 
Melvilles, Blacks, and Davidsons. The sheep-dog's per- 
sonal appearance is not described ; and we know not 
whether Caius refers to our collies, or to a tall, rough kind 
of terrier most common in the north of England. Little 
or nothing is said of the wonderful sagacity of the collie. 
That Caius should regard mastiffs as descended from * the 
violent lion ' shows a tendency rather erroneous to the 
theory of evolution. Mastiffs were used as water dogs, 
and for bear-baiting — Shallow's favourite sport. In an 
England populated by tramps, thanks to the dissolution 
of the monasteries and the wars, mastiffs had no sinecure. 


Introduction xv 

The British bull-dog (unless he is 'the butcher's dog') 
seems to be ungraciously omitted. Probably he is the 
result of breeding with an eye to pinning the bull, in the 
humane sport of bull-baiting. 


Dr. Dee's * Petty Navy Royal' seems to have been written 
purely to back up Robert Hitchcock's ' Politick Plat.' 
The English Navy, in Dee's opinion, was inadequate to 
its many duties of patrolling the seas, protecting commerce 
and fisheries, putting down pirates, watching for hostile 
enterprises, spies, Catholic traffickers, and so forth. Eng- 
land was then much exposed to the adventures of French, 
Scottish, and Spanish agents of Mary Stuart and the 
Catholic powers which, more or less, favoured her cause. 
But great numbers of them were, as we know, actually 
taken and tortured. As for pirates, the Dunkirkers and 
others wrought much mischief, and were apt to be 
harboured in Scotland, as the English envoy, Nicholson, 
complained to James VI. But most of the pirates were 
English. The state papers (1580- 1590) are full of 
remonstrances from the Scottish Government against the 
unspeakable cruelties and torments which English pirates 
inflicted on Scots, subjects of a friendly nation. The 
people of Anstruther, in Fife, manned a ship, pursued an 
English pirate, ran him to earth in Sussex, slew some of 
his men, seized others and hanged them at St. Andrews.^ 
Private enterprise to put down foreign pirates was offered, 
for example, by Lord Willoughby, Governor of Berwick, 
in 1601, but was discouraged by Elizabeth's parsimonious 

* Memoirs of the Rev, James Melville. 

xvi Social England in Seventeenth Century 

government, and Willoughby sold a half share of his ship 
to Logan of Restalrig, for purposes of adventure to 
America. The pirates were excellent recruits for Drake, 
and no doubt were useful in the resistance to the Spanish 

Dee recognises their valuable qualities both on sea and 
land. Protection to fisheries from Dutch and other 
poachers was especially needed, and the Petty Navy 
would be a nursery for the official fleet. All this falls 
into line with the plat or scheme, long fostered by Robert 
Hitchcock, in Parliament, at public dinners, and in the 
pamphlet press. He indicates the unprosperous condition 
of England in the days of good Queen Bess ; her decaying 
towns, her armies of the unemployed ; he looks to the 
sea for the remedy, but his ' plat ' is sorely in need of 
capital. The real question is, will moneyed men invest in 
his scheme, and his replies to objections probably did not 
persuade capitalists to risk their gold in a venture. Yet 
in pirating, and voyages to America, men were adventurous 
enough. The wealth of 'the Indies' was more alluring 
than perishable cargoes of cod and herrings. 


People followed their taste in speculation, just as, despite 
Dr. William Turner, they woukd prefer strong French and 
Spanish wines to the less inflammatory Rhenish which 
he recommends in his letter to Cecil. They enjoyed 
wines ' of grosser and thicker substance, and hotter of 
complexion' ; while we know that many starveling literary 
men died of a surfeit of Hitchcock and Turner's specifics, 
Rhenish wine and pickled herrings. 

Introduction xvii 


Like Dr. Southey in Thackeray's ballad ' an LL.D. a 
peaceful man,' the Rev. William Harrison, B.D., had a love 
of military themes. He contrasts the unarmed state of 
England under Mary Tudor with the armaments of her 
sister Elizabeth. But against whom had England under 
Mary to be armed ? She was the head of a Catholic state, 
and as politics were then merged in religion, had no 
quarrel with Catholic Spain, or Catholic France, or Scot- 
land under the Catholic Mary of Guise. The disorders of 
the reign of Edward VI. had left Mary without money 
to pay the wages of her own household ; how then could 
she arm, and against whom? Elizabeth, succeeding, and 
appearing as head of the chief Protestant power, might 
expect trouble from France, ultimately from Spain ; and 
had at once to send men, money, artillery, and ammunition 
to aid the Scottish Lords of the Congregation against the 
Regent's Government and the French allies in Leith (1560). 
No Catholic power was likely to invade Mary Tudor's 
England ; while under Elizabeth, France and Spain had end- 
less casus belli in the cause of Mary Stuart, in the hope of 
placing her on Elizabeth's throne, and in revenge for 
English piracies. In these dangers the old English long 
bow was discarded and all the harquebuses and artillery 
described by Harrison took their place. The villages had 
armour and could turn out their tiny contingents. All 
men, even clergymen, carried daggers (in Scotland they 
occasionally used their whingers, as we know) ; many men 
had sword and buckler; the gentry practised the Italian 
school of fence, ' your passado, your punto reverso/ with 
long rapiers. All which much delights Harrison, B.D. 

b 6 

xviii Social England in Sevententh Century 

Yet we know that Elizabeth starved her fleet in the 
manner of 'the beggar who kept the cordite down,' as 
a recent balladmaker sings. The clutching avarice of 
Elizabeth would have ruined England, but fate was kind. 

Richard Ferris was one of the spiritual ancestors of the 
people who now try to swim the Channel, or to cross the 
Atlantic in a Canadian canoe. He enjoyed the advantage 
of being an object of interest to a pirate, or so he says, 
and there is no other circumstance to note in his silly 


Hitchcock's essay on army rations has some interest, as 
he takes Berwick for his type of a garrison under Elizabeth. 
As we learn from the Border Papers, Berwickshire and 
the Lothians could have starved out the Berwick garrison 
simply by boycotting it, so the commanding officer rather 
nervously declared. How this could be, especially as 
England commanded the rear, and as Northumberland is 
not destitute of supplies, we find it difficult to conceive. 
Hitchcock speaks of buying grain from Yorkshire, Notts, 
and Lincolnshire, not from Scotland. The brew-house was 
of high importance. Before Flodden, Surrey's army almost 
mutinied for want of beer, and must have dispersed had 
James IV. remained on the defensive at Flodden Edge. His 
camp was very well seen in beer, which the victorious 
English tried and found excellent, says the Bishop of 
Durham. Much of the fish in Hitchcock's estimate comes 
from Shetland ; whether taken by Scottish, Dutch, or 

Introduction xix 

English fishers we do not know, but probably by Dutchmen, 
as a later tract indicates. With three common modern 
wine-bottles of double beer a day, the soldiers had little 
reason to grumble ; in fact the rations seemed to contrast 
well with those of our own army. Lent, it will be seen, 
was still observed (as even in Puritan Scotland), from 
no religious motive, but (in Scotland) because beef and 
mutton were regarded as bad and out of season. This 
belief is repeatedly announced in the orders of the Scottish 
Privy Council. The same view is not urged here, in the 
English Privy Council's recommendation of fish days. 
Here the benefit of the fishing trade, and the discourage- 
ment of grazing, as against corn growing, are insisted on. 
Can Lent itself be derived from economic ideas like those 
of the Scots, christianised by the example of Our Lord's 
forty days of fasting? Mr. J. G. Frazer offers another 
suggestion : * If the Carnival is the direct descendant of 
the Saturnalia, may not Lent in like manner be the con- 
tinuation, under a thin disguise, of a period of temperance 
which was annually observed, from superstitious motives, 
by Italian farmers long before the Christian era.' ^ The 
Scots, we see, assigned another reason, the badness of beef 
and mutton in early spring. It seems desirable to collect 
the views of practical butchers. It is clear from the terms of 
the English proclamation that the Puritans objected to fish 
days as ' rags of Rome,' They are warned that religion has 
nothing to make in the matter ; but the Scottish Privy 
Council, rather unexpectedly, allude to no Presbyterian 
scruple about Lent. 

^ The Golden Bough, iii. 145, 146. 

XX Social England in Seventeenth Century 

Kemp's Dance to Norwich is much like Ferris's row to 
Bristol (as far as taking the worst means of getting to his 
destination is concerned), but Ferris was an amateur, Kemp 
a professional, at one time a member of Shakespeare's 
company. Kemp was derided in ballads, and, in revenge, 
abuses the ' Shake-rag ' balladmakers who supplied pedlars, 
like Shakespeare's Autolycus, with part of their wares. 
Those ballads were the newspapers of the people. They 
were political and sarcastic, as against Henry VIII. They 
gave accounts of events such as the death of Darnley, or 
they rhymed on Ferris, or on anything that attracted public 
attention, using up mermaids and other prodigies, or, later, 
the ghostly drummer of Tedworth, in the silly season. 
Here is a sample on the death of Riccio : 

' Some lords in Scotland waxed wondrous wroth, 
And quarrelled with him for the nonce. 
I shall you tell how it befell ; 
Twelve daggers were in him all att once.' 

As for Darnley, 

* Through halls and towers this king they led, 
Through castles and towers that were hye, 
Through an arbour into an orchard, 
And there hanged him on a peare tree.' 

This ill-informed doggrel is clearly by one of Kemp's 
foes, the dregs of Elizabethan Grub Street. The ballad 
does not incriminate Darnley's wife, Queen Mary, for Queen 
Elizabeth might have taken that ill. In 1567 princes were 
not to be suspected by subjects. We have another ballad 
on the murder, by Tom Truepenny, in which Queen Mary 
is exculpated. This was written by some Catholic for 
political ends, ballads being then a kind of ' leading articles.' 

Introduction xxi 

Of course we must not infer that the romantic ballads, 
common in essentials of plot and incident to all Europe, 
were composed by the dregs of the scribblers of the capitals, 
the authors of rhymed ' leaders ' on current events. But 
occasionally a good old folklore plot, like that of Burger's 
Lenore, fell into the hands of a hack, who vamped it up for 
the stalls or the pedlars. One example is * The Suffolk 
Tragedy,' another is the street ballad of Lord Bateman, 
illustrated by Cruikshank and Thackeray. Another stall 
ballad by a Shakerags deals in the most mythopoeic style 
with James Vl. and Andrew Brown, who saved gentle King 
Jamie from the swords of 'Douglas' (Morton?), of the 
sheriff of Carlisle's son, and from the poison of the Bishop. 

* " I slew the Bishop of St. Andrews," 

Quoth he, " with a posset in his hand."' 

Now, if we compare the Scottish contemporary ballad on the 
slaying of the Earl of Murray ( 1 592) we are in another world. 

Ye Hielands and ye Lowlands, 

Oh, where hae ye been, 
They have slain the Earl o' Murray, 

And they laid him on the green. 
Oh, lang will his lady 

Look ower the Castle Doune, 
E'er she see the Earl o' Murray 

Come sounding through the toun. 

Or take 

'Yestreen the Queen had four Maries, 

This night she '11 hae but three, 
There was Mary Seton, and Mary Beaton, 

And Mary Carmichael and me ! ' 

It appears to me that our Scottish ballads of the sixteenth 
century were either not made by the wastrels of Edinburgh, 
or that (7«r wastrels were vastly better poets than the Shake- 
rags of Kemp. Perhaps Mr. Henderson, the recent editor 

xxii Social England in Seventeenth Century 

of the Border Minstrelsy, may say that the merits of our 
ballads are due to Scott and others, who collected and 
altered them. The student may consult the texts and 
decide for himself. 

Be this as it may, Kemp is a good fellow. Verily Eng- 
land then was Merry England, with her jolly butchers and 
brown maidens footing it along with Kemp and his taborer. 
The roads were rough and wet, pickpockets were flogged on 
the spot, no humanitarian was there to wince ; but a merry 
heart goes all the way, and Kemp's was as merry as that of 
England, with his host who remembered Pinkie fight, that 
great slaughter of the Scots. He dedicates his adventure 
to Anne Fitton, sister of Queen Elizabeth's maid-of-honour, 
the famous Mary Fitton, dear to inquirers into the mystery 
of Shakspeare's sonnets, wherewith she had no more con- 
cern than jolly Kemp. He danced in April 1600, when 
Essex was plotting, when Bothwell was lost from men's 
eyes and ears — concerned in what conspiracy who knows? — 
when the young Earl of Gowrie had just landed from 
France, and was within three months of the mystery of his 
end; when Cecil was suspecting the designs of the King 
of Scots ; enfin, when much mischief was brewing. But it 
is all one to Kemp, with 'his heart cork and his heels 
feathers.* The Puritans were turning from him, no doubt, 
with sour faces as he passed with his taborer and his brown 
maid, the companion of a mile. But it was not yet the day 
of the Puritans, not yet had the cloud fallen on England.^ 

' It appears from Kemp's remarks on ' Macdobeth ' or ' Mac Somewhat,' 
that a play had been acted on Macbeth, and a ballad written on the ' stolen 
story.' At what date was this? Collier says that the ballad was registered in 
August 1596. We do not know whether the ballad-maker is accused of stealing 
the story from the play, or the playwright from Holinshed and Wyntoun. As 
it stands, Shakespeare's Macbeth is usually dated 1604- 1606. One of its points 
is the rightfulness of the Stuart succession, through Banquo and Fleance, a 

Introduction xxiii 


The aged countryman in King James's fifth year (1607- 
1608) durst and would go with King Harry to Boulogne, if 
King Harry came again. We think Henry Vlll. ' a blotch 
of blood and grease on the page of English history,' but 
not so thought his people. On the frozen Thames they 
played football and exercised themselves at archery. Once 
in the crowd coming out of Lord's after an university 
match, I heard a man of the people say, with a sneer, ' And 
this is Merry England ! ' It did not seem so very gloomy ; 
but at all events it was gay enough on the ice in 1608. The 
countryman draws a pathetic picture of rural misery in the 
frost, and the citizen proves that the Lottery, like the Turf 
to-day, is ' a vast engine of national demoralisation.' Life 
was not all beer and skittles even under gentle King Jamie. 


Nothing seems to be known of John Dennys, author of 
the poem on the ' Secrets of Angling,' which has been re- 
claim purely mythical, the real ancestors of the Stewards or Seneschals of Scot- 
land having been Alans, or Fitz Alans, seneschals of Dol, in Brittany, before 
the Norman Conquest. Kemp's words, however, point to a play of Macbeth 
before the accession of James I. If such a play existed, and contained reference 
to the royalty derived through Fleance, it must have been a feeler in favour of 
the succession of James vi. to Elizabeth. Now Essex, we know, before his 
raid on the City, preparatory to a raid on the Court, induced Shakespeare's 
company to play Richard II. , with its lesson of royal deposition. Essex was, 
to an uncertain extent, intriguing with James vi. to support his claims. Kemp's 
tract is of 1600, when these intrigues were active, and Elizabeth, after James's 
escape from the Gowrie Conspiracy (August 5, 1600), hinted broadly that she 
knew of schemes in his interest against herself {Letters of Elizabeth andja>nes, 
pp. 132, 133. 1849). It may not be beyond the reach of conjecture that 
Shakespeare's company, about 1600, had put a Macbeth on the stage as a feeler 
in James's interests ; for Kemp's ' Shakerags ' is much in the style of Greene's 
'Shakescene.' But this hint may too nearly approach the methods of Mrs. 

xxiv Social England in Seventeenth Century 

printed several times. Like the author of the old treatise 
commonly attributed to Dame Juliana Berners, Dennys 
was aware of the poetry of the waterside, though he never 
heard its music, the ringing reel, for the reel was unknown 
to Dennys, and unfamiliar to Walton. Dennys's defence of 
the charm of the river, and the river flowers, and the free 
air, is worthy of Walton, but as a practical angler, the poet 
takes a low place. Even in the sixteenth century, and 
perhaps much earlier, English anglers used the 'jury of 
flies' (artificial flies), of which Dame Juliana speaks, and 
which Walton borrows from her. Izaak was a bottom- 
fisher, and I doubt that he used worms and paste on the 
crystal Itchen, so Charles Cotton added to the resdly Inconi- 
pleat Angler, his sequel on fly-fishing. In the same way 
William Lauson or Lawson appends to the 'Secrets' a 
few observations in prose ; his attempt to design an arti- 
ficial May fly is absurd, but he knows how to dress one. 
Of duns, spiders, gnats, and so forth, neither author has 
anything to say, and Lawson appears to have 'chucked and 
chanced it,' on standing water ruffled with a wind, where any 
bungler can catch trout. Cotton and Richard Franck were 
anglers who knew their business as well as we do, though 
they had to use horse-hair in place of gut. Indeed horse- 
hair was used as late as 1814, for the flies that Scott was 
searching for, when he found the half-forgotten first 
chapters of Waverley, were tied on two or three strands of 
white horse-hair. But Dennys and Walton are full of the 
poetry of the craft, for which Cotton and Franck had little 
taste. Wordsworth, Matthew Arnold, Hogg, Christopher 
North, and Thomas Tod Stoddart were i good anglers, 
though great or estimable poets. 

Introduction xxv 


I am not disposed to linger over Thomas Gentleman's 
economic tract on ' Adventuring of Busses to Sea,' a title 
which sounds odd in modern ears. It is the old story of 
Dutch organisation, in the fishing trade, and of happy- 
go-lucky England. Shetland is the Dutchmen's fishing 
grounds, plain poachers are they, but England is heedless. 
It is the old problem of preserving our own waters, and 
exploiting the markets of the Hollanders. 'E. S.' supports 
Gentleman and Hitchcock with similar arguments, I am 
unaware whether he produced any useful results. 


King James's 'Book of Sports' is a famous document. 
Before going ' with a salmon-like instinct,' to his native 
Scotland, in 1617, there to harry the Kirk and sow the seeds 
that ripened in the Great Rebellion, King James had advised 
the people of Lancashire to play at honest games on Sunday, 
after church. It was in all ways better than fuddling in 
taverns, said the King, This was, and is, common sense, 
and even Calvin is said to have played bowls on Sunday, 
and John Knox looked on at a Sunday play, if I do not 
greatly err. But Puritans and Presbyterians kept growing 
more and more dour, putting down harmless amusements, 
and leaving the young men to the lassies and the ale- 
houses. These prohibitions King James resented and forbade 
in Lancashire, and so was traduced by Papists, and Puritans 
who much infested the country. The King even patronised 
May-poles and May merriments, which Stubbes^ and other 

^ See his Anatomie of Abuses. 

xxvi Social England in Seventeenth Century 

learned Puritans deemed to be relics of pagan agricultural 
magic. If they were, the rustics knew nothing about that ; 
but the Nonconformist conscience objected even to bear- 
baiting, not because of the feelings of the bear, but because 
the public enjoyed it. The decoration of the churches 
with rushes was being put down, because churches ought 
to be homes of gloom, and of ' the hairt convinced o' sin.' 
The King's intervention did no good, but rather harm, as 
was not unnatural in Scotland. He had hurt the Presby- 
terian conscience to the quick, and now he laid a sacri- 
legious hand on 'the Sabbath,' the very Ark of the 
Covenant. So they accused James of poisoning his eldest 
son. A man who would patronise athletic sports on the 
Sabbath was capable de tout. Charles I. renewed his father's 
guilt, and so he came to a bad end. 


* Suppose that we had no Leather ! ' cries the anonymous 
pamphleteer on the leather trade, who declaims against 
exporting that article. He also regrets a ' French proud 
superfluity of galloshes,' and the wasteful ' immoderate tops 
of boots.' One pair of boots eats up six pair of shoes, 
at least 'of reasonable men's shoes.' Perhaps the shoes 
of unreasonable men were less easily devoured. Sumptuary 
laws and prohibition of exports are what the pamphleteer 
desires : his is not reckoned good political economy, but that 
is a perilous theme. 


' The Carriers' Cosmography,' being a mere directory, and 
to the last degree obsolete, requires no particular comment. 
The post to Scotland went out once a week : how long 

Introduction xxvH 

it took to cross Tweed we are not informed, but late in 
the eighteenth century it reached Edinburgh with only- 
one letter from London. 


Peacham's ' Worth of a Penny ' is a rambling, discursive 
'pot-boiler' by an unlucky scholar. He has not succeeded 
in keeping money himself: he finds it difficult or impossible 
to borrow ; he is scurvily treated when he dines with ' his 
friends the aristocracy,' so he sets about teaching to others 
the thrift which he has not practised, the lucrative devices 
which he cannot use. His is a weak, rambling, discursive 
'pot-boiler': his anecdotes are pointless: we read and are 
sorry for Mr. Peacham. He is said to have printed the 
book to give away : probably in hopes of substantial 
returns. That new editions, under the Restoration, were 
popular, does not say much for public taste, but illustrates 
the bad luck of Mr. Peacham. He was dead, and did not 
get the ' copy money,' the price, the royalties, or the 
glorious 'half-profits' to which modern authors, for some 
reason, entertain a chill aversion. The tale of the con- 
demned Scot and Hollander who preferred work to the 
gallows, and of the Englishman who preferred the gallows 
to work — 'his friends never brought him up to gather 
hops' — is characteristic. The heart expands towards that 
gentleman. The fact that, for a penny, ' you may have 
all the news in England,' is like an anticipation of our 
penny newspapers, though our witches do not occupy 
much space in the police news. But Peacham refers to 
Martin Parker's Ballads ' in the weekly news books,' 
ballads like those condemned by Kemp, In 1664 the 
penn'orth of coffee was added to the original text (1641 ?), 


xxviii Social England in Seventeenth Century 

coffee had come in since the wars. We find the old 
reproach of rapid English changes in fashion, unlike the 
stereotyped costume of your Hollander or Spaniard. We 
followed the example of France, as our women still do, 
'at least as far as they are able.' The learned are com- 
mended for being slovens, and indeed, even now, men of 
the pen are not conspicuously well dressed. You may go 
to the most fashionable tailor, but, he says, ' What is the 
use of dressing you, sir, when you will carry books in 
your pockets? ' This course, to be sure, is not economical, 
nor apt to be applauded by Peacham. He is an author 
whose tract the world might willingly let die. 


* The Draining of the Great Level,' a work begun under 
James I., interrupted by the Great Rebellion, and resumed 
at the Restoration, was a vast and beneficent enterprise, 
and I hope that the Earl of Bedford got his money back. 
But the later history of the ' Great Level ' is unfamiliar 
to me, at present, and may be found, by curious persons 
of leisure, among the MS. archives of the House of Russell, 
to which I have not access. 


Leigh's ' Hints for Travellers ' contains a point that 
was made matter of an ordinance by the Scottish Privy 
Council, ' that he be well grounded in the true religion ; 
lest he be seduced and perverted.' He very often was, as 
in the case of the famous, or infamous, Master of Gray. 
The charms of 'Idolatry' were very attractive to young 
Protestant tourists. Few, like the learned Lipsius, devoted 

Introduction xxix 

their days to ruins and manuscripts : most were inclined 
to pleasurable vices. 

'An Englishman that is Italianate 
Doth quickly prove a devil incarnate,' 

said the current saw. The present eprint contains the 
gist of the first of Leigh's ' three Diatribes,' respectively on 
Travel, Coin, and Measuring. This curious work is re- 
printed in the tenth volume of the Harleian Miscellany. 


Wright on ' The Second Generation of English Profes- 
sional Actors' is so valuable for the history of the stage 
that it needs a more expert commentator than I can 
pretend to be. Our drama, setting aside mysteries, 
moralities, and folk-mummeries, dates from the relatively 
peaceful age of Elizabeth. The second generation (1625- 
1670) was interrupted by the Great Rebellion, and the 
Puritanic prohibitions, and the third generation ought to 
reckon from the happy Restoration. Ben Jonson was out 
of date. As we learn, there were scores of new dramatic 
poets, known to Charles Lamb and Lord Macaulay. 
These were 'bright little modern pieces,' the pace was 
too good (according to the pamphlet) to inquire for the 
ponderous Ben, who never was popular. Yet Mr. Pepys, in 
the dawn of the Restoration, proclaims Ben's Alchemist to 
be 'a most incomparable play.' Many of Jonson's dramas 
were viewed by Mr, Pepys, so Wright must exaggerate his 
want of vogue. The Silettt Woman, here said to have 
been refused by the Restoration actors, was played, and 
' pleased me,' says Mr. Pepys. In 1668, Knipp had a part — 
Mr. Pepys's friend Mistress Knipp — and he calls it, 'the 

XXX Social England in Seventeenth Century 

best comedy, I think, that ever was wrote,' while he 
mentions Henry IV. merely as ' a piece of Henry IV.' 
Under Charles II. women took women's parts, which, in 
Elizabethan times and later, were acted by men or 
boys : Mohun acting ' Bellamente ' even after the Restora- 
tion. The old Cavalier, in the tract, could not remember 
Alleyne and the rest, and Shakspeare, 'who, as I have 
heard, was a much better poet than player.' Such, indeed, 
is the tradition assailed by the queer ' Baconian ' people. 
Would that we could call up Taylor, who ' acted Hamlet 
incomparably well.' I have never seen a player who 
succeeded much better with the Prince of Denmark than 
Mr. Wopsle in his ' massive and concrete ' rendering of 
the part, for which consult Great Expectations^ by Charles 

Five companies before the war — only two after Noll 
went to his own place — surprise Lovewit, perhaps the 
more as there used to be no ' scenes or machines.' How 
could such things as The Tempesty or A Midsummer 
Night's Dream, be played without machines, which the 
art of the age, as displayed in the pageants, was very 
capable of devising and constructing ? Women players 
and scenes, it appears, came in with the Restoration, after 
many of the old players had fallen, sword in hand, in 
their master's cause. Truman successfully defends licensed 
players, with regular theatres, from the aspersion of being, 
legally, rogues and vagabonds. Only strollers came into 
these unfriendly categories. It was in 1647 that the 
godly, after breaking church windows and ornaments, 
destroyed theatres, and suppressed actors. But brief was 
the reign of the saints ! 

Introduction xxxi 


The most vividly and painfully interesting of these tracts 
is Bion's ' Account of the Torments the French Protestants 
endure aboard the Galleys.' Bion (the name is odd, that 
of the Greek pastoral poet) was, it is true, a renegade. He 
had been a Catholic priest, and a chaplain on board one 
of the galleys of France. If the infernal cruelties which 
he saw inflicted on Protestants, for reasons of religion, he 
declares, and not because the victims were rebels from the 
Cevennes, made him abjure his creed, he might have taken 
up that of Islam. The Turks on the galleys were the best 
Christians in conduct. To torture people for their faith is 
an essential part of no religion, and we do not really know 
why Bion gave up his post, went to Geneva and turned Pro- 
testant. If he was moved by the constancy of the Huguenot 
martyrs, for they deserve the name, he might in America 
have seen no less courage among the Jesuits, then apt to 
be tortured to death by the Iroquois. For whatever reason 
he changed his creed, which implied leaving his country, 
Bion's evidence does not, to me, seem to be invalidated by 
his alteration in religious opinion. He asserts that he does 
not speak with the bitterness of a renegade, and he may 
be believed. His record is not overstrained. The govern- 
ment of Louis XIV. was guilty of the crimes described. 
Some Huguenot pastors were, as Bion says, in the prison 
of our old friend the Comte de Monte Cristo, in the 
Chateau d'lf Others shared the seclusion of the Man in 
the Iron Mask, in the lie Sainte Marguerite, opposite 
Cannes. They were kept au secret^ in a solitude that 
drove some men mad. One of these pastors did write 
on his pewter plate and on his shirt, and threw them 

xxxii Social England in Seventeenth Century 

out of window — the feats were falsely ascribed to the 

Man in the Iron Mask (a valet, one Eustache Auger), 

who was a prisoner at the time in the same fortress. The 

governor threatened the pastor with the lash, but we do 

not learn that it was inflicted. But, on the galley, Bion 

saw the Huguenots lashed for their religion. In 1548 

Knox was in the galleys, and threw a picture of the Virgin 

overboard, at least he is thought to have been the hero 

of his own anecdote. But whoever did the deed suffered 

no penalty, and the brutes of the galleys of Louis xiv. 

were more ferocious than the galley officers of Henri IL 

At that earlier date the oarsmen were flogged, and it 

is said that Mary Stuart interceded for them. But no 

words can blacken the brutalities of the persecutions under 

Louis XIV. deeper than they are branded by the simple 

record of Bion. His account of the floating hells deserves 

perpetual memory. Louis xiv., by the persecutions, and 

by revoking the Edict of Nantes, 'broke his luck,' which 

had been so splendid, and enriched England and Holland 

with thousands of his most valuable subjects. The Ancien 

Regime never rallied from the self-inflicted blow, the 

suicidal policy. But the penalty fell late, and on guiltless 

heads, in the Reign of Terror. 




I of English Dogs, | 

♦it . . ^ 

^ M^ diversities^ the names ^ ^ 
♦^ ^ 

^ tfie natureis, ann rbe properties. ^ 

A Short 

Treatise written in Latin + 
bp Johannes CAiusOf late 

memory, Doctor of lP&j?0ic 

in tbe Onit)er0itp 

of Camtjringe. 

^nd netol^ Draton mto Ctigli^Ij \ 

bp Abraham Fleming 

Natura etlam in brutis vim ostendit 

^ Seen and allowed. •^ 

^ C Imprinted at London ^ 

J b^ EicbarH ^oljuecs, anti ace to be J 

J 0olD oter ag;atn0t »>* »>epuU J 

.^ c|)ce0 Cljuccf) tDitljout ^ 

^ ^etoffate* ^ 

I ^576. $ 

^. . c)j(j t)ra cjti cj» cfc c!jf» c)fe 



CA Prosopopoical Speech 
of the Book. 

Ome tell of stars th'influence strange, 

Some tell of birds which fly in th'air, 
Some tell of beasts on land which range, 
Some tell of fish in rivers fair, 
Some tell of serpents sundry sorts, 

Some tell of plants the full effect : 
Of English Dogs, I sound reports ; 

Their names and natures I detect. 
My forehead is but bald and bare. 

But yet my body 's beautiful : 
For pleasant flowers in me there are, 

And not so fine as plentiful. 
And though my garden plot so green. 
Of Dogs receive the trampling feet ; 
Yet is it swept and kept full clean. 
So that it yields a savour sweet. 

Abraham Fleming 



To the well disposed 

S EVERY manifest effect proceedeth from some certain 
cause, so the penning of this present Abridgment 
(gentle and courteous Reader) issued from a special 
occasion. For Conradus Genesrus, a man, whiles 
he lived, of incomparable knowledge and manifold experience, 
being never satisfied with the sweet sap of understanding ; 
requested Johannes Caius, a profound clerk and a ravenous 
devourer of learning (to his praise be it spoken, though the 
language be somewhat homely) to write a Breviary or Short 
Treatise of such dogs as were engendered within the borders 
of England. To the contentation of whose mind and the utter 
accomplishment of whose desire, Caius spared no study (for 
the acquaintance, which was between them, as it was 
confirmed by continuance, and established upon unfeigned- 
ness ; so was it sealed with virtue and honesty) withdrew 
himself from no labour, repined at no pains, forsook no 
travail, refused no endeavour, finally, pretermitted no oppor- 
tunity nor circumstance which seemed pertinent and requisite 
to the performance of this little libel [tract]. 

In the whole Discourse whereof, the book, to consider the 
substance, being but a pamphlet or scantling ; the argument 
not so fine and affected, and yet the doctrine very profitable 
and necessary, he useth such a smooth and comely style and 
tieth his invention to such methodical and orderly proceed- 


ings, as the elegantness and neatness of his Latin phrase 
(being pure, perfect, and unmingled) maketh the matter, which 
of itself is very base and clubbish, to appear, shall I say, 
tolerable ; nay, rather commendable and effectual. 

The sundry sorts of English dogs he discovereth so 
evidently, their natures he rippeth up so apparently, their 
manners he openeth so manifestly, their qualities he declareth 
so skilfully, their proportions he painteth out so perfectly, 
their colours he describeth so artificially ; and knitteth all 
these in such shortness and brevity, that the mouth of the 
adversary must needs confess and give sentence that commen- 
dation ought to be his reward, and praise his deserved pension. 

An ignorant man would never have been drawn into this 
opinion, to think that there had been in England such 
variety and choice of dogs ; in all respects (not only for name, 
but also for quality) so diverse and unlike. But what cannot 
learning attain ? what cannot the key of knowledge open ? 
what cannot the lamp of understanding lighten ? what 
secrets cannot discretion detect ? finally, what cannot expe- 
rience comprehend ? what huge heaps of histories hath 
Gesnerus hoarded up in volumes of large size ? Fishes in 
floods, cattle on land, birds in the air ; how hath he sifted 
them, by their natural difference ? how closely, and in how 
narrow a compass, hath he couched mighty and monstrous 
beasts, in bigness like mountains; the books themselves being 
lesser than mole hills, [shew.] The life of this man was not so 
great a restority of comfort, as his death was an ulcer or wound 
of sorrow. The loss of whom, Caius lamented, not so much 
as he was his faithful friend, as for that he was a famous 
Philosopher; and yet the former reason (being, in very deed, 
vehement and forcible) did sting him with more grief, than he, 
peradventure, was willing to disclose. And though death be 
counted terrible for the time, and consequently unhappy : 
yet Caius avoucheth the death of Gesner most blessed, 
lucky, and fortunate, as in this book, intituled De libris 
propriis, appeareth. 

6 To THE WELL DISPOSED ReADER. [^" "'"Jj"!: 

But of these two Eagles sufficient is spoken, as I suppose ; 
and yet little enough in consideration of their dignity and 
worthiness. Nevertheless little or mickle, something or 
nothing, substance or shadow, take all in good part! my 
meaning is, by a few words to win credit to this work; not 
so much for mine own English translation as for the singular 
commendation of them, challenged of duty and desert. 

Wherefore, gentle Reader ! I commit them to thy memory ! 
and their books, to thy courteous censure! They were both 
learned men, and painful practitioners in their professions; 
so much the more therefore are their works worthy estima- 
tion. I would it were in me to advance them as I wish ; the 
worst (and yet both, no doubt, excellent) hath deserved a 
monument of immortality. 

Well, there is no more to be added but this, that as 
the translation of this book was attempted, finished, and 
published of good will (not only to minister pleasure, as 
to afford profit) ; so it is my desire and request that my 
labour therein employed may be acceptable ; as I hope it 
shall be to men of indifferent judgement. As for such as 
shall snar and snatch at the English Abridgment, and tear 
the Translator, being absent, with the teeth of spiteful envy ; 
I conclude, in brevity, their eloquence is but currish, if I 
serve in their meat with wrong sauce, ascribe it not to 
unskilfulness in cookery, but to ignorance in their diet, for 
as the poet saith — 

Non satis est ars sola coqtco, servire palato : 
Namque coquus domini debet habere gulam : 

It is not enough that a cook understand ; 
Except his Lord's stomach, he hold in his hand. 

To wind up all in a watchword, I say no more, but " Do 
well ! and fare well ! " 

His and his friends 1 

Abraham Fleming. 

The first Section of this Discourse. 

f[ The Preamble or Entrance into this Treatise, 

Wrote unto you, well beloved friend Gesner! 
not many years past, a manifold history : con- 
taining the divers forms and figures of beasts, 
birds, and fishes ; the sundry shapes of plants, 
and the fashions of herbs. 

I wrote moreover, unto you severally, a 
certain Abridgment of Dogs, which, in your 
Discourse upon " the forms of beasts in the second Order 
of mild and tameable beasts," where you make mention 
of Scottish dogs, and in the winding up of your letter 
written and directed to Doctor Turner, comprehending 
a catalogue or rehearsal of your books not yet extant, you 
promised to set forth in print, and openly to publish in 
the face of the world ; among such your works as are not 
yet come abroad to light and sight. But because certain 
circumstances were wanting in my Breviary of English 
Dogs, as seemed unto me, I stayed the publication of the 
same ; making promise to send another abroad, which might 
be committed to the hands, the eyes, the ears, the minds, and 
the judgements of the readers. 

Wherefore, that I might perform that precisely, which I 

8 Three Classes of English Dogs. [a-Iw^/is?*: 

promised solemnly, accomplish my determination, and satisfy 
your expectation ; which art a man desirous and capable of 
all kinds of knowledge, and very earnest to be acquainted 
with all experiments : I will express and declare, in due order, 
the grand and general kind of English Dogs, the difference of 
them, the use, the properties, and the divers natures of the 
same ; making a tripartite division in this sort and manner. 

'A gentle kind, serving the game. 

A homely kind, apt for sundry neces- 
sary uses. 

A currish kind, meet for many toys. 
Of these three sorts or kinds so mean I to intreat, that the 
first in the first place, the last in the last room, and the middle 
sort in the middle seat be handled. 

All English Dogs 
be either of 



Call them, universally, all by the name of English 
Dogs, as well because England only, as it hath in 
it English dogs, so it is not without Scottish ; as 
also for that we are more inclined and delighted 
with the noble game of hunting; for we Englishmen 
are addicted and given to that exercise, and painful pastime 
of pleasure ; as well for the plenty of flesh which our parks 
and forests do foster, as also for the opportunity and con- 
venient leisure which we obtain. Both [of] which, the Scots 
want. Wherefore seeing that the whole estate of kindly 
hunting consisteth principally 

In these ( In chasing the beast ] that f hunting ) 
two points \ In taking the bird j is in t fowling J 

It is necessary and requisite to understand, that there are 
two sorts of dogs; by whose means, the feats within specified 
are wrought, and these practices of activity cunningly and 
curiously compassed. 

J. Cains. 1536. "I 
A. Fleming. 1576.J 

English Dogs — the Harrier. 

/One which rouseth the beast, and continueth 
Two kinds the chase. 
of dogs I Another which springeth the bird, and 
, bewrayeth the flight by pursuit. 

Both which kinds are termed of the Latins, by one common 
name, that is. Canes Venatici, "hunting dogs." But because 
we English men make a difference between hunting and 
fowHng : for that they are called by these several words, 
Venatio et Aucupium, so they term the dogs whom they use 
in these sundry games by divers names; as those which serve 
for the beast, are called Venatici, the others which are used for 
the fowl, are called Aucupatorii. 

The first [ The first in perfect smelling 
kind, called The second in quick spying 
Venatici, I - The third in swiftness and quickness 
divide into The fourth in smelling and nimbleness 
five sorts. \ The fifth in subtilty and deceitfulness 


Of the dogy called an Harrier; in Latin, Leverarius. 

Hat kind of dog whom Nature hath endued with 
the virtue of smelling, whose property it is to use 
a lustiness, a readiness, and a courageousness in 
hunting ; and draweth into his nostrils the air of 
scent of the beast pursued and followed : we call by the 
word Sagax [i.e., keen scented], the Grecians by this word 
l')(yevTrj'i, of tracing or chasing by the foot, or plvrfKaTo<i, of 
the nostrils, which be the instruments of smelling. 

We may know this kind of dogs by their long, large, and 
bagging lips ; by their hanging ears, reaching down both sides 
of their chaps ; and by the indifferent and measurable pro- 
portion of their making. This sort of dogs, we call Leverarius, 

That I may comprise the whole number of them in certain 
specialities, and apply to them their proper and peculiar 
names ; for so much as they cannot all be reduced and 
brought under one sort, considering both the sundry uses of 
them, and the difference of their service whereto they be 

Some for one thing, and 
some for another. 

lo English Dogs — the Terrier. [AJiSgll^: 

The hare. 
The fox. 
The wolf. 
The hart. 
The buck. 
Some ioT< The badger. 
The otter. 
The polecat. 
The lobster. 
The weasel. 
The cony, &c. 

As for the cony [rabbit], whom we have lastly set down ; we 
use not to hunt, but rather to take it, sometimes with the net, 
sometimes with a ferret : and thus every several sort is notable 
and excellent in his natural quality and appointed practice. 

Among these sundry sorts, there be some which are apt to 
hunt two divers beasts, as the foxe other-whiles, and other- 
whiles the hare ; but they hunt not with such towardness, 
and good luck after them, as they do that whereunto Nature 
hath framed them, not only in external composition and 
making, but also in inward faculties and conditions : for 
they swerve oftentimes, and do otherwise then they should. 

Of a dog, called a Terrier ; in Latin, Terrarius. 

NoTHER sort there is, which hunteth the Fox and the 
Badger or Grey only, whom we call Terriers ; because 
they (after the manner and custom of ferrets, in search- 
ing for Conies) creep into the ground, and by that 
means make afraid, nip, and bite the fox and the badger in 
such sort, that either they tear them in pieces with their teeth 
being in the bosom of the earth, or else haul and pull them, per- 
force, out of their lurking angles, dark dungeons, and close 
caves, or at least through conceived fear, drive them out of 
their hollow harbours : in so much that they are compelled to 
prepare speedy flight, and being desirous of the next, albeit 
not the safest refuge, are otherwise taken and entrapped 
with snares and nets laid over their holes to the same 
purpose. But these be the least in that kind, called Sagax. 

A. Fiemiilfl English Dogs — THE Bloodhound, ii 
0/ the dog, called a Bloodhound ; in Latin, Sanguinarius. 

He greater sort which serve to hunt, having lips of a 
large size, and ears of no small length, do not only 
chase the beast whiles it liveth, as the others do of 
whom mention is above made ; but, being dead also 
by any manner of casualty, make recourse to the place where 
it lieth : having in this point an assured and infallible guide, 
namely, the scent and favour of the blood sprinkled here and 
there upon the ground. For whether the beast being wounded, 
doth notwithstanding enjoy life, and escapeth the hands of 
the huntsman ; or whether the said beast being slain is 
conveyed cleanly out of the park (so that there be some 
signification of bloodshed) these dogs, with no less facility 
and easiness than avidity and greediness, can disclose and 
betray the same by smelling: applying to their pursuit, agility 
and nimbleness, without tediousness. For which consideration, 
of a singular specialty they deserve to be called Sanguinarii, 

And albeit peradventure it may chance (as whether it 
chanceth seldom or sometimes, I am ignorant) that a piece 
of flesh be subtilly stolen and cunningly conveyed away, with 
such provisoes and pre-caveats as thereby all appearance of 
blood is either prevented, excluded or concealed ; yet this 
kind of dogs, by a certain direction of an inward assured 
notice and privy mark, pursue the deed doers, through long 
lanes, crooked reaches, and weary ways, without wandering 
away out of the limits of the land whereon these desperate 
purloiners prepared their speedy passage. 

Yea, the natures of these dogs is such, and so effectual is 
their foresight, that they can bewray, separate, and pick them 
out from among an infinite multitude and an innumerable 
company, creep they never as far into the thickest throng : 
they will find him out, notwithstanding he lie hidden in 
wild woods, in close and overgrown groves, and lurk in 
hollow holes apt to harbour such ungracious guests. More- 
over, although they should pass over the water, thinking 
thereby to avoid the pursuit of the hounds ; yet will not these 
dogs give over their attempt, but presuming to swim through 
the stream, persevere in their pursuit : and when they be 
arrived and gotten [on] the further bank, they hunt up and 

12 English Dogs — the Bloodhound, [a. k^fe l"': 

down ; to and fro run they ; from place to place, shift they ; 
until they have attained to that plot of ground, where they 
passed over. And this is their practice, if, perdie, they cannot 
at first time, smelling, find out the way which the deed doers 
took to escape. So, at length, get they that by art, cunning, 
and diligent endeavour ; which by fortune and luck, they can- 
not otherwise overcome. Insomuch as it seemeth worthily 
and wisely written by ^lianus in his First Book, and 
thirty-ninth Chapter, To evOvfiariKov koI SiaXeKTLKov, to be as it 
were naturally instilled and poured into this kind of dogs. 
For they will not pause or breathe from their pursuit until 
such time as they be apprehended and taken, which 
committed the fact. 

The owners of such hounds use [are accustomed] to keep 
them in close and dark channels in the daytime, and let them 
loose at liberty in the night season : to the intent that they 
might, with more courage and boldness, practise to follow the 
felon in the evening and solitary hours of darkness, when 
such ill-disposed varlets are principally purposed to play 
their impudent pageants and imprudent pranks. These 
hounds, upon whom this present portion of our treatise 
runneth, when they are to follow such fellows as we have 
before rehearsed, use not that liberty to range at will, which 
they have otherwise when they are in game, (except upon 
necessary occasion, whereon dependeth an urgent and 
effectual persuaison) when such purloiners make speedy waj' 
in flight ; but being restrained and drawn back from running 
at random with the leasse [leash], the end whereof the owner 
holding in his hand, is led, guided and directed with such 
swiftness and slowness (whether he go on foot, or whether 
he ride on horseback) as he himself in heart would wish, for 
the more easy apprehension of these venturous varlets. 

In the borders of England and Scotland (the often and 
accustomed stealing of cattle so procuring) this kind of dogs 
is very much used ; and they are taught and trained up, first 
of all to hunt cattle, as well of the smaller as of the greater 
growth; and afterwards (that quality relinquished and left) 
they are learned to pursue such pestilent persons as plant 
their pleasure in such practices of purloining, as we have 
already declared. 

Of this kind there is none that taketh the water naturally ; 

A Jie^S I "H English Dogs — the Gazehound. 13 

except it please you so to suppose of them which follow 
the Otter ; which sometimes haunt the land, and sometime 
useth the water. And yet, nevertheless, all the kind of them 
boiling and broiling with greedy desire of the prey, which 
by swimming passeth through river and flood ; plunge 
amidst the water, and pass the stream with their paws : 
But this property proceedeth from an earnest desire where- 
with they be inflamed ; rather than from any inclination 
issuing from the ordinance and appointment of Nature. 
And albeit some of this sort in English be called Brache, 
in Scottish Rache : the cause hereof resteth in the she sex, 
and not in the general kind. For we Englishmen call 
bitches, belonging to the hunting kind of dogs, by the term 
above mentioned. 

To be short, it is proper to the nature of hounds, some to 
keep silence in hunting until such time as there is game 
offered. Other some, so soon as they smell out the place 
where the beast lurketh, to bewray it immediately by their 
importunate barking ; notwithstanding it be far off many 
furlongs, couching close in its cabin. And these dogs, the 
younger they be, the more wantonly bark they; and the more 
liberally, yet ofttimes without necessity : so that in them, by 
reason of their young years and want of practice, small 
certainty is to be reposed. For continuance of time, and 
experience in game, ministreth to these hounds not only 
cunning in running, but also, as in the rest, an assured 
foresight what is to be done ; principally, being acquainted 
with their master's watchwords, either in revoking or 
emboldening them to serve the game. 

Of the dog, called Gazehound ; in Latin, Agaseus. 

His kind of dog, which pursueth by the eye, prevaileth 
little, or never a whit, by any benefit of the nose, 
that is by smelling ; but excelleth in perspicuity and 
sharpness of sight altogether: by the virtue whereof, 
being singular and notable, it hunteth the fox and the hare. 
This dog will choose and separate any beast from among a 
great ilock or herd, and such a one will it take by election as 
is not lank, lean, and hollow, but well spread, smooth, full, fat, 
and round. It follows by the direction of the eyesight which 

14 English Dogs — the Greyhound, [a. FieSS: I"*: 

indeed is clear, constant, and not uncertain. If a beast be 
wounded and gone astray ; this dog seeketh after it by the 
steadfastness of the eye. If it chance peradventure to 
return bemingled with the residue of the flock; this dog 
spyeth it out by the virtue of his eye, leaving the rest of the 
cattle untouched, and after he hath set sure sight upon it he 
separateth it from the company and having so done never 
ceaseth until he hath wearied the beast to death. Our 
countrymen call this dog AgascBum, a Gaze Hound : be- 
cause the beams of his sight are so steadfastly settled and 
unmovably fastened. 

These dogs are much and usually occupied in the Northern 
parts of England more than in the Southern parts ; and in 
fieldy lands rather than in bushy and woody places. 
Horsemen use them more than footmen, in the intent that 
they might provoke their horses to a swift gallop (wherewith 
they are more delighted than with the prey itself) and that they 
might accustom their horse to leap over hedges and ditches, 
without stop or stumble, without harm or hazard, without 
doubt or danger, and so escape with safeguard of life. 

And to the end that the riders themselves (when necessity so 
constrained, and the fear of further mischief enforced) might 
save themselves undamnified [unhanned] and prevent each 
perilous tempest by preparing speedy flight, or else by swift 
pursuit made upon their enemies, might both overtake 
them, encounter with them, and make a slaughter of them 
accordingly. But if it fortune so at any time that this 
dog take wrong way, the master making some usual sign and 
familiar token, he returneth forthwith, and taketh the right 
and ready trace ; beginning his chase afresh, and with a 
clear voice and a swift foot followeth the game, with as 
much courage and nimbleness as he did at the first. 

Ofthedogy called the Greyhound ; in Latin^ Leporarius. 

Here is another kind of dog which, for his incredible 
swiftness, is called Leporarius, a Greyhound ; because 
the principal service of them dependeth and con- 
sisteth in starting and hunting the hare : which dogs 
likewise are endued with no less strength than lightness in 
maintenance of the game, in serving the chase, in taking the 

A. LSig- iIts.] English Dogs — the Leviner. 15 

buck, the hart, the doe, the fox, and other beasts of semblable 
kind ordained for the game of hunting. But more or less, each 
one according to the measure and proportion of their desire; 
and as might and hability of their bodies will permit and 
suffer. For it is a spare and bare kind of dog (of fiesh, but 
not of bone) : some are of a greater sort and some lesser ; 
some are smooth skinned, and some are curled. The bigger 
therefore are appointed to hunt the bigger beasts, and the 
smaller serve to hunt the smaller accordingly. 

The nature of these dogs I find to be wonderful by the 
testimonial of histories. For as Jean Froissart the Historio- 
grapher in his 4. lib. reporteth. A Greyhound of King 
Richard the Second, that wore the crown, and bare the 
sceptre of the Realm of England ; never knowing any man, 
beside the King's person; when Henry, Duke of Lancaster 
came to the castle of Flint to take King Richard : the dog 
forsaking his former lord and master, came to Duke Henry, 
- fawned upon him with such resemblances of goodwill and 
conceived affection, as he favoured King Richard before : he 
followed the Duke, and utterly left the King. So that by 
these manifest circumstances a man might judge this dog to 
have been lightened with the lamp of foreknowledge and 
understanding, touching his old master's miseries to come, 
and unhappiness nigh at hand: which King Richard himself 
evidently perceived ; accounting this deed of his dog, a 
prophecy of his overthrow. 

Of the dogy called Leviner or Lyemmer ; 

in Latiuy Lorarius. 

Nother sort of dogs be there, in smelling singular, 
and in swiftness incomparable. This is, as it were, 
a middle kind betwixt the Harrier and the Grey- 
hound ; as well for his kind, as for the frame of his 
body. And it is called in Latin, Lovinarius, '* a Levitate," of 
lightness ; and therefore may well be called a Lighthound. 
It is also called by this word Lorarius, a Loro [a thong], where- 
with it is led. This dog for the excellency of his conditions ; 
namely smelling and swift running, doth follow the game with 
more eagerness, and taketh the prey with a jolly quickness. 

i6 English Dogs — the Tumbler, [a. FSg: 1"^ 

Of the dog, called a Tumbler ; In Latin, Vertagus. 

His sort of dogs, which compasseth all by crafts, 
frauds, subtilties 'and deceits, we Englishmen call 
" Tumblers ; " because, in hunting, they turn and 
tumble, winding their bodies about in circle wise, 
and then fiercely and violently venturing upon the beast, doth 
suddenly gripe it, at the very entrance and mouth of their 
receptacles or closets, before they can recover means to save 
and succour themselves. 

This dog useth another craft and subtilty, namely, when 
he runneth into a warren, or fetteth a course about a cony 
[rabbit]hurrow, he hunts not after them, he [afjfrays them 
not by barking, he makes no countenance or shadow of 
hatred against them : but dissembling friendship and pre- 
tending favour, passeth by, with silence and quietness, 
marking and noting their holes diligently ; wherein, I warrant 
you 1 he will not be overshot nor deceived. 

When he cometh to the place where conies be of a cer- 
tainty, he coucheth down close with his belly to the ground ; 
providing always by his skill and policy, that the wind be 
never with him but against him in such an enterprise ; and 
that the conies spy him not, where he lurketh. By which 
means he obtaineth the scent and savour of the conies, carried 
towards him with the wind and the air, either going to their 
holes, or coming out, either passing this way, or running that 
way : and so provideth by his circumspection, that the silly 
simple cony is debarred quite from his hole (which is the haven 
of their hope and the harbour of their health); and fraudulently 
circumvented and taken, before they can get the advantage 
of their hole. Thus having caught his prey he carrieth it 
speedily to his master, waiting his dog's return in some 
convenient lurking corner. 

These dogs are somewhat lesser than the hounds, and 
they be lanker and leaner ; besides that, they be somewhat 
prick eared. A man that shall mark the form and fashion of 
their bodies, may well call them mongrel Greyhounds, if 
they were somewhat bigger. But notwithstanding they 
countervail not the Greyhound in greatness; yet will he take 

A.liS.ls76:] English Dogs— the Thievish. 17 

in one day's space as many conies as shall arise to as big a 
burden and as heavy a load as a horse can carry : for deceit 
up and guile is the instrument whereby he maketh this spoil ; 
which pernicious properties supply the place of more 
commendable qualities. 

Of the dog, called the Thievish dog ; in Latin, 
Canis furax. 

He like to that whom we have rehearsed, is the 
Thievish Dog, which at the mandate and bidding of 
his master fleereth and leereth about in the night : 
hunting conies by the air, which is leavened with 
their savour ; and conveyed to the sense of smelling by the 
means of the wind blowing towards him. During all which 
space of his hunting he will not bark, lest he should be prejudi- 
cial to his own advantage. And thus watching and snatching 
up in course as many conies as his master will suffer him ; and 
beareth them to his master's standing. The farmers of the 
country, and uplandish dwellers, call this kind of dog a Night 
Cur ; because he hunteth in the dark. 

But let thus much seem sufficient for dogs which serve the 
game and sport of hunting. 

CA Dial pertaining to the First Section. 


serving as 
pastime of 

are divided 

/ Harriers. 




Leviners or 


^ Stealers, 

In Latin, 
) called 


The Second Section of this Discourse. 

Of gentle dogs serving the Hawk : and first 

of the Spaniel ; called in Latin, 


UcH dogs as serve for Fowling, I think convenient 
and requisite to place in this Second Section of this 
Treatise. These are also to be reckoned and 
accounted in the number of the dogs which come of 
a gentle kind ; and of those which serve for fowling. 

There be two sorts 

The first findeth game on the land. 
The other findeth game on the water. 

Such as delight on the land, play their parts, either by swift- 
ness of foot, or by often questing, to search out and to spring 
the bird for further hope of advantage ; or else by some secret 
sign and privy token bewray the place where they fall. 

The first kind of such serve 
The second 

The Hawk. 
The net, or train. 

The first kind have no peculiar names assigned unto them, 
save only that they be denominated after the bird which, by 
natural appointment, he is allotted to take, for the which 

Some be called Dogs- 

For the Falcon 
The Pheasant 
The Partridge 

and such like. 

The common sort of people call them by one general word, 
namely, Spaniels. As though this kind of dogs came 

A.FieSg.lsS English Dogs — the Setter. 19 

originally, and first of all, out of Spain. The most part of 
their skins is white, and if they be marked with any spots, 
they are commonly red, and somewhat great therewithal, the 
hairs not growing in such thickness but that the mixture of 
them may easily be perceived. Other some of them be reddish 
and blackish ; but of that sort there be but a very few. 

There is also, at this day among us, a new kind of dog 
brought out of France (for we Englishmen are marvellously 
greedy gaping gluttons after novelties, and covetous cormo- 
rants of things that be seldom, rare, strange, and hard to get), 
and they be speckled all over with white and black, which 
mingled colours incline to a marble blue ; which beautifieth 
their skins, and affordeth a seemly show of comeliness. These 
are called French dogs, as is above declared already. 

The dog, called the Setter ; in Latin, Index. 

NoTHER sort of dogs be there, serviceable for Fowl- 
ing, making no noise either with foot or with tongue 
whiles they follow the game. They attend diligently 
upon their master, and frame their conditions to such 
becks, motions, and gestures, as it shall please him to exhibit 
and make ; either going forward, drawing backward, inclining 
to the right hand, or yielding toward the left. In making 
mention of fowls ; my meaning is, of the partridge and the 
quail. When he hath found the bird, he keepeth sure and 
fast silence, he stayeth his steps and will proceed no further ; 
and with a close, covert, watching eye, layeth his belly to the 
ground, and so creepeth forward like a worm. When he 
approacheth near to the place where the bird is, he lays him 
down, and with a mark of his paws betrayeth the place of 
the bird's last abode ; whereby it is supposed that this kind of 
dog is called Index, " Setter," being indeed a name most 
consonant and agreeable to his quality. 

The place being known by the means of the dog, the fowler 
immediately openeth and spreadeth his net, intending to take 
them ; which being done, the dog at the accustomed beck or 
usual sign of his master riseth up by and by, and draweth 
nearer to the fowl that by his presence they might be the 
authors of their own ensnaring, and be ready entangled in 

20 English Dogs— the Water Spaniel, [a. LSg! ll^t 

the prepared net. Which cunning and artificial endeavour 
in a dog (being a creature domestical, or household servant ; 
brought up at home with offals of the trencher and fragments 
of victuals) is not much to be marvelled at, seeing that a 
hare — being a wild and skippish beast — was seen in England 
to the astonishment of the beholders, in the year of our Lord 
GOD 1564, not only dancing in measure, but playing with his 
former feet upon a tabaret, and observing a just number of 
strokes, as a practitioner in that art ; beside that, nipping 
and pinching a dog with his teeth and claws, and cruelly 
thumping him with the force of his feet. 

This is no trumpery tale nor trifling toy as I imagine and 
therefore not unworthy to be reported, for I reckon it a 
requital of my travail, not to drown in the seas of silence any 
special thing, wherein the providence and effectual working 
of Nature is to be pondered. 

Of the dog, called the Water Spaniel, or Finder ; 
in Latin, Aquaticus, seu Inquisitor. 

Hat kind of dog whose service is required in fowling 
upon the water, partly through a natural towardness, 
and partly by diligent teaching, is endued with that 
property. This sort is somewhat big, and of a measur- 
ablegreatness ; having long, rough, and curled hair, not obtained 
by extraordinary trades, but given by Nature's appointment : 
yet nevertheless, friend Gesner ! I have described and set him 
out in this manner, namely, pulled and knotted from the 
shoulders to the hindermost legs, and to the end of his tail, 
which I did for use and custom's cause; that being as it were 
made somewhat bare and naked, by shearing of such super- 
fluity of hair, they might achieve more lightness and swiftness, 
and be less hindered in swimming, so troublesome and 
needless a burden being shaken ofi". 

This kind of dog is properly called Aquaticus, a "Water 
Spaniel " because he frequenteth and hath usual recourse to 
the water, where all his game and exercise lieth ; namely, 
waterfowls, which are taken by the help and service of them, 
in their kind. And principally ducks and drakes, whereupon 
he is likewise named " a Dog for the Duck," because in that 
quality he is excellent. With these dogs also, we fetch out of the 

A. F-iS' XS76:] English Dog s — t he Fisher. 21 

water such fowl as be stung to death by any venomous worm. 
We use them also to bring us our bolts and arrows out of the 
water, missing our mark whereat we directed our level ; which 
otherwise we should hardly recover : and oftentimes they 
restore to us our shafts, which we thought never to see, touch 
or handle again, after they were lost ; for which circumstances 
they are called Inquisitores, " Searchers," and ** Finders." 

Although the duck other whiles notably deceiveth both the 
dog and the master, by diving under the water : and also by 
natural subtilty ; for if any man shall approach to the place 
where they build, breed, and sit, the hens go out of their nest, 
offering themselves voluntarily to the hands, as it were, of 
such as draw nigh their nests. And a certain weakness of 
their wings pretended, and infirmity of their feet dissembled, 
they go so slowly and so leisurely, that to a man's thinking it 
were no masteries to take them. By which deceitful trick, they 
do, as it were, entice and allure men to follow them, till they 
be drawn a long distance from their nests : which being 
compassed by their provident cunning, or cunning providence, 
they cut off all inconveniences which might grow of their 
return, by using many careful and curious caveats ; lest their 
often haunting bewray the place, where the young ducklings 
be hatched. Great therefore is their desire, and earnest is 
their study to take heed, not only to their brood, but also to 
themselves. For when they have an inkling that they are 
espied, they hide themselves under turfs and sedges, 
wherewith they cover and shrowd themselves so closely and so 
craftily, that (notwithstanding the place where they lurk be 
found and perfectly perceived) there they will harbour without 
harm ; except the Water Spaniel, by quick smelling, discover 
their deceits. 

Of the dog, called the Fisher ; in Latin, 
Canis Piscator. 

|He Dog called the Fisher, whereof Hector Boetheus 
writeth, which seeketh for fish by smelling among 
rock and stone ; assuredly, I know none of that kind in 
England, neither have I received by report that there 
is any such: albeit I have been diligent and busy in demanding 
the question, as well of fishermen, as also of huntsmen in that 

22 English Dog s — t he Fisher, [a. tiem'inl; x^e! 

behalf, being careful and earnest to learn and understand of 
them if any such were : except that you hold opinion that the 
Beaver or Otter is a fish, as many have believed, and according 
to their belief affirmed ; and as the bird Pupine [? Puffin] is 
thought to be a fish, and so accounted. 

But that kind of dog which followeth the fish, to apprehend 
and take it ; if there be any of that disposition and property, 
whether they do this for the game of hunting, or for the heat 
of hunger, as other dogs do (which rather than they will be 
famished for want of food, covet the carcases of carrion and 
putrifying flesh) : when I am fully resolved and disburdened 
of this doubt, I will send you certificate in writing. 

In the mean season, I am not ignorant of that both 
^LIANUS and iELius, call the Beaver, KvvairoTd/jbiov, a Water 
Dog, or a Dog Fish. I know likewise thus much more, that the 
Beaver [Otter] both participate this property with the dog, 
namely, that when fish be scarce they leave the water and 
range up and down the land ; making an insatiable slaughter 
of young lambs until their paunches be replenished : and when 
they have fed themselves full of flesh ; then return they to the 
water, from whence they came. But albeit so much be granted 
that this Beaver is a dog ; yet it is to be noted that we reckon 
it not in the beadrow of English Dogs, as we have done the rest. 

The Sea Calf, in like manner, which our countrymen, for 
brevity sake, called a Seal, others, more largely, name a Sea 
Veal, maketh a spoil of fish between rocks and banks : but it 
is not accounted in the catalogue or number of our English 
Dogs; notwithstanding we call it by the name of Sea Dog, or 
a Sea Calf. 

And thus much for our dogs of the Second Sort, called in 
Latin Aucupatorii, serving to take Fowl, either by land or 

K A Dial pertaining to the Second Section, 

the dis- 
port of 

Land Spaniels. | called in 
,1 Setters. J Latin 

. ' I Water Spaniels Canes Au- 
or Finders. \cupatorii. ^ 

The Fisher 
is notof their 
but several. 

Fi^'^ English Dogs — the Spaniel gentle. 23 

The Third Section of this Abridgment. 

Ow followeth, in due order and convenient place, 
our English dogs of the third Gentle Kind, what 
they are called, to what use they serve, and what 
sort of people plant their pleasure in them : which 
because they need no curious canvassing and nigh 
sifting, we mean to be much the briefer. 

Of the delicate i neat^ and pretty kind of dogs ^ called the 

Spaniel gentle, or the Comforter ; in Latin, 

Melitaeus or Fotor. 

Here is, besides those which we have already de- 
livered, another sort of Gentle Dogs in this our 
English soil, but exempted from the order of the 
residue. The dogs of this kind, doth Callimachus 
call Melitceos, of the island Melita, in the sea of Sicily (which 
at this day is named Malta ; an island, indeed, famous and 
renowned, with courageous and puissant soldiers valiantly 
fighting under the banner of Christ, their unconquerable 
Captain), where this kind of dog had their principal beginning. 
These dogs are little, pretty proper, and fine ; and sought 
for to satisfy the delicateness of dainty dames, and wanton 
women's wills, instruments of folly for them to play and 
dally withal, to trifle away the treasure of time, to withdraw 
their minds from more commendable exercises, and to content 
their corrupted concupiscences with vain desport. A silly shift, 
to shirk irksome idleness ! These puppies the smaller they 
be, the more pleasure they provoke, as more meet playfellows 

24 English Dogs — the Spaniel gentle, [a. LSing: i|S 

for mincing mistresses to bear in their bosoms, to keep 
company withal in their chambers, to succour with sleep in 
bed, and nourish with meat at board, to lay in their laps, and 
lick their lips as they ride in their waggons : and good reason 
it should be so, for coarseness with fineness hath no friendship; 
but featness with neatness hath neighbourhood enough. That 
plausible proverb verified upon a tyrant, namely *' that he 
loved his sow, better than his son," may well be applied to 
this kind of people; who delight more in dogs, that are 
deprived of all possibility of reason, than they do in children 
that be capable of wisdom and judgement. But this abuse, 
peradventure, reigneth where there hath been long lack of 
issue ; or else, where barrenness is the best blossom of beauty. 

The virtue which remaineth in the Spaniel gentle, 
otherwise called the Comforter. 

Otwithstanding, many make much of those pretty 
puppies called " Spaniels gentle " ; yet if the question 
were demanded what property in them they spy, 
which should make them so acceptable and precious in their 
sight ? I doubt their answer would be long a coining. But 
seeing it was our intent to travail in this Treatise, so that 
the reader might reap some benefit by his reading, we will 
communicate unto you such conjectures as are grounded 
upon reason. And though some suppose that such dogs are 
fit for no service, I dare say, by their leaves ! they be in a 
wrong box. 

Among all other qualities, therefore, of Nature, which be 
known (for some conditions are covered with continual and 
thick clouds, that the eye of our capacities cannot pierce 
through them) we find that these little dogs are good to assuage 
the sickness of the stomach, being often times thereunto 
applied as a plaster preservative [I] or borne in the bosom of 
the diseased and weak person [!] which effect is performed 
by their moderate heat. Moreover, the disease and sickness 
changeth his place and entereth — though it be not precisely 
marked — into the dog [!] which to be no untruth. Experience 
can testify. For this kind of dogs sometimes fall sick, and 
sometimes die, without any harm outwardly enforced ; which 

A.k^.i576:] English Dogs — the Spaniel gentle. 25 

is an argument that the disease of the gentleman or gentle- 
woman or owner whatsoever, entereth into the dog by the 
operation of heat intermingled and infected. 

And thus have I hitherto handled dogs of a Gentle Kind, 
whom I have comprehended in a triple division. Now it 
remaineth that I annex, in due order, such dogs as be of a 
more homely kind. 

A Dial pertaining to the Third Section. 

/A chamber com-\ gen- 

In the Third 
Section is con 
tained one kind- 
of dog, which is 
called the 

/Spaniel \ 
gentle It is 
or the I also 

panion, rally 

- A pleasant play- 1 called 
** Com- I called fellow, Cams 

^forter." / VA pretty worm, ^ delicaius. 


^skIa mS^ «ik)^ n\&n Asi^ 
^p ^p ^p ^p ^^ O^ O^ -X» Sp *^ •^p -X- *^ "X* *X- "X- *X- «X- -X* "^ 

*^ •'4* -^ -^ -^ -T» -T- -ds -dt" -dS -d^ •jRr ^ "S^ _^C- -^C. 'aS . _^IS .^IS .^Is 

The Fourth Section of this Discourse. 


Dogs of a coarse kind^ serving for many necessary 

uses called in Latin Canes rustici ; and first 

of the Shepherds Dog ; called in 

Lafiny Canis Pastoralis. 

Dogs of the (The Shepherd's Dog ) These two are 

coarser sort are (The Mastiff or Bandog] the principal. 

He first kind, namely, the Shepherd's Hound, is very 
necessary and profitable for the avoiding of harms 
and inconveniences which may come to men, by 
the means of beasts. The second sort serve to 
succour against the snares and attempts of mis- 
chievous men. 

Our Shepherd's Dog is not huge, vast, and big ; but of an 
indifferent stature and growth, because it hath not to deal 
with the bloodthirsty wolf; sithence [since] there be none in 
England ; which happy and fortunate benefit is to be 
ascribed to the puissant Prince Edgar ; who (to the intent 
that the whole country might be evacuated and quite cleared 
from wolves) charged and commanded the Welshmen, who 
were pestered with these butcherly beasts above measure, to 
pay him yearly tribute : which was (note the wisdom of the 
King ! ) three hundred wolves. Some there be, which write 

A. Fie^ng.' 1576:] Englisii Dogs — THE Shepherd's Dog. 27 

that LuDWALL Prince of Wales paid yearly to King Edgar 
three hundred wolves in the name of an exaction, as we 
have said before : And that by the means hereof, within the 
compass and term of four years, none of those noisome and 
pestilent beasts were left in the coasts of England and 
Wales. This Edgar wore the royal crown, and bare the 
imperial sceptre of this kingdom, about the year of our Lord, 
nine hundred and fifty nine. Since which time, we read that 
no wolf hath been seen in England, bred within the bounds 
bounds and borders of this country. 

Marry, there have been divers brought over from beyond 
the seas, for greediness of gain and to make money, for 
gazing and gaping, staring and standing to see them ; being 
a strange beast, rare, and seldom seen in England. 

But to return to our Shepherd's Dog. This dog either at 
the hearing of his master's voice, or at the wagging and 
whistling in his fist, or at his shrill and hoarse hissing, 
bringeth the wandering wethers and straying sheep into the 
selfsame place where his master's will and wish is to have 
them : whereby the shepherd reapeth this benefit, namely, 
that with little labour and no toil or moving of his feet, he 
may rule and guide his flock, according to his own desire ; 
either to have them go forward, or stand still, or to draw 
backward, or to turn this way, or to take that way. For it 
is not in England, as it is in France, as it is in Flanders, 
as it is in Syria, as it is in Tartaria, where the sheep follow 
the shepherd : for here, in our country, the shepherd follows 
the sheep. And sometimes the straying sheep, when no 
dog runneth before them, nor goeth about or beside them, 
gather themselves together in a flock, when they hear the 
shepherd whistle in his fist, for fear of the dog (as I imagine) : 
remembering this (if unreasonable creatures may be reported 
to have memory) that the dog commonly runneth out at his 
master's warrant, which is his whistle. This have we 
oftentimes diligently marked, in taking our journey from 
town to town. When we have heard a shepherd whistle, we 
have reined in our horse and stood still a space, to see the 
proof and trial of this matter. Furthermore with this dog 
doth the shepherd take sheep for the slaughter, and to be 
healed if they be sick ; no hurt nor harm in the world, done 
to the simple creature. 

2S English Dogs — the Mastiff, [a. kSl: ^"e: 

Of the Mastiff or Bandog ; called, in Latin, 
Villaticus or Cathenarius. 

His kind of dog, called a Mastiff or Bandog, is vast, 
huge, stubborn, ugly, and eager; of a heavy and 
burdenous body, and therefore but of little swiftness; 
terrible, and frightful to behold ; and more fierce and 
fell than any Arcadian cur, notwithstanding, they are said to 
have their generation of the violent lion. 

They are called FtV/a^za, because they are appointed to watch 
and keep farm places and country cottages sequestered from 
common recourse, and not abutting upon other houses by 
reason of distance ; when there is any fear conceived of thieves, 
robbers, spoilers, and nightwanderers. They are serviceable 
against the fox, and the badger ; to drive wild and tame swine 
out of meadows, pastures, glebelands, and places planted with 
fruit ; to bait and take the bull by the ear, when occasion so 
requireth. One dog, or two at the uttermost, are sufficient 
for that purpose, be bull never so monstrous, never so 
fierce, never so furious, never so stern, never so untameable. 
For it is a kind of dog capable of courage, violent and 
valiant, striking cold fear into the hearts of men : but 
standing in fear of no man ; in so much that no weapons will 
make him shrink, or abridge his boldness. 

Our Englishmen (to the intent that their dogs might be 
the more fell and fierce) assist nature with art, use, and 
custom. For, they teach their dogs to bait the bear; to bait the 
bull, and other such like cruel and bloody beasts (appointing 
an overseer of the game) without any collar to defend their 
throats : and oftentimes they train them up in fighting and 
wrestling with a man, having (for the safeguard of his life) 
either a pikestaff, a club, or a sword. And by using [accustom- 
ing] them to exercise as these, their dogs become more sturdy 
and strong. 

The force which is in them surmounteth all belief; the fast 
hold which they take with their teeth exceedeth all credit. 
Three of them against a bear, four against a lion are sufficient, 
both to try masteries with them, and utterly to overmatch them. 

Which thing, Henry the Seventh of that name, King of 
England (a Prince both politic and warlike) perceiving on a 
certain time, as the report runneth ; commanded all such 

A. -Fleming. 1576^] EnGLISH DoGS — THE MaSTIFF. 29 

dogs (how many soever they were in number) should be 
hanged ; being deeply displeased, and conceiving great disdain, 
than an ill favoured rascal cur should, with such violent 
villainy, assault the valiant lion king of beasts. An example 
for all subjects worthy remembrance, to admonish them that 
it is no advantage to them to rebel against the regiment of 
their ruler ; but to keep them within the limits of loyalty. 

I read an history answerable to this, of the selfsame 
Henry, who having a notable and an excellent fair falcon, 
it fortuned that the King's Falconers, in the presence and 
hearing of His Grace, highly commended his Majesty's Falcon, 
saying, ** that it feared not to intermeddle with an eagle, it 
was so venturous and so mighty a bird" ; which when the 
King heard, he charged that the falcon should be killed 
without delay : for the selfsame reason, as it may seem, 
which was rehearsed in the conclusion of the former history 
concerning the same King. 

This dog is called, in like manner, Cathenarius, a Cathena, 
of the chain wherewith he is tied at the gates, in the day 
time ; lest being loose, he should do much mischief: and yet 
might give occasion of fear and terror, by his big barking. 
And albeit Cicero, in his oration Pro S. Ross had been of this 
opinion, that such dogs as bark in the broad daylight should 
have their legs broken ; yet our countrymen on this side of the 
seas, for their carelessness of life, " setting all at cinque and 
sice," are of a contrary judgement. For the thieves rogue 
up and down in every corner, no place is free from them; no, 
not the Prince's Palace, nor the countryman's cottage. In 
the day time, they practise pilfering, picking, open robbing, 
and privy stealing ; and what legerdemain lack they ? not 
fearing the shameful and horrible death of hanging. The 
cause of which inconvenience doth not only issue from 
nipping need and wringing want ; for all that steal are not 
pinched with poverty : but some steal to maintain their 
excessive and prodigal expenses in apparel ; their lewdness of 
life, their haughtiness of heart, their wantonness of manner, 
their wilful idleness, their ambitious bravery, and the pride 
of the saucy Salacones fxeydXopp'QVTayv vain glorious and 
arrogant in behaviour, whose delight dependeth wholly to 
mount nimbly on horseback, to make them leap lustily, 
spring and prance, gallop and amble, to run a race, to wind 

30 English Dogs — the Keeper Dog. [a. kS^; i"! 

in compass, and so forth ; living altogether upon the fatness 
of the spoil. Othersome there be which steal, being thereto 
provoked by penury and need, like masterless men applying 
themselves to no honest trade, but ranging up and down, 
impudently begging ; and complaining of bodily weakness, 
where is no want of ability. 

But valiant Valentine the Emperor, by wholesome laws 
provided, that such as having no corporal sickness, sold 
themselves to begging, pleaded poverty with pretended 
infirmity, cloaked their idle and slothful life with colourable 
shifts and cloudy cossening, [cozening] should be a perpetual 
slave and drudge to him, by whom their impudent idleness 
was bewrayed and laid against them in public place ; lest 
the insufferable slothfulness of such vagabonds, should be 
burdenous to the people ; or, being so hateful and odious, 
should grow into an example. 

Alfred, likewise, in the government of his commonwealth, 
procured such increase of credit to justice and upright dealing 
by his prudent acts and statutes, that if a man travelling by 
the highway of the country under his dominion, chanced to 
lose a budget full of gold, or his capcase farced [sttiffed] with 
things of great value, late in the evening ; he should find it 
where he lost it, safe, sound, and untouched the next morning; 
yea, which is a wonder, at any time for a whole month's space 
if he sought for it, as Ingulphus Croyladensis^ in his History, 
recordeth. But in this our unhappy age ; in these I say, our 
devilish days, nothing can escape the claws of the spoilers ; 
though it be kept never so sure within the house ; albeit the 
doors be locked and bolted round about. 

This dog, in like manner, of Grecians is called oiKovpo^. 

Of the latinists, Canis Custos ; in Eyiglishy 
the Dog Keeper, 

Orrowing his name of his service : for he doth not 
only keep farmers' houses ; but also merchants' 
mansions, wherein great wealth, riches, substance, 
and costly stuff is reposed. And therefore were 
certain dogs found and maintained at the common costs 
and charges of the citizens of Rome in the place called 
Capitolium, to give warning of thieves' coming. 

J. Caitu. 1536."! 
A. Fleming. 1S76J 

English Dogs — the Mooner 


This kind of dog is also called, in Latin, Can is 
Laniarius; in English, the Butcher Dog. 

O CALLED for the necessity of his use, for his service 
affordeth great benefit to the Butcher; as well in 
following as in taking his cattle, when need con- 
straineth, urgeth, and requireth. 

This kind of dog is likewise called, in Latin, 
Molossicus or Molossus. 

Fter the name of a country in Epirus, called 

Molossia, which harboureth many stout, strong, 

and sturdy dogs of this sort : for the dogs of that 

country are good indeed, or else there is no trust 

to be had in the testimonies of writers. 

This dog is also called, in Latin, Canis Mandatarius ; 
a Dog Messenger or Carrier, 

PoN substantial consideration, because, at his master's 
voice and commandment, he carrieth letters from 
place to place ; wrapped up cunningly in his leather 
collar, fastened thereto, or sewed close therein : 
who, lest he should be hindered in his passage, useth these 
helps very skilfully ; namely, resistance in fighting if he be not 
overmatched, or else swiftness and readiness in running away, 
if he be unable to buckle with the dog that would fain have a 
snatch at his skin. 

This kind of dog likewise called, in Latin, Canis 
Lunarius ; in English, the Mooner. 

EcAUSE he doth nothing else but watch and ward at 
an ynche, wasting the wearisome night season with- 
out slumbering or sleeping ; bawing and wawing at 
the moon (that I may use the word of Nonius) ; a 
quality in mine opinion strange to consider. 

32 English Dogs— the Tinker's Cur. [a. kSl." Issg! 

Thts kind of dog is also called^ in Latin, Aquarius ; 
in English, a Water Drawer, 

Nd these be of the greater and the weightier sort, 
drawing water out of wells and deep pits, by a wheel 
which they turn round about, by the moving of their 
burthenous bodies. 

This kind of dog is called, in like manner, 

Canis Sarcinarius ; in Latin, and may 

aptly be Englished, a Tinker's Cur. 

EcAUSE, with marvellous patience, they bear big 
budgets fraught with tinker's tools and metal meet 
to mend kettles, porridge-pots, skillets, and chafers, 
and other such like trumpery; requisite for their 
occupation and loitering trade : easing him of great burden, 
which otherwise he himself should carry upon his shoulders ; 
which condition hath challenged unto them the foresaid name. 
Besides the qualities which we have already recounted, 
this kind of dogs hath this principal property ingrafted in 
them, that they love their masters liberally and hate 
strangers despitefully ; whereupon it followeth that they are 
to their masters, in travelling, a singular safeguard : defend- 
ing them forcibly from the invasion of villains and thieves, 
preserving their lives from loss, and their health from hazard, 
their flesh from hacking and hewing, with such like desperate 
dangers. For which consideration they are meritoriously 

In Latin, Canes defensores ; Defending Dogs, 
in our mother tongue. 

jF IT chance that the master be oppressed, either by a 
multitude, or by the greater violence and so be beaten 
down that he lie grovelling on the ground : it is 
proved true by experience, that this dog forsaketh 
not his master ; no, not when he is stark dead. But, enduring 
the force of famishment and the outrageous tempests of the 
weather, most vigilantly watch eth and carefully keepeth the 

A kmi^: '1576:] English Dogs — the Defending Dog. 33 

dead carcase many days ; endeavouring, furthermore, to kill 
the murderers of his master, if he may get any advantage. 
Or else by barking, by howling, by furious jarring, snarring, 
and such like means betrayeth the malefactor; as desirous to 
have the death of his aforesaid master vigorously revenged. 

An example hereof, fortuned within the compass of my 
memory. The dog of a certain wayfaring man travelling from 
the city of London directly to the town of Kingston (most 
famous and renowned by reason of the triumphant coronation 
of eight several Kings), passing over a good portion of his 
journey, was assaulted and set upon by certain confederate 
thieves laying in wait for the spoil in Come Park; a perilous 
bottom, compassed about with woods too well known for the 
manifold murders and mischievous robberies there com- 
mitted. Into whose hands, this passenger chanced to fall ; 
so that his ill luck cost him the price of his life. 

And that dog, whose sire was English (which Blondus 
registereth to have been within the banks of his remembrance) 
manifestly perceiving that his master was murdered (this 
chanced not far from Paris) by the hands of one which was 
a suitor to the same woman, whom he was a wooer unto ; did 
both bewray the bloody butcher, and attempted to tear out 
the villain's throat, if he had not sought means to avoid the 
revenging rage of the dog. 

In fires also, which fortune in the silence and dead time of 
the night, or in stormy weather of the said season, the 
older dogs, bark, bawl, howl, and yell, yea, notwithstanding 
they be roughly rated : neither will they stay their tongues 
till the household servants awake, rise, search, and see the 
burning of the fire; which being perceived they use voluntary 
silence, and cease from yolping. This hath been, and is 
found true by trial, in sundry parts of England. 

There was no fainting faith in that dog, which when his 
master, by a mischance in hunting stumbled and fell, toppling 
down a deep ditch, being unable to recover of himself; the 
dog signifying his master's mishap, rescue came, and he was 
hauled up by a rope : whom the dog seeing, almost drawn up 
to the edge of the ditch, cheerfully saluted, leaping and 
skipping upon his master, as though he would have embraced 
him ; being glad of his presence, whose longer absence he 
was loath to lack. 

34 English Dogs— the Defending Dog. [a. kSl^: lit 

Some dogs there be, which will not suffer fiery coals to lie 
scattered about the hearth, but with their paws will rake up 
the burning coals ; musing and studying first with themselves 
how it might conveniently be done. And if so be, that the 
coals cast too great a heat, then will they bury them in 
ashes ; and so remove them forward to a fit place with their 

Other dogs be there, which execute the office of a farmer 
in the night time. For when his master goeth to bed to 
take a natural sleep, And when 

A hundred bars of brass and iron bolts 
Make all things safe from starts and from revolts. 
When Janus keeps the gate with Argus eye, 
That dangers none approach, ne mischiefs nigh. 

As Virgil vaunteth in his verses. Then if his master 
biddeth him go abroad, he lingereth not, but rangeth over all 
his lands himself, lying there about, more diligently, I wis 
[think], than any farmer himself. And if he find anything 
there, that is strange and pertaineth to other persons besides 
his master ; whether it be man, woman, or beast, he driveth 
them out of the ground : not meddling with anything, which 
doth belong to the use and possession and use of his master. 
But how much faithfulness, so much diversity there is in 
their natures. 

' Which bark only with free and open throat, but 

For there will not bite. 


be some Which do both bark and bite. 

^ Which bite bitterly before they bark. 

The first are not greatly to be feared, Because they 
themselves are fearful; and fearful dogs (as the proverb 
importeth) bark most vehemently. 

The second are dangerous. It is wisdom to take heed of 
them, because they sound, as it were, an Alarum of an 
Afterclap ; and these dogs must not be over much moved or 
provoked, for then they take on outrageously as if they were 
mad, watching to set the print of their teeth in the flesh. 
And these kind of dogs are fierce and eager by nature. 

The third are deadly. For they fly upon a man, without 

iiSi^llS] English Dogs — the Defending Dog. 35 

utterance of voice, snatch at him, and catch him by the 
throat, and most cruelly bite out collops of flesh. Fear 
these kind of curs ! if thou be wise and circumspect about 
thine own safety ! for they be stout and stubborn dogs, and 
set upon a man, at a sudden, unawares. 

By these signs and tokens, by these notes and arguments, 
our men discern the cowardly cur from the courageous dog ; 
the bold from the fearful, the butcherly from the gentle and 
tractable. Moreover they conjecture that a whelp of an 
ill kind is not worth the keeping ; and that no dog can serve 
the sundry uses of men so aptly and so conveniently as this 
sort of whom we have so largely written already. 

For if any be disposed to draw the above-named services 
into a table, what man more clearly and with more vehemency 
of voice giveth warning, either of a wasteful beast or of a 
spoiling thief, than this ? who by his barking, as good as a 
burning beacon, foreshoweth hazards at hand. What manner 
of beast, stronger ? what servant to his master, more loving ? 
what companion, more trusty ? what Watchman, more 
vigilant? what Revenger, more constant? what Messenger, 
more speedy? what Water Bearer, more painful? finally 
what Pack Horse, more patient ? 

And thus much concerning English dogs, first of the 
Gentle Kind, secondly to the Coarser Kind. Now it remaineth 
that we deliver unto you the dogs of a mongrel or currish 
kind, and then will we have performed our task. 

TA Dial pertain in g to th e Fou rth Section. 



in the 





The Shep- 
herd's dog 

The Mastiff 
or Bandog 

which /The Keeper or \ 

hath Watchman, 
sundry The Butcher dog. 
names, The Messenger 
derived / or Carrier. 

from \The Mooner. 
sundry The Water 
circum- Drawer, 
stances. The Tinker's Cur. 
as \The Fencer. / 








The Fifth Section of this Treatise. 

Containing curs of the mongrel and rascal sort ; 

and first of the dogy c ailed y in Latin, 

Admonitor; and of us in English, 

Wap or Warner. 

F SUCH dogs, as keep not their kind ; of such as 
are mingled out of sundry sorts not imitating the 
conditions of some one certain species, because 
they resemble no notable shape, nor exercise any 
worthy property of the true perfect and gentle 
kind ; it is not necessary that I write any more of them : but 
to banish them as unprofitable implements, out of the bounds 
of my book : unprofitable I say for any use that is commend- 
able, except in entertaining strangers with their barking in the 
daytime, giving warning to them of the house, that such and 
such be newly come. Whereupon, we call them Admonishing 
Dogs ; because, in that point, they perform their office. 

Of the dog, called Turnspit ; in Latin, Veruversator. 

Here is comprehended under the curs of the coarsest 
kind, a certain dog excellent in kitchen service. For 
when any meat is to be roasted, they go into a wheel ; 
which they turning round with the weight of their 
bodies ; and so diligently look to their business, that no drudge 
nor scullion can do the feat more cunningly. Whom the 
popular sort hereupon call, Turnspits ; being the last of all 
those which we have first mentioned. 

A. LSnl: Isyl] English Dogs— the Dancer. -i.^ 

Of the dog, called the 'Dancer ; in Latin^ 
Saltator or Tympanista. 

Here be also dogs among us, of a mongrel kind, 
which are taught and exercised to dance in measure 
at the musical sound of an instrument ; as, at the 
just stroke of the drum, at the sweet accent of the 
cithern, and tuned strings of the harmonious harp : showing' 
many pretty tricks by the gesture of their bodies. As, to stand 
bolt upright, to lie flat upon the ground, to turn round as a 
ring holding their tails in their teeth, to beg for their meat ; 
and sundry such properties, which they learn of their vaga- 
bondical masters, whose instruments they are to gather gain 
withal in city, country, town, and village. As some which 
carry old apes on their shoulders in coloured jackets, to move 
men to laughter ; for a little lucre. 

A start to outlandish dogs ; in this conclusion not 
impertinent to the Author s purpose. 

Se and custom hath entertained other dogs of an out- 
landish kind, but a few and the same being of a pretty 
bigness, I mean Iceland dogs, curled and rough all 
over ; which by reason of the length of their hair 
make show, neither of face nor of body. And yet these curs, 
forsooth, because they are so strange are greatly set by, 
esteemed, taken up, and made of, many times in the room of 
the Spaniel Gentle or " Comforter." 

The natures of men are so moved, nay rather married to 
novelties; without all reason, wit, judgement or perseverance, 

Epfafiev aWorpi&v, irapopojfiev <iv<yy€vel^. 

Outlandish toys we take with delight; 

Things of our own nature we have in despite : 

"Which fault remaineth not in us concerning dogs only, but 
for artificers also. And why ? It is too manifest that we 
disdain and contemn our own workmen, be they never so 
skilful, be they never so cunning, be they never so excellent. 
A beggarly beast brought out of barbarous borders, from 
the uttermost countries northward, &c, ; we stare at, we 

38 Iceland, and outlandish Dogs. [a. k^n|; Isye! 

gaze at, we muse, we marvel at ; like an Ass of Cumanum, 
like Thales with the brazen shanks, like the Man in the 
Moon. The which default, Hippocrates, marked when he 
was alive, as evidently appeareth in the beginning of his 
book Tlepl ar/ficov, so intituled and named. And we, in our 
work, entitled De Ephemera Britannica; to the people of 
England, have more plentifully expressed. 

In this kind, look which is most blockish, and yet most 
waspish, the same is most esteemed ; and not among citizens 
only, and jolly gentlemen ; but among lusty lords also, and 
noblemen, and dainty courtiers ruffling in their riotous rags. 

Further, I am not to wade in the ford of this Discourse ; 
because it was my purpose to satisfy your expectations with a 
short Treatise, most learned Conrad ! not wearisome for me 
to write, nor tedious for you to peruse. 

Among other things, which you have received at my hands 
heretofore, I remember that I wrote a several description of 
the Getulian dog ; because there are but a few of them, and 
therefore very seldom seen. As touching dogs of other kinds, 
you yourself have taken earnest pain, in writing of them both 
lively, learnedly, and largely. But because we have drawn this 
Libel more at length, than the former which I sent you; and 
yet briefer than the nature of the thing might well bear, re- 
garding your more earnest and necessary studies ; I will con- 
clude ; making a rehearsal notwithstanding (for memory's 
sake) of certain specialities contained in the whole body of 
this my Breviary. 

And because you participate principal pleasure in the 
knowledge of the common and usual Names of Dogs, as I 
gather by the course of your letters : I suppose it not amiss 
to deliver unto you a short table containing, as well the Latin 
as the English names; and to render a reason of every 
particular appellation, to the intent that no scruple may 
remain in this point, but that everything may be sifted to the 
bare bottom. 

A Dial pertaining to the Fifth Section. 

Dogs contained in 

this last Dial 

or Table are 

The Wap or Warner 
The Turnspit 
.The Dancer 

called in Latin 
Canes Rustici. 


A Supplement or Addition, containing a 

demonstration of Dogs' Names, how 

they had their original. 

Ie names contained in the General Table, 
forsomuch as they signify nothing to you, 
being a stranger, and ignorant of the 
English tongue, except they be interpreted : 
as we have given a reason before of it in 
Latin w^ords, so mean we to do no less of 
the English; that everything may be mani- 
fest unto your understanding. Wherein I intend to observe 
the same order, which I have followed before. 

T^he Names of such Dogs as be contained 
in the First Section, 

Agax, in English, Hound, is derived of our English 
word *' hunt." One letter changed into another^ 
namely, T into D, as " hunt," " hund" : whom, if 
you conjecture to be so named of your country 
word Hunde which signifieth the general name 
" Dog," because of the similitude and likeness of the words; I 
will not stand in contradiction, friend Gesner ! for so much 

40 The Names of English Dogs. [a. k^n"^: '."e" 

as we retain among us at this day many Dutch [German] 
words which the Saxons left at such time as they occupied 
this country of Britain. Thus much also understand ! that 
as in your language hunde is the common word, so in our 
natural tongue dog is the universal ; but hound is particular 
and a special ; for it signifieth such a dog only as serveth to 
hunt, and therefore it is called a hound. 

Of the Gaze Hound. 

He Gaze Hound, called, in Latin, Agasatis, hath his 
name of the sharpness and stedfastness of his eye- 
sight. By which virtue, he compasseth that which 
otherwise he cannot by smelling attain. As we have 
made former relation, for to gaze is earnestly to view and behold, 
from whence floweth the derivation of this dog's name. 

Of the Grey Hound. 

He Greyhound, called Leporarius, hath his name of 
this word G>'(2, which word soundeth, Gradus in Latin, 
in English degree. Because among all dogs they are 
the most principal occupying the chiefest place ; 

and being simply and absolutely, the best of the gentle kind 

of hounds. 

Of the Levyner or the Lyemmer. 

His dog is called a Levyner, for his lightness, which in 
Latin, soundeth Levitas. Or a Lyemmer, which word 
is borrowed of Lyemme, which the Latinists name 
Lorum : and wherefore we call him a Levyner of this 
word Levitas ; as we do many things besides. Why, we derive 
draw a thousand of our terms out of the Greek, the Latin, and 
the Italian, the Dutch, the French, and the Spanish tongue? 
Out of which fountains indeed, they had their original issue. 
How many words are buried in the grave of forgetfulness, 
grown out of use, wrested awry, and perversely corrupted, 
by divers defaults ; we will declare at large, in our book 
intituled, Symphonia vocum Britannicarum. 

^.iiS^lsrS The Names of English Dogs. 41 

Of the Tumbler, 

MoNG hounds, the Tumbler, called, in Latin, Veriagui^ 
is the last, which cometh of this word "Tumbler"; 
flowing first of all out of the French fountain. For 
as we say Tumble, so they, Tumhier ; reserving one 
sense and signification: which the Latinist comprehend under 
this word Vertere. So that we see thus much, that Tumbler 
cometh of Ttimbier, the vowel, I, changed into the liquid L, 
after the manner of our speech ; contrary to the French and 
Italian tongue. In which two languages, a liquid before a 
vowel, for the most part is turned into another vowel; as, may 
be perceived in the example of these two words implere and 
piano, for impiere and piano. L before E, changed into I ; and 
L before A, turned into I, also. This I thought convenient, 
for a taste I 

The Names of such Dogs as be contained 
in the Second Section. 

Fter such as serve for hunting, orderly, do follow 
such as serve for hawking and fowling. Among 
which the principal and chiefest is the Spaniel, 
called in Latin Hispaniolus, borrowing his name of 
Hispania, Spain ; wherein we Englishmen not pro- 
nouncing the aspiration H, nor the vowel I, for quickness 
and readiness of speech say, roundly, A Spaniel. 

Of the Setter. 

He second sort of this Second Division and second 
section : is called a Setter, in Latin Index. Of the 
word Set, which signifieth in English that which the 
Latinists mean by this word Locum designate, the 

reason is rehearsed before more largely [p. 243] ; it shall not 

need to make a new repetition. 

42 The Names of English Dogs. [a. {-i^ng: Is^ 

Of the Water Spaniel or Finder. 

He Water Spaniel consequently followeth, called in 
latin Aquatictis, in English a Water Spaniel; which 
name is compound of two simple words, namely, 
Water, which in Latin soundeth Aqua, wherein he 
swimmeth; And SpsLin, Hispania, the country from whence they 
came. Not that England wanteth such kind of dogs ; for they 
are naturally bred and ingendered in this country : but because 
they bear the general and common name of these dogs, since 
the time they were first brought over out of Spain. And we 
make a certain difference in this sort of dogs, either for 
something which in their voice is to be marked, or for 
something which in their qualities is to be considered. As 
for an example, in this kind called the Spaniel, by the 
apposition and putting to of this word Water; which two 
coupled together sound Water Spaniel. 

He is also called a Finder, in Latin Inquisitor, because 
that by serious and secure seeking, he findeth such things as 
be lost ; which, word Find, in English, is that, which the 
Latin mean by the verb Invenire. This dog hath this name 
of his property, because the principal point of his service 
consisteth in the premises. 


T/ie Names of such Dogs as be contained 

in the Third Section. 

Ow leaving the surview of hunting and hawking 
dogs; it remaineth that we run over the residue, 
whereof some be called, fine dogs, some coarse, 
other some mongrels or rascals. The first is the 
Spaniel gentle called Canis Melitceus, because it is 
a kind of dog accepted among gentles, nobles, lords, ladies, 
&c., who make much of them vouchsafing to admit them so 
far into their company, that they will not only lull them in 
their laps, but kiss them with their lips, and make them 
their pretty playfellows. 

Such a one was Gorgon's little puppy, mentioned by Theo- 
critus in Siracusis,yfho taking his journey, straightly charged 

A-k^n^Jsre.] The Names of English Dogs. 43 

and commanded his maid to see to his dog as charily and 
warily as to his child ; to call him in always, that he wandered 
not abroad, as well as to rock the babe asleep, crying in the 
cradle. This puppitly and peasantly cur (which some, 
frumpingly, term Fisting Hounds) serve in a manner to no 
good use ; except, as we have made former relation, to 
succour and strengthen quailing and qualming stomachs, to 
bewray baudery and filthy abominable lewdness. Which a 
little dog of this kind did in Sicilia, as -(Elianus in his 
7th book Of beasts, and 27th chapter recordeth. 

The Names of such Dogs as be contained 

in the Fourth Section. 

|F DOGS, under the coarser kind, we will deal first 
with the Shepherd's Dog, whom we call the Ban- 
dog, the Tydog, or the Mastiff. The first name is 
imputed to him for service quoniam pastori famula- 
tur ; because he is at the Shepherd his master's 
commandment. The second, a Ligamcnto, of the Band or 
chain wherewith he is tied. The third, a Sagina, of the fatness 
of his body. For this kind of dog which is usually tied, is 
mighty gross, and fat fed. I know this, that Augustinus 
NiPHUS, calleth this Mastinus, which we call Mastivus. And 
that Albertus writeth how the Lyciscus is engendered by a 
bear and a wolf. Notwithstanding that, the selfsame author 
taketh it, for the most part, pro Molosso. A dog of such a 
[that] country. 

The Names of such Dogs as be contained 
in the Fifth Section. 

F MONGRELS and rascals somewhat is to be spoken. 
And among these of the Wapp or Turnspit : which 
name is made of two simple words, that is, of Turn, 
which in Latin soundeth F'(?r/er5; and oispii which 
is vcru, or ^pcdc. For the English word inclineth 

44 The Names of English Dogs. [a. L*Si^: Js't 

closer to the Italian imitation : Veruversator, Turnspit. He 
is called also Waupe, of the natural noise of his voice, Wau, 
which he maketh in barking. 

But for the better and the readier sound, the vowel «, is 
changed into the consonant,/*; so that for Waup we say Wapp. 
And yet I wot well that Nonius borroweth his Baubari of the 
natural voice Bau, as the Grecians do their Bav^eiv of Wan. 

Now when you understand this, that Saltare in Latin 
signifieth Dansare, in English ; and that our dog thereupon 
is called a Dancer, and in the Latin Saltator : you are as far 
taught, as you were desirous to learn. 

And now suppose I, there remaineth nothing, but that your 
request is fully accomplished. 

The winding up of this work called the 
Supplement, &c. 

jHus, friend Gesner ! you have, not only the kinds 
of our country dogs, but their names also ; as well 
in Latin as in English ; their offices, services, diver- 
sities, natures, and properties : that you can 
demand no more of me in this matter. And albeit I have 
not satisfied your mind peradventure (who suspectest all 
speed in the performance of your request employed, to be 
mere delays), because I stayed the setting forth of that imper- 
fect pamphlet which, five years ago [1531], I sent to you as to 
a private friend for your own reading, and not to be printed, 
and so made common : yet I hope, having, like the bear, 
licked over my young, I have waded in this work to your 
contentation ; which delay hath made somewhat better and 
Bevrepai (f>povTi8e<: " after wit " more meet to be perused. 

The End of this Treatise. 



Doctor John Dee. 
Tie Petty Navy RoyaL 

{General and rare Menwria 's, <5r»r., 
better known from its headline as 
The British Monarchy. 1577.] 

HOM also I have heard often and most heartily wish, 
That all manner of persons passing or frequent- 
ing our seas appropriate, and many ways next 
environing England, Ireland, and Scotland, might 
be in convenient and honourable sort, at all times 
at the commandment and order, by beck or check, of a 
Petty Naval Royal of three-score tall ships or more, but in 
no case fewer; and they to be very well appointed, 
thoroughly manned, and sufficiently victualled. 

The public commodities whereof ensuing are, or would be 
so great and many, as the whole commons, and all the 
subjects of this noble Kingdom would for ever bless the day 
and hour wherein such good and politic order was, in so good 
time and opportunity, taken and established : and esteem 
them not only most worthy and royal Councillors, but also 
heroical Magistrates, who have had so fatherly care for the 
commonalty ; and most wisely procured so general British 

1. That, henceforth, neither France, Denmark, Scotland, 
Spain, nor any other country can have such liberty for 
invasion, or their mutual conspiracies or aids, any way 
transporting, to annoy the blessed state of our tranquillity ; 
as either they have in times past had, or else may have, 
whensoever they will forget or contemn the observing of 
their sworn or pretended amity. 

2. Besides that, I report me to all English merchants, 
said he, of how great value to them, and consequently to the 

46 Privy Sounders, and Corn Stealers. [x^;j:,^^ 

public weal of this Kingdom, such a security were ? (a) 
Whereby, both outward and homeward, continually their 
merchantlike ships, many or few, great or small, may in our 
seas and somewhat further, pass quietly unpilled, unspoiled, 
and untaken by pirates or others in time of peace, (b) What 
abundance of money now lost by assurance [marine insurance] 
given or taken, would by this means also, be greatly out of 
danger ? 

3. And thirdly, (a) how many men, before time of urgent 
need, would thus be made very skilful in all the foresaid 
seas and sea coasts; in their channels knowing, in soundings 
all over, in good marks taking for avoiding dangers, in good 
harbours trying out, in good landings essaying, in the order 
of ebbs and floods observing, and all other points advisedly 
learning, which to the perfect Art of Navigation are very 
necessary : whereby they may be the better able to be 
divided and distributed in a greater Navy, with charge of 
Mastership or Pilotage, in time of great need, (b) They of 
this Navy should oftentimes espy or meet the privy 
sounders and searchers of our channels, flats, banks, pits, 
&c. ; and so very diligently deciphering our sea coasts, yea, 
in the river of Thames also ; otherwhile up to the station of 
the Grand Navy Royal, (c) And likewise, very often meet 
with the abominable thieves that steal our corn and victuals 
from sundry our coasts, to the great hindraince of the public 
plenty of England. And these thieves are both subjects and 
foreigners ; and very often and to to [far to] evidently seen, 
and generally murmured at, but as yet not redressed; for all 
the good and wise order by the most honourable Senate of 
the Privy Council taken therein. 

4. Fourthly, how many thousands of soldiers of all 
degrees, and apt ages of men, would be, by this means, not 
only hardened well to brook all rage and disturbance of sea, 
and endure healthfully all hardness of lodging and diet 
there ; but also would be well practised and easily trained 
up to great perfection of understanding all manner of fight 
and service at sea ? so that, in time of great need, that 
expert and hardy crew of some thousands of sea soldiers 
[Marines] would be to this realm a treasure incomparable. 
And who knoweth not, what danger it is, in time of great 
need, either to use all fresh water soldiers; or to be a fortnight 


in providing a little company of omni-gatharums, taken up on 
the sudden to serve at sea ? For our ordinary Land Musters 
are generally intended, or now may be spared to be employed 
otherwise, if need be. 

5. How many hundreds of lusty and handsome men would 
be, this way, well occupied, and have needful maintenance, 
which now are either idle, or want sustenance, or both ; in 
too many places of this renowned Monarchy ? 

6. Moreover, what a comfort and safeguard will it, or may 
it be to the whole Realm, to have the great advantage of so 
many warlike ships, so well manned and appointed for all 
assays, at all hours, ready to affront straightway, set on and 
overthrow, any sudden or privy foreign treachery by sea, 
directly or indirectly, attempted against this Empire, in any 
coast or part thereof. For sudden foreign attempts (that is 
to say, unknown or unheard of to us, before their readiness) 
cannot be done with great power. For great navies most 
commonly are espied or heard somewhat of, and that very 
certainly, while they are in preparing ; though in the mean- 
while, politicly, in divers places, they distribute their ships 
and their preparations appertaining. 

7. And by reason of the foresaid Petty Navy Royal, it 
shall at all times, not only lie in our hands greatly to 
displease and pinch the petty foreign offender at sea ; but 
also, if just occasion be given, on land to do very valiant 
service, and that speedily: as well against any of the foresaid 
foreign possible offenders, as also against such of Ireland or 
England, who shall or will traitorously, rebelliously, or 
seditiously assemble in troops or bands within the territories 
of Ireland or England ; while greater armies, on our behalf, 
shall be in preparing against them, if further need be. For 
skilful sea soldiers are also on land far more trainable to all 
martial exploits executing ; and therein to be more quick- 
eyed and nimble at handstrokes or scaling; better to 
endure all hardness of lodging or diet ; and less to fear all 
danger near or far : than the land soldier can be brought to 
the perfection of a sea soldier. 

8. By this Navy also, all pirates — our own countrymen, 
and they be no small number — would be called, or constrained 
to come home. And then (upon good assurance taken of 
the reformable and men of choice, for their good abearing 

48 Foreign gains in English seas. [,^ui:^^. 

from henceforth) all such to be bestowed here and there in 
the foresaid Navy. For good account is to be made of their 
bodies, already hardened to the seas; and chiefly of their 
courage and skill for good service to be done at the sea. 

9. Ninthly, Princes and potentates, our foreign friends or 
privy foes, the one for love and the other for fear, would not 
suffer any merchant or others, subjects of the Queen's 
Majesty, either to have speedy wrong in their Courts ; or by 
unreasonable delays or trifling shifts to be made weary and 
unable to follow their rights. And notwithstanding such our 
friends or privy foes, their subjects would be glad most 
reverently to become suitors and petitioners to the royal 
State of this Kingdom for just redress, if, any kind of way, 
they could truly prove themselves by any subject of this 
realm injuried ; and they would never be so stout, rude, and 
dishonourably injurious to the Crown and Dignity of this 
most sacred Monarchy as, in such cases, to be their own 
judges, or to use against this Kingdom and the royal chief 
Council thereof, such abominable terms of dishonour as our 
to to great lenity and their to to barbarous impudency might 
in a manner induce them to do. And all this would come to 
pass through the Royalty and Sovereignty of the seas adjacent 
or environing this Monarchy of England, Ireland, and (by 
right) Scotland and the Orkneys also, very princely, 
prudently, and valiantly recovered (that is to say, by the 
said Petty Navy Royal); duly and justly limited; discreetly 
possessed ; and triumphantly enjoyed. 

10. Should not Foreign Fishermen (overboldly now, and 
to to injuriously abusing our rich fishings about England, 
Wales, and Ireland) by the presence, oversight, power, and 
industry of this Petty Navy Royal be made content ; and 
judge themselves well apaid to enjoy, by our leave, some 
great portion of revenue to enrich themselves and their 
countries by, with fishing within the seas appertaining to our 
ancient bounds and limits ? Where now, to our great shame 
and reproach, some of them do come in a manner home to 
our doors; and among them all, deprive us yearly of many 
hundred thousand pounds, which by our fishermen using the 
said fishings as chief, we might enjoy; and at length, by little 
and little, bring them (if we would deal so rigorously with 
them) to have as little portion of our peculiar commodity (to 

?Aut?576l Robert Hitchcock's Poz/r/c /'z^r. 4^ 

our Islandish Monarchy, by GOD and Nature assigned) as 
now they force our fishermen to be contented with : and 
yearly notwithstanding, do at their fishing openly and 
ragingly use such words of reproach to our Prince and 
realm, as no true subject's heart can quietly digest. And 
besides that, offer such shameful wrongs to the good labour- 
some people of this land, as is not by any reason to be 
borne withal, or endured any longer: destroying their nets ; 
cutting their cables to the loss of their anchors, yea, and often- 
times of barks, men and all. 

And this sort of people they be, which otherwhile by colour 
and pretence of coming about their feat of fishing, do subtilly 
and secretly use soundings and searchings of our channels, 
deeps, shoals, banks, or bars along the sea coasts, and in our 
haven mouths also, and up in our creeks, sometimes in our 
bays, and sometimes in our roads, &c. ; taking good marks, 
for avoiding of the dangers, and also trying good landings. 
And so, making perfect charts of all our coasts round about 
England and Ireland, are become almost perfecter in 
them, than the most part of our Masters, Leadsmen, or Pilots 
are. To the double danger of mischief in times of war ; and 
also to no little hazard of the State Royal, if, maliciously 
bent, they should purpose to land any puissant army, in time 
to come. 

And as concerning those fishings of England, Wales, and 
Ireland, of their places, yearly seasons, the many hundreds 
of foreign fisherboats yearly resorting, the divers sorts of fish 
there taken, with the appurtenances: I know right well that 
long ago* all such matter concerning these fishings was 
declared unto some of the higher powers of this Kingdom, 
and made manifest by R[obert]. H[itchcock]. another 
honest gentleman of the Middle Temple, who very discreetly 
and faithfully hath dealt therein ; and still travaileth, and by 
divers other ways also, to further the weal public of England 
so much as in him lieth. 

But note, I pray you, this point very advisedly. That as 
by this Plat* of our said fishing commodities, many a 
hundred thousand pounds of yearly revenue might grow to the 
Crown of England more than now doth, and much more to 

• This work was put into its final shape in 1577, and first printed in 

D 6 

50 Treasure, Enjoyment, Fame. [j^'^J; ,^^ 

the commons of this Monarchy also : besides the inestimable 
benefit of plentiful victualling and relieving of both England 
and Ireland ; the increasing of many thousands of expert, 
hard, and hardy mariners; the abating of the sea forces of our 
foreign neighbours and unconstant friends ; and contrariwise, 
the increasing of our own power and force at sea ; so it is 
most evident and certain that principium in this case is, Plus 
quam dimidiiiin totius, as I have heard it verified proverbially 
in many other affairs. 

Wherefore the very entrance and beginning towards our 
Sea Right recovering, and the foresaid commodities enjoying 
at length ; yea, and the only means of our countinuance 
therewith, can be no other ; but by the dreadful presence 
and power, with discreet oversight and due order, of the said 
Petty Navy Royal ; being — wholly sometimes, sometimes a 
part thereof — at all the chief places of our fishings ; as if 
they were Public Officers, Commissioners, and Justiciers, by 
the supreme authority royal of our most renowned Queen 
Elizabeth, rightfully and prudently thereto assigned. 

So that this Petty Navy Royal is thought to be the only 
Master Key wherewith to open all locks that keep out or 
hinder this incomparable British Empire from enjoying, by 
many means, such a yearly Revenue of Treasure, both to the 
Supreme Head and the subjects thereof — as no plat [tract] of 
ground or sea in the whole world else, being of no greater 
quantity — can with more right, greater honour, with so great 
ease and so little charges, so near at hand, in so short time, 
and in so little danger, any kind of way, yield the like to 
either King or other potentate and absolute Governor thereof 
whosoever. Besides, the Peaceable Enjoyment, to enjoy all 
the same, for ever ; yea, yearly and yearly, by our wisdom 
and valiantness duly used, all manner of our commodities to 
arise greater and greater ; as well in wealth and strength as of 
foreign love and fear, where it is most requisite to be : and 
also of Triumphant Fame the whole world over, undoubtedly. 

Also, this Petty Navy Royal will be the perfect means of 
very many other and exceeding great commodities redounding 
to this Monarchy; which our fishermen and their fisher-boats 
only, can never be able to compass or bring to pass : and 

PAug-^'ye.] An a. B. C. of national prosperity. 51 

those being such as are more necessary to be cared for 
presently [instantly] than wealth. 

Therefore, the premises well weighed, above and before all 
other, this Plat [plan] of a Petty Navy Royal will, by GOD's 
grace, be found the plain and perfect A. B. C, most necessary 
for the commons and every subject in his calling to be 
carefully and diligently musing upon, or exercising himself 
therein; till, shortly, they maybe able in effect to read before 
their eyes, the most joyful and pleasant British histories (by 
that Alphabet only deciphered, and so brought to their 
understanding and knowledge) that ever to this or any 
kingdom in the whole world else, was known or perceived. 

11. Furthermore, how acceptable a thing may this be to 
the Ragusyes [Argosies], Hulks, Caravels, and other foreign rich 
laden ships, passing within or by any of the sea limits of Her 
Majesty's royalty ; even there to be now in most security 
where only, heretofore, they have been in most jeopardy : as 
well by the ravin of the pirate, as the rage of the sea 
distressing them, for lack of succour, or good and ready 
pilotage ! What great friendship in heart of foreign Prince 
and subject ! And what liberal presents and foreign con- 
tributions in hand will duly follow thereof, who cannot 
imagine ? 

12. Moreover, such a Petty Navy Royal, said he, would be 
in such stead, as though (a) one [fleet] were appointed to 
consider and listen to the doings of Ireland; and (b) another 
to have as good an eye, and ready hand for Scottish dealings; 
(c) another to intercept or understand all privy conspiracies, 
by sea to be communicated; and privy aids of men, munition, 
or money by sea to be transported; to the endamaging of this 
kingdom, any way intended : (d) another against all sudden 
foreign attempts : (e) another to oversee the foreign fisher- 
men : (f) another against all pirates haunting our seas : and 
therewith as well to waft and guard our own merchant fleets 
as they shall pass and repass between this realm, and 
wheresoever else they may best be planted for their ordinary 
marts' keeping ; if England may not best serve that turn. 
And also to defend, help, and direct many of our foreign 
friends, who must needs pass by or frequent any of those seas, 
whose principal royalty, undoubtedly, is to the Imperial 
Crown of these British Islands appropriate. 

52 Four times stronger than Calais. Kui.'i^: 

One such Navy, said he, by royal direction, excellently well 
manned, and te all purposes aptly and plentifully furnished 
and appointed ; and now, in time of our peace and quiet 
every where, yet beforehand set forth to the foresaid seas with their 
charges and commissions (most secretly to be kept from all 
foes and foreigners) would stand this common wealth in as 
great stead as four times so many ships would or could do ; 
if, upon the sudden and all at once, we should be forced to 
deal for removing the foresaid sundry principal matters of 
annoyance : we being then utterly unready thereto, and the 
enemy's attempt requiring speedy, and admitting of no 
successive, defeating. 

13. To conclude herein. This Petty Navy Royal un- 
doubtedly will stand the realm in better stead than the 
enjoying of four such forts or towns as Calais and Boulogne 
only could do. For this will be as great strength, and to as 
good purpose in any coast of England, Ireland, or Scotland, 
between us and the foreign foe, as ever Calais was for that 
only one place that it is situated in; and will help to enjoy 
the Royalty and Sovereignty of the Narrow Seas throughout, 
and of other our seas also, more serviceable than Calais or 
Boulogne ever did or could do : if all the provisos hereto 
appertaining be duly observed. Forasmuch as we intend now 
peace only preserving, and no invasion of France or any enemy 
on that main inhabiting; toward whom by Calais or Boulogne 
we need to let in our land forces, &c. Much I know may be 
here said, Pro et Contra, in this case: but GOD hath suffered 
such matters to fall so out ; and all to us for the best, if it be 
so, thankfully construed and duly considered. 

For when all foreign Princes, our neighbours, doubtful 
friends, or undutiful people, subjects or vassals to our 
Sovereign, perceive such a Petty Navy Royal hovering 
purposely here and there, ever ready and able to overthrow 
any of their malicious and subtle secret attempts intended 
against the weal public of this noble Kingdom in any part or 
coast thereof: then, every one of them will or may think 
that, of purpose, that Navy was made out only to prevent 
them, and none other; and for their destruction, being 
bewrayed [betrayed] as they would deem. So that not one 
such foreign enemy would adventure, first, to break out into 
any notable disorder against us ; nor homish subject oi 

uiigJ^iljJ The Dutch came first about 1540 a.d. 53 

wavering vassal, for like respects, durst, then, privily muster 
to rebellion, or make harmful rodes [inroads] or dangerous 
riots in any English or Irish Marches. 

But such matter as this, I judge you have, or might have 
heard of, ere now, by worshipful Master Dyer; and that 
abundantly : seeing Synopsis ReipubliccB BritaniccB, was, at his 
request, six years past [i.e., in 1570] contrived ; as by the 
methodical author thereof, I understand. Whose policy for 
the partings, meetings, followings, circuits, &c., of the ships 
(to the foresaid Petty Navy Royal belonging) with the 
alterations both of times, places, and numbers, &c., is very 
strange to hear. 

So that, in total sum of all the foresaid considerations 
united in one, it seemeth to be almost a mathematical 
demonstration, next under the merciful and mighty protection 
of GOD, for a feasible poHcy to bring and preserve this 
victorious British Monarchy in a marvellous security. 
Whereupon, the revenue of the Crown of England and wealth 
public will wonderfully increase and flourish ; and then, 
thereupon, sea forces anew to be increased proportionally, &c. 
And so the Fame, Renown, Estimation, and Love or Fear of 
this British Microcosmus, all the whole and great World over, 
will be speedily be spread, and surely be settled, &c. 

T IS most earnestly and carefully to be considered that 
our herring fishings, [over] against Yarmouth chiefly, 
have not (so notably, to our great injury and loss and 
the great and incredible gain of the Low Countries) 
been traded, but from Thirty-six years ago hitherward. [This 
fixes the commencement of the Dutch herring fishery on the English 
coasts about 1540.] In which time, as they have in Though of latc 
wealth, and numbers of boats and men, by little and LnK"'*"'"" 
little increased, and are now become very rich, F°""f'T''^ 

' . •' P troublesome 

strong, proud, and violent; so, m the race [course] 01 disorders, 
the selfsame time running, the coasts of Norfolk and It^mgove^^ 
Suffolk next to those fishing-places adjacent, are o/^f^^ff^ 
decayed in their navy to the number of 140 Sail, and ^°'^ f^l"^ 
they [of] from threescore to a hundred tons and up- thk lon^'Sn. 
wards [each] ; besides Crayers and others. Where- ^^'fthenv' 
upon, besides many other damages thereby sustained selves privately 

11-11 11 1T11 rich ; and so 

publicly, these coasts are not able to trade to Iceland, abie to $« 

54 Foreign Fisheries on our coasts, [j^ij;,^: 
forth to Ice- j^g ijj times past they have done; to no little loss 

land a ship or r ,i"^it- ri-i- i 

two: who, yearly to the wealth public oi this kingdom, 
farunabie"' But the Hemng Busses hither yearly restoring 
u.e'rown^ out of the Low Countries, under King Philip his 
ilt^uh^de dominion, are above 500. 
of dealing. Besides 100 or such a thing, of Frenchmen. 

The North Seas fishing, within the English limits, are yearly 
possessed of 300 or 400 Sail of Flemings [Dutch] ; so accounted. 

The Western fishings of Hake and Pilchards are yearly pos- 
sessed by a great navy of Frenchmen; who yearly do great in- 
juries to our poor countrymen, Her Majesty's faithful subjects. 

Strangers also enjoy at their pleasure the Herring fishing 
of AUonby, Workington, and Whitehaven on the coast of 

And in Wales, about Dyfi [the Dovey] and Aberystwith, the 
plentiful Herring fishing is enjoyed by 300 Sail of strangers. 

But in Ireland, Baltimore [near Cape Clear] is possessed 
yearly, from July to Michaelmas most commonly, with 300 
Sail of Spaniards, entering there into the fishing at a Strait 
[passage] not so broad as half the breadth of the Thames [over] 
against Whitehall. Where, our late good King Edv^^ard VI. 's 
most honourable Privy Council was of the mind once to have 
planted a strong bulwark [fort] ; for other weighty reasons, 
as well as His Majesty to be Sovereign Lord of the fishing 
of Millwin and Cod there. 

Black Rock [? co. Cork] is yearly fished by 300 or sometimes 
400 Sail of Spaniards and Frenchmen. 

But to reckon all, I should be too tedious to you ; and 
make my heart to ache for sorrow, &c. 

Yet surely I think it necessary to leave to our posterity 
some remembrance of the places where our rich fishings else 
are, about Ireland. As at Kinsale, Cork, Carlingford, 
Saltesses, Dungarven, Youghal, Waterford, La Foy, The 
Band, Calibeg [Killibegs], &c. And all chiefly enjoyed, as 
securely and freely from us by strangers, as if they were 
within their own Kings' peculiar sea limits : nay, rather as 
if those coasts, seas, and bays, &c., were of their private and 
several purchases. To our unspeakable loss, discredit, and 
discomfort ; and to no small further danger in these 
perilous times, of most subtle treacheries and fickle fidelity. 
Dictum, Sapienti sat esto. 


Dean William Turner, 
Doctor of Physic. 

Notes on Wines used in England, 

[A New Book of the Nature and 
properties of all IVines, &"(. 


To the Right Honourable 
Sir WILLLIAM CECIL, Knight, Chief 
Secretary unto the Queen's Majesty ; and Master 
of Her Highness's Court of Wards and 
Liveries &c., and sometime his co- 
student in the University of 
Cambridge : 
William Turner wisheth all prosperity, both of 
body and soul, through Jesus Christ 

our Saviour. 

Fter that I perceived that my age, joined with 
continual sickness, would suffer me no more to 
be profitable to Christ's Church and common 
wealth by my voice, words, and going abroad : 
I thought it meet by such members and means as GOD 
hath left in me as yet unhurt and untouched, for that 
portion of living [life] that I have, to profit the Church of 
GOD as much as I could. And therefore, within these 
twelve months, I have translated one book out of Latin into 

56 Working at the end of a good life, [^"'^m.' 

English ; and have written one Homily against Gluttony 
and Drunkenness and other vices annexed thereto ; and 
have set them abroad for the promoting and increasing the 
Kingdom of GOD. 

I thought also, seeing that GOD hath also endued me 
with the knowledge of bodily physic ; after that I had 
sought to promote the Kingdom of GOD, to communicate 
some part of my knowledge that GOD hath given unto me 
in natural knowledge unto my brethren that had need 

But when as I perceived that there was so much use of 
Wine in all countries [counties] of England ; and so many 
errors committed in the abusing of it, both of the most part 
of the laity, and also of some of the learned that profess 
natural knowledge, I thought I should do no small benefit 
unto the Church and common wealth of England, if that I 
should set out a book of the Nature of Wines ; and confute 
the errors and ill opinions that all men have concerning the 
natures and properties of them. 

And this book have I now ended, and dedicate unto your 
Honour, for a token of the good will that I bear unto you ; 
desiring you also to be a Patron of it, against all such 
babbling and unlearned Sophisters as will speak against it ; 
not being armed with learning, authority, and reason, but 
only with their old sophistry, which they learned in the time 
of ignorance and darkness. If these will be too busy in 
defending their errors, and will go about to defend them and 
confute the truth that I have taught in this book : if that 
I can have, by the help of GOD, granted unto me any truce 
between me and my disease, I intend to put you to small 
pain in the defending of my book; for I have been matched 
with as big men as these be, I thank GOD ! and well have 
escaped without dishonour. But if my sickness will not 
suffer me to do it that I would otherwise do, then I must 
desire you and others of my friends to defend me, so far forth 
as I defend the truth. 

W. Turner."! 

Different Wines drunk in England. 57 

The following few Notes are extracted from many quotations of the 
medical opinions of the Ancients, to show the kinds of Wine in use in 
England in 1568. 

Ines may be numbered and divided either by the 
country and places that they grow in ; or by their 
colours; or by their youth or age; or by their 
taste, smell, and property that they have ; and 
some of the manner of making. Every one of 

these kinds may be divided again into certain other special 

sorts or under-kinds. 

Some wine is called Creticum from Creta, which is named 

in English, Candy. Some is called Grecium from Greet a. 

Some Rhenish, because it groweth besides the Rhine. Some 

Gailicum, that is French Wine, because it groweth in 

France. And some Rhceticum because it groweth in Rhcetia. 

And so a great sort of other wines have their names of the 

countries or places where as they grow. 

Ow SOME men that read this book, acknowledging 
themselves to be my scholars, would learn of me, 
because I teach Englishmen in this English book, 
what kinds of wines are of this sort ? 
I answer, that neither Sack, Malmsey, Muscadel, neither 
Glared [Claret], French nor Gascony wine — though they be 
most used here in England at this time — are such wines as 
Galen speaketh of here ; but Rhenish wine that is racket 
[racked] and clear, and Rochelle and Sebes and other small 
[thin] white wines that are clear from their grounds. There- 
fore to them that are disposed unto the headache, amongst 
all new wines, these above-named small wines are least 
hurtful, and may be taken with less jeopardy. 

If any contend that French, Glared and Gascony wines, 
and other wines as strong as Gascony is, do as little hurt to 
the head as these wines do ; I answer that the French, 
Glared and Gascony wines are not thin and subtle, but 
strong, thick, and hot. 

0th French, Glared and Gascony Glared wines are 

of grosser and thicker substance, and hotter of 

complexion than white Rhenish wine and white 

French wines be of : therefore they breed the stone 

more than white Rhenish and white French wines do. 

58 Wines bad for the Stone. [^- '^'^• 

The Rhenish wine that is commonly drunken in gentle- 
men's houses and citizens' houses is commonly a year old at 
the least, before it be drunken : and therefore it is older than 
the common Glared wine, which dureth not commonly above 
one year ; and if Rhenish wine be drunken within the year, 
it is commonly racked before it is drunken : therefore for two 
causes it hath fewer dregs and less terresity or gross earthli- 
ness than the Glared wine hath, and therefore breedeth the 
stone less than the Glared wine that is commonly drunk in 
gentlemen's houses doth. 

Itherto Dioscorides, whose words when he 
speaketh of the wholesomeness of wines against 
poisons, and the bitings and stingings of vene- 
mous beasts, must be understanded of Muscadine, 
Sack, Malmsey, and Bastard, and such hot wines : which, 
by reason of their heat, enter further into the body, and 
more speedily ; and are better against cold poisons than 
colder wines be. 

Ow, GOOD reader ! seeing that Almighty GOD, 
our heavenly Father, hath given thee this noble 
creature of Wine, so many ways profitable for 
our bodies and minds, thank Him with all thy 
heart ! not only for it, but also for that He hath sent learned 
physicians to tell thee how, in what measure, and in what 
time thou shouldest use them, and not use them ; and for 
what complexions and ages they are good, and for what 
complexions and ages they are evil. 

If thou take any harm in misusing this noble creature of 
GOD ; blame not Him! but thine own self that hast abused 
it ; contrary to His will, and to the learning of His officers 
and servants that taught thee the right use of it. 
Honour be given to GOD for ever I Amen. 

:a j^oUtit i^lat for 

the honour of the Princey the 

great profit of the public Statey 

relief of x\z poor, pregfertation of 

tlje ri'clj, reformation of ro0we0 

and iDle per^onsJ, anU tlje toealtlj 

of tt)oui3(antJ0 t!)at fenoto not l)oto 

to libe* Written for a iv^w Tear'i 

Gift to cBnglanD, anti tlje inljabi^ 

tants thereof i lip Robert 

Hitchcock^ late of Cater0s 

fiela in tlje Count? 

of Buckingl)am, 


fmprinted at London, by 

lohn Kyngston, 

I January, 





m€~i^ ^cMi^ 'Jid^€i^ ^t?A*m K^tc-a ^mi^ ^mm^ m^t:^ ^^^m m^t^i 

To the friendly Reader. 

Orasmuch as the Almighty GOD hath htes^ed and 
enriched this noble Kingdom with the sweet dew of His 
heavenly goodness; and stored therein many hidden rich 
and pleasant treasures for our benefits, to reveal unto us 
when His good pleasure is : I think therefore, every man is rather 
born to profit his native soil and common weal in revealing the same 
secrets and hidden treasure to his country, if they be showed [to] 
him ; than to seek after his own private gain and glory thereby. 
So I have taken upon me, good gentle Reader, to unfold some oj 
the same hidden treasures to my country ; which I suppose is mani- 
fested unto me. Albeit there be a great number that can more 
sweetly, and with pleasanter words and sugared style, than I, set out 
the matter to thee, if they knew it, in far better method and order; 
yet the zeal and duty I bear to my country, being partly fed with 
hope of thy good patience, gentle Reader, and partly emboldened with 
the forewarning that Ecclesiastes c. ii. giveth, which is, That no 
man shall be condemned before his tale be told, and inquisition 
thereof made : whereby righteous judgement may thereof follow 
lest he, as SOLOMON sayeth, Procure to himself folly and 
shame, in giving sentence of a matter before he hear it : 

These things, I say, have moved me to put forth my simple mind 
in writing to my country ; and praying thee, of thy good courtesy, 
to peruse it, and to thoroughly weigh the depths thereof in the 

62 The Preface. [fj^SS"'" 

balance of thy grave judgement : and if thou find the pith and 
carnel [kernel] of my labour fruitful to thee and thy country, as I 
doubt nothing thereof but thou shalt ; then may it be, that it hath 
pleased GOD to pour out His knowledge as well upon a soldier as 
upon a great clerk, for now and then wisdom may be shrouded under 
an unclean cloak. And I doubt not also, but the same reasons and 
duty that bound me these many years to travail in this action, to my 
great cost and charge, to find out the way and perfection thereof, 
shall also bind thee and move thee effectually to favour it; to further 
it in the Parliament House ; and to defend my imperfection against 
a sort of MoMUSsect and ZoiLUS' band, that can rather find fault 
with the man than with the matter, be it never so well, or any way 
put to their helping hands to amend the same {if it be not orderly). 
My care hath been to please my country, and the honest and grave 
sort thereof ; which if this my travail shall do and content, I have 
cause to thank Almighty GOD for it, and think my time well 

For in this little book, gentle Reader, thou shalt find (if the 
same be executed according to law) it importeth much matter, 
bringing great plenty and much wealth and benefit to all the inhabi- 
tants of this realm ; it provideth for the poor in honest and decent 
manner, bringing them to a good and a godly vocation of life : with 
many other special benefits to this kingdom and commonwealth ; 
which for tediousness' sake, lest I weary thee, I refer thee to the 
book itself, where they mayest at large see them with the eye, judge 
them by thy good discretion, wisdom and favour, and further 
them by thy good help and assistance at convenient time. 

So fare thee heartily well, 

Robert H i tchcocke. 


The Epistle to England, 

Or me, O noble and renowned England ! to write 
to Thee, that hath bred and brought forth so many 
famous, honourable, wise, and learned men ; who 
be not only most expert in all politic government, 
but also most happily furnished each way with all manner of 
knowledge, cunning, and wisdom, thoroughly seen in all the 
noble sciences and arts liberal: both Thou and they may 
think, and think truly, overmuch boldness and mere arrogancy 
in me, that neither am furnished of good letters, knowledge, 
histories, or other means to make a plausible way of that, or 
for that I wish should have good success at Thy hands, or of 
good opinion at theirs. Much more I am afraid lest Thou 
hold it outrage and presumption for me to dedicate unto Thee, 
and trouble Thee with the patronage and defence of this my 
device ; a fruitless thing, as some may deem it, before it be 
thoroughly considered of them. 

But since I am void of presumption, all manner of ways 
(GOD be my record), and am one of Thine own brood, 
fostered up with the fat of Thy loins ; and take not upon me 
to discourse of vanities, but of the setting out of part of Thy 
flowing goodness that hath so embalmed this thy region with 
secret riches : though a world of eyes be poring in my face, I 
trust in Thy own cause and for Thine own sake, and [thcj 
goodness of the matter itself, and for such reasons and 
arguments as I have set down, to find a great number of 
willing hearts, and well disposed minds — that with open 
mouth will confess the invention sound and good ; and the 
means to bringing it to pass, both easy and profitable — to 

64 The Epistle to England. [^- "»„ 

R. Hitchcock 


further their native soil and the benefit thereof, with this 
my simple action I take in hand of displaying part of Thy 

And, therefore, the grave and wise men of this land, of 
their good grace and favour, I trust undoubtedly will accept, 
and take in good part, this my good will and long travail, and 
shroud and defend me and my book, under the wings of their 
wisdom, as under a sure anchor-hold, against the rash opinions 
of those that rather wilfully than wisely will imagine no 
politic provision can come from the sconse [btdwark] of a 
soldier that hath trailed the pike. 

But as GOD raiseth instruments to set out His glory in 
divers ways, and by divers degrees ; so let it not be grievous 
to Thee, O England ! nor to the better sort of men, that one 
of Thine own, though not so finely as others, do set abroad 
part of Thy riches, wealth, and glory to enrich Thy own 
peculiar people withal ; and hath opened the golden stream 
of Thy secret storehouse to the inhabitants of the same. But 
likewise, open Thou 1 by Thy divine providence the hearts of 
the wise, grave, and rich of this land that they will affect it, 
embrace it, put their helping hands to it, and willingly 
further it by all possible means they can, for the common 
profit of the inhabitants. Inasmuch as, by GOD's means, 
so great a benefit is offered with small care, little toil, and no 
cost ; to make all this land blessed, the people thereof happy, 
strong, and invincible. 

If I should particularly discourse the several commodities 
that flow from it, in particularity, and the number of all sorts 
of people within this land, that shall be maintained thereby; 
I should but weary you with a long tale, and keep you from 
the matter I desire you should know. 

Therefore commending the goodness thereof to your wisdom, 
and me [myself] to your favourable exposition, I end. 
Yours humbly, in all that I may, at commandment 
during life, for the honour of Prince and country, 
Robert Hitchcocke. 

F Hitchcock 



;] Recommendatory Poem. 


CFrancis Hitchcock. 
To the readers of this^ his brother s book. 

S THEY of all most praise deserve, 

That first with pen did show ; 
To us the sacred Word of God, 
Whereby His will we know : 
So many thanks are due to those. 

That beat their restless brain, 
To profit all both old and young, 

That in this land remain. 
Amongst the rest that well deserve. 

Account the Author one: 
Who by his toil hath here offered 

To all, excepting none, 
A banquet great, that savoureth sweet. 

To such as hungry be ; 
Withouten cost, for aye to last, 

To people of each degree. 
Shake now the tree ! and taste the fruit ! 

Of this his New Year's Gift : 
Till purse be full, and strings do brake 

With gold and groats of thrift. 
Prepare thee then a grateful heart, 

And sound the trump of fame : 
In recompense of his good will 

That Hitchcock hath to name. 
Thus loth to keep thee from thy meat, 

Wherewith I wish thee fed : 
I stay my pen, and so farewell ! 

The table now is spread. 



Hitchcock's New Tears Gift to E?2gland. 

He great care that the Queen's Majesty 
and her noble progenitors have taken to 
banish and root out of their dominions 
that loathsome monster Idleness (the 
mother and breeder of vagabonds) is most 
apparent by their wholesome laws and pro- 
visions, made from time to time; beginning 
at the worthy reign of King Edward III., 
King Richard II., and so descending to Her Majesty's most 
prudent and virtuous government : wherein as well public 
provisions hath been to help the common weal, as some sharp 
and severe punishment provided, if common policy would not 
serve. Yet, nevertheless, all these laws, so circumspectly 
made, could not, nor cannot banish that pestilent canker 
out of this common weal by any degree ; but that the same 
increaseth daily more and more : to the great hurt and 
impoverishing of this realm. 

For remedy whereof. Almighty GOD, by the most 
commodious situation of this Island, and His blessings, both 
of the land thereof, and of the sea wherewith it is environed, 
hath provided a most convenient mean[s] ; both for labour for 
the idle, and for food, benefit, and riches for the inhabitants. 
Whereby, the lusty vagabonds and idle persons (the roots, 
buds, and seeds of idleness) shall at all hands and in all 
places be set on work, and labour willingly, and thereby prove 
good subjects, and profitable members of this common weal. 
This realm and the inhabitants bordering as well upon the sea 
as upon the land throughout the same, in short time to be marvel- 
lously enriched. Nine thousand mariners more than now pre- 


68 Results proposed in this Design. p"'''''^^J: 

sently there is, to serve in Her Majesty's ships at all times, 
if need be. The coins of gold and silver that issue Read the 
plentifully out of this realm, to stay and abide within ^pthe^'^ 
this land: for restraint whereof both Her Highness ^^;^|33 
and her noble progenitors have made divers laws vin. c. 2. 
and statutes, but yet never could do the same. A ready 
means to cause foreign wares to be brought hither. Her 
Majesty's custom and subsidies greatly augmented. Her navi- 
gation [shipping] greatly increased. The towns bordering on 
the sea coasts, now in ruins and void of EngHsh inhabitants, to 
be peopled and inhabited by Her Majesty's own peculiar sub- 
jects; to the great strength of this realm, and terror of the enemy. 

Besides the help that shall be ministered to two hundred 
[and] twenty and five decayed towns [ ? villages] in England 
and Wales ; with a stock [capital] of two hundred pounds to every 
decayed town to set the poor on work. And to eight principal 
Port towns within this land, appointed for sundry causes 
appertaining to this Plat eight thousand pounds; which is to 
every principal Port town one thousand pounds, to be a stock 
for ever. Besides four hundred fishing ships to continue for 
ever. And two good Ships of War, furnished warlike, to defend 
the fishing ships. All which things, GOD willing, may be 
performed within three years, without cost or charge to any 
man, as by this Plat shall appear. And also an infinite 
number of people, as well rich and poor, set to work by divers 
means and degrees ; which things will relieve many a 
poor man, and save many a tall fellow from the gallows. 

For performance whereof. First, there must be made four 
hundred fishing ships, after the manner of Flemish Busses, of 
the burden of three score and ten tons the ship, or more, but 
none under : which will cost two hundred pounds the ship, 
with the furniture ; if it be ready furnished to the sea in all 
things necessary. Every ship requireth one skilful Master to 
govern it, twelve mariners or fishermen, and twelve of the 
strong lusty beggars or poor men taken up through this land. 

Which in the whole, amounteth to the number of ten 
thousand persons, at the first manning of the ships. So that 
with a little experience, this realm hath clearly increased 
nine thousand mariners more than were in this land before. 

These ships so made, furnished, and manned must be ap- 
pointed to such roads and haven towns as border upon the sea 

^' ?"^^i379'] Proposed Method OF Fishing. 69 

coasts compassingthis realm round about ; beginning at London, 
and so orderly proceeding, according to the Table hereunto 
annexed. And being thus placed, having with them to the 
seas for their victuals, sufficient bread, beer, butter, and cheese ; 
with barrels (empty), caske, and salt ; with order also not to 
return until they be fully ladened : shall go yearly a fishing and 
kill herrings upon the coasts of England and Ireland, presently 
and always as they kill them, to gill them, salt, pickle, and 
barrel them, after the Flemish manner, with "salt upon salt,"^ 
which is the best kind of salt. And shall fish for herrings yearly 
during the time of herring fishery, which is fourteen or fifteen 
weeks. In which time, by GOD's grace, every ship will 
kill, at the least, fifty last of the best sort of herrings ; 
amounting in the whole to twenty thousand last. Every 
last, being sold but for ;^io, which is i6s. 8d. the barrel, 
draweth to ^f 200,000 yearly for the best herrings only. Per- 
haps they may laden their ships twice yearly with herrings ; 
and then this sum is doubled in that time of herring fishing. 
And to the end that the herrings shall be wholesome for 
the subject, stranger, or for whomsoever shall buy them, and 
that the good usage thereof may gain credit where they shall 
happen to be uttered, they shall account in making of their 
herrings upon the sea, so as sixteen barrels made there, make 
but twelve barrels at their home coming to their several 
ports ; when they shall be new sorted, severed, couched, and 
truly and justly packed by such honest and substantial men 
as shall be sworn and purposely chosen for that intent, and 
they to have two pence of every barrel, according to the 
statute for that purpose provided : dividing the full herrings 
into two several sorts, marking the biggest and best herrings 
with this several mark B : the second, with the second mark 
M : also the shotten herrings [empty herrings, that have cast 

' John Collins in Salt and Fishery S^c, 1682, j!^. 13, thus describes 
Sa/i tcpon Salt, or Salt made by refining of foreign Salt. 

The Dutch, above fifty years since (finding the ill quantities and efTects 
of French salt, both as to fishery uses and for curing of flesh for long 
voyages ; besides the discolouring of butter and cheese) prohibited the 
use thereof by law : and being at war with Spain, traded to Portugal, St. 
Tubas, and the Isle of May for salt, granulated or kemelled merely by 
the heat and vigour of the sun ; and fell to the refining thereof at home 
by boiling it up v/ith sea water, and thereby cleansing it of three ill qualities, 
to wit, dirt, sand, and bitterness. 

70 120,000 Barrels will serve England, p- 

? 1579- 

their spawn] with this proper mark, S. To the end, no man 
may be abused. Every barrel containing two and thirty 
gallons, according to the statute made 22 Edward IV. c. 2, 
which twelve barrels make a last. 

Out of which said number of 20,000 last of herrings, nine or 
ten thousand last, will be a sufficient rate or portion to satisfy 
this whole realm. The residue, being 10,000 or 11,000 last, 
drawing to jTioOjOOO, being ordered as aforesaid, will be of as 
great estimation in France, as the Flemish herrings be : and 
will be sold and uttered in divers parts of that region ; as in 
Normandy, in Nantes, in Bordeaux, and in Rochelle. And the 
further south that the countries do lie, the better utterance for 
fish. For these herrings, return will be made of all such 
necessaries as we want in this realm, viz., wine and woods 
(for which is always paid ready gold). Salt, Canvas, Vitere [glass], 
Dowlais, and divers other things. The custom also for the 
Queen's Majesty, being paid upon every last of that [which] 
shall be transported and sold beyond the sea, cometh to ;£'5,ooo, 
after the rate of poundage, for this number of herrings only. 

The other part of this great blessing of GOD may aptly be 
taken and applied, viz., these 400 Busses or fishing ships, 
may take cod and ling and New[found]land fish : the ad- 
vantage and profit whereof, this realm and subjects, of late 
years, for the most part, have lost, and suffered strangers 
(the Flemings and other nations) to take. Who, seeing our 
careless dealing, have not only taken this beneficial fishing 
from us, but very warily doth sell the same commodity 
unto us ; and thereby carrieth out of this land both gold and 
silver and a marvellous quantity of double double beer, and 
other things : satisfying us with these fishes, which through 
our own sloth, we lose ; which being taken by ourselves, as a 
special blessing of GOD appointed unto us, and so sold to 
them and others, it must needs follow that we should save a 
a great mass of gold within this land. And for that fish they 
now utter unto us, we should receive of them the commodities 
of the Low Countries, viz., Holland cloth, rape oil, hops, 
madder, all sorts of wire, and divers other merchandise ; or 
else their ready gold and money, whereby this realm and 
subjects should be mightily enriched. 

This great benefit is no less to be valued for the profit of 
this realm and subjects, than the benefit [only] of the herrings. 

^"'""^isS"] Fishing Voyages to Newfoundland, yi 

For every ship, being but of the burden of 70 tons, if GOD bless 
it with safe return from Newfoundland, will bring home to his 
port in August, 20,000 of the best and middle sort of wet [fresh] 
fish (at the least) called blank fish, and 10,000 dry fish ; which 
being sold on the ship's return, as it may be, at Newhaven 
[Havre] in France but for forty shillings the hundred of wet 
fish (which is not four pence the fish), and twenty shillings 
the hundred of dry fish (which is not two pence the fish), 
amounteth to ;^500 at the least. 

Likewise any other of the ships, but of the like burden, 
going a fishing to the Ward House [near North Cape], to Ice- 
land, to the North seas of England and Scotland, or to Ireland, 
Cometh home, at the same time, laden with 15,000 cod, and 
10,000 ling : which being sold but for forty shillings the 
hundred, ona with another, amounteth to ;£"500. 

And besides that, every ship will bring home to his port, 
four or five tun of oil made of the fish livers, worth to be sold 
for ^12 the tun. 

The way how this Plat shall be brought to pass and per- 
formed, without cost or charges to any man, is by borrowing 
of £80,000 for three years ; which forty men in a shire will 
and may easily accomplish, if every man lend but 5^50, upon 
good assurance, after the rate of ten pounds yearly upon 
eveiy j^ioo lent : which sums shall be repaid again within 
three years, at two payments. 

In what sort this money shall be levied is set down in the 
first Table following. 

The second Table doth declare to whom, and to what principal 
Port towns the money shall be delivered, how it shall be used, 
who shall give assurance for the same, and therewith provide 
the foresaid ships. 

The third Table doth show to what haven towns these fishing 
ships shall be placed ; and how the money shall be levied to make 
payment of the money borrowed, and to answer all charges. 

And in the fourth Table is set down, how many decayed 
towns, in every shire, shall have a continual stock [capital] 
of £200 a piece, to set the poor on work for ever. Also how 
every man shall be pleased and liberally considered, that shall 
be appointed to the execution of this Plat. And how the pay- 
ments of the money borrowed, with the interest money for the 
time of forbearance, shall be made and paid at two payments. 



The order of borrowing ;i^8o,ooo for 
three years, not charging above 40 
persons in any one shire to lend ;i^So a 
man, of the Lords, Bishops, Knights, 
Gentlemen, Merchants, and other rich 
men spiritual and temporal, in these 
shires following : accounting London 
for a shire ; all South Wales for a 
shire ; and all North Wales for a shire. 
And for that it is for the commonweal, 
the two Parliament Knights and two 
Justices of the Peace of every shire to 
name the parties in every their shires 
that shall lend the money ; and appoint 
one sufficient man of good credit in 
every shire to collect the same money, 
and then to deliver it to the Chief 
Officers of every the eight principal 
Port towns in the next Table. 


The Chief Officers of every of these eight 
principal Port towns hereunder written, 
shall give the seal of every Port town, 
for the assurance of every several sum 
borrowed ; to be repaid within three 
years, at two payments. And with the 
said money to them delivered, shall pro- 
vide fifty ships ready furnished to the 
sea, according to the true meaning 
hereof: and deliver them to the haven 
towns in the next Table, as they be there 
appointed, taking bonds of every the 
same haven towns or fishing towns 
within their charge, for the payment of 
;^I50 for every ship yearly, during three 
years ; with which payment this Plat 
shall be performed, and every man well 
pleased, that shall take pains in the 
execution of the same Plat. 

The Money to be Levied. 

I London 

/ Essex 

i Yorkshire 

(Northumberland \ 
[The] Bishopric [of 
\ Northamptonshire 

The Principal Ports. 

/London, whose\ 
seal, as above writ- 
ten, must be given 
Iby the said Chief Of- 
ficers for the repay- 
ment of the said sum 
to them delirered, 
which sum is ) 


Yarmouth, whoseX 
seal, as above writ- I 
ten, must be given 
by the Chief Officers, 1 /• 
for the repayment of f 
the money to them 
delivered, which 
\sum is 

Hull, whose seal.i 
as above written, 
must be given in by 
the Chief Officers, for h^ 10, 000 
the repayment of the 
money to them deli- 
vered, which sum is/ 

/Newcastle, whose^ 
seal, as above writ- 

I ten, must be given 
Jin by the Chief Of-l /-,£, 
ficers, for the repay- ' •* 
ment of the money 
to them delivered, 

Vwhich sum is 

wherewith \ 
the said 
Chief Offi- 
cers must 
provide 50 
ships of 70 
tons the 
ship, and 
^place them 
wherewith \ 
the said 
Chief Offi- 
cers must 
000 J provide 50 

If i s h i ng 
ships of 70 
tons the 
ship, and 
place them 

the said 
Chief Offi- 
cers must 
provide 50! 
ships of 70 
tons the 1 
ship, and I 

Vplace them' 
the said 
Chief Of- 
ficers must 
provide 50 
f i s h ing r 
ships of 70 
tons the I 
ship, and I 
place them ' 

{jConchtded on 


The Chief Officers of the said eight 
principal Port towns, at May Day next 
after their First Year's receipt, shall 
yearly pay and discharge all fees and 
wages, with other payments in the 
Orders more at large mentioned, both 
of the money borrowed with the 
interest money ; and for making of 
two Ships of War, with their wages, as 
also to the said Port towns ;i{^8,ooo, to 
be a stock for ever. And to the end 
the poor people in all places may be 
speedily relieved ; they shall, out of 
the First Year's receipt, pay to the 
Governors of five decayed towns in 
every shire following ;[f i,ooo, to be a 
stock of ;^200 to cvcry town for ever, 
to set the poor on work. Sum, 
;f 45,000 for 225 decayed towns, 
according to this Table. 
Roads. Ships. Payments. Payments by the Chief Officers. 

These ships must be placed within the 
roads and fishing towns, all along the 
sea coasts, beginning at London, and 
compassing this land by sea, according 
to this Table. The Governors of every 
fishing town must provide one skilful 
Master, twelve fishermen or mariners, 
and twelve poor men to serve in every 
ship, with all needful things ; and then 
set them to the sea to take fish, for the 
profit of their town and the common 
weal. At whose returns, the Governors 
aforesaid shall see that the fish of every 
ship be used, as is declared in the Orders 
of this PlaL Out of which, they shall pay 
for every ship yearly, during three years, 
;^I50 to the Chief Officers of that prin- 
cipal Port town, that placed the said 
ships to these roads following. 

/London S 

I Stepney_ parish 5 

Greenwich 5 

Woolwich 5 

) Arithe [£rrV/r] 5 

(Gravesend 5 

Quinborough 5 

Rochester 5 

Lee 5 

\Malden ».... 5 

/Colchester 5 

Harwich S 

Ipswich 5 

Dunwich 5 

,j Yarmouth 5 

' lOrford 5 

Alborough S 

I Blakeney 5 

VBurnham 5 

/Wells 5 

Lynn S 

Saltfleet 5 

Wainfleet 5 

,, J Boston 5 

*'] Grimsby s' 

Barton 5 

Hull 5 

Beverley S 

Work 5 

fBridlington S 

Whitby 5 

Scarborough 5 

Flamborough 5 

^jj Hartlepool 5 

I Durham c»»t Shields... 5' 

Newcastle 5 

Tynemouth 5 

Holy Island 5 

^Berwick S 

next two pages.) 

f Every town to\ 
[ pay for every 
ship yearly, 
I during three 
years, £,\^o to 
the Chief Offi- 
cers of Lon- 

£,-],Zaa of- 

/London, for fees i^^ao ; and^ 
to the decayed towns in 
Middlesex {,1,000 ; in Essex 
;{Ji,ooo ; In Suffolk, ;£i,ooo ; 
in Hertfordshire, ;Ci,ooo ; 
in Cambridgeshire, ;^i,ooo ; 
in Huntingdonshire, ;^i,ooo; 

Vin Norfolk, £,\,ooo. 

- ;C7>5oo 

^ Every town to\ 
pay for every 
ship yearly, 
during three 
\ years, £\^o to \Cl, 
the Chief Offi- ' 
cers of Yar- 

V Sum 

/Yarmouth, for fees ;^5oo,'\ 
I and for wages to two Ships ) 

of War for the First Year 
of ^ ;^4,ooo, and for the making 

and furnishing of two Ships 

of War to the sea, warUke, [ 



^ Every town to 
pay for every 
ship yearly, 
during three 
years, £i$o to 
the Chief Offi 
cers of Hull. 


/Every town to\ 
pay for every 
ship yearly, 
during these 

■( three years, 
;^i5o to the 
Chief Officers 
of Newcastlf. 


/■Hull, for fees £soo\ to\ 
the decayed towns in York- 
shire, ;^i, 000; in Richmond- 
shire, ;{Ji,ooo ; in Lincoln- 
^7,500 of.^ shire, ;£i,ooo ; in Rutland- f ;C7,50o 
shire, if 1,000 ; in Leicester- 
shire, ;£i,ooo ; in North- 
amptonshire ;{Ji,ooo; and in 

V Warwickshire £1,000. 

'£7,5°° of' 

/■Newcastle, for fees ;t5oo ;\ 
to the decayed towns in 
Northumberland. ;<Ji,ooo; 
in Cumberland, ;Ci,ooo ; in 
Westmoreland, ;iCi,ooo ; in 
[the] Bishopric, ;(|i,ooo ; in 
Nottinghamshire, ;£i,ooo ; 
in Derbyshire, ;Ci,ooo ; and 
in Lancashire, >f 1,000. 



The Money to be Levied. 

The six shires in 
North Wales / 


which said\ 
sum, under 
must be 

unto the 
Chief Offi- 
cers / 


( Continued from 

The Principal Ports. 

/West Chesteri 
{Chester's whose seal, 
as above written, 
must be given by 
of-( the Chief Ofiicers, ^^10,000 
for the repayment of 
the money to them 
delivered, which 
Vsum is 

The six shires in 
South Wales ■ 

f which said 

sum, under 


/• J must be 

■^'°'°°°1 delivered 

I unto the 

I Chief Offi- 


/Bristow [BristolY 
I whose seal, as above 
I written, must be 
I given in by the 
of- Chief Officers, for }-^i 0,000 - 

the repajTnent of 

the money to them 
. delivered, which 
'■sum is 

wherewith " 
the said 
Chief Offi- 
cers must 
provide 50 
ships of 70 
tons the 
ship, and 
. place them. 


/which said 
I sum, under 
I assurance, 
I must be 
unto the 
Chief Offi- 

/Exeter whose seal, 

I as above written, 

I must be given in by 

r J the Chief Officers, 

° \ for the repayment 

of the money to 

I them delivered, 

Vwhich sum is 

'wherewith " 
the said 
Chief Offi- 
cers must 

f J provide 50 

r^'°'°°°i fishing 
ships of 70 
tons the 
ship, and 

> place them J 





I which sald\ 
sum, under 
must be 
unto the 
Chief Offi- 

I of 

Shires... 44. Sum Collected. ..;^8o,ooo. 

whose seal, as above 
written, must be 
given in by the 
Chief Officers, for 
the repajTnent of 
the money to them 
delivered, which 
sum is ' 

'wherewith " 
the said 
Chief Offi- 
cers must 

;^io,o^ -] Pr°^i'^.^ SO 

^ ' fishing 

ships, of 70 
tons the 
ship, and 
^ place them. 

Posts ..8. 

Ships to be made. ..40a 

With the Second Year's receipt the Chief Officers of the said eight principal Port 

for the Second Year, which is 

And also shall make payment of the one half of the money borrowed, which is 

And for the Interest money of the whole sum borrowed for two years 

Sum of the payments the Second Year 

And the said Chief Officers, with the Third Year's receipt in like manner aforesaid, 

which is 

And the wages of the two Ships of War for the same year, which is also 

And likewise they shall pay the other half of the money borrowed, which is 

And for the Interest of that Third Year 

And also ;^ 1,000 to every one of the eight principal Port towns, to be a Stock 
SVM of the Third Year's payments 




tivo previous pages.) 


Ships. Payments. Payments by the Chief pficbrs. 

I Carlisle 5 fEvery town to\ 
Workington 5 pay for every) 
Isleof Man 5 ship yearly, 
Lyrpoole [Liverpool] . 5 during these | 
West Chester Sj 'hree years, 
• \ Beaumaris 5 1 -£^5° to Ae 

Bangor 5 Chief Officers | 

Holyhead 5 ofWESTCnES- 

Camarvon 5 ter. 

VPunthelle [Pwll/ieli]... 5 I -^-i/.l/ 

/West Chester, for fees 

I .^500 • to the decayed towns 

in Cheshire, ;£i,ooo; in 

. , I North Wales, ;£2,ooo ; in 

^7,500 ot g^mjj Wales, £2,000; in 

Monmouthshire, ;{Ii,ooo ; 

and in Herefordshire, 1 

i;^I,000. / 


Gloucester 5 

Bristow 5 

Newport 5 

Bridgewater 5 

Chepstow 5 

■^ CardifiF 5 

Pembroke 5 

Hartforde [ ? ] 5 

Carmarthen 5 

.Padstow 5 

Every town to\ 
pay for every) 
ship, during I 
these three 
years, ;{;i5o to y;£7,Soo o" \ 
the Chief Offi- 
cers of Bris- 1 



/Bristowe, for fees ;^5oo A 
and to the decayed towns) 
in Somersetshire ;£i,ooo : 
in Shropshire, £1,000 ; in \ r ,^ 
Staffordshire £1,000. And/ ''"■' 
for the wages of two Ships 
of War for the Second Year's 

Vservice, £41000. / 


^Yoy lF(rjjey\ 5 .Every town to 

Xmro 5 nav for every 

Melbroke[nr Plymouth] 5 • ■ • • 

Saltash 5 

Penryn 5-; 

Sawkom [Salcomie] ... 5 ' 


Plymouth 5 

Dartmouth S V 

LPoole 5 

I Exeter, for fees £300 ; 
and to the decayed towns 
in Cornwall £1,000 ;i" De- 
vonshire £1,000 ; in Wilt- 
shire, ;^^.°°°i.'" 0'^°^f 
shire, £1.000 ; in Glouces- 
tershire., £1,000; in Wo-; 
cestershire, £1,000; and in 
Dorsetshire, £1,000. 


'Lynn 5 

Weymouth 5 

Newport [I. of W.] ... 5 

Southampton 5 

Portsmouth ... 5 

Chichester S 

Rye 5 

Dover 5 

Faversham 5 

[Sandwich 5 

Roads... 80. 

Every town tO\ 
pay for every 
ship during 
these three 
years, £150 'o 
the Chief Offi- 
cers of South- 
• Sc/M 

Southampton, for fees 
£500 ; [and] to the decayed 
towns in Hampshire 

, £1,000 ; in Susse.x, £1,000; 
£7.500 of' in Kent, £1,000; in Surrey, 

I £1,000 ; in Berkshire, 
£1,000; in Buckingham- 

\ shire, £1,000 ; and in Bed- 
fordshire, £1,000. SU^f 


Sum Yearly. ..£60,000. 

Sum paid by the Chief 
Officers, the First Year, ;^6o,ooo 

towns shall discharge and pay all fees and wages, as beforesaid, 

;^ 1 6, 000 

;/, 60,000 

ihall discharge and pay all fees and wages of the Third Year, ^^^^^ 


(All which in the OliDERS more at large doth appear.) ^4 CCo 

, ;^8,000 

for ever ^ ;{;6o,ooo 

^*TJfl Hi' 

76 Two Chief Officers in each Port. p™*;"^^. 


N PRiMis. Every one of these eight principal Port 
towns, London, Yarmouth, Hull, Newcastle, 
Chester, Bristol, Exeter, and Southampton, must 
have two honest and substantial men of credit, to 
be Chief and Principal Officers of every [of] these 
said ports ; who shall, as Treasurers and Purveyors, jointly 
deal together in all causes to this Plat appertaining. 

First, in receiving all sums of money that be appointed to 
every the said ports, laying it up safely with their town's 
treasure. And therewith to provide fifty fishing ships with 
all things needful for them, ready to the seas, with such 
careful consideration as [if] the money were their own. And 
that every ship be both strong and good, and not under the 
burden of three score and ten tons. And then for to appoint 
them to the roads and haven towns in the third Table of this 
Plat specified ; that is to say, five ships to every fishing town. 
Taking order also that every of these ships may have one 
skilful Master to govern it, twelve mariners coast men or 
fishermen, and twelve poor men taken up to serve in every 
of them. And to take bonds of every town, whereunto the 
said five ships shall be delivered, for the payment of ;^i5o out of 
every ship yearly, during three years. This being done, the 
said five ships shall be given to the fishing town for ever. 
With proviso, that if any ship or ships of the whole number 
miscarry or be lost by any kind of chance or degree : then 
all the rest [of the 400 Busses], viz., every ship of the number 
remaining, shall pa}' Ten Shillings towards the new making of 
every ship so wanting, to the Chief Officers where the ship 
is lacking : with which money they shall provide again one 
other new ship, furnished with all things, as aforesaid. Which 
law shall be kept inviolate amongst them for ever, upon pain 
[of] every ship that shall be found in fault at any time, to 
forfeit for every offence Five Pounds : and the same to be 
levied and received by the order of statute law; but the whole 
benefit to the same town or towns where the ship or ships 
be wanting. 

And the same sixteen Chief Officers shall have allowed 
them for their fees yearly, during the said three years, £"1,600, 

R. Hitchcock.-| Governors of each Fishing Village, "j^j 

that is to every Officer ;^ioo yearly. Also in the end of the 
third year, there shall be given in recompense to every of the 
said eight principal Port towns ;^i,ooo to be a stock, to 
remain in the same towns for ever, as hereafter shall be 

These Busses or fishing ships, thus placed in four score 
fishing towns, as live ships to every fishing town, shall be 
set forth to the seas by the Governors of every several fishing 
town to take fish, as the times and seasons of the year do serve. 

First, in March, having victuals for five months with hooks, 
lines, and salt (provided by the said Governors and their assis- 
tants) they shall be set out to fish for cod and ling, where 
the said Governors by the consent of the town, liketh best ; 
or else to Newfoundland for Newland fish [N ewfowidland 
cod] : and, by the grace of GOD, in August at the furthest, 
they shall come home to their several ports ; ladened with fish 
and train oil made of fish livers. Which fish shall forthwith 
be divided into three equal parts. The first part to the Master 
and fishermen for their pains. The second part to them 
that were at the charges of victuals, salt, lines, and hooks. 
The third part to be laid up under safe keeping, until time 
serve best to sell the same, or to be vented where most profit 
may be made. 

Then again, with all speed, presently after the fish is 
divided, every ship being victualled for six weeks with nets, 
caske, and salt, they must be set out to fish for herrings, 
tarrying upon the seas, until they be fully ladened. Then 
they return again to their several ports, if GOD bless them 
with good luck and a safe return, ladened with fifty last 
of the best herrings. Every ship, if wind and weather serve, 
may return twice ladened with herrings, in that time of 
herring fishing. And always, as the ships with herrings do 
come to their several ports, the said Governors shall cause 
the said herrings to be divided into four equal parts. The 
first part, to the Master and the mariners for their pains. 
The second part, to them that provide the salt and victuals. 
The third part, to them that find the caske and nets. And 
the fourth part, to be laid up under safe keeping until it may 
be vented. Out of the which portion of herrings and of the 
other fish aforesaid shall be paid on the first day of April 
yearly (next after the First Year, that the ships of this Plat 

yS The Auditor for the Accounts, p-"' 


begin to fish) ^^150 for every ship yearly during three years, 
by the Governors of every fishing town that so shall have 
regard of their returns and use of the goods, where the ships 
be placed. Which payment shall be paid to the Chief 
Officers of that principal Port that did place the said five 
ships to the same town. 

And then after the three years be expired, the third part of 
great fish and the fourth part of herrings shall be and remain 
for ever to every fishing town where the fishing ships be at 
the day of the last payment. Out of which, the five ships 
shall yearly be repaired and maintained by every fishing town, 
for the profit of the same town and the benefit of the 
common weal. 

When the herring fishing is past, then, with all convenient 
speed, the Governors aforesaid shall appoint some of their 
ships to take fish upon the coasts of England, Scotland, or 
Ireland : and send other some into France or elsewhere with 
cod, ling, herrings, and Newland fish, there to utter them, 
making return with such commodities as will be best uttered 
here, or else with salt and money. By which return it will 
be time to make ready for the fishing in March, as before. 
Thus the whole year is spent in fishing. 

There must be an Auditor for receiving all accounts that 
shall appertain and depend upon the execution of this Plat : 
such as it shall please the Parliament House to nominate 
and appoint. Who shall receive of the sixteen Chief Officers 
aforesaid ^^800 yearly, during three years, viz., of the Chief 
Officers of every principal Port upon his quittance [of the 
accounts], ;£"ioo for his fee. Which said Auditor must ride 
from every principal Port to other, to see and to provide that 
all and every of the five decayed towns, within every shire in 
England and also twenty decayed towns in Wales have the 
stock of j^200 truly paid to every one of them, according to 
this Plat, and that it be used accordingly, viz., that the 
Governor of every the decayed towns with the said stock of 
5^200 shall diligently and carefully provide yearly such com- 
modities to set the poor on work, as the nature of the country 
doth yield for most profit. And that the poor people that 
laboureth be paid weekly their wages : converting the benefit 
of their travail into the increase of the same stock. And that 
the said Auditor take knowledge how many there be at work 

R. HitchTOck.-| 'Phe Controller, and Preachers. 79 

in every place by that means : and with what commodities 
the said poor people are set to work in every shire. And for 
that there shall be no partiality in naming of the decayed 
towns, the two Parliament Knights, with two Justices of [the] 
Peace in every their shire, to name and appoint the ancient 
decayed towns in every shire, for to have the said stock of 
3^200, according to the fourth Table of this Plat. And being 
subscribed under their hands, to deliver it to the said Auditor 
in the First Year that the fishing ships aforesaid be set to the 
sea to fish. 

There must also be a Comptroller joined in commission 
with the Chief Officers of every principal Port town, for the 
providing of all things needful at the best hand. Who must 
ride to every Port and fishing town, and to all other places 
where these ships be either made, bought, or placed ; to see 
that all things maybe justly performed, according to the true 
meaning of this Plat, and to be done with all expedition. 
Who may by this order, and without grief to this Plat, 
receive for his fee £800 yearly during three years, viz. : of 
the Chief Officers of every principal Port town, jTioo upon 
his quittance, for his pains and charges, and for the charges 
of his servants and ministers that must be and remain in 
many several ports and places, to see to the due execution 
of the Plat in all points. Which said Comptroller, the 
author wisheth should be such a man as would bend his wits 
for the common weal, and could so well execute the same as 
for himself. For then he should be able to declare in all 
places what is to be done, and what should be done at every 
extremity to avoid any danger. 

The Officers of every the said eight principal Port towns 
shall appoint one honest, virtuous, discreet, and learned 
man to preach GOD's Word; which Preachers shall travel 
continually, as the Apostles did, from place to place, preach- 
ing in all the fishing towns and decayed towns appointed to 
every several port : and every Preacher shall receive for his 
maintenance ;£'ioo yearly, during three years, of the Chief 
Officers of that same principal Port town, whereunto he is 

And also that order may be had from the Queen's Majesty, 
that two of Her Grace's Ships of War, such as yearly be 
appointed to waft [convoy] the merchants, may continue upon 

8o A COMPLETE Annual Report to be made. [^- "' 


Her Majesty's seas from the first of March until the last of 
November yearly, for two years, for the defence of these 
fishing ships. And towards the charges of the same two 
Ships of War, the Chief Officers appointed for Yarmouth and 
Bristol, shall pay yearly, during two years, ^4,000. Which 
ships if they cannot be had, then the said Auditor and 
Comptroller shall with that money provide two other Ships of 
War for the same cause. Also the said Auditor and Comp- 
troller who ride all the whole circuit of this land for the 
performance of this Plat, shall make a declaration once a 
year to the Right Honourable Lords, the Lord Chancellor, the 
Lord Treasurer, the Lord Admiral of England, and Lord Privy 
Seal of the whole state cause, and proceedings of this Plat. 
To be the end, that their Lordships may use their honourable 
considerations for, and in redress of things needful. 

Provided always, that if the Chief Officers of any of the 
said eight principal Port towns do find just cause that there 
is some insufficiency either in any of the fishing towns where 
the five ships are placed ; or else in the Governors of the 
same town such negligence that this fishing cannot prove 
profitable ; or that it is not used according to the effect or 
true meaning of this Plat : then, upon just proof or infor- 
mation made to the Lords aforesaid, the same Officers of that 
principal Port, by consent of the Comptroller and Auditor, 
with others from the said Lords, may remove the same ships 
from any such fishing town and appoint them elsewhere 
within their several charge, where they may be both better 
placed, and for the common weal more profitable. 

The same sixteen Chief Officers of the said eight principal 
Port towns for the time being, after their first year's receipt, 
which amounteth to ;^6o,ooo, shall at May Day next following, 
deduct of the same receipt 5/^4,000 for fees and wages due, 
and to be paid to themselves, to the Auditor, to the Comp- 
troller, and to the eight Preachers, as before is appointed for 
that First Year. Likewise out of the same receipt, they shall 
pay 3^45,000 to the Governors of 225 decayed towns, viz., to 
every decayed town ;^200 to be a stock for ever to set the 
poor people on work, as it is appointeth in the fourth Table of 
this Plat. Also the Officers of Yarmouth, out of the said 
receipt, shall pay to two Ships of War ^4,000 for their wages 
at the First Year. All payments paid for the First Year. 

R. Hitchcock.j jjjg Method of the Disbursements. 8i 

There remaineth of the said receipt ^^7,000, whereof the 
Officers of Bristol hath in their hands ^4,000, ashy their pay- 
ments appeareth, which is for to pay the Second Year's wages 
to the two Ships of War for defending the fishermen the Second 
Year: the other ^3,000 is in the hands of the Officers of 
Yarmouth aforesaid, as by their payments Hkewise appeareth, 
which shall be by them bestowed upon making of two Ships of 
War of the burden of 160 tons the ship, after the best and 
strongest manner, in warlike sort ; and to furnish them with 
store of all needful things to the sea, as appertaineth to Ships 
of War; and also with ordnance, powder, shot, armour, - 
weapons, and all other provision necessary. These several 
sums of money amounteth to ;£"6o,ooo ; which is the First 
Year's receipt. 

The Second Year's receipt of ^^60,000 being received by the 
said sixteen Chief Officers, of the aforesaid eight principal 
Ports : they shall deduct out of the same, ,^4,000 for fees 
and wages to content and pay themselves, the Auditor, the 
Comptroller, and the eight Preachers for the Second Year, in 
like manner as aforesaid. Also they shall pay to the lenders 
of the money, the one half of the money borrowed, which is 
£40,000, and the interest money of the whole sum borrowed 
for two years, which is £16,000. Which payments amount 
to £60,000. And that is the just receipt and payment of and 
for the Second Year. 

The Third Year's receipt of £60,000 being received in like 
manner by the aforesaid Chief Officers of the said eight 
principal Ports : they shall deduct out of the same, £4,000 
for fees and wages to be paid as aforesaid unto themselves, 
the Auditor, the Comptroller, and the eight Preachers for 
the same Third Year. And likewise £4,000 for wages to two 
Ships of War for the same Third Year, as by the Officers of 
every principal port town £500. Then they shall pay to the 
lenders of the money, the other half of the money borrowed, 
which is £40,000, and the interest money for that third and 
last year, which is £4,000. All which payments amount to 

This fishing Plat thus being performed, all payments paid, 
and every man that hath taken pains in the execution of the 
same very well pleased and contented, there doth remain £8,000 
in the hands of the Chief Officers of the said principal Ports, 

F 6 

82 Wages on board Ships of War. [^•^"'''fsJ 

viz. : 5^1,000 with the Chief Officers of every principal Port, 
as appeareth by their receipts and payments, which shall be 
allowed unto the same eight principal Port towns amongst 
them, viz.: to every principal Port town jfi,ooo, to be a 
stock for ever for the profit and benefit of the same town : 
and yearly to be used for profit to such fisher towns and 
fishermen, as upon good assurance will use any part thereof 
in the trade or craft of fishing. 

And when this is done and brought to pass I will declare a 
device appertaining to this Plat, that shall, if it please GOD, 
be worth ^£'10,000 yearly for ever, without cost or charges to 
any man, neither offending nor encroaching upon any person 
with the same device : which is to maintain the aforesaid Ships 
of War, warlike, yearly for ever, with wages, victuals, soldiers, 
and mariners, and all other kind of charges; and also to 
maintain all the aforesaid Officers and Preachers their j^early 
fees for ever. 

Unto either of the same two Ships of War, there 
must be appointed one skilful and valiant Master, the 
Master's Mate, four Quarter-masters, a Purser, a Master 
Gunner, and 120 soldiers and mariners. The Master to 
have for wages. Four Shillings a day ; every other Officer Two 
Shillings a day ; and every soldier or mariner Twelve Pence 
the day for wages. The order for their diet of victuals all 
the whole year ; and what money is to be allowed for the yearly 
reparations of the said two Ships of War; and how all this 
shall be maintained for ever: I have set down in writing. 
And after this Plat, with the great benefits growing univer- 
sally to this realm, shall be thoroughly considered, drawn 
into perfect form, and put in execution by authority of 
Parliament (which is the power of the whole Commonalty of 
England), I will deliver the same where it shall be thought meet. 

The times and places of the yearly fishing for 
Cod and Ling. 

Irst for cod : upon the coast of Lancashire ; 
beginning at Easter, and continueth until Mid- 

For Hake : in the deeps betwixt Wales and 
Ireland; from Whitsuntide until Saint James'tide. 

R. Hitchcock. j Best places for Cod, Hake, and Ling. 83 

For cod and ling : about Padstow, within the Land's End 
and the Severn, is good fishing from Christmas until Mid- 
Lent [March]. 

There is an excellent good fishing for cod about Ireland, 
where doth come yearly come to fish 300 or 400 sail of ships 
and barks out of Biscay, Galicia, and Portugal, about the 
south-west parts, near to Mackertymors country [ ? Balti- 
more, see p. ] ; and do continue April, May, June, and July. 

Also for cod and ling : on the west and north-west of 
Ireland ; beginning at Christmas, and continueth until March. 

And there is one other excellent good fishing upon the 
north of Ireland. 

Also for Newland fish, upon the banks of Newfoundland. 
The ships go forth from England and Ireland in March, and 
come home laden in August. 

There is an excellent good fishing for them that will go 
further for cod and ling in the rivers of Backlasse [ ? ] : 
continuing April, May, June, and July. 

Also for cod and ling: upon the north coasts of England 
and upon the coasts of Scotland and the northern Isles of 
Scotland ; continuing from Easter until Midsummer. 

The like for cod : upon the east coast of Friesland, 
Norway, and Shetland; from Easter until Midsummer. 

To fish for cod and ling in Iceland ; the ships commonly 
must go forth in March, and return ladened in August. 

The like manner and time is used for cod and ling from 
England to the Ward House [near North Cape] ; where is 
excellent good fishing, April, May, and June. 

T/ie times aftd places for the yearly fishing for 

He herrings shoot out of the deeps on both sides 
of Scotland and England, and beginneth upon the 
Scots coast at Midsummer, and be not merchant- 
able (but yet vendible) because they be so fat, by 
reason whereof they will grow reasty [rancid] if they be kept : 
and therefore they be presently [immediately] sold. 

The second and best fishing beginneth at Bartholomewtide 
[24 August] at Scarborough, and so proceedeth along the 
coast, until they come to the Thames' mouth, continuing very 

84 Places FOR Fishing FOR Herring. [^ T"^x^7$: 

good until Hollentide [i November]. All which time they be 
very good and merchantable, and will abide the salting very 

The third fishing is from the Thames' mouth through the 
Narrow Seas : yet not certain, for after that time, they shoot 
suddenly through the same seas, upon any extreme weather, 
on both sides of Ireland. Which fishing doth continue until 
the feast of Saint Andrew [30 November]. 

Also upon the coast of Ireland is very good fishing from 
Michaelmas until Christmas. For there, is great plenty of 

Also upon the north-west seas of England, over against 
Carlisle in Cumberland, about Workington, is good fishing for 
herrings, from Bartholomewtide until fourteen days after 

Also from Hollentide [i November] till Christmas, upon the 
coast of Norway (that serves all the East [Baltic] Countries) 
called the Mull sand [ ? ] where all strangers do fish, 
paying their custom, a youghendale [ ? a thaler] upon every 
last, to the King of Denmark. But sometimes the frosts be 
so great there, that the herrings will not take salt. 

[TAe Hunting of the Whale."] 

Here is another exercise to breed profit, called the 
hunting of the whale, which continueth all the 
summer. The whale is [found] upon the coasts of 
Russia, towards Moscovy and Saint Nicholas [^rc/i- 
angel]. The killing of the whale is both pleasant and profit- 
able, and without great charges, yielding great plenty of 
[train] oil, the tun whereof is worth ^10. One of the ships 
may bring home to his port 50 tuns, the which is worth 

R. Hitchcock.-| Tj^e Poor can indicate the Rich! 85 


and the 
ANSWERS of the Author. 

% First, What moves you to think that there will be found forty 
men in every Shire of England, that will lend £^0 a man, for 
three y ears y in this covetous time, when every man is for himself? 

His realm of England and Wales is very popu- 
lous, and the most part be the poorer sort of 
people, who daily do harken [look] when the world 
should amend with them. They are indifferent in 
what sort, so that their state were relieved ; and so 
perhaps apt to assist rebellion, or to join with whomsoever 
dare invade this noble Island, if any such attempt should be 
made. Then are they meet guides to bring the soldiers or 
men of war to the rich men's wealth. For they can point 
with their finger, *' There it is!" "Yonder it is!" "Here 
it is ! " " And he hath it ! " and, " She hath it that will do 
us much good ! " and so procure martyrdom with murder to 
many wealthy persons, for their wealth. Therefore the wise 
and wealthy men of this land had need, by great discretion, to 
devise some speedy help therein ; that this poorer sort of people 
may be set to some good arts, science, occupations, crafts, 
and labours, by which means they might be able to relieve 
themselves of their great need and want. And being brought 
to such vocation of life, having some good trade to live upon, 
there is no doubt but that they will prove good and profit- 
able subjects ; and be careful to see this common wealth 
flourish ; and will spend their lives and blood to defend the 
same, and their little wealth, their liberties, their wives, and 
children. For having nothing, they are desperate ; but having 
some little goods, they will die before they lose it. Where- 
fore if this matter be looked into with eyes of judgement, there 
is no doubt of borrowing the money upon the assurance and 
interest. For I do know in some Shires four men that will 
gladly lend so much money as the whole shire is appointed 
to lend. In Holland and Zealand the rich men make so sure 
account of their fishing, that they appoint their children's 
portions to be increased by that use. 

86 6 Seamen can rule i 2 Landsmen afloat, p- ^J' 


H / pray you, show me by what occasion or means this huge 
nttmber of beggars and vagabonds do breed here in England ; 
and why you appoint twelve of them to every ship ? I think 
they may carry the ship away and become pirates. 

JF YOU consider the poverty that is, and doth remain 
in the shire towns and market towns, within this 
realm of England and Wales ; which towns being 
inhabited with great store of poor householders, 
who by their poverty are driven to bring up their 
youth idly, and if they live until they come to man's [e] state, 
then are they past all remedy to be brought to w^ork. There- 
fore at such time as their parents fail them, they begin to shift, 
and acquaint themselves with some one like brought up, that 
hath made his shift with dicing, cosening, picking or cutting of 
purses: or else, if he be of courage, plain robbing by the way- 
side, which they count an honest shift for the time, and so 
come they daily to the gallows. 

Hereby grows the great and huge number of beggars and 
vagabonds which, by no reasonable means or laws, could yet 
be brought to work, being thus idly brought up. Which 
perilous state and imminent danger that they now stand in, 
I thought it good to avoid by placing twelve of these poor 
people into every fishing ship ; according to this Plat. 

Who when they shall find and perceive that their diet for 
all the whole year is provided, and that two voyages every 
year will yield to every man for his pains £20 clear, and for 
ever to continue ; by which honest trade they shall be able to 
live in estimation amongst men ; whereas before they were 
hated, whipped, almost starved, poor and naked, imprisoned, 
and in danger daily to be marked with a burning iron for a 
rogue, and to be hanged for a vagabond. When they shall 
find these dangers to be avoided by their travail, and thereby 
an increase of wealth to ensue : they will be glad to continue 
this good and profitable vocation, and shun the other. Be- 
sides that it is well known that six mariners or seafaring 
men are able to rule and govern twelve land men that be not 
acquainted with the sea : and therefore [it is] to be doubted 
that this kind of people will prove pirates ; they be so base- 
minded. For the heart, mind, and value of a man is such, 
and his spirit is so great, that he will travel all the kingdoms 

R.Hitchcock.j f fjE Dutch must buy everything. 87 

of Princes to seek entertainment ; rattier than he will show his 
face to beg or crave relief of thousands of people, that be 
unworthy to unbuckle his shoes : and in his great want, will 
take with force and courage from them that hath, to serve his 
necessity ; thinking it more happy to die speedily, than to 
live defamed and miserably. Of which sort of people, at the 
breaking up of wars, there are a great number of worthy and 
valiant soldiers, that have served in the wars with invincible 
minds: who, through want of living, either depart as aforesaid; 
or else, if they tarry in England, hanging is the end of the 
most part of them. 

H How may so many ships be provided, for want of timber, masts, 
cables, pitch, and iron ? A nd where shall Masters and mariners 
he had ; with other needful things, as salt, nets, and caske ? 

THAT, I must put you in mind of Holland, Zealand, 
and Friesland, that of late years, have flourished 
with ships, mariners, and fishermen; and thereby 
proved of marvellous wealth. No country more [so]. 
And all the timber they used for their ships came 
from the dominions of other Princes. Their cables, masts, 
pitch and tar came from the countries under the King of 
Denmark ; the sails for their ships, the thread for their nets 
came from Normandy and Brittany ; their salt came from 
France, Portugal, and Spain ; and their iron came from the 
countries of other Princes. 

We need not doubt of these things. For there are ships 
presently to be bought (for the sums of money appointed for 
every ship) both here in this realm, and in Holland, France, 
and in other places. And if there were not, I could name the 
places in this realm where there is plenty of timber. If you do 
remember the great and wonderful woods of timber trees that 
are in Ireland, you will shake off that doubt. And for iron ; 
that there is great plenty made within this land, I may call to 
witness the inhabitants of the Forest of Dean, the county of 
Sussex, with other places. And for all other needful things ; 
the havens, ports, and realm of England lieth nearer to those 
countries where plenty is, than those of the Flemings do. 

And for Masters; there are plently of coast men, which will 
gladly serve that place, that be sufficient men. And for 

88 Many Fishermen are out of work, [^""^^xsyg: 

mariners ; there is great store of poor fishermen all along the 
coast of England and Wales, that will willingly serve in these 
fishing ships, and use the craft of fishing : their gain will be 
so great. And for salt ; there is great plenty made at the 
Witchs [Droitwich, Nantwich, Norihwich] in Cheshire, and in 
divers other places ; besides many salt houses standing upon 
the coast of England, that make salt by seething of salt sea 
water. And besides there is the great store of salt that will be 
brought yearly into England by the merchants and others, to 
make " salt upon salt." Also for caske ; there is a great store of 
oak, ash, and beech growing in many places of England ; so 
that there can be no want of caske if there be use to use it; nor 
yet of any other thing aforesaid, if good consideration be had. 
This Plat, being put into execution, will breed such store 
of mariners that whensoever the noble Navy of England shall 
be set to the seas for the safeguard of this land ; there shall 
be no want of mariners to serve in the same : whereas now 
they be both scant and hard to be found. Look back into 
Holland! where practice is used; and see what store is there! 

IT You appoint ten thousand last of herrings to be sold in France. 
How can that he, so long as the Flemings, the Frenchmen, 
and other nations do fish ; who have already won the credit 
of their fish ? They shall sell, when we cannot ; then where 
shall the fish taken by us be uttered ? 

Here is no doubt but there will be ten thousand 
last of herrings to spare, this realm being served, 
if these four hundred fishing ships with these 
fishermen be appointed to the seas : for they will 
take their place to fish within the Queen's Majesty's 
seas ; and so shall serve both England and France plenti- 
fully, and also better cheap than the Flemings are able to do. 
And the herrings, cod, and Newland fish, being used in such 
sort as the Flemings do, will be of as great estimation as 
theirs be, and may yearly be sold and uttered in France ; as at 
Dieppe that serves and victuals all Picardy; at Newhaven 
[Havre] that serves all base [lower] Normandy; and at the 
town of Rouen, that serves all the high countries of France ; 
for thither cometh yearly three hundred lighters, called 
Gabers, with wines, of ten or twelve hundred tuns a Gaber ; 


and their best return is fish and salt. And for the other 
parts of France, as Rochelle and Bourdeaux ; also the 
merchants that travel into Spain, Portugal, Italy, Barbary, 
and Africa, carrying fish : the further south and south-west 
that the fish, well used, is carried ; the dearer it is, and greatly 
desired. Wherefore let all men fish that will, of what country 
soever, for there is fish in plenty in these northern seas for 
them all, if there were a thousand sail of fishing ships more 
than there is ; and the English nation shall and may weary 
them out for their travail and labour : where they fish is not 
far ; their ports, harbours, and roads be at hand ; their ships 
cost the fishermen nothing. Therefore the Englishmen 
shall better be able to sell good cheap [cheaper] than any 
other nation ; by means whereof they shall sell when others 
cannot. And so the Flemings being put from uttering their 
herrings in France, shall be driven to leave their great ships; 
and to fish in smaller vessels near the shore to serve their own 
turns : as heretofore they have caused us to do, for fear of them 
and every tempest ; triumphing at our folly, for not taking 
this great benefit and blessing of GOD poured into our laps. 

II How do you know that nine or ten thousand last of herrings will 
serve all England? And when wars shall happen between 
England and France, where shall we sell the rest of our 
herrings and other fish ; the Flemings being provided for by 
their own people ? 

Y ESTIMATION, five thousand last of herrings do 
serve London; out of which portion, all the shires 
about London are served. And by the like esti- 
mation, five thousand last more will serve all 

And if wars should happen between France and England ; 
then the Italians, Spaniards, Flemings, and other nations do 
bring into England all sorts of French commodities, as wines, 
woad, lockromes [lockrams, a kind of linen], and canvas of all 
sorts. These merchants will daily look for profit : and in time 
of wars nothing doth pass with less danger, sooner is vented 
and made ready money, than these herrings, cod, ling, and 
Newland fish. So there is no doubt of utterance for fish, 
either in wars or in peace. 

90 Prices OF H ER RINGS IN France. [^•^"^''^,5^75: 

Let experience of other countries serve for this wholly. 
And I think it good to let you understand how herrings were 
sold in France, anno 1577. 

The best Flemish herrings were sold for ;;^24 los. the 
last. Yarmouth herrings (who, of late, do use and order 
their herrings as the Flemings do) were sold for ^^20 12s. 
the last. Irish herrings, for ^18 the last. Coast herrings 
and Scotch herrings, for j^ii the last. 

These differences be in herrings, which being used as is 
set down in this Plat, will be in all places (within a little 
time) equal in goodness with the Flemish herrings. 

1[ In what order do the Flemings, the Frenchmen, and others fish 
for herrings, cod, and Newlandfish ? 

Irst behold this sea Plat or proportiture here set 
down showing how the same strangers do fish in 
their great ships upon the English coast : and how 
our English men, for fear of them and of every 
tempest, as aforesaid, do fish in small vessels near 
the shore. 

[Here follows in the original work a large half geographical, and half 
emblematic map of the German Ocean, in which main sea are great ships 
marked " Flemish Busses," and by the English coast, smaller vessels 
marked " The English Fishermen." 

On this map, is the following inscription. 

Anno Domini. 1553. Serving the Emperor Charles V. in 
his wars [also at Berwick, see p. 215.] ; looking into the state 
of Holland and Zealand, I saw that their wealth and great 
increase of mariners grew by fishing. For at that time, there 
went yearly out of these twelve towns, Dunkirk, Nieuport, 
Ostend, Sluys, Flushing, Middleburg, Camfere, Setikseas, 
[? Zieriksee] Rotterdam, Amsterdam, Delf Haven, and Brill, 
above 400 Busses or great ships to fish for herrings upon the 
East Coast of England. A similitude thereof, is here set down 
in this proportiture.] 

The Flemings set out of Flanders, Holland, and Zealand 
yearly at Bartholowmewtide [24 August] four or five hundred 
Busses, to fish for herrings upon the East Coast of England; 

R. Hitchcock.j f^Q^v Money is advanced in the West. 91 

where before they fish, they ask leave at Scarborough, as 
evermore they have done : with which honour (and no profit) 
this realm and subjects hath hitherto been vainly fed. And 
amongst them, this is the order. One man provides the ship, 
another the victuals and salt, the third the caske, the fourth 
the nets: and when the ships come home they divide the fish. 

There goeth out of France commonly five hundred sail of 
ships yearly in March to Newfoundland, to fish for Newland 
fish, and come home again in August. Amongst many of 
them, this is the order. Ten or twelve mariners do confer 
with a money [monied] man, who furnisheth them with money 
to buy ships, victuals, salt, lines, and hooks, to be paid his 
money [back] at the ship's return, either in fish or money, 
with ^35 upon the ;£'ioo in money lent. 

Likewise here in England, in the West Country, the like 
order is used. The fishermen confer with the money [monied] 
man, who furnisheth them with money to provide victuals, 
salt, and all other needful things; to be paid £2^ at the ship's 
return, upon the ;^ioo in money lent. And for some of the 
same mone}', men do borrow money upon 5^10 in the ;;^ioo, 
and put it forth in this order to the fishermen. And for to be 
assured of the money ventured, they will have it assured 
[insiired]; giving £6 for the assuring of every ;£'ioo to him that 
abides the venture of the ship's return : as thus. A ship of 
Exeter is gone to the Ward House, to fish for cod and ling. 
The venture of the ship, salt, and victuals is £'^00. For;£'i8 
all is assured. So that if the ship never return, yet the money 
[monied] man gaineth declare [clear] ^^48 [? £57], and his 
principal again. 

So by these reasons there seemeth great good to be done 
by fishing when other men being at such charges do prove 
rich by using this trade. Shall not the English nation that 
thus shall fish (the greatest charges cut off) be more able to 
sell good cheap than any others may: and so weary them 
out, as aforesaid. 

IT You say that much gold goeth forth of this land for wines and 
other French commodities : I pray you, to what value in the 
year doth the wines of France brought into England amount 
unto? And what several sorts of English wares be sold in 
France to buy the same ? 

92 England's Continental Traffic. [^•"""''',5^ 

Do ESTEEM to come into England, every year, ten 
thousand tuns of Gascony and Rochelle wines, 
which at twenty crowns the tun, amounteth in 
English payment, to ;^6o,ooo. The fleet that goeth 
from London to Bourdeaux, carrieth commonly 
victuals, ballast, and some cloth. For the money is always 
made over by exchange out of London, out of Flanders, and out 
of Spain. And the ships that go from other places of this 
realm, as from Bristol, Wales, Westchester, Newcastle, 
Hull, and elsewhere to the Vintage, carrieth (contrary to the 
law) leather, calves' skins, butter and tallow, with ready gold, 
as they may provide it all the whole year before. 

At Rouen in France, which is the chiefest yent [mart], be 
sold our English wares, as Welsh and Manchester cottons, 
Northern Kerseys, Whites, lead, and tin : which money is 
commonly employed in Normandy and Brittany in all sorts 
of canvas with other small wares, and in lockromes, viteric, 
and dowlass [coarse linen], Pouldavis, Olyraunce [ ? ], and 
Myndernex [ ? ] ; part[ly] for ready money, partly for com- 
moditie[s]. And woad is commonly ladened at Bourdeaux 
and uttered there to our nation and others for money or 
cloth, or else not [sold at all]. These sorts of wares 
bought in France, besides the wine, amounts by estimation 
to six times as much as all the English wares that be sold 
for in France every year. And for a truth this trade of 
fishing is the best, and of lightest cost that can be found, 
to counteract the values of the French commodities. Ex- 
perience doth show the same by the Flemings, who with 
their green [undried] fish, barrelled cod, and herrings, carry 
out of England for the same, yearly, both gold and silver and 
other commodities, and at the least ten thousand tuns of 
Double Double Beer, and hath also all kinds of French 
commodities continually, both in time of wars and peace, by 
their trade only of fishing. Thus the great sums of gold 
that are carried yearly out of this land to the Vintage, as 
appeareth by this * Plat following, will stay : and wines, 
nevertheless, and other French wares of all sorts will be had 
and obtained for herrings and fish. 

* Another curious emblematical design occurs here : with No wt'mi 
from Bordeaux, but for gold, and I bring gold from England for Wines, 

R. Hitchc^^kj Hitchcock's Parliamentary Dinner. 93 

% When you put your fishing Plat into the Parliament house, 
what did you conceive by the speech of such burgesses as you 
conferred with of the same ? 

N THE eighteenth year of the Queen's Majesty's 
reign, five or six days before the Parliament house 
brake up [i.e., March 1576], I had the Burgesses of 
almost all the stately Port towns of England and 
Wales at dinner with me at Westminster: amongst 
whom the substance of my Plat was read, and of every man 
well liked ; so that some were desirous to have a copy of 
the same, and said that '* they would, of their own cost and 
charges, set so many ships to the sea as was to their towns 
appointed, without the assistance of any other." Of the like 
mind, were the Burgesses of Rye ; and some said it were good 
to levy a subsidy of two shillings [in the pound] on land, and 
sixteen pence [in the pound on] goods, for the making of these 
fishing ships. Of which mind the Speaker, Master Bell, 
was; saying, "A Parliament hath been called for a less cause." 
Other some said, "It were good to give a subsidy for this 
purpose to ship these kind of people in this sort ; for if they 
should never return, and so avoided [got rid of], the land 
were happy : for it is but the riddance of a number of idle 
and evil disposed people." But these men that so do think, 
will be of another mind within two years next after this Plat 
takes effect, as when they shall see, by this occasion only; such 
a number of carpenters and shipwrights set on work ; such a 
number of coopers employed ; such numbers of people making 
lines, ropes, and cables; dressers of hemp, spinners of thread, 
and makers of nets ; so many salt houses set up to make 
salt, and " salt upon salt." And what a number of mariners 
are made of poor men ; and what a number of poor men are 
set on work in those shires all along upon the sea coast in 
England and Wales in splitting of fish, washing of fish, packing 
of fish, salting of fish, carrying and recarrying of fish, and 
serving all the countries [counties] in England with fish. And 
to serve all those occupations aforesaid, there must depend 
an infinite number of servants, boys, and day labourers, for 
the use of things needful. And withal to remember how that 
about England and Wales, there is established in four score 
haven towns, five fishing ships to every town to continue for 

94 The Plat growing since 1573. [ 

K. Hitchcock. 

ever, which will breed plenty of fish in every market; and that 
will make flesh [butcher's meat] good cheap. And that by the 
only help of GOD and these fishermen, there shall be 
established within England and Wales, to 225 decayed towns; 
a stock of £200 to every decayed town, which shall continue 
for ever to set the poor people on work. And to conclude, I 
do carry that mind, that within few years there will be of 
these fishing towns of such wealth, that they will cast ditches 
about their towns, and wall the same defensively against the 
enemy to guard them and their wealth in more safety. What 
Englishman is he, think you ! that will not rejoice to see 
these things come to pass. And, for my part, I perceive 
nothing but good success is likely to come of this Plat. 

To further the same, I gave a copy hereof to my Lord of 
Leicester six years past [1573], another copy to the Queen's 
Majesty four years past [1575]. Also to sundry of her Majesty's 
Privy Council, certain copies. And in the end [March 1576J of 
the last Parliament, holden in the said eighteenth year of her 
Majesty's reign, I gave twelve copies to Councillors of the 
law, and other men of great credit [See Dr. Dee's notice on 
I August 1576, at p. 65]; hoping that GOD would stir 
up some good man to set out this work, which the Author 
(being a soldier, trained up in the wars and not in the schools, 
with great charges and travail of mind, for his country's sake) 
hath devised and laid as a foundation for them that hath 
judgement to build upon. 

Amongst whom. Master Leonard Digges, a proper 
gentleman and a wise, had one copy, who, being a Burgess 
of the house, took occasion thereupon to desire licence to 
speak his mind concerning this Plat, saying that he spake 
for the common wealth of all England and for no private 
cause. He (by report) did so worthily frame his speech for 
the common weal of his country ; that he hath gained 
thereby both fame and great good liking of all the hearers ; 
and so concluded, desiring that this device might be read : 
which, for want of time, was deferred until their next 
assembly in Parliament. 


Rev. William Harrison, B.D, 

Canon of Windsor, and Rector 

of Radwinter. 

EuzABErH arms England^ which 
M ART had left defenceless. 


Rev. William Harrison, B.D. 

Canon of Windsor, and Rector of 


Elizabeth ar7ns England^ which Marv 
had left defenceless, 

[Pook II., Oiap. i6 o{ Description of England, in Holinshed's Chronicle. Ed. isSyE-S]. 
Reprinted by F. J. Furnivall, M.A., for New Shakspere Society, p. 278, Ed. 1877.] 

Ow well, and how strongly our country hath been 
furnished, in times past, with armour and artil- 
lery, it lieth not in me, as of myself to make 
Yet that it lacked both, in the late time of 
Queen Mary ; not only the experience of mine elders, but 
also the talk of certain Spaniards, not yet forgotten, did 
leave some manifest notice. 

Upon the first, I need not stand : for few will deny it. 
For the second, I have heard that when one of the greatest 
Peers of Spain [evidently in Queen Mary's reign] espied our 
nakedness in this behalf, and did solemnly utter in no 
obscure place, that " It should be an easy matter, in short 
time, to conquer England; because it wanted armour ! " his 
words were then not so rashly uttered, as they were politicly 

For, albeit, that, for the present time, their efficacy was 
dissembled; and semblance made as though he spake but 
merrily : yet at the very Entrance of this our gracious Queen 
unto the possession of the Crown, they were so providently 
called to remembrance, and such speedy reformation sought, 
of all hands, for the redress of this inconveniency, that our 
country was sooner furnished with armour and munition 
from divers parts of the main [the Continent], besides great 

Rev. W. Harrison, B.D.-| Dgc^Y OF THE EnGLISH LONG BOW. 97 

plenty that was forged here at home, than our enemies could 
get understanding of any such provision to be made. 

By this policy also, was the no small hope conceived by 
Spaniards utterly cut off ; who (of open friends, being now 
become our secret enemies ; and thereto watching a time 
wherein to achieve some heavy exploit against us and our 
country) did thereupon change their purposes : whereby 
England obtained rest ; that otherwise might have been 
sure of sharp and cruel wars. 

Thus a Spanish word uttered by one man at one time, 
overthrew, or, at the least, hindered sundry privy practices 
of many at another time. 

In times past, the chief force of England consisted in their 
long bows. But now we have in manner generally given over 
that kind of artillery, and for long bows indeed, do practice 
to shoot compass for our pastime ; which kind of shooting 
can never yield any smart stroke, nor beat down our enemies, 
as our countrymen were wont to do, at every time of need. 
Certes, the Frenchmen and Reitters [i.e.y Reiters, the German 
or Ste^iss Lance-knights] deriding our new archery, in respect 
of their corslets, will not let, in open skirmish, if any leisure 
serve, to turn up their tails, and cry, *' Shoot, English !" 
and all because our strong shooting is decayed, and laid in 

But if some of our Englishmen now lived, that served 
King Edward III. in his wars with France : the breech of 
such a varlet had been nailed to his back with one arrow; 
and another feathered in his bowels, before he should have 
turned about to see who shot the first. 

But as our shooting is thus, in manner, utterly decayed 
among us one way : so our countrymen wax skilful in sundry 
other points; as in shooting in small pieces, the caliver, 
and handling of the pike ; in the several uses whereof, they 
are become very expert. 

Our armour differeth not from that of other nations ; and 
therefore consisteth of corslets, almain rivets, shirts of 
mail, jacks quilted and covered with leather, fustian, or 
canvas over thick plates of iron that are sewed in the same. 
Of which, there is no town or village that hath not her 
convenient furniture. The said armour and munition like- 

G 6 

98 1,172,674 FIGHTING Englishmen. [R^v. w. Hamson, b.d. 

wise is kept in one several place of every town, appointed 
by the consent of the whole parish ; where it is always 
ready to be had and worn within an hour's warning. 

Sometimes also it is occupied [used], when it pleaseth the 
magistrate, either to view the able men and take note of the 
well keeping of the same ; or finally to see those that are en- 
rolled, to exercise each one his several weapon : at the charge 
of the townsmen of each parish, according to his appoint- 
ment. Certes there is almost no village so poor in England, 
be it never so small, that hath not sufficient furniture in 
a readiness to set forth three or four soldiers (as, one archer, 
one gunner, one pike, and a bill-man), at the least. No, 
there is not so much wanting as their very liveries [uniforms] 
and caps ; which are least to be accounted of, if any haste 
required. So that if this good order continue, it shall be 
impossible for the sudden enemy to find us unprovided. 

As for able men for service, thanked be GOD ! we are 
not without good store. For by the Musters taken in 1574 
and 1575, our number amounted to 1,172,674; and yet they 
were not so narrowly taken, but that a third part of this 
like multitude was left unbilled and uncalled. 

What store of munition and armour, the Queen's Majesty 
hath in her storehouses, it lieth not in me to yield account ; 
sith I suppose the same to be infinite. And whereas it was 
commonly said, after the loss of Calais, that England would 
never recover the store of ordnance there left and lost ; the 
same is proved false : since some of the same persons do 
now confess that this land was never better furnished with 
these things in any King's days, since the Conquest. 

The names of our greatest ordnance are commonly 
these : 

Rohinet, whose weight is 200 lbs.; and it hath i^ inches 

within the mouth. 
Falconet, weighing 500 lbs., and his wideness is 2 inches 

within the mouth. 
Falcon hath 800 lbs., and 25- inches within the mouth. 
Minion poiseth [weigheth] 1,100 lbs., and hath 3^ inches 

within the mouth. 
Sacre hath 1,500 lbs., and is 3J inches wide in the 


Rey. W. Harrison, B.D.-| S I Z E S, & C, OF A R T I L L E R Y. QQ 

Demi-Cidverin weigheth 3,000 lbs., and hath 4^ inches 

within the mouth. 
Culverin hath 4,000 lbs., and 5^ inches within the 

Demi-Cannon, 6,000 lbs., and 6h inches within the 

Cannon, 7,000 lbs., and 8 inches within the mouth. 
E. Cannon, 8,000 lbs., and 7 inches within the mouth. 
Basilisk, 9,000 lbs., and 8f inches within the mouth. 

By which proportions, also, it is easy to come by the 
weight of every shot, how many scores [i.e., of yards] it doth 
fly at point blank, how much powder is to be had to the 
same, and finally how many inches in height, each bullet 
ought to carry. 

The names of the . j. Weight of Scores [of yards] Pounds of Height of 

Great Ordnance the Shot. lbs. of carriage. Powder. Bullet. Inches. 

Robinet I o \ i 

Falconet 2 14 2 i^ 

Falcon 2i 16 2\ 2^ 

Minion 4^^ 17 4^ 3 

Sacre 5 18 5 ik 

Demi-Culver in 9 20 9 4 

Culverin 18 25 18 5I 

Demi-Cannon 30 38 28 6f 

Cannon 60 20 44 7J 

E. Cannon 42 20 20 6J 

Basilisk 60 21 60 8:^ 

As for the Armouries of some of the Nobility (whereof I 
also have seen a part), they are so well furnished, that within 
some one Baron's custody, I have seen three score or a 
hundred corslets at once ; besides calivers, hand-guns, bows, 
sheafs of arrows, pikes, bills, pole-axes, flasks, touch-boxes, 
targets, &c. : the very sight whereof appalled my courage. 

Seldom shall you see any of my countrymen, above 
eighteen or twenty years old, to go without a dagger at the 
least, at his back or by his side ; although they be aged 

loo Every one usually carries arms. P^"- ^^- J^^-^'^""- J^-g 


burgesses or magistrates of any city who, in appearance, are 
most exempt from brabling and contention. 

Our Nobility commonly wear swords or rapiers, with their 
daggers ; as doth every common serving man also that fol- 
loweth his lord and master. 

Finally, no man travelleth by the way, without his sword 
or some such weapon, with us ; except the Minister, who 
commonly weareth none at all, unless it be a dagger or 
hanger at his side. 

The most dangerous 

and memorable adventure 

of Richard Ferris, one of the five 

ordinary Messengers of Her Majesty's Chamber : 

who departed from Tower Wharf, on Midsummer 

Day last past, with Andrew Hill and William Thomas ; 

who undertook, in a small wherry boat, 

to row, by sea, to the city of Bristow j 

and are now safely returned. 

Wherein is particularly expressed their perils 
sustained in the said Voyage: and the great entertain- 
ment they had at several places upon the coast of 
England^ as they ^wentj but especially at the 
said city of Brist(nv. 

Published by the said Richard Ferris. 


Printed by John Wolfe for Edward White, and 

are to be sold at his shop, being at the Little North Door of 

Paul's, at the sign of the Gun. 1590. 


To the Right Honourable Sir Thomas 
H E N E A G E Knight, one of Her 
Majesty's honourable Privy Council, 
Vice- Chamberlain to Her High- 
ness, and Treasurer of Her 
Majesty's Chamber ; 
prosperous health ! long life ! and much increase 

of honour ! 

Right Honourable, 

He late dangerous attempt, rashly by me under- 
taken, to row in a small boat to the city of 
Bristow [Bristol], along the perilous rocks, 
breaches, races, shelves, quicksands, and very 
unlikely places for passage with such small boats, along the 
coast of England, is now, by the assistance of Almighty 
GOD, truly performed : as appeareth by our several certifi- 
cates ready to be seen ; with our safe return, contrary to 
the expectation of sundiy persons. Which being truly and 
particularly discoursed, I have presumed to dedicate unto your 
Honour; wherein may plainly be seen, how we adventured 
to pass the force of dangerous flaws and rough seas, which 
we found in our voyage ; and proveth the attempt the more 

I04 Dedication to Sir T. Heneage. [Aug^^s^: 

strange in respect that I was never trained up on the water. 
Not doubting but the same may be a just occasion to prick 
forward others of my native countrymen, to practise an 
ordinary passage through the Hke dangers, in such small 
wherry boats ; especially when necessary occasion shall serve, 
the better to daunt the enemies [the Spaniards] of this nation ; 
who in such flaws and frets at sea, dare not hazard their 
galleys to go forth, though they be of far greater force to brook 
the seas. 

Thus humbly desiring your Honour's favourable accept- 
tance hereof, I end : beseeching GOD to send health and 
long life to Her Majesty, my dread Sovereign and most 
gracious Mistress ! peace to this land 1 and to your Honour, 
even your heart's desire ! 

Your Honour's 

Most humble to command, 

Richard Ferris. 



Richard Ferris, his travels 
to Bristow. 








Fter that I had rashly determined to pass 
the seas in a wherry, and to row myself in 
the same to the city of Bristow, though 
with the evil will of sundry my good 
friends; and especially full sore against my 
aged father's consent, now dwelling in the 
city of Westminster, where I was born : I 
thought it convenient to seek out some one 
expert pilot, to direct me and my companion by his skill, the 
better to pass the perils and dangers, whereof I was foretold. 
Whereupon, I took unto me one W. Thomas, a man of 
sufficient skill and approved experience ; by whom I was still 
content to be advised, even from my first going forth, until 
my last coming home. 

The boat wherein I determined to perform my promise 
was new built ; which I procured to be painted with green, 
and the oars and sail of the same colour, with the Red Cross 
for England, and Her Majesty's arms, with a vane [pennon] 
standing fast to the stern of the said boat : which being in 
full readiness, upon Midsummer Day last [jfune 24, 1590], 
myself, with my companions, Andrew Hill and William 
Thomas, with a great many of our friends and well-willers 
accompanying us to the Tower Wharf of London, there we 
entered our boat : and so, with a great many of our friends in 
other like boats, rowed to the Court at Greenwich : where 
before the Court Gate, we gave a volley of shot. 

Then we landed and went into the Court, where we had 
great entertainment at every Office; and many of our friends 
were full sorry for our departing. 

io6 The track of the Voyage. Kg^'"^; 

And having obtained leave before, of the Right Honourable 
the Lord Chamberlain [Lord Hunsdon], the Lord Admiral 
[Earl of Nottingham], and Master Vice-Chamberlain [Sir 
Thomas Heme age] for my departure : I took my leave, and so 
departed. Setting up our sails, and taking to our oars, we 
departed towards this our doubtful course. 

And first we took our way to Gravesend ; and from thence, 
to these places hereafter mentioned, namely : 

To Margate. 

To Dover. 

To Newhaven, in Sussex. 

To Portsmouth. 

To Sandwich [? Swanage] in 

To Abbotsbury. 
To Lyme. 
To Seaton. 
To Teignmouth. 
To Dartmouth. 
To Salcombe. 
To Plymouth. 

To Low [Looe], in Cornwall. 
To St. Mawes, in Falmouth. 

To the great bay at Pen- 
zance, called Mounts Bay. 

To St. Ives, at the further 
side of Land's End. 

To Godrevy. 

To Padstow. 

To Bottrick's Castle, which 
is in the race of Hart- 
land alias Harty Point. 

To Clevelley [Clovelly]. 

To Ilford Coume [Ilfracombe]. 

To Mynett [? Minehead] high 

And, lastly, to the City of 

At these places before recited, we stayed and refreshed 
ourselves. Sometimes we were constrained to put into these 
places for want of victuals ; sometimes, for to have their 
certificates to testify of our being there ; sometimes, we were 
weather bound ; and sundry accidents worth the noting, 
happened unto us in many of these places : and our welcome 
in all places deserveth due commendations, the particulars 
whereof hereafter followeth. 

After we had passed Gravesend as is aforesaid, we came to 
the land's end ; then we bent our course to Margate ; which 
place having passed, we wan the Foreland, with some high 

From thence, to the South Foreland : and soon after, we 
put in at Dover ; where we stayed about six hours, and where 
we were greatly entertained. 

From thence, we took to the Camber nestes [?] which 

aL/iSo.] Along the South Coast of England. 107 

is between Rye and Dover; and so along the main sea towards 
fair Lee [? Fairlight] . 

Then we rowed or sailed along the coast, until we came to 
Beachy [Head], and passing by it, we harboured at Newhaven, 
in Sussex. 

Where we had reasonable good weather, till we came 
between the Isle of Wight and Portsmouth. There, we had a 
great storm ; and were in such sort, overpressed with weather 
that we were constrained to make towards a castle called 
Hurst Castle : from whence, at the fall of wind and tide, we 
put forth again to sea, and recovered Sandwich [? Swanage] in 

From thence, we passed through a race called St. Albans, 
which is a headland ; where we were in a great fret by reason 
of the race ; and so continued hazarding our lives by means 
of that fret, to the great and dangerous race of Portland : 
where, by the good direction of our pilot and master, we sought 
and strove by great labour, to take the advantage of the tide 
and weather ; whereby we passed through it in one hour. 
Here did the billows rise very high, so that we were in great 
danger : yet, GOD be thanked ! we escaped them without 
any damage. 

From thence, we passed to Lyme Bay, where we stayed 
but one night : and from thence to Seaton. 

At which place, we were compelled to carry and lift up our 
boat on shore, by extremity of foul weather ; for we were 
there in great danger, by reason of frets, sands, and foul 
weather, which greatly troubled us. 

From thence, we went to Teignmouth ; and so to Dart- 
mouth. There we remained two days, and had good enter- 
tainment and great courtesy offered us by the inhabitants 

And upon the next day morning, being Sunday, we put to 
sea again. There being a fair wind and tide, we came to the 
Start, where the wind rose and hemmed us in round about 
into a very dangerous race (this was on the 15th of July) ; 
where we were in such an extremity that we had like to have 
been drowned : yet it pleased GOD so far to work for us, that 
we escaped the danger thereof. 

Which done, we went to the Westward, to Salcombe. 
There, we were constrained to haul up our boat in a cove 

io8 Kindly treated by H.M.S. at Plymouth. [Au'/tsS: 

called Sower Mill, behind a rock, near to Sir William 
Courtney's, a very bountiful Knight; at whose house we lay 
all that night, and he would have had us to have stayed 

But from thence, having fair weather, we came to 

Here we met with Her Majesty's ships, where Master 
Captain Fenner and Master Captain Wilkinson gave us 
great entertainment, especially for that they saw we had 
leave given us from the Right Honourable Her Majesty's 
Council, for our quiet and safe passage. And for that I was 
Her Majesty's Messenger, they gave us the greater entertain- 
ment. We stayed there one night. 

From thence, we went to Lowe [Looe], and there stayed 
one night. 

And from thence, to St. Maws, with very calm and good 
weather, until we came to the Lizard, being a place well 
known to be most dangerous, and full of rocks and races : 
where, GOD be thanked! we passed in the current of the 
tide, with great swiftness but with wonderful danger ; where, 
had it not been well looked unto, of the Master, we had been 
all cast away. 

Then we did cut over the Mouse Bay to Mouse hole; which 
is four miles beyond the Mount : where we were constrained 
for want of necessary victuals, to come back again to 
Penzance ; where we lodged all night. 

The next morning [July 20th], we set out to go for Land's 
End ; where setting from Penzance with our half tide, to 
recover the first of the tide at Land's End, we being in our 
boat a great way from the shore : our Master descried a pirate, 
having a vessel of four tons ; who made towards us amain, 
meaning doubtless to have robbed us. But doubting [fearing] 
such a matter, we rowed so near the shore as we might. 
And by that time as he was almost come at us, we were near 
to a rock standing in the sea ; where this pirate thought to 
have taken us at an advantage. For being come close to the 
outside of the said rock, called Raynalde stones [? Rundlestone] ; 
he was becalmed, and could make no way, and so were we. 
But GOD (who never faileth those that put their trust in 
Him !) sent us a comfort unlocked for. For as we rowed to 
come about by this rock, suddenly we espied a plain and ^ery 


A^i/iS.] Narrow escape from a Pi rate. 109 

easy way to pass on the inner side of the said rock ; where 
we went through very pleasantly ; and by reason thereof, he 
could not follow us. Thus we escaped safely ; but he was 
soon after taken, and brought in at Bristow. 

Here we found great breaches, races, and rocks ; the wind 
being then northerly and altogether against us : which was 
wonderfull[y] painful, troublesome, and dangerous to us. 
Nevertheless, GOD be thanked ! we escaped in safety ; and 
recovered St. Ives : where we were well entertained. 

The next day, we put to sea again : but being within five 
miles of St. Ives, we were constrained to seek for a cove ; 
which we found called St. Dryvey, in Cornwall. 

Here, for that we wanted victuals, our Master was con- 
strained to go climb the great cliff at Godrevy, which is at 
least forty fathoms high and wonderfull[y] steep ; which none 
of us durst venture to do: and GOD be blessed for it! 
he had no harm at all ; but surely, to all likelihoods, had his 
foot once slipped, there could have been no recovery to have 
saved him, but that he would have been bruised to pieces. 
At this place we stayed two days, at Master Arundel's 
house ; where we were greatly welcomed. 

And from thence, we went to Bottrick's Castle, where 
dwelleth a Gentleman called Master Hynder. There we 
were weatherbound, and constrained to stay full seventeen 
days ; where we had great entertainment : he himself offer- 
ing us "if we would stay a whole year, we should be wel- 
come !" and the rather, for that I was one of Her Majesty's 

But upon the eighteenth day, the foul weather ceasing, 
we did again put to sea, through the race of Hartland alias 
Harty Point ; which is as ill as the race at Portland : which 
we escaped, and recovered to Clevelley [Clovelly] ; where we 
were entertained by a very courteous Gentleman, called 

And from thence, we came to Ilford Coume [Ilfracomhe] ; 
which was on Saturday at night, the ist of August last 

Whereupon for that we were so near Bristow, I desired 
my company, that we might put to sea that night ; which 
they were loth to do ; yet, at my importunate suit, they 
granted thereto. But being at sea, the wind arose very sore 

I lo Grand reception by the Bristol people. [^./^^^ 

from the land ; which put us all in great fear : whereby I 
myself was constrained to row four hours alone, on the 
larboard side ; and my fellow rower was compelled to lade 
forth water (so fast as it came into the boat) which beat 
upon me and over me very sore, the wind then being East- 

Thus was I constrained to labour for life, and yet had 
almost killed myself through the heat I took, in that time : 
rowing, as is aforesaid, until we came to Mynette [Minehead], 
This done, we went from Mynette ; and so, between the two 
homes [?] came to Bristow, in one tide : and arrived at the 
back of Bristow, about six of the clock at night. 

But it was wonderful to see and hear what rejoicing there 
was, on all sides, at our coming ! The Mayor of Bristow, 
with his brethren the Aldermen, came to the water side, and 
welcomed us most lovingly ; and the people came in great 
multitudes to see us ; insomuch as, by the consent of the 
Magistrates, they took our boat from us, not suffering us 
once to meddle with it, in that we were extremely weary : 
and carried our said boat to the High Cross in the city. 
From thence, it was conveyed to the Town House, and there 
locked safe all night. 

And on the next morning, the people gathered themselves 
together, and had prepared trumpets, drums, fifes, and 
ensigns [flags] to go before the boat; which was carried 
upon men's shoulders round about the city, with the Waits 
of the said city playing orderly, in honour of our rare and 
dangerous attempt achieved. 

Afterwards, we were had to Master Mayor's, to the 
Aldermen's and Sheriffs' houses; where we were feasted most 
royally, and spared for no cost, all the time that we remained 

Thus having a while refreshed ourselves after our so 
tedious labours; we came to London, on Saturday, being 
the 8th of August, 1590 : where, to speak our truth with- 
out dissembling, our entertainment at our coming was great 
and honourable ; especially at the Court, and in the cities of 
London and Westminster. And generally, I found that the 
people greatly rejoiced to see us in all places. 

aIsI'S Triumph of the boat in London, hi 

To conclude. I have given order that the said boat shall 
be brought by land from Bristow to London ; where the 
watermen and sundry others have promised to grace the 
said boat with great melody and sundry volleys of shot ; 
which is very shortly intended to be performed. 

Here is to be remembered that between Harty Point and 
Clevelley, the wind being very strong, my companion and 
oar-fellow, Andrew Hill, in taking down our sail, fell over- 
board into the sea : where, by great goodhap, and by means 
that he held fast to a piece of our sail, we recovered him 
and got him up again, although he were a very weighty 
man ; which if we had not done, I could not have gotten any 
man to have supplied his room. But when we saw that he 
was amended ; we gave GOD thanks for his recovery. 

Thus to GOD, I, with my fellow mates, give most hearty 
prayers and thanks for our safe deliverance from so imminent 
dangers as we have been in, since our departure from the 
Court at Greenwich : being still defended by the mighty and 
handy work of Almighty GOD. To whom, we, in all 
obedience and duty, daily pray for the prosperous health of 
Her Majesty and her honourable Council, whose lives and wel- 
fare are the strength and maintenance of this land; and 
whom Almighty GOD prosper and preserve, now and ever ' 

Richard Ferris. 


A new Sonnet made upon the arrival 

and brave entertainment of R i c h a r d 

Ferris with his boat ; who 

arrived at the city of Bristow, 

the 3rd day of August 1590. 

Ome, old and young ! behold and view I 
A thing most rare is to be seen ! 
A silly wherry, it is most true ! 
Is come to town, with sail of green ; 
With oars, colour of the same : 
To happy Ferris' worthy fame .' 

From London city, this wager sure, 
Was for to bring his wherry small, 
On surging seas if life endure, 
From port to port, hap what hap will ! 
To Bristow city of worthy name. 
Where Ferris now hath spread his fame. 

His boat not bulged, but at High Cross, 
Was seen the third of August, sure ; 
Whereby the man hath had no loss, 
But did each willing heart procure 
For to be ready there in haste, 
To see the boat that there was placed. 

mighty Jove ! thou guide of guides ! 

Which brought this boat from surging seas 

Clean from the rage of furious tides ; 

No doubt, Ferris ! GOD thou didst please ! 
Both thou and thine which were with thee, 
You served GOD ! He set you free ! 

Aul!"f59o.'] Song on Ferris's voyage to Bristol, i i 3 

Good Andrew Hill, thy pains were great ! 
And William Thomas', in this wherry ! 
And honour, Ferris, sure, doth get ! 
He doubtless means to make you merry ! 

Your fame is such, through travail's toil, 

You win the spur within our soil. 

Shall I prefer this to your skill : 
No, no ! 'twas GOD that did you guide ! 
For this, be sure ! without His will 
You could not pass each bitter tide. 

But, pray ! you did no doubt, each hour, 
Whereby GOD blest you, by His power. 

O gallant minds and venturous bold ! 

That took in hand, a thing most rare. 

'Twill make the Spaniards' hearts wax cold 

If that this news to them repair, 

That three men hath this voyage done, 
And thereby wagers great have won. 

But now we may behold and view 
That English hearts are not afraid, 
Their Sovereign's foes for to subdue : 
No tempest can make us dismayed ! 

Let monstrous Papists spit their fill ! 

Their force is full against GOD's will. 

Hath silly wherry done the deed, 
That galleys great dare not to try I 
And hath she had such happy speed, 
That now in rest on shore she lie ! 

Doubtless the LORD, her pilot was ! 

It could not else been brought to pass. 

H 6 

114 Song on Ferris's voyage to Bristol. [LI?'?!^" 

Well, Ferris, now, the game is thine ! 
No loss thou hast ! (thank Him above !) 
From thy two mates, do not decline ; 
But still in heart, do thou them love ! 

So shall thy store increase, no doubt ; 

Through Him that brought thy boat about. 

I end with prayers to the LORD, 

To save and keep our royal Queen ! 

Let all true hearts, with one accord, • 

Say, " LORD, preserve Her Grace from teen ! 

Bless, LORD ! her friends ! confound her foes! 

For aye, LORD save our royal Rose ! " 

James Sargent. 


Captain Robert Hitchcock 
of Caversfield. 

The English Army Rations in the 
time of ^^ee?t Elizabeth, 

[An Appendix to W. Garrard s 
J'he Art of War. 1591.] 

Captain Hitchcock served under the Emperor Charles V. in 
1553 ; he must have been an old and experienced Officer, when 
drawing up this Proportion. Berwick-upon-Tweed was the 
principal Fortress, the Portsmouth of England, down to the 
accession of James I. Hitchcock tells us that he was also 
there in 1551, in command of 200 Pioneers. 

Or that there hath somewhat been said touching Towns 
of War and fortifications, soldiers of judgement do 
know that a place besieged by the power of a mighty 
Prince, cannot long endure, without there be within the 
same, a sufficient number of men, munition, and victuals. When any 
of these three things lack, the enemy will soon have the place besieged. 
Therefore the said Captain HiTCHCOCK, who hath been the cause 
of printing this book, Of War, doth think it good, to join to the 
same work, this short Discourse, which declareth what Proportion 
of victuals will serve 1,000 soldiers in a garrison, where the victuals 
must be provided by Her Majesty's Victualler. As for example, 
we will make our Proportion for Berwick ; wherein I will show 

ii6 Preface to the General Proportion. P"' 


how the Chief Victualler's and the Petty Victuallers* gains and profits 
shall rise; that men may look therein, whereby all doubts and 
questions that may grow for that service shall be avoided : and the 
garrison, at all times, well furnished with things necessary and 
needful for victualling of one thousand soldiers; and after thai 
proportion, as the number shall fall out, more or less. 

Within this General Proportion hereafter, I do declare first for 
bread and beer, the bakehouse and brewhouse ; the grayners [gran- 
aries] for store ; the windmills, the horse mills, with their imple- 
ments ; the caske, and other necessary things ; the charges of men, 
horses, and carriages to the same belonging ; with their wages and 
allowance for their travail and service. How this Proportion is to 
be provided, used, delivered, and spent ? in reading over this little 
work following t you shall find very short and plain. 

Robert Hitchcock. 

[All the prices in the following General Proportion should be multiplied by 5 01 
6, to give present value.] 



A General Proportion and order of provision for a year oj 
three hundred, three score and five days, to victual a 
Garrison of one thousand soldiers. 

The Order for the Bakehouse. 

He soldiers having one pound and a half 
of good wheaten bread for one penny, or 
one pound and a half of good white bread 
for one penny halfpenny ; the Bakers to 
answer for every Quarter of wheat (being 
sweet, good, and merchantable, delivered 
at Berwick) at 20s. a quarter. Clear of all 
charges and waste, which happeneth after- 
wards by keeping the grayners [granaries] ; or any other 
(except casualty of the enemy) after the delivery thereof. 

Necessaries and implements, wood, wages of clerks, bakers, 
millers, carters, labourers, or any other, for the bakehouses ; 
windmills, grayners, or carriage of provision, and for horse 
and carts for the same are to be found by this rate and 
[as]size of bread, without any other allowance to be demanded : 
saving for waste, and charges of as much wheat as the use of 
baking shall be otherwise employed, than to be delivered in 
bread by them, who were charged with the receipt from the 
ships and keeping the grayners of the same. 

The bakehouses, windmills, and grayners being furnished 
with implements and necessaries at the entrance into service ; 
and in good order of reparation, are so to be maintained and 
kept, in and by all things, except casualty of the enemy. And 
are to be delivered at the departure from service, in as good 
order and furniture of all things as they were first received. 

And considering the charge to maintain the bakehouse, 
with the appurtenances and allowance to the Petty Victuallers 
of the Garrison, after 21 loaves of bread for 20. A Quarter of 
good wheat will make in good bread (by order of this book), 
25s.; so have ye of every Quarter for charges 5s., and after 
four quarters the day, for the whole year ^S^S 

ii8 Wheat, by Contract, 13s. 4D. the Qr. [^•"'' 


That is to say, for wood to bake a Quarter of meal in loaf 
bread i6d., and after four Quarters the day for a year. 

Sum £g7 6s.8d. 

And for this reparation of the bakehouse and the appurten- 
ances yearly ... ^^50 

Wages and victuals of two clerks, two millers, four bakers, 

and four labourers yearly £150 

Maintenance of horse for carriage in this charge yearly, 

[is] _ 5^72 13s. 4d. 

All these allowances are found in the [asjsize of bread, 
besides the bran. 

The whole Garrison, being as before 1,000 soldiers, will 
spend four Quarters of wheat a day ; and for the whole year 
1,460 Quarters. Although, by order, this number will serve, 
yet Provision to be at the least in wheat for bread 2,000 
Quarters for the provision. 

I account that good wheat may be bought, with ready 
money, by former bargains [contracts] for seven years to- 
gether, for 13s. 4d. the Quarter in Yorkshire, Nottingham- 
shire, and Lincolnshire. To account the charges of a 
Quarter, from the place where it was bought to Berwick, at 
3s. 4d. : that is to say, where they send it down in keels [barges] 
to give for keeling [barging] of a Quarter 4d. ; for freight of a 
Quarter to Berwick, i6d. ; and for the Purveyor's charges for 
mats, or any other outlay of a Quarter 2od. 

And in other meet places, where the freight is greater ; the 
other charges are the less; so as [that] it may be done for the 

I have made no mention of waste, which is to be borne by 
the over measure : being bought for ready money, by former 
bargains ; except shipwreck and casualty of the enemy. 

So I account wheat to be delivered at Berwick, clear of all 
charges and freight, at i6s. 8d. the Quarter, one time with 
another, as before. 

And where the baker alloweth to deliver in bread for every 
quarter of good wheat, 20s. clear of all charges and waste, 
after the delivery thereof at Berwick: by this order of pro- 
vision, the waste, freight, and all other charges allowed, 
except casualty of the enemy and shipwreck; there re- 
maineth profit in every Quarter, 3s. 4d. 

Sum £"243 6s. 8d, 

K. tlitchcock 

isJJ 7 LBS. OF Wheat Meal = 9 lbs. of Bread, i i 9 

These may suffice for the order of the bakehouse for bread, 
and provision of corn for the same : saving there is to be 
considered to have in store, at all times, in wood 200 load, 
every three months to be renewed ; to every mill, a pair of 
spare stones; and timber for reparation. All implements and 
necessaries to be double furnished for the said charge ; and 
for the horses and carts of the same. 

Certain notes for Wheat Meal and Bread. 


Bushel of good Wheat Meal, as it cometh from the 
mill, and weighing 56 lbs., will make in Household 
Bread 72 lbs. ; so that it will take in liquor (beside 
that which is dried in [the] baking), being weighed 
within twenty-four hours after the baking, 16 lbs. : that is, 
for 7 lbs. of Meal, g lbs. of Bread. 

Take 7 lbs. of bran out of a bushel of good Meal, weighing 
56 lbs., and the 49 lbs. remaining will make in good Wheaten 
Bread 63 lbs. ; and that paste will make in Ordinary Biscuit, 
being converted to that use, 42 lbs. And taking 3|- lbs. 
more of bran from the said Meal ; the 45^ lbs. remaining will 
make in White Bread 42 lbs., or in White Biscuits 28 lbs. 

A bushel of wheat, weighing but 52 lbs. to the mill ; if you 
will make it equal with good Meal, take out of the same 
10 lbs. of bran ; and the 42 lbs. remaining will make in 
Wheaten Bread 54 lbs., or in Ordinary Biscuit 36 lbs.; that is, 
of a Quarter of such wheat 202 lbs.[!] (8 lbs. taken out of the 
same for grinding), and it will make but 200^ lbs. [!] Ordinary 
Biscuit ; except you take out less bran, and make coarser 
bread than the ordinary use of the same. 

The lighter wheat, the coarser, and more bran ; and 
there is worse wheat than here is mentioned : the heavier 
wheat, the finer meal and less bran : and there is better also 
than is here declared. 

Some wheat will weigh more than the above weight in a 
Quarter, 14 lbs., and some 28 lbs. So of light wheat the 
baker maketh coarse bread, and to small profit ; and of good 
weighty wheat, fair bread, to the baker's honesty and profit. 

Because diversity of measures should be avoided, there 
is considered for waste in provision [ing], the over measure : 
and for waste in the graynars, the mills to be a parcel of 

I20 Prices of Double, and Strong Beer, p- 


the bakehouse, so that the baker to answer that waste as 

Thus much is declared for wheat, and the bakers in their 

The order for the Brewhouse. 

He Brewer delivering Double Beer at thirty 
shilHngs the tun, the soldier to have a Wine Quart 
for a halfpenny : and delivering Strong Beer at 
forty-eight shillings the tun, the soldier to have a 
Wine Quart for three farthings. And the brewers to 
allow the Officers for every Quarter of malt 13s. 4d., and for 
every Quarter of wheat 20s. Clear of all charges and waste 
in the garners {granaries^ after the delivery of the same at 
Berwick from aboard the ships, except casualty of the enemy. 
Necessaries and implements, wood and coal, wages of 
clerks, brewers, millers, coopers, carters, and labourers for 
the brewhouse, the appurtenances and carriage of provision 
with horses and carts for the same, hops and beercorn, 
caske and hoops, or any other necessaries, are to be found 
by this rate and price of beer, without any other allowance : 
saving waste and charges of as much malt, wheat, beercorn, 
or caske, as shall be otherwise employed than with beer ; to 
be delivered by those which were charged with the receipt 
and carriage from the ships, and keeping the garners of the 

The brewhouses, horse mills, garners, and storehouses for 
this charge, being furnished with implements and necessaries, 
and in good order of reparation at the entrance into service; 
are so to be maintained and kept in and by all things, 
except casualty of the enemy: and to be delivered at the 
departure from service in as good order and furniture of all 
things, as they were received, without any other allowance 
than [i6i. the, tun, see p. 214.] for carriage of beer to the Petty 
Victuallers, as hath been, and is at Berwick accustomed. 

If there should be demanded any greater price for malt, 
then must the beer be smaller [weaker], and the water, the 
brewer's friend for gain, to maintain his charge. 

And for that I have considered the great charges of the 
appurtenances before declared, I have rated both kinds ot 

R. Hitchcock 

\°^^;] Detailed Cost of the same. 121 

beer by the tun in proportion ; and how allowance is found 
for the maintenance of the same. 

Double Beer, in proportion by the Ttm. 













EVERY tun in malt, 10 bushels ; and 
half a bushel allowance for waste in the 

garners ; at 13s. 4d. the Quarter 

In wheat, i bushel 

In oats, half a bushel 

In hops, 7 lbs., at 20s. a hundred [weight] 

Wood and coals, to every tun 

Reparation of the houses ; implements, neces- 
saries, and waste of caske o 2 2 

Maintenance of men for the said charge, allowed 

of [on] every tun 034 

Maintenance of horses to the mills, and carts 
for carriage of provision 012 

So have ye the Tun of Double Beer at ^^i 10 o 

Strong Beer, in proportion by the Ttm. 

EVERY tun in malt, two quarters ; and 
three pecks allowance for waste in the £ s. d. 


In wheat, two bushels 

In oats, one bushel 

In hops, 7^ lbs 

Wood and coal, to every ton 

Reparations of the houses, implements, neces- 
saries, and waste of casks 

Maintenance of men for the said charge, allowed 

of every tun 

Maintenance of horses to the mills, and carts 
for carriage of provision 

So ye have the Tun of Strong Beer, as 
appeareth at 

The proportion for 600 common soldiers a year in Double 
Beer, after the order of this book, 456 tuns, in hogsheads. 
















1 2 2 Supplies of Malt, Wheat, Oats, & Hops. [^ H^'chc^^i;- 

The proportion for 400 of greater allowance a year in 
Strong Beer, after the order of this book, 304 tuns, in 
barrels. Summa, 760 tuns, in hogsheads and barrels. 

By these proportions of Beer, there is considered £ s. d. 

for wood and coal 76 o 10 

Reparation of the appurtenances, and the waste 

of the caske 100 2 4^ 

For maintenance of two clerks, four brewers, one 

miller, two coopers, and four labourers 152 i 8 

Maintenance of horses to the mills, and carts 

for carriage of provision ; besides the Yeast and 

Grains 54 9 7^ 

So have ye for maintenance of the said charge 
found in the Rate and Price of Beer 382 14 6 

And more by the Petty Victuallers, for carriage 

of beer, i6d. the tun; used of custom 50 13 10 

Summa for maintenance of the brewhouses and 
the appurtenances, as appeareth ;^433 

And there appeareth also by the said Proportions, wheat, 
store of corn and hops, will serve the same, as foUoweth. 

In Malt for Double Beer, at ten bushels to the tun, 570 
Quarters 2^ bushels. Allowance for waste, 28^ Quarters. 

In Malt for Strong Beer, at two Quarters to the tun, 608 
qrs. 2^ bushels. Allowance for waste, 30 qrs. 3 bushels. 
Summa in malt, 1,237^ quarters. 

In Wheat to both proportions, as appeareth, 133 Quarters and 
half a bushel. 

In Oats, 66 Quarters 4 bushels. 

In Hops, 5,472 lbs. ; besides the weight of the hop sacks. 

And notwithstanding this Proportion of malt, wheat, and 
hops will serve the like garrison : yet, considering the place, 
the Provision to be yearly in malt 2,000 Quarters, in wheat 
for beer, 250 Quarters, in oats, 150 Quarters; and in good 
hops 8,000 lbs. in weight. 

In Coal[s], as a continual store, every three months to be 
renewed 200 chaldron. 


R. Hitchcockj Malt, under Contract, 6s. Sd. a Qr. 123 

Spare stones to the horse mills. 

Double furniture of necessaries for the brewhouses, horse 

mills, and garners. 
Double furniture of necessaries for the horses and carts. 
To have in store of good caske, serviceable for beer, besides 

that which is daily occupied 100 tun. 

In good clapboard two great hundred [? 240] 

In wainscots 200 

In spruce deals 200 

In seasoned tun-staves 200 

In hoops, as a continual store to be renewed, 30,000 or 

In good iron four tons- 

Although some of these are of small value, yet are they 
not to be spared, nor easily to be had in time of service ; and 
therefore to be considered. 

All such provision, with Brewhouse, Bakehouse, and 
Graneries, I have seen in the palace at Berwick, the fifth 
year of King Edward VI. [155 1]. I then having the charge 
of 200 Pioneers, in the fortifications there See Vol. III. p. 76.] 

J^or Provision. 

Count good malt may be bought in Cambridge- 
shire, and such parts of Norfolk where the malt 
is very good, and in Lincolnshire ; for seven years 
together, by former bargains, for ready money, at 
6s. 8d. the Quarter. 

As for wheat for this charge, [it] is to be had in all places ; 
and oats also. Coarse wheat will serve for beer, so that the 
best be reserved for bread. And wheat that hath taken heat 
in the carriage, not being wet with salt water, will serve for 
this charge to be occupied [employed'] with other that is good. 
I rate the charges of provision, freight, waste, and all others, 
except casualty of the enemy, at 3s. 4d. the Quarter, as 
before in the charge of the Bakehouse : so that malt may be 
delivered at Berwick, clear of all charges, one time with 
another, at los. the Quarter. 

There appeareth to be allowed by the brewer for every 
Quarter of malt, 13s. 4d. ; and for every Quarter of wheat 20s., 
clear of all charges and waste, after the delivery thereof from 

124 Oxen had at Berwick, for ^3 each ; [^■ 


aboard the ships at Berwick, except casualty of the enemy, 
being employed for beer, delivered in service. 

And by the order of provision, the freight, waste, and all 
other charges cleared, to be profit in every Quarter of malt 
and wheat employed as before, except casualty of the enemy 
and shipwreck, 3s. ^d Sum ... ;£"228 8s. ^d. 

As I have declared great difference in the goodness of 
wheat, so is there in malt much more. For the common malt 
of Norfolk is not to be compared to good malt, by four 
Quarters in every twenty Quarters. And malt that is full of 
weevils, and wood-dried malt will make unsavoury drink to 
those that are used to drink beer or ale made with straw 
dried malt. Yet in time of great service [exigency] both 
Norfolk malt and wood-dried malt will serve with other good 
malt ; and make good drink also to serve the time. 

Thus for causes of service of Bread and Beer, I have 
sufficiently proved, in these few lines declared, and the 
charges of the same in all points considered. Adding 
thereunto, a Proportion for the rest of the victualling of such 
a Garrison. 

Provision of Beef ^ by proportion. 

Hat is to say, the whole Garrison, by this order, 
will spend in beef 12 cwt. a day for 100 days = 
300 oxen containing 4 cwt. every ox. 

And for the said service there, they may be 

bought in Yorkshire, Derbyshire, Lancashire, the 

Bishopric of Durham, and delivered at Berwick alive, clear of 

all charges, for £-3^ every ox, those that are good, fat, and so 

large that the carcases do weigh every quarter round, 15 

stone, at 8 lbs. to the stone [120 lhs.\ the one with the other. 

Whereof to be allowed for the hide, offal, and tallow, 15s ; 

and so of all other oxen, after the rate the fourth part the 

same did cost alive, either of small or great ; having license 

to transport the hides over sea, to be sold to most advantage. 

And rating allowance for looking to the pastures, for 

killing, dressing, and cutting out of every such ox, 23d. 

yet remaineth profit in the ox by this order, 6s. 8d. a piece. 

Sum for the whole proportion ;^ioo. 



R.Hitchcock,j Sheep for 6s. 8d.; & Hogs for 8s. 4D. 125 

Provision of Mutton, by proportion, 

N Mutton also, for fifty days, 12 cwt. a day, rating 
the carcase of a sheep about 45 lbs., the one with 
the other ; that is 30 sheep a day, in all 1,500 

Such sheep, being fat and good, are to be bought 
in Lincolnshire, Yorkshire, and Derbyshire ; and delivered at 
Berwick alive for 6s. 8d. a sheep ; clear of all charges. 

Whereof to be allowed 2od. for the skin, offal, and tallow : 
having licence to transport the fells \skins\ to be sold, as 
before, to most advantage. And rating allowance for looking 
to the pastures, killing and dressing of every such sheep, 4d. ; 
and yet remaineth profit in every of the like sheep i6d. 

Sum for the whole proportion ;^ioo 


Provision of Pork , by proportion. 

N Pork also, for thirty-two days, 15 cwt. a day, the 
which I rate at 15 hogs, and in all 480 hogs : 
whereof the two sides of every hog to weigh, 
besides the offal, i cwt. 

Such hogs are to be bought in Nottinghamshire, 
Derbyshire, and Yorkshire, and delivered at Berwick alive, 
being good, clean, and fat, for 8s. 4d. a hog ; clear of all 

Whereof to be allowed for the offal of every such hog, 
I2d. And rating allowance for looking to them, killing, 
scalding, and dressing of every hog, 8d., and yet remaineth 
profit in every such hog, 2s. 

Sum for the whole proportion ^^48 

Notwithstanding this Proportion, yet the store of oxen to 
be 400 ; with 2,000 sheep ; and 800 hogs, whereof 300 to be 
made into bacon, as parcel of a good store. And always to 
have at Berwick 100 oxen and 500 sheep ; and the rest in 
good pasture within thirty or forty miles, ready to serve at 
all times : and the hogs also in convenient place for the 

126 Prices of Stock Fish, Ling, & Cod. [^• 


Pi'ovision of Fish, by proportion. 

N Stock Fish for 52 Wednesdays, two meals, and 
half service ; for 52 Fridays, one meal, and whole 
service : 300 stockfishes a day. In all the whole, 
26 lasts, 1,200, after five score the hundred to 
every last. 

The same are to be delivered at Berwick, clear of all charges, 
for £13 6s. 8d. the last. And rating allowance for beating, 
and keeping the store of every last, 30s. ; and yet remaineth 
profit in every last (by order of this book), as in a Proportion 
for the Twentieth part of the Garrison hereafter following may 
appear \seep. 223], £^ 3s. 4d. 

Sum for the whole Proportion jf^SS 3S» 4d. 

In Shetland Ling, every ling to be rated at two stockfishes; 
for 26 Saturdays, thirteen days in Lent, and one day in 
Rogation week, half service, forty days; 150 a day, which 
maketh, after six score to the hundred, and 4 lings to the 
pay, 5,000 ling: which are to be delivered at Berwick, clear 
of all charges, for 50s. the 100 ; and rating allowance to the 
keepers of the store, of every 100, three shillings and four 
pence ; and yet remains profit of every 100 (by order of this 
book), as in the Soldiers' Proportion at large appeareth, 
i6s. 8d. 

Sum for the whole Proportion ;^4i 13s. 4d. 

In Shetland Cod, rated at a stockfish and a half, for 26 
Saturdays, 12 days in Lent, and one day in Rogation week, 
half service, 39 days, 225 fishes a day; which maketh, after 
six score to the hundred : and 4 pay fishes, 7,315 fishes : 
which are to be delivered at Berwick, clear of all charges, for 
30s. the hundred. And rating allowance to the keepers of the 
store, of every hundred, two shillings; and yet remaineth 
profit in every hundred, by this order, 8s. 

Sum for the whole Proportion ^^29 4s. \\^. 

And where these Porportions of fish (by the order of this 
book), allowed to the soldiers, will serve: yet the yearly 
provision, with the remainder to be, in Stock Fish, 40 last ; 
7,500 Ling, and 10,000 Cod. 

R:Hitchcockj Prices of Butter and Cheese.. 127 

Provision of Butter and Cheese. 
N Butter, for 52 Wednesdays, half service, 300 
lbs. a day ; 52 Saturdays, 25 days in Lent, and two 
days in Rogation week, quarter service, 79 days, 
150 lbs. a day, in all 27,350 lbs.; which maketh in 
barrels, after 525- lbs. to every firkin, 130 barrels. 
The same may be bought in Holderness, in Yorkshire and 
in Suffolk, once a year, for 40s. the barrel [ = about 2^d. alb.] : 
and rating the charges of provision and carriage to the 
water at 2od. the barrel ; for freight to Berwick, every barrel 
2od.; and rating allowance to the keepers of the store of every 
barrel 2od. : and yet remaineth profit of every barrel, 25s. 

Sum for the whole proportion 3^162 i6s. 3d. 

In Cheese, for 52 Saturdays, 25 days in Lent, and two days 
in Rogation week, quarter service, 300 lbs. a day ; in all 
23,700 lbs. and maketh in weys, considering the allowance of 
16 lbs. [m the Suffolk Wey of 256 lbs.] to the Petty Victuallers 
for the soldiers, pSf weys : and rating allowance for waste, 
one wey in every load, that is for waste, 15 wey and two odd 
quarters and to go in allowance of waste with the rest, which 
I am sure is sufficient : so that the provision to be by this 
order 113 weys of cheese, with the waste. 

The same may be bought in Suffolk, once a year, for 20s. 
the wey [= about 2d. a lb.], and rating the provision and 
carriage to the waterside of a wey 2od., for freight to Berwick 
of a wey 2od., and yet remains profit of this order of a wey 
(allowing other 2od. to the keepers of the store) 9s. y^d. 

And in the whole ;£"54 5s. 

Notwithstanding that the said Proportion of Butter and 
Cheese will serve, according to the order of this book : yet the 
yearly provision to be with the remains, in butter 200 barrels, 
and in cheese 200 weys. And to have in store of bay salt, 
upon consideration of service, if it should so happen to occupy 
the same, 100 weys. 

By this General Proportion of provision, appeareth to be 
maintained sufficient number of men, and also the reparation 
of the houses, necessaries, and all other charges for the said 
service at Berwick, without the Queen's Highness's charge, 
and also for the provision and charges of freight and other 
[matters] before it come to Berwick. 

128 Provision made for all Charges. p«i'chcock. 


And to stop the mouths of those who dehght to find fault 
in that they understand not ; here followeth how the allow- 
ance is found to maintain the same. That is to say : — 

For reparation of the bakehouses, brewhouses, 
windmills, horse mills, garners ; with the 
appurtenances, and waste of caske in the said £ s. d. 
charge, by this proportion 150 3 4 

Wood and coal to bake and brew the said propor- 
tion 174 7 6 

For horses and carts for the mills and carrying 
of provision, with the allowance by the Petty 
Victuallers, for carrying of their beer, as is 
accustomed 172 16 9 

For maintenance of twenty-five men for the bake- 
houses, brewhouses, windmills, horse mills, 
garners, and carrying of provisions in the said 
charge 302 i 8 

For maintenance of men in charge of the beef, 

mutton, and pork 69 16 o 

[Do.] in the charge of stockfish, ling, and cod ... 54 12 11 

[Do.] in charge of butter and cheese, as appeareth 20 5 o 

Sum £943 9 o 

All these are found, beside the provision and freight before 
it come to Berwick, as by the same may appear. 

And the better to maintain the Chief Officer of trust, the 
charges before rehearsed and other unknown charges, which 
happeneth oftentimes in service : as also that all his said 
ministers and servants be not any of the number allowed for 
soldiers : there is considered for profit : — 

In wheat for bread, as in the charge of the bake- 
house appeareth 

In malt and wheat for beer, as in the charge of 
the brewhouse appeareth 

In beef, mutton, and pork 

In stockfish, ling, and cod 

In butter and cheese 

Sum ;^i>i4i o 4 

















R. Hitchcock.j Soldiers' Allowances of Bread & Beer. 129 

All these allowances are found, besides maintenance of the 
Petty Victuallers and their charge, as appeareth by Propor- 
tion hereafter following. And for the sum of ;^8,342 los. the 
Officer's fee and the Soldiers' scores paid every six months, 
this service is to be done in every point of the same. 

He garrison, being one thousand soldiers, 
as aforesaid, whereof account six hundred 
common soldiers and four hundred more of 
greater pay, or such as make more account 
of themselves : and for [in order] that the 
soldiers shall not be troubled with dressing 
of their victuals ; neither the Captain in 
delivering the Proportion appointed within 

the town of garrison: I do appoint twenty Petty Victuallers ; 

and to every Petty Victualler, thirty common soldiers and 

twenty more of bigger pay, whose Proportion of victuals for 

a year shall hereafter appear. 

The common soldier shall pay 2s. 8d. by the week, for his 
diet, lodging and washing; the soldier of bigger pay, at 4s. 
the week for his diet, lodging and washing, as hereafter 
followeth : wherein it doth also appear how the Petty 
Victuallers are considered for their charges and travail in 
the same, for a year of 365 days. 

[Of 2s. 8d., each Common Soldier paid about 3j4d. a day or 2s. a week 
for food ; with 8d. a week for lodging and washing. 

Similarly, of 4s., each Superior Soldier paid about 5f/d. a day, or 3s. 4d. 
a week for food ; with 8d. a week for lodging and washing.] 

The 30 common soldiers, to have every man a day, in 
wheaten bread, one pound and a half, rated at a penny : and 
the 20 of greater allowance, in white bread, every man a 
day one pound and a half, rated at three half-pence. And in 
in allowance to the Petty Victuallers, twenty-one loaves for 
twenty. These 50 soldiers' charge SuMMA...^gi 5s. 

The Petty Victuallers' Allowance found in the same, in 
vantage bread Sum. ..£4 iis. 3d. 

The thirty common soldiers, to every man a Wine Pottle 
^half a gallon = Three ordinary modern wine bottles] of Double 

I 6 

130 Allowances OF Beef, Mutton, & Pork, p- 


Beer a day, rated at a penny. Their Proportion for a year, 
22 tuns, 3 hogsh., 15 galls., delivered to the Petty Victuallers 
at 30s. the tun. 

The twenty of greater allowance, every man a Wine 
Pottle of Strong Beer a day, rated at i^d. Their Proportion 
for a year, 15 tuns, i barrel, 10 gallons ; delivered to the 
Petty Victuallers at 48s. the tun. 

These 50 soldiers' charge £"91 5s. 

The Petty Victuallers' sum ,^20 los. i|d. 

The thirty common soldiers, in Beef, every man one pound 
a day, rated at i^d. For 100 days, 3,000 lbs.; and the Petty 
Victuallers' allowance of every 100, twelve pounds. So is 
the proportion 3,000 lbs. in weight, at 12s. 6d. the hundred, 

in charge SuMMA...;fi8 15s. 

The twenty [of] greater allowance, every man i^ lbs. a 
day, rated as before, with like allowance. To the Petty 
Victuallers the proportion is 30 cwt., at 12s. 6d. the hundred. 

SuMMA £iS 15s. 

The Petty Victuallers' Allowance in both... £4 os. 4d. 

The thirty common soldiers, in Mutton, every man one 
pound a day, rated at two pence the lb. For 50 days, 1500 
lbs. in weight ; and the Petty Victuallers' allowance, of every 
hundredweight, twelve pounds. So is the Proportion 15 
cwt., at i6s. 8d. the hundred in charge. Summa ...£12 los. 
The twenty of greater allowance, every man i^ lbs. a day, 
rated as before, with like allowance to the Petty Victuallers. 
The Proportion is 1500 at i6s. 8d. the hundred in charge. 

Sum £12 IDS. 

The Petty Victuallers' Allowance in both ... ^2 13s. 8d. 

The thirty common soldiers in Pork, every man i;^ lbs. a day, 
rated at i^d. For 32 days, 1200; and the Petty Victuallers, 
of every hundred, 12 lbs. The Proportion is 1200 weight, at 
los. the hundred Summa. ..,^6 

The twenty [of] greater allowance, every man 1^ lbs. a day, 
rated as before after the rate, with the like Allowance to the 
Petty Victuallers. The proportion is 12 hundredweight, at 
IDS. the hundred in charge ■. Sum. ..£6 

The Petty Victuallers' Allowance £1 5s. Qci. 

R. Hitchcodc. J Allowances of Stock Fish, Ling, Cod. i 3 1 

The thirty common soldiers in Stock Fish, to every four men 
one stockfish a day for 52 Wednesdays, two meals a day, half 
service; and the like allowance to every four men of one 
stockfish for a meal for 52 Fridays, whole service : in all y^ 
fishes a day, 104 days = 780 fishes, rated at /\.d. the fish in 
charge Sum. ..3^13 

The twenty of greater allowance to have, for the like 
days, to every four men one stockfish and a half a day; as well 
for the half as the whole service, every day 7^ fishes = 780 
fishes at 4d. the fish in charge Summa...^I3 

The thirty common soldiers to have in Shetland Ling for 
26 Saturdays, 13 days in Lent, and i day in Rogation week ; 
in all forty days : to every eight men, one ling a day, half 
service; rated at 7d. the ling. Sum. 150: and the Allowance 
for pay fish to the Petty Victuallers of 5 ling. 

Sum ;£'4 7s. 6d. 

The twenty of greater allowance for the like days, to every 

eight men, one ling and a half, rated as before, at 7d. the ling 

= 150, and to the Petty Victuallers, 5 ling. [Sum] £^ 7s. 6d. 

The Petty Victuallers' Allowance 5s. lod. 

The 30 common soldiers to have in Shetland Cod for 26 
Saturdays, 12 days in Lent, and one day in Rogation week, to 
every eight men, 1^ fish a day, half service, at 4d. the fish : 
and the Petty Victuallers in Allowance, as before in ling. 
The proportion 219! fishes. The Petty Victuallers' Allowance 
7|- fishes in charge for the same. ... Summa...;£'3 13s. i|d. 

The twenty of greater allowance for the like days, to 
every eight men 25- fishes a day, for half service, with like 
allowance to the Petty Victuallers, as before at 4d. the fish. 
The proportion is 219! fishes. The Petty Victuallers' 
allowance 75 fishes, in charge for the same. 

Sum ;^3 13s. i^d. 

The Petty Victuallers' allowance 4s. lod. 

The thirty common soldiers to have in Butter, to every four 
men one pound a day, half service, for 52 Wednesdays, two 
meals a day ; and to every eight men one pound a day, 
quarter service for 52 Saturdays, 25 days in Lent, and two 
days in Rogation week at 4d. the lb. = 686^ lbs., and is in 
charge Summa...£ii 8s. gd. 

132 Allowances of Butter and Cheese. [ 

R. Hitchcock. 

The twenty of greater allowance, for the like 52 Wed- 
nesdays, half service, to every four men 1^ lbs. a day ; and 
to every eight men i^ lbs. a day for 52 Saturdays, 25 days in 
Lent, and two days in Rogation week, quarter service: at 
4d. the lb. = 686j lbs., and is in charge. 

SuMMA jTii 8s. gd. 

The thirty common soldiers, in Cheese, for 52 Saturdays, 
25 days in Lent, and 2 days in Rogation week, to every four 
men one pound a day, quarter service ; and allowance to the 
Petty Victuallers, 16 lbs. of a Wey, at 2d. the lb. Sum 592^^ lbs. 
in charge Summa...;£"4 iSs. gd. 

The Petty Victuallers' allowance, 3q|- lbs. 

The twenty of greater allowance, for the like Saturdays, 
the like days in Lent and Rogation week ; to every four men 
ij lbs. a day, quarter service : Sum 592|-lbs. at 2d. the lb., in 
charge Sum...;£*4 iSs. gd. 

The Petty Victuallers' allowance ^g^ lbs. 

In money for both the parcels 13s. 2d. 

Sum ;^4i7 2s. 6d. 

Every Petty Victuallers' allowance, that men may be well 
ordered SiJU...£iig iis. 3d. 

The whole Garrison, at twenty Petty Victuallers a year in 
charge -£"8,342 los. 

The twenty Petty Victuallers' Allowance, besides that in the 
General Proportion found out of the same, Sum, ^£"2,391 6s. 8d. 

Some soldiers there are who are married and keep house ; 
whose Proportion of victuals must be to them delivered 
accordingly ; with the like Allowance as to the Petty 
Victuallers, in every thing. 

To Captains and Gentlemen, with their ordinary servants, 
keeping house of themselves, no Proportion is delivered but 
with like Allowance. 



The Privy Council. 

A brief note of the be?tefits that grow to 

this Realm^hy the observation of Fish 

Days : with a reason and cause 

wherefore the law in that 

behalf made^ is ordained. 

Very necessary to be placed iii the houses of all 
men, especially com77ton Victuallers. 

Here heretofore, by the Queen's most excellent 
Majesty, of her clemency and care conceived, for 
divers private benefits that might grow to her 
loving subjects, specially for the better maintenance 
of the Navy of this land ; hath with the consent 
of the whole state of her realm, caused to be made and 
published sundry statute laws and proclamations for the 
expense [constmiptioii] of fish and observation of Fish Days, 
with great penalties to be laid on the offenders ; that by the 
certain observation thereof, fishermen, the chiefest nurse for 
mariners, might the more be increased and maintained. 

The common sort of people contemning this Observation, to 
avoid the ceremony in times past therein used, and not 
certainly knowing the benefits thereby growing to the realm, 
nor remembering the penalties by the same laws appointed : 
do not only fall into the danger of the said laws : but the same 
hath caused a great decay to fishing; whereby groweth many 
other great detriments to the commonwealth of this realm. 
For the better instruction therefore of such persons as for the 
benefit of their country will be persuaded; in this brief Table 

134 Penalties for not keeping Fish Days. KYiariTi 

is set down the punishment appointed for the offenders, the 
discommodities that happen to the realm by the said contempt, 
and the great benefit that might grow to the people by the 
observation hereof; with the opinion that oughtto be conceived 
in the eating of fish at the days and times prescribed : being 
briefly set down as hereafter folio weth. 

^he Branches of the Statute. 

N the fifth year of Her Majesty's most gracious 
reign, it was ordained that it should not be lawful 
for any person within this realm to eat any flesh 
upon any days then usually observed as Fish Days ; 
upon pain to forfeit ;£"3 [ = £"30 of present money] for every time 
he offended, or suffer three months of imprisonment without 
bail or mainprize. 

And every person within whose house any such offence 
shall be done, being privy and knowing thereof and not 
effectually punishing or disclosing the same to some public 
officer having authority to punish the same ; to forfeit for 
every such offence forty shillings. 

The said penalty being great, and many of the poor estate 
favoured by reason thereof; but the offence thought necessary 
not to be left unpunished : the Queen's Majesty, of her great 
clemency, in the Parliament holden in the 34th year of her 
most gracious reign, hath caused the forfeiture for the eater 
to be but twenty shiUings; and for him in whose house it is 
eaten, but 13s. 4d. — which being executed, will prove very 
damageable to the offenders. 

In the 27th year of Her Highness's reign, it was further 
ordained and remaineth still in force; that no innholder, 
vintner, alehouse-keeper, common victualler, common cook, 
or common table-keeper shall utter or put to sale upon any 
Friday, Saturday or other days appointed to be Fish Days, 
or any day in time of Lent, any kind of flesh victuals; upon 
pain of forfeiture of ^^5 ; and shall suffer ten days' imprisonment 
without bail, mainprize, or remove, for every time so offending. 


The Cause and Reason. 

Irst forasmuch as our country is for the most part, 
compassed with the seas; and the greatest force for 
defence thereof, under GOD, is the Queen Majesty's 
Navy of ships : for maintenance and increase of the 
said Navy, this law for abstinence hath been most carefully 
ordained, that by the certain expense [consumption] of fish, 
fishing and fishermen might be the more increased and the 
better maintained ; for that the said trade is the chiefest 
nurse not only for the bringing up of youth for shipping ; 
but great numbers of ships therein are used, furnished with 
sufficient mariners, men at all times in a readiness for Her 
Majesty's service in those affairs. 

The second cause is, for that many towns and villages 
upon the sea coasts are, of late years, wonderfully decayed, 
and some wonderfully depopulated ; which in times past, were 
replenishednot only with fishermen andgreat store of shipping, 
but sundry other artificers, as shipwrights, smiths, rope- 
makers, net-makers, sail-makers, weavers, dressers, carriers, 
and utterers of fish, maintained chiefly by fishing : that they 
hereby again might be renewed, the want whereof is and hath 
been the cause of great numbers of idle persons, with whom 
the realm is greatly damaged ; and this happeneth by reason 
of the uncertainty of the sale of fish and the contempt which 
in the eating of fish is conceived. 

Furthermore, it is considered that the trade for grazing 
of cattle through the unlawful expense of flesh, is so much 
increased ; that many farmhouses and villages wherein were 
maintained great numbers of people, and by them the markets 
plentifully served with corn and other victuals : are now 
utterly decayed and put down: for the feeding or grassing 
[grazing] of beefs [oxeti] and muttons [sheep] only. By means 
whereof the people which in such places were maintained, 
are not only made vagrant ; but also calves, hogs, pigs, geese, 
hens, chickens, capons, eggs, butter, cheese, and such like 
things, do become exceedingly scarce and dear ; by want of 

136 The reasons enforced by Scripture. [^r^STsS' 

their increase in those places, so that the markets are not, 
nor cannot be served, as in times past it hath been done. 

Many other things for confirmation hereof might be spoken, 
as the great number of ships decayed which have been 
maintained by fishing; the wealth and commodity that 
fishing bringeth to this realm ; the cause that certain days 
and times for expense of fish must of necessity be observed, 
grown by reason of the provision of flesh for the people's 
diet must be certainly provided: whereof the gentle reader 
shall be more at large instructed in a little book published 
to that effect, with sundiy other arguments which for brevity 
are omitted. In hope the consideration hereof will be sufficient 
to persuade such persons as esteem more the benefit of their 
country than their own lust or appetite ; setting before 
their eyes the fear of GOD in obedience to the Prince's 
commandment : especially in such things as concern the 
benefit of a commonwealth, considering Saint Paul saith, 
"There is no power but of GOD. The powers," saith he, 
" that be, are ordained of GOD : and those that resist 
these powers, resist the ordinance of GOD." 

It is further to be considered that there is no conscience 
to be made in the kind or nature of the meat being flesh or 
fish, as in times past a feigned ceremony therein was used; 
neither is the meat concerning itself unlawful to be eaten at 
any time : but the use thereof is unlawful, being forbidden to 
eat by the Prince having power and authority from GOD, and 
done by the consent of the whole estate for a commonwealth; 
wherein obedience ought to be showed, not for fear of 
punishment only, as Saint Paul saith, but for conscience' 
sake, not esteeming the meat or the day but obedience 
to the law and benefit to our country and poor brethren. 
Remembering that the magistrate beareth not the sword 
for nought, but to take vengeance upon them that do evil. 
For Saint Paul saith further, "He that will live without fear 
of punishment must do well, and so shall he have praise for 
the same." 

And although fear of punishment will not reform such 
persons, as by affection conceived hath been addicted from 
the expense of fish and the observation of fish days : yet 
the foresaid things considered, let obedience to their Prince 
and benefit to their country persuade them to bridle their 

^lol^iS-Tsgij Oxen killed yearly in London. 137 

affectioned lust for a small time ; so shall they both see 
and feel the great benefits thereby growing, and escape the 
punishment for the offence appointed. 

And for that the commodities may in some part more 
plainly appear, hereafter follovveth an estimate of the beefs 
[oxen] that were killed and uttered in the City of London 
and its suburbs for a year; and what number of them 
might be spared in the said year, by one day's abstinence 
[from flesh] in a week : by which also may be conjectured, 
what may be spared in the whole realm. 

j4n estimate of what beejs [oxen] might 
he spared in a year^ in the City of 
London^ by one day s abstinence 
\_from fleshy in a week, 

Irst. In the year are 52 weeks, for every week, 
seven days : in all, 365. The Lent, with Friday and 
Saturday in every week, and the other accustomed 
Fish Days, being collected together, extend to 153. 
So in the year there are 153 fish days and 211 flesh days, 
that is 58 flesh days more than fish days. 

So the year, being 52 weeks ; abate 7 for the time of Lent, 
wherein no beefs {oxen] ought to be killed : and there 
remaineth but 45 weeks. 

Then let us say there be threescore Butchers, that be 
freemen within the City ; and every Butcher to kill weekly, 
the one with the other, five beefs [oxen] apiece : the same 
amounteth to 13,500 beefs. 

The foreigners in the suburbs, and such as come out of 
the country to serve the markets in the City; as it is credibly 
affirmed, kill and utter [s^//] in the City weekly, four times so 
many as the freemen : which amounteth to 54,000. 

So joining the beefs uttered by the freemen and foreigners 
&c. together ; they extend to 67,500. 

138 Advantages of observing Fish Days. K'SiSfsg"- 

If we will now know what number of beefs might be spared 
in a year, by one day's abstinence in a week: let us say that 
in the week are five days accustomably served with flesh — 
for that Friday and Saturday by the law are days of abstinence 
— whereof one being taken away, the rest are but four. In 
like case, divide the said 67,500 into five parts ; and the fifth 
part spared by the fifth day's abstinence is 13,500. 

By this it is not meant that any more fish days should 
be ordained than there already are ; but that Friday and 
Saturday might in better sort be observed : for that flesh victuals 
on those days, in most places, are as commonly spent as on 
flesh days ; and therefore may well be accounted for the 
expense of one flesh day. The due observation whereof 
would spare the number of beefs aforesaid or more ; besides 
those things sold by the Poulterers; and other small cattle, 
as calves, sheep and lambs innumerable, killed by the 

Seen and allowed by the most Honourable Privy 
Council in the year of our Lord GOD 
1593 [i.e. 1594]. The 20th of March. 


Printed for Henry Gosson and Francis Coules. 

Kemp's nine days' wonder. 

Performed in a dance from 
London to Norwich. 

Containing the Pleasure ^ Pains, and kind Entertainment 

of William Kemp, between London and that city, 

in his late Morrice. 

Wherein is somewhat set down worth note, to re- 
prove the slanders spread of him ; many things merry, 
nothing hurtful. 

Written by himself, to satisfy his friends. 


Printed by E. A. for Nicholas Ling, and are to be 

sold at his shop, at the West Door of Saint 

Paul's Church. 1600. 


To the true ennobled Lady, and his most 

bountiful Mistress, Mistress Anne 

F I T T o N, Maid of Honour to 

the most sacred Maid Royal, 

Queen Elizabeth. 

Honourable Mistress, 

N THE wane of my little wit, I am forced to desire 
your protection ; else every ballad singer will 
proclaim me bankrupt of honesty ! A sort of mad 
fellows, seeing me merrily disposed in a Morrice, 
have so bepainted me in print, since my gambols began from 
London to Norwich, that (having but an ill face before) I shall 
appear to the world without a face, if your fair hand wipe 
not away their foul colours. 

One hath written Kemp's fare^^jelly to the tune of Kery, 
mery, hujfe ; another, his desperate dangers in his late travail ; 
the third, his entertainment to Newmarket, which town I came 
never near, by the length of half the heath. Some swear in 
a trenchmore, I have trod a good way to win the world ; others 
that guess lighter, affirm, " I have without good help, danced 
myself out of the world ! " Many say many things that were 
never thought. 

But, in a word, your poor Servant offers the truth of his 
Progress and profit, to your honourable view ! receive it, I 
beseech you ! such as it is, rude and plain : for I know your 

142 The Epistle Dedicatory. [ApriueSS: 

pure judgement looks as soon to see beauty in a blackamoor, 
or hear smooth speech from a stammerer, as to find anything 
but blunt mirth in a Morrice dancer ! especially such a one 
as Will. Kemp, that hath spent his life in mad jigs and 
merry jests. 

Three reasons move me to make public this journey. One, 
to reprove lying fools I never knew. The other, to commend 
loving friends, which, by the way, I daily found. The third, 
to show my duty to your honourable self. Whose favours, 
among other bountiful friends, make me, despite of this sad 
world, judge my heart Cork, and my heels Feathers: so that, 
methinks, I could fly to Rome (at least, hop to Rome, as the 
old proverb is) with a mortar on my head. 

In which light conceit, I lowly beg pardon and leave : for 
my tabourer strikes his Hunfs up ! I must to Norwich 1 

Imagine, noble Mistress ! I am now setting from my Lord 
Mayor's ! the hour, about seven ! the morning, gloomy ! the 
company, many ! my heart, merry ! 

Your worthy Ladyship's 

Most unworthy servant, 

William Kemp. 


Kb MP'S nine days* wonder. 

Performed in a Morrice from 
London to Norwich. 

Wherein every day's journey is pleasantly 

set down, to satisfy his friends [as to] 

the truth ; against all lying ballad. 

makers : what he did, how 

he was welcome, and by 

whom entertained. 

The First Day's journey, being the first Monday 

in clean Lent ; from the Right Honourable 

the Lord Mayor's, of London. 

He first Monday in Lent [Feb. ii, 1600], 
the close morning promising a clear day ; 
attended on byTnoMAsSLYE, myTabourer; 
William Bee, my servant ; and George 
Sprat appointed for my Overseer, that I 
should take no other ease, but my pre- 
scribed order : myself, that's I (otherwise 
called Cavaliero Kemp, Head Master of 
Morrice dancers, High Headborough of heighs, and only 
tricker of your Trill-lilles, and best bell-shangles, ^°^^[^f^^^l. 
between Sion and Mount Surrey) began frolicly to and Mount 
foot it, from the Right Honourable the Lord NoTwTcir'"' 
Mayor's, of London, towards the Right Worshipful and truly 
bountiful Master Mayor's at Norwich. 

My setting forward was somewhat before seven in the 
morning, my Tabourer struck up merrily, and as fast as kind 
people thronging together would give me leave, through 
London, I leapt I 

1 44 Through Whitechapel and Stratford. [l^pVifi^e"^; 

By the way, many good old people, and divers others of 
younger years, of mere kindness, give me bowed [bent] six- 
pences and groats ; blessing me with their hearty prayers 
and " God speeds 1" 

Being past Whitechapel, and having left fair London, 
with all that north-east suburb before named, multitudes of 
Londoners left not me ! but either to keep a custom that 
many hold, that " Mile End is no walk, without a recreation 
at Stratford [at] Bow, with cream and cakes," or else for love 
they bear towards me, or perhaps to make themselves merry 
if I should chance, as many thought, to give over my 
Morrice within a mile of Mile End. 

However, many a thousand brought me to Bow; where I 
rested a while from dancing : but had small rest with those, 
that would have urged me to drinking. But, I warrant you ! 
Will. Kemp was wise enough ! To their full cups, " kind 
thanks ! " was my return ; with gentlemanlike protestations, 
as " Truly, Sir, I dare not ! It stands not with the congruity 
of my health ! " 

" Congruity," said I ! but how came that strange language 
in my mouth ? I think scarcely that it is any Christian 
word : and yet it may be a good word, for ought I know ; 
though I never made it, nor do very well understand it ! 
Yet I am sure, I have bought it at the wordmongers, at as 
dear a rate as I could have had a whole hundred of bavins 
[logs] from the woodmongers. 

Farewell " Congruity ! " for I mean now to be more con- 
cise, and stand upon evener bases ! but I must neither stand 
nor sit, the Tabourer strikes alarum. " Tickle it, good Tom ! 
I'll follow thee ! Farewell Bow ! Have over the Bridge, 
where, I heard say, ' Honest Conscience was once drowned.' 
It is pitj' if it were so ! but that is no matter belonging to 
our Morrice ; let us now along to Stratford Langton 1" 

Many good fellows being there met, and knowing how well 
I loved the sport, had prepared a Bear baiting : but so 
unreasonable were the multitudes of people, that I could 
only hear the bear roar and the dogs howl. 
A great spoon Therefore forward I went, with my hey de gaies [hey- 
hoid[ng'''above dcgives] to Ilford,where I again rested; and was by 
a quart. the people of the town and country thereabouts, 

very well welcomed : being offered carouses in the great spoon, 


Airifre^J Through Romford to Burnt Wood. 145 

one whole draught [of it] being able at that time to have 
drawn my little wit dry ; but being afraid of the old proverb, 
He had need of a long spoon that eats with the Devil, I soberly 
gave my boon companions the slip. 

From Ilford, by moonshine, I set forward, dancing within 
a quarter of a mile of Romford : where in the highway, two 
strong jades, having belike some quarrel to me unknown, 
were beating and biting of each other ; and such, through 
GOD's help, was my good hap that I escaped their hoofs, 
both being raised with their forefeet above my head, like two 
smiths over one anvil. 

There, being an end of my First Day's Morrice, a kind 
gentleman of London [a]lighting from his horse, would have 
no " Nay ! " but I should leap into his saddle. To be plain 
with ye ! I was not proud ; but took kindly his kindlier offer, 
chiefly thereto urged by my weariness. So I rode to my inn 
at Romford. 

In that town, to give rest to my well laboured limbs, I 
continued two days : being much beholden to the towns- 
men for their love ; but more to the Londoners, that came 
hourly thither in great numbers, to visit me, offering much 
more kindness than I was willing to accept. 

The Second Day's journey, being Thursday of the First week. 

HuRSDAY [Feb. 14, 1600], being market day at Burnt 
Wood, Tom Slye was earlier up than the lark, and 
sounded merrily the Morrice. I roused myself, and 
returned from Romford to the place where I took 
horse the first night ; dancing that quarter of a mile back 
again, through Romford, and so merrily to Burnt Wood. 

Yet now I remember it well, I had no great cause of 
mirth ! For at Romford town's end, I strained my hip; and, 
for a time, endured exceeding pain : but being loth to 
trouble a surgeon, I held on, finding remedy by labour that 
had hurt me. For it came in a turn ; and so, in my dance, 
I turned it out of my service again. 

The multitudes were so great, at my coming to Burnt 
Wood, that I had much ado (though I made many entreaties 
and stays) to get passage to my inn. 

K 6 

146 Through Ingerstone to Chelmsford. [5^'^. 

In this town, two cut-purses [pickpockets] were taken, 
that with other two of their companions followed me from 
London ; as many better disposed people did. But these 
two dy-doppers gave out, when they were apprehended, 
that " they had laid wagers, and betted about my journey." 

Whereupon the Officers bringing them to my inn, I justly 
denied their acquaintance ; saving that '* I remembered one 
of them to be a noted cut-purse:" such a one as we tie to 
a post on our Stage, for all people to wonder at; when at 
a Play, they are taken pilfering. 

This fellow and his half-brother being found with the deed, 
were sent to gaol : their other two consorts had the charity 
of the town 1 and, after a dance of Trenchmore at the whipping 
cross, they were sent back to London ; where, I am afraid, 
there are too many of their occupation. To be short, I 
thought myself well rid of four such followers ; and I wish 
heartily, that the whole world were clear of such companions ! 

Having rested well at Burnt Wood, the moon shining 
clearly and the weather being calm, in the evening, I tripped 
it to Ingerstone ; stealing away from those numbers of 
people that followed me : yet, do what I could, I had above 
fifty in the company, some of London, the others of the 
country thereabouts ; that would needs, when they heard my 
taber, trudge after me through thick and thin. 

The Third Day*s journey, being Friday of the First week. 

N Friday morning [Feb. 15, 1600], I set forward 
towards Chelmsford, not having past two hundred ; 
being the least company that I had in the day time 
between London and that place. 
Onward I went, thus easily followed, till I came to Wit- 
ford Bridge : where a number of country [county] gentlemen 
and gentlewomen were gathered together to see me. Sir 
Thomas Mildmay standing at his park pale [palings], received 
gently a pair of garters of me : gloves, points, and garters 
being my ordinary merchandise, that I put to venture for 
performance of my merry voyage. 

So much ado I had to pass by the people at Chelmsford, 
that it was more than an hour ere I could recover my inn 

AprifXo:] The state of Elizabethan highways. 147 

gate ; where I was fain to lock myself in my chamber, and 
pacify them with words out of a window instead of deeds. 
To deal plainly, I was so weary that I could dance no more. 

The next morning, I footed it three miles of my way 
towards Braintree : but returned back again to Chelmsford ; 
where I lay that Saturday and the next Sunday, 

The good cheer and kind welcome I had at Chelmsford 
was much more than I was willing to entertain : for my only 
desire was to refrain from drink, and [to] be temperate in my 

At Chelmsford, a maid not passing fourteen years of age, 
dwelling with one Sudley my kind friend, made request to 
her Master and Dame, that she might dance the Morrice with 
me, in a great large room. They being intreated, I was 
soon won to fit her with bells; besides [which], she would 
have the old fashion, with napkin on [each of] her arms: and 
to our jumps, we fell ! 

A whole hour, she held out ! but then, being ready to lie 
down, I left her off: but thus much in her praise, I would 
have challenged the strongest man in Chelmsford ; and 
amongst many, I think few would have done so much. 

The Fourth Day's journey, being Monday of the Second week. 

N Monday morning [Feb. 18], very early, I rode the 

three miles I danced the Saturday before ; where, 

alighting, my Tabourer struck up, and lightly I 

tripped forward : but I had the heaviest way [road] 

that ever mad Morrice dancer trod : yet 

With hey and ho ! through thick and thin; 

The hobby horse quite forgotten, 
I followed as I did begin ! 

Although the way were rotten. 

This foul way I could find no ease in, thick woods being on 
either side the lane ; the lane likewise being full of deep holes, 
sometimes I skipped up to the waist ! But it is an old 
proverb, that it is a little comfort to the miserable, to have com- 
panions : and amidst this miry way, I had some mirth, by an 
unlocked for accident. 

148T HROUGH Braintree TO Sudbury. [ApViu^S: 

It was the custom of honest country fellows, my unknown 
friends, upon hearing of my pipe (which might well be heard, 
in a still morning or evening, a mile), to get up and bear me 
company a little way. 

In this foul way, two pretty plain youths watched me ; and 
with their kindness somewhat hindered me. One, a fine 
light fellow, would be still before me ; the other, ever at my 
heels ! 

At length, coming to a broad plash of water and mud, 
which could not be avoided ; I fetched a rise, yet fell in over 
the ankles at the further end. My youth that followed me, 
took his jump, and stuck fast in the midst, crying out to his 
companion, " Come, George ! call ye this dancing ! I'll go 
no further!" for, indeed, he could go no further, till his 
fellow was fain to wade and help him out. I could not 
choose but laugh, to see how, like two frogs, they laboured ! 

A hearty farewell, I gave them ! And they faintly bade 
" God speed me I " saying if I danced that dirty way, this 
seven years' again, they would never dance after me ! 

Well, with much ado, I got unto Braintree, by noon, and 
tarried there Monday night and the next day ; only I danced 
three miles on Tuesday, to ease my Wednesday's journey. 

If I should deny that I was welcome at Braintree, I should 
slander an honest crew of kind men ; among whom, I fared 
well, slept well, and was every way well used. 

The Fifth Day's journey, being Wednesday of the Second week. 

Aking advantage of my three miles that I had danced 
the day before ; this Wednesday morning [Feb. 20], I 
tripped it to Sudbury ; whither came to see me, a 
very kind Gentleman, Master Foskew, that had, be- 
fore, travelled afoot from London to Berwick : who, giving me 
good counsel to observe temperate diet for my health, and 
other advice to be careful of my company, besides his liberal 
entertainment, departed ; leaving me much indebted to his 

In this town of Sudbury, there came a lusty tall fellow, a 
butcher by his profession, that would, in a Morrice, keep me 
company to Bury. I being glad of his friendly offer, gave 

AprifiSS:] Poem on Kemp's Ma id Ma r ia n. 149 

him thanks : and forward we did set ! But ere ever we had 
measured half a mile of our way, he gave me over in the plain 
field: protesting that "if he might get a hundred pounds, 
he would not hold out with me!" For, indeed, my pace in 
dancing is not ordinary. 

As he and I were parting, a lusty country lass being among 
the people, called him " Faint-hearted lout!" saying, " If I 
had begun to dance, I would have held out one mile, though 
it had cost my life !" 

At which words, many laughed. 

" Nay," saith she, " if the Dancer will lend me a leash of 
his bells, I'll venture to tread one mile with him, myself!" 

I looked upon her, saw mirth in her eyes, heard boldness 
in her words, and beheld her ready to tuck up her russet 
petticoat. I fitted her with bells, which she, merrily taking, 
garnished her thick short legs : and with a smooth brow, 
bade the Tabourer begin. 

The drum struck, forward march I, with my merry Maid 
Marian : who shook her fat sides, and footed it merrily to 
Melford ; being a long mile. 

There parting with her, I gave her, besides her skin full 
of drink, an English crown to buy more drink : for, good 
wench ! she was in a piteous heat ! 

My kindness she requited with dropping some dozen 
of short courtsies \cuYhies\^ and bidding " GOD bless the 
Dancer !" 

I bad her "Adieu!" and to give her her due, she had a 
good ear, danced truly : and we parted friendly. 

But ere I part with her, a good fellow, my friend, having 
writ an odd rhyme of her, I will set it down. 

A country lass (brown as a berry. 

Blithe of blee, in heart as merry; 

Cheeks well fed, and sides well larded ; 

Every bone, with fat flesh guarded) 

Meeting merry Kemp by chance, 

Was Marian in his Morrice dance. 

Her stump legs, with bells were garnished : 

Her brown brows, with sweating varnished ; 

Her brown hips, when she was lag, 

To win her ground, went swig-a-swag: 

150 Through Clare to Bury St. Edmunds. [Jprif'^ 

Which to see, all that came after 
Were replete with mirthful laughter. 
Yet she thumped it on her way 
With a sportly hey de gay ! 
At a mile, her dance she ended ; 
Kindly paid, and well commended. 

At Melford, divers Gentlemen met me, who brought me to 
one Master Colts, a very kind and worshipful Gentleman : 
where I had unexpected entertainment till the Saturday. 

From whose house, having hope somewhat to amend my 
way to Bury, I determined to go by Clare : but I found it 
both further and fouler. 

The Sixth Day's journey, being Saturday of the Second week. 

Rom Wednesday night till Saturday, having been 
troublesome, but much more welcome to Master 
Colts; in the morning [Feb. 23], I took my leave, and 
was accompanied with many Gentlemen, a mile of my 
way. Which mile, Master Colts's Fool would needs dance 
with me, and had his desire ; where leaving me, two fools 
parted fair in a foul way : I keeping on my course to Clare, 
where I a while rested ; and then cheerfully set forward to 
Bury [St. Edmunds]. 

Passing from Clare, towards Bury, I was invited to the 
house of a very bountiful widow, whose husband, during his 
life, was a yeoman of that country [county], dying rich, no 
doubt ! as might well appear by the riches and plenty that 
abounded in every corner of the house. She is called the 

Widow EVERET. 

At her house were met above thirty Gentlemen. Such, 
and so plentiful variety of good fare, I have very seldom seen 
in any Commoner's house. Her behaviour being very modest 
and friendly, argued her bringing up not to be rude. She 
was a woman of good presence ; and, if a Fool may judge ! of 
no small discretion. 

From this widow's, I danced to Bury ; coming in on 
the Saturday, in the afternoon : at what time, the Right 
Honourable [Sir John Popham Kt.] the Lord Chief Justice 

Ap'rifiZ:] Through Thetford to Rockland. 151 

entered at another gate of the town. The wondering and 
regardless multitude making his Honour clear way, left the 
streets where he passed, to gape at me : the throng of them 
being so great, that poor Will. Kemp was seven times 
stayed, ere he could recover his inn. 

By reason of the great snow that then fell, I stayed at 
Bury from Saturday in the Second week of my setting forth, 
till Thursday night, the next week following. 

The Seventh Day's journey, being Friday of the Third week. 

PoN Friday morning [Feb. 29] I set on towards Thet- 
ford, dancing that ten miles in three hours : for I left 
Bury somewhat after seven in the morning, and 
was at Thetford somewhat after ten that same 

But, indeed, considering how I had been booted [his 
buskins covered with mire] before, and that all this way, or 
the most of it, was over a heath ; it was no great wonder. For 
I fared like one that had escaped the stocks, and tried the 
use of his legs to outrun the Constable ; so light were my 
heels, that I counted the ten miles no better than a leap. 

At my entrance into Thetford, the people came in great 
numbers to see me : for there were many there, it being 
[As] size time. 

The noble Gentleman, Sir Edwin Rich, gave me enter- 
tainment in such bountiful and liberal sort during my con- 
tinuance there Saturday and Sunday, that I want fit words 
to express the least part of his worthy usage of my unworthi- 
ness: and to conclude liberally, as he had begun and con- 
tinued ; at my departure on Monday, his Worship gave me 
five pounds [ = 3^25 now]. 

The Eighth Day's journey, being Monday of the Fourth week. 

y^^yjlN Monday morning [March 3] I danced to Rockland 
ere I rested ; and coming to my inn, where the host 
was a very boon companion, I desired to see him : 
but in no case, he would be spoken with, till he 
had shifted himself from his working days' suit. 

152 Poem on the mad Host of Rockland. [A^nte: 


Being armed at all points, from the cap to the foot, his black 
shoes shining and made straight with copper buckles of the 
best, his garters in the fashion, and every garment fitting 
corremsqiiandam, to use his own word ; he enters the hall, 
with his bonnet in his hand, and began to cry out, "O 
Kemp! dear Master Kemp! You are even as welcome as, 
as, as," and so stammering he began to study for a fit 
comparison (and I thank him, at last he fitted me !) for, 
saith he, " thou art even as welcome as the Queen's best 
greyhound ! " 

After this dogged yet well-meaning salutation, the carouses 
were called in ; and my friendly host of Rockland began with, 
" All this I " blessing the hour upon his knees, that " any of 
the Queen's Majesty's well-willers or friends would vouchsafe 
to come within his house ! " as if never any such had been 
within his doors before. 

I took his good meaning, and gave him great thanks for 
his kindness. 

And having rested me well, I began to take my course for 
Hingham, whither my honest host of Rockland would needs 
be my guide : but, good true fat-belly I he had not followed 
me two fields, but he lay along and cried after me, to come 
back and speak with him. 

I fulfilled his request, and coming to him, *' Dancer !" 
quoth he, " if thou dance, a God's name! GOD speed thee! 
I cannot follow thee a foot further ! but adieu, good Dancer ! 
GOD speed thee, if thou dance a God's name 1 " 

I having haste of my way, and he being able to keep no 
way, we parted. Farewell, he ! He was a kind good fellow, 
a true Troyan ! and [if] it ever be my luck to meet him at 
more leisure, I'll make him full amends with a cupful of 

But now I am a little better advised, we must not thus let 
my mad host pass I For m}'' friend, late mentioned before, 
that made the odd rhyme on my Maid Marian, would needs 
remember my Host ! Such as it is, Fll bluntly set down I 

He was a man not over spare, 

In his eyeballs dwelt no care : 

"Anon, anon ! " and "Welcome, friend ! " 

Were the most words he used to spend. 

J^^J^;] From Rockland to Hingham. 153 

Save, sometimes, he would sit and tell 

What wonders once in Boulogne fell 1 

Closing each period of his tale, 

With a full cup of nutbrown ale. 

Tourwin and Tournay's sieges were hot, 

Yet all my host remembers not. 

Rett's Field and Musselborough fray 

Were battles fought but yesterday. 

" O 'twas a goodly matter then 

To see your sword and buckler men ! 

There would lie here ! and here ! and there ! 

But I would meet them everywhere. 

And now a man is but a prick. 

A boy armed with a poating stick 

Will dare to challenge Cutting Dick. 

O 'tis a world ! the world to see ; 

But 'twill not mend for thee or me! " 

By this, some guest cries, "Ho! the house ! " 

A fresh friend hath a fresh carouse ! 

Still he will drink, and still be dry : 

And quaff with every company. 

Saint Martin send him merry mates 

To enter at his hostree [hostelry] gates 1 

For a blither lad than he 

Cannot an Innkeeper be. 

Well, once again, farewell, my host at Rockland ! 

After all these farewells, I am sure, to Hingham I found a 
foul way; as before I had done from Thetford to Rockland. 

Yet, besides the deep way, I was much hindered by the 
desire people had to see me. 

For even as our shopkeepers will haul, and pull a man, 
with, " Lack ye ! What do you lack, Gentlemen ? " " My 
ware is best ! " cries one. " Mine [the] best in England I " 
says another. " Here, you shall have choice 1 " saith the 
third : so were the divers voices of the young men and 
maidens which I should meet at every mile's end; thronging 
by twenty, and sometimes forty, yea, hundreds in a company. 
One cried " the fairest way was through their village ! " 
another, "This is the nearest and fairest way, when you have 
passed but a mile and a half ! " another sort cry, " Turn on 

1 54 By Barford Bridgeto Norwich. [AprifieSS: 

the left hand ! " some " on the right hand ! " that I was so 
amazed, I knew not sometimes which way I might hest take 
but haphazard, the people still accompanying me, whereat I 
was much comforted, though the ways were bad. But, as I 
said before, at last I overtook it. 

The Ninth Day's journey, being Wednesday of the Fourth week. 

He next morning [March 5] I left Hingham, not stay- 
ing till I came to Barford Bridge, five young men 
running all the way with me; for otherwise my 
pace was not for footmen. 
From Barford Bridge, I danced to Norwich [eight miles]. 
But coming within sight of the city, perceiving so great a 
multitude and throng of people still crowding more and more 
about me : mistrusting it would be a let [hindrance] to my 
determined expedition and pleasurable humour, which I, long 
before, conceived, to delight this city with (so far as my best 
skill and industry of my long travelled sinews could afford 
them) : I was advised, and so took ease by that advice, to 
stay my Morrice a little above St. Giles his Gate; where I took 
my gelding, and so rode into the city, procrastinating my 
merry Morrice dance through the city till better opportunity. 
Being come within the city. Master Roger Weild the 
Mayor, and sundry others of his worshipful Brethren, sent 
for me. Who perceiving how I intended not to dance into 
the city that night, and being well satisfied with the reasons; 
they allotted me time enough not to dance until Saturday 
after: to the end, that divers Knights and Gentlemen, together 
with their wives and children, who had been many days 
before deceived with expectation of my coming, might now, 
have sufficient warning accordingly, by Saturday following. 

In the mean space, and during my still continuance in the 
city afterwards, they not only very courteously offered to 
bear mine own charges and my followers ; but very bounti- 
fully performed it at the common charges. The Mayor and 
many of the Aldermen, oftentimes besides, invited us privately 
to their several houses. 

To make a short end of this tedious description of my 

ApriS.] T. Gilbert's acrostic Welcome to Kemp. 155 

Saturday [MarcA 8] no sooner came, but I returned without 
the city, through St. Giles his Gate ; and began my Morrice 
where I left, at that Gate. But I entered in at St. Stephen's 
Gate, where one Thomas Gilbert, in name of all the rest of 
the city, gave me a friendly and exceeding kind welcome : which 
I have no reason to omit, unless I would condemn myself of 
ingratitude ; partly for the private affection of the writer 
towards me, as also for the general love and favour I found 
in them, from the highest to the lowest, the richest as the 

It follows in these few lines. 

Master Kemp his welcome to Norwich. 

W With heart and hand, among the rest, 

E Especially you welcome are ! 

L Long looked for, as welcome guest : 

C Come, now at last ! you be from far. 

Of most within the city, sure, 

M Many good wishes you have had ! 
E Each one did pray, you might endure 

W With courage good, the match you made ! 

1 Intend they did, with gladsome hearts, 
L Like your well-willers, you to meet ! 

K Know you also, they'll do their parts, 
E Either in field or house, to greet 
M More you, than any with you came, 
P Procured thereto, with trump and fame. 

Your well-wilier, 

T. G. 

Passing the gate, there were Whifflers, such Officers as 
were appointed by the Mayor, to make me way through the 
throng of the people which pressed so mightily upon me. 
With great labour, I got through that narrow press, into the 
open Market Place. 

Where, on the Cross, ready prepared, stood the City Waits, 
which not a little refreshed my weariness, with toiling through 
so narrow a lane as the people left me. Such Waits (under 

1 56 Kemp's great leap over churchyard wALL.[Apriff^: 

Benedicite be it spoken) few cities in our realm have the like, 
none better ! Who, besides their excellency in wind instru- 
ments, and their rare cunning on the viol and violin : their 
voices are admirable ! every one of them able to serve in any 
Cathedral church in Christendom for choristers. 

Passing by the Market Place, the press still increasing by 
the number of boys, girls, men, and women, thronging more 
and more before me, to see the end ; it was the mischance 
of a homely maid (that, belike, was but newly crept into the 
fashion of long-waisted petticoats tied with points [laces or 
tags] ; and had, as it seemed, but one point tied before) that 
coming unluckily in my way, as I was fetching a leap, it fell 
out, that I set my foot on her skirts. The point either 
breaking or stretching, off fell her petticoat from her waist ! 
but, as chance was, though her smock was coarse, it was 

Yet the poor wench was so ashamed, the rather for that 
she could hardly recover her [pettijcoat again from unruly 
boys ; that looking before like one that had the green sick- 
ness, now had she her cheeks all coloured with scarlet. 

I was sorry for her, but on I went towards the Mayor's : 
and deceived the people, by leaping over the Churchyard 
wall at St. John's ; getting so into Master Mayor's gates a 
nearer way. 

But, at last, I found it the further way about: being forced, 
on the Tuesday following [March 1 1] , to renew my former dance ; 
because George Sprat, my Overseer, having lost me in the 
throng, would not be deposed that I had danced it, since he 
saw me not. And I must confess, I did not well : for the 
citizens had caused all the turnpikes to be taken up on Satur- 
day, that I might not be hindered. 

But now I return again to my jump, the measure of which 
is to be seen in the Guildhall at Norwich ; where my buskins, 
that I then wore and danced in from London thither, stand, 
equally divided, nailed on the wall. 

The plenty of good cheer at the Mayor's, his bounty and 
kind usage ; together with the general welcomes of his 
worshipful Brethren and many others. Knights, Ladies, Gentle- 
men, and Gentlewomen, so much exceeded my expectation, 
as I adjudged myself most bound to them all. 

The Mayor gave me five pounds in Elizabeth Angels ; 

Aprite:] The kindness of the Mayor of Norwich. 157 

which Mayor, {fair Madame ! to whom I too presumptuously 
dedicate my idle paces !) as a man worthy of singular and 
impartial admiration, if our critic humourous minds could as 
prodigally conceive as he desires, for his chaste life, liberality, 
and temperance in possessing worldly benefits. He lives 
unmarried and childless: and never purchased house nor 
land; the house he dwells in, this year, being but hired. He 
lives upon merchandise ; being a Merchant Venturer. 

If our Merchants and Gentlemen would take example 
by this man, Gentlemen would not sell their lands, to 
become bankrupt Merchants; nor Merchants live in the 
possessions of youth-beguiled Gentlemen ; who cast them- 
selves out of their parents' heritages for a few outcast com- 
modities. But Wit ! whither wilt thou ? What hath Mor- 
rice-tripping Will, to do with that ? It keeps not time with 
his dance 1 Therefore, room you ! moral precepts ! Give 
my legs leave to end my Morrice ! or that being ended, my 
hands leave to perfect this worthless poor tottered [ ? tattered] 
volume ! 

Pardon me, Madam ! that I am thus tedious ! I cannot 
choose but commend sacred liberality, which makes poor 
wretches partakers of all comfortable benefits ! 

Besides the love and favour already repeated, Master 
Weild, the Mayor, gave me 40s. [=;^io now] yearly, during 
my life, making me a Freeman of the Merchant Venturers. 

This is the substance of all my journey. Therefore let no 
man believe (however before, by lying Ballets and rumours 
they have been abused) that either ways [roads] were laid 
open for me, or that I delivered gifts to Her Majesty. 

It is good being merry, my Masters ! but in a mean ! and 
all my mirths, mean though they be, have been and ever 
shall be employed to the delight of my royal Mistress ! 
whose sacred Name ought not to be remembered among 
such ribald rhymes as these late thin-breeched lying Ballet 
singers have proclaimed it. 

It resteth now, that, in a word, I shew what profit I have 
made by my Morrice. 

158 Kemp's threat to his defaulters, [aphu^ 

True it is, I put out some money to have threefold gain at 
my return [i.e., he accepted bets of Three to One that he could not 
dance this Morris to Norwich]. Some that love me, regard my 
pains and respect their promise, [and] have sent home the 
treble worth. Some others, at the first sight, have paid me, 
if I came to seek them. Others I cannot see, nor will they 
be willingly found ! and these are the greater number. 

If they had all used me well ; or all, ill : I would have 
boldly set down the true sum of my small gain or loss ! but 
I will have patience some few days longer. 

At the end of which time, if any be behind, I will draw a 
Catalogue of all their names I ventured with. Those that 
have shewn themselves honest men ; I will set before them 
this character, H. for Honesty. Before the other bench- 
whistlers shall stand K. for Ketlers or Keistrels, that will 
drive a good companion, witliout need in them, to contend 
for his own. But I hope I shall have no such need ! 

If I have, your honourable protection shall thus far defend 
your poor servant, that he may, being a plain man, call a 
spade a spade. 

Thus, fearing your Ladyship is wearier with reading this 
toy than I was in all my merry travail ; I crave pardon ! and 
conclude this first pamphlet that ever Will. Kemp offered 
to the Press : being thereunto pressed on the one side by 
the pitiful papers pasted on every post, of that which was 
neither so, nor so ; and, on the other side, urged thereto in 
duty, to express with thankfulness the kind entertainment 
I found. 

Your Honour's poor servant, 

W. K. 


K E M P' s humble request to the impudent 
generation of Ballad-makers and their coherent s, 
that it would please their Rascalities to 
pity his pains in the great journey he pre- 
tends [intends] ; and not fill the country 
with lies of his never-done actSy as 
they did in his late Morrice 
to Norwich. 

To the tune oi T H o M A S Deloney's Epitaph. 

My notable Shake-rags! 

He effect of my suit is discovered in the 
title of my Supplication. 

But for your better understandings, for 
that I know you to be a sort of witless 
beetle-heads that can understand nothing 
but what is knocked into your scalps, 
These are, by these presents, to certify unto 
your Blockheadships, that I, William Kemp, whom you 
had near[ly] hand-rent in sunder, with your unreasonable 
rhymes, and shortly, GOD willing! to set forward (as 
merrily as I may), whither, I myself know not! 

Wherefore, by the way, I would wish ye ! employ not your 
little wits in certifying the world that I am gone to Rome, 
Jerusalem, Venice, or any other place at your idle appoint. 
I know, the best of ye, by the lies ye wrote of me, got not 
the price of a good hat to cover your brainless heads ! If 
any of ye had come to me, my bounty should have exceeded 
the best of your good masters, the ballad buyers ! I would 
have apparelled your dry pates in parti-coloured bonnets ! 

i6o Death of Thomas Deloney. [rprif lel^: 

and bestowed a leash of my cast[-off ] bells to have crowned 
ye, with coxcombs ! 

I have made a privy search, what private Jigmonger of 
your jolly number hath been the Author of these abomin- 
able Ballets written of me. 

I was told, it was the great Ballad-maker, T. D., alias 
Thomas Deloney, Chronicler of the memorable Lives of 
the Six yeomen of the West, Jack of Newbury, the Gentle Craft, 
&c., and such like honest men, omitted by Stow, Hollin- 
SHED, Grafton, Halle, Froissart, and all the rest of those 
well-deserving writers. 

But I was given since to understand, your late General, 
Thomas, died poorly (as ye all must do !), and was honestly 
buried, which is much to be doubted of some of you ! [This 
fixes Deloney's death about March, 1600.] 

The Quest [inquest] of Inquiry finding him, by death 
acquitted of the Indictment; I was let to wit, that another 
Lord of Little Wit, one whose employment for the Pageant 
was utterly spent, he being known to be Elderton's imme- 
diate heir, was vehemently suspected : but, after due inqui- 
sition was made, he was at that time known to live like 
a man in a mist, having quite given over the mystery. 

Still the Search continuing, I met a proper upright youth, 
only for a little stooping in the shoulder, all heart to the heel, 
a penny Poet ; whose first making [ballad] was the miserable 
stolen story of Macdoel, or Macdobeth, or M/lC-somewhat: 
for I am sure a Mac it was, though I never had the maw to 
see it : and he told me there was a fat filthy Ballet-maker 
that should have once been his journeyman to the trade, who 
lived about the town ; and, ten to one ! but he had thus 
terribly abused me and my Tabourer, for that he was able to 
do such a thing in print. A shrewd presumption ! 

I found him about the Bankside, sitting at a play, I de- 
sired to speak with him, had him to a tavern, charged [i.e., 
for him] a pipe with tobacco, and then laid this terrible 
accusation to his charge. He swells presently like one cf 

Apriue^G Kemp's hunt after the ballad-maker. i6i 

the four winds. The violence of his breath blew the tobacco 
out of the pipe, and the heat of his wrath drank dry two 
bowls of Rhenish wine. 

At length having power to speak, "Name my accuser!" 
saith he, " or I defie thee, Kemp! at the quart [er] staff!" 

I told him! and all his anger turned to laughter; swearing 
" it did him good to have ill words of a hoddy doddy ! a 
habber de hoy! [? hobbledehoy], a chicken! a squib! a 
squall ! One that hath not wit enough to make a ballet ; 
that by Pol and Aedipol would Pol his father, Derick 
his dad ! do anything, how ill soever, to please his apish 
humour ! " 

I hardly believed this youth, that I took to be gracious, 
had been so graceless ; but I heard, afterwards, his mother- 
in-law was eye-and ear-witness of his father's abuse, by this 
blessed child, on a public Stage, in " a merry Host of an 
Inn's" part. 

Yet all this while, could not I find out the true ballet 
maker; till, by chance, a friend of mine pulled out of his 
pocket, a book in Latin, called Mundus furiosus, printed at 
Cullen [Cologne], written by one of the vilest and arrantest 
lying cullians [wretches] that ever wrote book; his name 
Jansonus : who, taking upon him to write an abstract of all 
the turbulent actions that had been lately attempted or 
performed in Christendom, like an unchristian wretch ! writes 
only by report, partially, and scofhngly of such whose page's 
shoes he was unworthy to wipe. For indeed he is now dead. 
Farewell, he ! every dog must have a day ! 

But see the luck on it ! This beggarly lying busybody's 
name brought out the Ballad-maker [? Richard Johnson] ! 
and it was generally confirmed it was his kinsman ! He 
confesses himself guilty, let any man look on his face ! if 
there be not so red a colour that all the soap in the town will 
not wash white, let me be turned into a whiting, as I pass 
between Dover and Calais ! 

Well, GOD forgive thee, honest fellow I 

L 6 

i62 Kemp is going on the Continent. [Tprifi'e'^: 

I see, thou hast grace in thee ! I prithee, do so no more ! 
Leave writing these beastly ballets ! make not good wenches, 
Prophetesses for little or no profit ! nor for a sixpenny mat- 
ter, revive not a poor fellow's fault that is hanged for his 
offence ! it may be thine own destiny, one day : prithee, be 
good to them ! 

Call up, thy old Melpomene ! whose strawberry quill may 

write the bloody lines of the blue Lady, and the Prince of the 

burning crown : a better subject I can tell ye ! than your Knight 

of the Red Cross. So farewell ! and cross me no more, I 

prithee ! with thy rabble of bald rhymes, 

least at my return, I set a cross 

on thy forehead, that all 

men may know thee 

for a fool ! 

William Kemp. 



Cold doings in London, except it be at the 


With News out of the Country. 
A familiar talk between a Countryman and 

a Citizen touching this terrible Frost, and the Great 
Lx)ttery, and the effects of them. 

Printed at London {or Henry Gosson, and are to be sold at the sign of the 
\7he rest of the imprint is cut off in Mr. Hut/is copy.] 


^^fl^ A Table of the most special matters 

of note contained in this 

short Discourse. 

1. A description of the Thames being frozen over. 

2. The dangers that hath happened to some 
persons passing upon the Thames. 

3. The harms that this frost hath done to the 

4. The misery that the country people are driven 
into by the means of this frost. 

5. The frosts in other Kings' times compared with 

6. A description of the Lottery. 





Cold doings in London, 
a Dialogue* 


A Citizen. 

A Countryman. 

Citizen. lB"P^^™«SEff^LD Father, you are most heartily 

welcome to London ! 

Countryman. Sir, I give you 
most kind and hearty thanks : but 
you must pardon me, I am an old 
man and have those defects that 
go along with old age. I have 
both bad eyes to discern my friends 

and a weak memory to keep their names in mind. I have 

quite lost the remembrance of you. 
Cit. Nay, father, I am a mere stranger to you : but seeing 

white hairs to cover your head as well as mine own, I make 

bold to reach out my hand to you. There is honesty in your 

very looks ; and every honest man is worthy, and ought to be 

taken into acquaintance. 

Coun. I am beholden to you for this courtesy. You 

citizens are civil, and we poor country fellows are plain: but 

albeit I walk in russet and coarse grey, I have a true heart. 

What is your pleasure, Sir ? 

i66 The GREAT FROST OF January 1608. [jan/i6oa, 

Cit. If your haste be no greater than mine — for blessed 
be GOD, we have now too many idle hours against our will 
— I would gladly confer with you of the state of the country; 
and if I can delight you with any city news, you shall have 
my bosom opened freely. 

Coun. The ploughman's hands, Sir, are now held in his 
pocket as well as the shopkeeper's. I have as little to do as 
you, and therefore an hour's chat shall please me well. We 
old men are old chronicles, and when our tongues go they 
are not clocks to tell only the time present, but large books 
unclasped ; and our speeches, like leaves turned over and 
over, discover wonders that are long since past. 

Cit. I am glad that I have met with an old man that hath 
not stood still all his life like a pool ; but like a river hath run 
through the world to get experience. But I pray you, of 
what country are you ? 

Coun. Of Ripon in Yorkshire. 

Cit. And, if it be not too much beyond the rule of good 
manners ; let me be bold to inquire what drew you, dwelling 
so far off, to travel to London ? 

Coun. Marry, Sir, I will tell you : even that drew me to 
London which draws you out of your houses ; that which 
makes you cry out in London " We have cold doings," and 
to leave your shops to catch your heat in the streets : nay, 
to leave your new beautiful walks in Moorfields — for those I 
have seen at my entering into the city — and to make newer 
and larger walks, though not so safe, upon a field of glass 
as it were. That slippery world, which I beheld, as I 
remember, in the fifth year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth 
— or I am sure I am not much wide — do I come thus far to 
behold again in the fifth year of our good King James : and 
that is, in a few cold words, the Thames frozen over. 

Cit. Yea, father, and frozen over and over. 

Coun. I have but two ears. Sir — if I had more I were a 
monster : but those two ears bring me home a thousand tales 
in less than seven days. Some I hearken to, some I shake 
my head at, some I smile at, some I think true, some I know 
false. But because this world is like our millers in the 
country, knavish and hard to be trusted ; though mine ears 
be mine own and good, yet I had rather give credit to mine 
eyes : although they see but badly, yet they will not cozen 

Jan.i6o8.] Th E G R E AT F R O S T O F J A N U A R Y I 6 O 8 . 167 

me; they have not these fourscore years. And that is the 
reason I have made them my guides now in this journey : 
and they shall be my witnesses — when I get home again and 
sit, as I hope I shall, turning a crab by the fire — of what 
wonders I have been a beholder. 

Cit. In good sadness, father, I am proud that such a heap 
of years lying on your back, you stoop no lower for them. 
I come short of you by more than twenty ; and methinks I 
am both more unlusty and look more aged. 

Coun. Oh, Sir, riots ! riots ! surfeits ! surfeits stick 
white hairs upon young men's chins ; when sparing diets hold 
colour. Your crammed capons feed you fat here in London ; 
but our beef and bacon feed us strong in the country. Long 
sleeps and late watchings dry up your blood and wither your 
cheeks : we go to bed with the lamb and rise with the lark, 
which makes our blood healthful. You are still sending to 
the apothecaries and still crying out to " fetch Master Doctor 
to me : " but our apothecary's shop is our garden full of 
potherbs, and our doctor is a good clove of garlic. I am as 
lusty and sound at heart, I praise my GOD, as my yoke of 
bullocks that are the servants to my plough. 

Cit. Yet I wonder that having no more sand in the glass 
of your life — for young men may reckon years, but we old 
men must count upon minutes — I wonder, I say, how you 
durst set forth, and how you could come thus far. 

Goun. How I durst set forth ! If King Harry were now 
ahve again, I durst and would, as old and stiff as I am, go 
with him to Boulogne. We have trees in our town that 
bear fruit in winter. I am one of those winter plums ; and 
though I taste a little sour, yet I am sound at heart and 
shall not rot yet I hope, for all this frost. 

Cit. It were pity so reverend an oak should so soon be 
felled down. You may stand and grow yet many a year. 

Coxin. Yes, Sir, downward. Downward you and I must 
grow, like ears of corn when they be ripe. But I beseech 
you tell me. Is that good'y river of yours — I call it yours 
because you are a citizen and that river is the nurse that 
gives milk and honey to yjur city — but is that lady of fresh 
waters all covered over with ice ? 

Cit. All over, I assure you, father. The frost hath made 
a floor upon it, which shows like grey marble roughly hewn 

l68 The GREAT FROST OF J ANUARY I 608. [ja„. ',608. 

out. It is a very pavement of glass, but that it is more 
strong. The Thames now lies in ; or rather is turned, as 
some think, bankrupt : and dares not show her head ; for 
all the water of it floats up and down like a spring in a cellar. 

Coun. GOD help the poor fishes ! It is a hard world with 
them, when their houses are taken over their heads. They 
use not [are not accustomed] to lie under such thick roofs. 
But I pray, Sir, are all the arches of your famous London 
Bridge so dammed up with ice that the flakes show like so 
many frozen gates shut up close ; and that nothing passes 
through them ; nay, that a man cannot look through them as 
he had wont ? 

Cit. No such matter. The Thames with her ebbing and 
flowing, hath at sundry times brought down, aye winter 
castles of ice; which, jostling against the arches of the 
Bridge, and striving — like an unruly drunkard at a gate of 
the city in the night time — to pass through, have there been 
stayed and lodged so long till they have lain in heaps, and 
got one upon another : but not so ambitiously as you speak 
of them. 

Coun. And do not the western barges come down upon 
certain artificial pulleys and engines, sliding on the ice ; to 
serve your city with fuel ? 

Cit. That were a wonder worth the seeing, and more strange 
than the rowing over steeples by land in a wherry. I assure 
you these stories shall never stand in our chronicles. There 
is no such motion. 

Coun. But I hope, Sir, you and I may drink a pint of 
sack in the tavern that runs upon wheels on the river, as well 
as a thousand have done besides, may we not ? The motion 
of that wine cellar, I am sure is to be seen. Is it not ? 

Cit. The water cellar is, but the wine cellars have too 
good doings on the land to leave that, and to set up taverns 
on the river. You know more in the country I perceive than 
we do in the city of these matters. 

Coun. Nay, Sir, we hear more but know less. We hear 
the lies, and you know the truth. Why law you now, had 
not I made this journey to London, I had died in misbelief. 
Mine ears might thus have made me to have been called an 
old doting fool. For I, giving credit to report, should have 
uttered these fables for truths : and I being an old man, should 


jan.Ieos.] The GREAT FROST OF January I 608. 169 

have been believed — for a white head ought not to hold a 
black tongue — and so my sons and daughters, taking a father's 
word, might peradventure forty years hence have been called 
clowns for justifying a lie so monstrous and incredible. 

Cit. Bar all these rumours hereafter out of your ears ; for 
they are false and deceitful, and fly up and down like 
lapwings ; their in times being there it is, when it is not. 

Goim. You, Sir, are a man, that by your head and beard, 
as well as myself, should be one of Time's sons, and should 
therefore love his daughter. Truth. Make me so much 
beholding to you, as to receive from you the right picture of 
all these your waterworks; how they began, how they have 
grown, and in what fashion have continued. 

Cit. Most gladly will I satisfy your request. You shall 
understand that the Thames began to put on his The Thames 
" freeze-coat," which he yet wears, about the week it"w2s frozt^. 
before Christmas; and hath kept it on till now this latter end 
of January [1608] : how long time soever besides to come 
none but GOD knows. 

Couu. Did it never thaw in these many weeks ? 

Cit. Only three days, or four at the most ; and that but 
weakly, to dissolve so great a hardness. The cakes of ice, 
great in quantity and in great numbers, were made and baked 
cold in the mouth of winter, at the least a fortnight or three 
weeks before they were crusted and cemented together ; but 
after they once joined their strengths into one, their backs 
held out and could not be broken. 

Coun. We may make this good use, even out of this 
watery and transformed element ; that London upholdeth a 
State : and again, that violent factions and combinations, 
albeit of the basest persons, in a commonwealth are not 
easily dissolved ; if once they be suffered to grow up to a head. 
On, Sir, I pray. 

Cit. This cold breakfast being given to the city, and the 
Thames growing more and more hard-hearted ; wild youths 
and boys were the first merchant- venturers that First goingover 
set out to discover these cold islands of ice upon [he lii^aw"" 
the river. And the first path that was beaten Coid Harbour. 
forth to pass to the Bank Side, without going over [London] 
Bridge or by boat, was about Cold Harbour and in those 
places near the Bridge : for the tides still piling up the flakes 

170 The great frost of January i 608. [j^^_\ 

an. 1608. 

of ice one upon another in those parts of the Thames ; it 
was held the best and the safest travelling into our new 
found Freeze-Land by those creeks. 

Coun. But this onset prospering and they coming off well 
heartened others to come on, Sir, did it not ? 

Cit. No soldiers more desperate in a skirmish. Speak it, 
father, from my mouth for an assured truth, that there was 
as it were ar: artificial bridge of ice reaching from one side of 
the river to the other, upon which infinite numbers of people 
passed to and fro, jostling one another in crowds : while the 
current of the water ran in sight, more than half the breadth 
of the Thames, on either side of that icy bridge ; the bridge 
itself being not above five yards broad, if so much. 

Conn. It was strange ! But it was said of you Londoners 
that when you strive to be kind, you turn into prodigals ; 
when you are cowards, you are arrant cowards ; and when 
you are bold, you are too desperately venturous. 

Cit. It appears so by this frost : for no danger could nip 
their bloods with fear ; but over some went in shoals, when 
thousands stood gazing on and swore they would not follow 
their steps in that watery wilderness for many thousands of 
pounds. Nay, even many of those that were the discoverers 
and did first venture over, would never undertake the second 
voyage : but protested when they were half way they would 
have lost much to have been again on shore. 

Coun. It is most likely : for perils that are not common 
make men foolhardy ; but being once tasted, they tremble 
to come near them. 

Cit. You say true, father : but the fear of this shipwreck 
and of these rocks grew every day less and less. As the ice 
increased in hardness, so men's hearts increased in hardiness: 
so that at the length — the frost knitting all his sinews 
together; and the inconstant water by that means, being of a 
floating element, changed into a firm ground as it were — both 
What numbers men, womcn, and children walked over and up and 
walked on the down in such compauics ; that, I verily believe 
Thames. ^ud I darc almost swear it, the one half, if not 

three parts of the people in the city have been seen going on 
the Thames. The river showed not now, neither shows it yet, 
like a river, but like a field ; where archers shoot at pricks, 
[targets] while others play at football. It is a place of mastery, 

Jan.!6o8.] T H E G R E A T F R O ST O F J AN U A R Y 1608. I71 

where some wrestle and some run ; and he that does best is 
aptest to take a fall. It is an alley to walk upon without dread, 
albeit under it be most assured danger. The gentlewomen 
that tremble to pass over a bridge in the iield, do here walk 
boldly. The citizen's wife that looks pale when she sits in a 
boat for fear of drowning, thinks that here she treads as safe 
now as in her parlour. Of all ages, of both sexes, of all 
professions, this is the common path. It is the roadway 
between London and Westminster, and between Southward 
and London. Would you drink a cup of sack, father ? here 
stand some with runlets to fill it out. 

Conn. Ah ha! that is the tavern then that is talked on. 

Cit. Thirst you for beer, ale, usquebaugh, &c. ; or for 
victuals ? There you may buy it, because [in Beer, aie, wine, 
order that] you may tell another day how you nres^onthl*^ 
dined upon the Thames. Are you cold with going Thames. 
over ? You shall ere you come to the midst of the river, spy 
some ready with pans of coals to warm your fingers. If you 
want fruit after you have dined, there stand costermongers 
to serve you at your call. And thus do people leave their 
houses and the streets ; turning the goodliest river in the 
whole kingdom into the broadest street to walk in. 

Coun. But tell me, I pray. Sir, if all the merchants that 
undertake this voyage to these your narrow seas ; are none 
undone ? Do none of your fresh-water soldiers miscarry, and 
drop down in these slippery marshes? 

Cit. Yes, Sir, I have heard of many and have been an 
eyewitness of some : of all which, I will be sparing in report, 
being rather willing to be reprehended for telling too little 
than for discovering too much. 

Coun. It is a modesty that well becomes any man, albeit 
nothing but truth sit upon his tongue. But I pray, sithence 
[since] you crack the shell, let us see what kernel there is 
within it : sithence you have bestowed the sweet, let me 
taste the sour. Let your news be as country folks bring fruit 
to your markets, the bad and good together. Say, have none 
gone "westward for smelts," as our proverbial phrase is ? 

Cit. Yes, it hath been a kind of battle for the time. For 
some have fallen in up to the knees, others to hi've^rXn on^' 
the middle, others to the armpits ; yea, and some several persons 
have been ducked over head and ears, yet have xhaleT 

1/2 The great frost of January i 608. [jan^eos 

crawled out like drowned rats : while others have sunk to the 
bottom that never rose again to the top. They had a cold 
bed to lie in ! Amongst many other misfortunes that are to 
be pitied, this is one. A couple of friends shooting on the 
Thames with birding pieces, it happened they struck a sea- 
pie or some other fowl. They both ran to fetch it. The one 
stumbled forward, his head slipped into a deep hole, and there 
he was drowned : the other in his haste slipped backward, 
and by that means saved his life. 

A poor fellow likewise having heated his body with drink, 
thought belike to cool it on the water : but coming to walk 
on the ice, his head was too heavy for his heels ; so that 
down he fell, and there presently died. 

Conn. Let his fall give others warning how to stand. 
Your city cannot choose but to be much damnified [injured] 
by this strange congealing of the river. 

Cit. Exceeding much, father. Strangers may guess at our 
The hurt that harms : yet none can give the full number of them 
recefvedby't^his but wc that are the inhabitants. For the City by 
frost ^j^jg means is cut off from all commerce. Shop- 

keepers may sit and ask " What do you lack ? " when the 
passengers [passers by] may very well reply " What do you 
lack yourselves ? " They may sit and stare on men, but not 
sit and sell. It was, before, called " The dead term : " and 
now may we call this "The dead vacation," "The frozen 
vacation," " The cold vacation." If it be a gentleman's life 
to live idly and do nothing, how many poor artificers and 
tradesmen have been made gentlemen then by this frost ? 
For a number of occupations — like the flakes of ice that lie 
in the Thames — are by this malice of Winter, trod clean 
under foot, and will not yet be able to stir. Alas, poor 
watermen ! you have had cold cheer at this banquet. You 
that live altogether upon water, can scarce get water to your 
hands. It is a hard thing now for you to earn your bread 
with the sweat of your brows. 

Coun. This beating may make them wise. The want that 
this hard season drives them into, may teach them to play 
the ants ; and in summer to make a provision against the 
wrath of winter. There is no mischief born alone, I know. 
Calamities commonly are, by birth, twins. Methinks, there- 
fore, that this drying up of the waters should be a devourer up 


Jan.i6o8.] ThE GREAT FROST OF J ANUARY I 6o8. 173 

of wood. This cold ague of the earth must needs have warmth 
to help it. That warmth must come from fire, and that fire can- 
not be had without cost : howthen, I pray you, in this so general 
an affliction did poor people shift for fuel to comfort them ? 

Cit. Their care for fire was as great as for food. Nay, to 
want it was a worse torment than to be without meat. The 
belly was now pinched to have the body warmed : xhe want of 
and had not the provident Fathers of this city ^''''■ 
[i. e. the Corporation] carefully, charitably and out of a good 
and godly zeal, dispersed a relief to the poor in several parts 
and places about the outer bounds of the City, where poverty 
most inhabiteth ; by storing them beforehand with sea coal 
and other firing at a reasonable rate, I verily persuade 
myself that the unconscionable and unmerciful raising of the 
prices of fuel by chandlers, woodmongers, &c. — who now 
meant to lay the poor on the rack — would have been the 
death of many a wretched creature through want of succour. 

Conn. Not unlikely, Sir. 

Cit. For neither cou'.d coal be brought up the river, 
neither could wood be sent down. The western barges 
might now wrap up their smoky sails ; for albeit they had 
never so lofty a gale, their voyage was spoiled : the winds 
were with them, but the tide was clean against them. And 
not only hath this frost nipped away those comforts that should 
revive the outward parts of the body ; but those also that 
should give strength and life to the inward. For ceanhof 
you of the country being not able to travel to the victuals. 
City with victuals, the price of victail must of necessity be 
enhanced ; and victail itself brought into a scarcity. And 
thus have I given you, according to your request, a true 
picture of our Thames frozen over ; and withal have drawn 
in as lively colours as I can, to my skill, as it were in a little 
table [picture], all the miseries, mischiefs and inconveniences, 
which this hard time hath thrown upon our City. 

Coun. Sir, you have satisfied me to the full ; and have 
given unto me so good a taste of your love, that if I should 
live double the years that are already scored on my head, I 
cannot choose but die indebted to your kindness. 

Cit. Not so, father, for you shall, if you please, come out 
of my debt presently ; and your payment shall be in the self- 
same coin that you received of me, that is to say words. 

174 The GREAT FROST OF January 1 6o8. [j^J. 

an. 1608. 

Coun. I am glad, Sir, you will take a poor countryman's 
word for so round a sum as I acknowledge is owing to you. 
You are a merciful creditor. GOD send me always to 
deal with such chapmen ! But how will you set down my 
payments ? 

Cit. Marry thus, father. As I have discovered unto you 
what cold doings we have had during this frost in the city; 
so, I pray, let me understand from you what kind of world 
you have lived in, in the country. 

Conn. The world with us of the country runs upon the old 
rotten wheels. For all the northern cloth that is woven in 
News out of our country will scarce make a gown to keep Charity 
the country warm," she goes so a-cold. Rich men had never more 
money, and Covetousness had never less pity. There was never 
in any age more money stirring, nor never more stir to get 
money. Farmers are now slaves to racking young prodigal 
landlords. Those landlords are more servile slaves to their own 
riots and luxury. But these are the common diseases of every 
kingdom, and therefore are but common news. The tunes 
of the nightingale are stale in the middle of summer, because 
we hear them at the coming in of the spring : and so these 
harsh notes which are sung in every country do by custom 
grow not to be regarded. But your desire. Sir, is to know 
how we spend the days of this our frozen age in the country. 

Cit. That I would hear indeed, father. 

Coun, Believe me. Sir, as wickedly you must think as 
you can hear in your City. It goes as hard with us as it doth 
The miseries with you. Thc samc cold hand of Winter is thrust 
peopb'feerby ^^^° °^^ bosoms. The same sharp air strikes 
this frost. wounds into our bodies. The same sun shines 
upon us ; but the same sun doth not heat us any more than 
it doth you. The poor ploughman's children sit crying and 
blowing their nails, as lamentably as the children and 
servants of your poor artificers. Hunger pinches their cheeks, 
as deep into the flesh as it doth into yours here. You cry 
out here, you are undone for coals : and we complain, we 
shall die for want of wood. All your care is to provide for 
your wives, children, and servants in this time of sadness : but 
we go beyond you in cares. Not only our wives, our children 
and household servants are unto us a cause of sorrow : but 
we grieve as much to behold the misery of our poor cattle in 

jan/ifcs.] The great frost of January i 608. 175 

this frozen-hearted season, as it doth to look upon our own 
affliction. Our beasts are our faithful servants; and do their 
labour truly when we set them to it. They are our nurses 
that give us milk, they are our guides in our journeys, they 
are our partners and help to enrich our state ; yea, they are 
the very upholders of a poor farmer's lands and living. 
Alas ! then, what master that loves his servant as he ought, 
but would almost break his own heartstrings with sighing; to 
see these pine and mourn as they do ? The ground is bare 
and not worth a poor handful of grass. The earth seems 
barren and bears nothing : or if she doth most unnaturally 
she kills it presently [at once] or suffers it through cold to 
perish. By which means the lusty horse abates his flesh 
and hangs his head, feeling his strength go from him ; the 
ox stands bellowing, the ragged sheep bleating, the poor 
lamb shivering and starving to death. 

The poor cottager that hath but a cow to live upon must 
feed upon hungry meals, GOD knows ! when the beast herself 
hath but a bare commons. ' He that is not able to bid all 
his cattle home, and to feast them with fodder out of his 
barns ; will scarce have cattle at the end of summer to 
fetch home his harvest. Which charge of feeding so many 
beastly [beasts] mouths, is able to eat up a countryman's 
estate; if his providence before time hath not been the 
greater to meet and prevent such storms. Of necessity our 
sheep, oxen, &c., must be in danger of famishing; having 
nothing but what our old grandam the earth will allow them 
to live upon. Of necessity must they pine ; sithence [since] 
all the fruits that had wont to spring out of her fertile womb 
are now nipped in their birth, and likely never to prosper. 
And to prove that the ground hath her very heart as it were 
broken, and that she hath not lively sap enough in her veins 
left as yet to quicken her, and to raise her up to strength ; 
behold this one infallible token. The Leek, whose courage 
hath ever been so undaunted that he hath borne up his lusty 
head in all storms, and could never be compelled to shrink 
for hail, snow, frost or showers ; is now by the violence and 
cruelty of this weather beaten into the earth, being rotted, 
dead, disgraced, and trod upon. 

And thus. Sir, if words may be taken for current payment 
to a creditor so worthy as yourself, have I tendered some 

176 The GREAT FROST OF January I 6o8. [jan^eos. 

part of my love in requital of yours. You gave unto me a 
map of your city as it stands now in the frost ; and I 
bestowed upon you a model of the country which I pray 
receive with as friendly a hand as that which offers it. 

Cit. I do, with millions of thanks. The story which you 
told, albeit it yet makes my heart bleed to think upon the 
calamities of my poor countrymen, yet was it uttered with so 
grave a judgment and in a time so well befitting your age 
that I kept mine ears open and my lips locked up ; for I was 
loth to interrupt you till all was told : wherein you show 
yourself to be a careful and honest debtor in discharging 
your bond all at one sum, when you might have done it in 
several payments. 

But I pray you, father, what is your opinion of this strange 
winter ? I call you, father, albeit my own head be whitened 
by old age as well as yours ; and be not angry that I do so, 
it is an honourable title due unto your years. For as those 
that are young men to me, bestow that dignity upon my 
silver hairs, and I am proud to take it : so would I not have 
you disdain that attribute from my mouth, that am a young 
man to you; sithence I do it out of love and the reverence I 
bear to my elders. Tell me therefore, I pray, your judgment 
of this frost ; and what, in the school of your experience you 
have read or can remember, may be the effects which it 
may produce or which, of consequence, are likely to follow 
upon it. 

Coun. I shall do my best to satisfy you. When these great 
The dangers hills of icc shall bc digged down and be made level 
iikeiy%o*'bring with the watcrs ; when these hard rocks shall melt 
with it. into soft rivers, and that a sudden thaw shall over- 

come this sharp frost, then is it to be feared that the swift, 
violent, and unresistible land currents will bear down bridges, 
beat down buildings, overflow our cornfields, overrun the 
pastures, drown our cattle, and endanger the lives both of 
man and beast travelling on their way. 

Cit. You say right. This prognostication which your 
judgment looks into did always fall out to be too true : but 
what other weather doth your calendar promise ? 

Coun. I will not hide within me from you that which time 
and observation have taught me. And albeit strange unto 
you that an old country penny-father, a plain holland ruff 

Jan'i6o8.] T H E GRE AT FRO ST O F J A N U A R Y 1608. I77 

and a kersey stocking, should talk thus of the change of 
season and the mutability of the world: yet, Sir, know, 
I beseech you, that my education was finer than my russet 
outside ; and that my parents did not only provide to leave 
me something, but took care, above that transitory blessing, 
that I should taste a little of the fruit of learning and 

Cit. It will be a pleasing and profitable journey to our 
countrymen though a laborious voyage for you. 

Goun. I have read how in the reign of King William 
Rufus, in the fifth year [1091-92 a.d.] as I King 
remember, that rivers of this kingdom were so Jiu/us. 
frozen over that carts and wains laden did without danger 
pass over them. 

In the sixth year of the reign of King John, a frost began 
upon the 13th of January [1205 a.d.] and continued King John. 
till the 22nd of March following : the earth by means of 
it being so hardened that the plough lay still and the ground 
could not be tilled. The wounds that this frost gave the 
commonwealth were for that present scarce felt ; they were 
not deep, they were not thought dangerous : but the summer 
following did they freshly begin to bleed ; for then a quarter 
of wheat was sold for a mark [13s. 4d. = £10 los. m present 
value] , which in the reign of Henry the Second (before 
him) was sold for no more than twelve pence. 

There was likewise so great a frost in the 53rd year of the 
reign of Henry the Third, that being at Saint King henry. 
Andrew's tide [30 November 1268 a.d.] ; it continued till 
Candlemas [2 February 1269 a.d.] : so that men and beasts 
went over the Thames from Lambeth to Westminster; and 
the goods of merchants not being able to be transported by 
water, were carried from Sandwich and other havens, and 
so brought to London by land. But no extraordinary or 
memorable accident following or going before this frost 
I will pass over it, and come to that frost season in the 
tenth year [1281-82 a.d.] of Edward the First, whose 
violent working was so cruel, and did build such KingEowARD 
castles of ice upon the Thames and other rivers, *^^ ^"'^• 
that five arches of London bridge were borne down, and all 
Rochester bridge was carried clean away, with divers others. 

In the seven and thirtieth year of Edward the Third 

M 6 

178 The GREAT FROST OF January 1 6o8. [janAeos. 

a frost began in England about the midst of September 
King Edward [1363 A.D.] ; and thawed not till April [1364 A. D.] 
the Third. following : SO that it continued almost eight months. 
In the ninth year [1407-8 a.d.] of King Henry the 
King Henry Fourth ; was there a frost that lasted fifteen 

the Fourth, weeks. 

KingEDWARD 1'he like happened in the fourth year 

the Fourth. [1464-65 A.D.] of EdWARD the FoURTH. 

In the ninth year [15 17-18 a.d.] of King Henry the 
Eighth, the Thames was frozen over, that men with horses 
and carts passed upon it : and in the very next succeeding 
King Henry year died multitudes of people by a strange disease 
the Eighth, called the " Sweating sickness." 

There was one great frost more in England, in our memory. 
Queen ^^^ that was in the seventh year of Queen 

Elizabeth. ELIZABETH : which began Upon the 2ISt of 

December [1564 a.d.] and held on so extremely that upon 
New Year's Eve following people in multitudes went upon 
the Thames from London bridge to Westminster ; some — as 
you tell me, Sir, they do now — playing at football, others 
shooting at pricks. This frost began to thaw upon the 
third day of January [1565 a.d.] at night, and on the fifth 
of the same month there was no ice to be seen between 
London bridge and Lambeth : which sudden thaw brought 
forth sudden harms. For houses and bridges were over- 
turned by the land floods ; among which Owes [Ouse] bridge 
in Yorkshire was borne away; many numbers of people 
perishing likewise by those waters. 

Cit. You have a happy memory, father. Your head, I see, 
is a very storehouse of antiquity. You are of yourself, a 
whole volume of chronicles. Time hath well bestowed his 
lessons upon you ; for you are a ready scholar of his, and do 
repeat his stories by heart perfectly. 

CoTin. And thus, as I said before, you may perceive that 
these extraordinary fevers have always other evils attending 
upon them. 

Cit. You have made it plain unto me : and I pray GOD — 
at whose command the sun sends forth his heat to comfort 
the earth, and the winds' bitter storms to deface the fruits 
of it — that in this last affliction of waters, which are hardened 
against us, all other miseries may be closed withal ; and that 

jan.\<io8j The GREAT FROST OF January 1608. 179 

the stripes of sundry plagues and calamities which for these 
many years have been seen sticking in our flesh, may work 
in our bodies such amendment, and in our souls such repent- 
ance, that the rod of the divine Justicer may be held back 
from scourging us any longer. 

Comi. I gladly and from my heart play the clerk, crying 
" Amen." I have been bold and troublesome to you, Sir. 

Cit. You teach me what language to speak to yourself in. 
I would neither of us both had ever spent an hour worse. 

Coim. Indeed, time is a jewel of incomparable value ; yet, 
as unthrifts do by their money, we are prodigal in wasting 
it; and never feel the true sweetness of enjoying it till we 
have lost all. But sithence I have waded thus far into 
conference with you, and that it is our agreement to barter 
away news one with another, as merchants do their com- 
modities, I must request one kindness more at your hands. 

Cit. What is that, father ? I am now in your debt, and in 
conference I must see you satisfied. 

Goim. I hear, Sir, strange report of a certain lottery for 
plate of a great value here in London. Is it true ? 

Cit. It is true that there is a lottery, and it is set up by 

Conn. I remember that, as I take it, in the eleventh year 
[1568-69 A.D.] of Queen Elizabeth, a lottery began here in 
London ; in which, if my memory fail not, there were four 
hundred thousand lots to be drawn. 

Cit. You say right. So much still lies in my memory. 

Conn. Marry, that lottery was only for money, and every 
lot was ten shillings [ = £s in present value]. It was held at 
the west door of Saint Paul's church. It began upon the 
nth of January [1569] and continued day and night till the 
6th of May following, which was almost four months : and 
the common burden of that song, when poor prizes were 
drawn, was Twopence halfpenny. 

Cit. That was a prize poor enough, I'll be sworn. Nay, 
father, then was there another gallant lottery about the eight 
and twentieth year of the same queen's reign, which began 
in the middle of summer [1586 a.d.] , and was for marvellously 
rich and costly armour, gilt and engraven. 

Conn. That lottery I heard of, but never saw it : for I was 
then in the country. 

i8o The GREAT FROST OF January 1608. [j^}, 

an. 1608. 

Cit, To win that armour, all the Companies of the city 
ventured general sums of money [i.e. money belonging to their 
several Corporations]. But because you desire to hear some 
news of this last lottery that now tempteth the people 
together, I will tell you so much of it as I certainly know 
for truth ; referring your ear, if you would know more, to the 
great voice of the vulgar, of whom you may be sure to have 
more than willingly you will carry home. 

Coim. Oh, Sir, the wild beast with many heads must needs 
have as many tongues ; and it is not possible those tongues 
should go true, no more than all the clocks do. But, I pray 
you, speak on. 

Cit. This lottery, as I said before, consisteth all of plate. 
It is a goodly goldsmith's shop to come into : and to behold 
so many gilt spoons, cups, bowls, basons, ewers, &c., fairly 
graven and richly gilded, who would not be tempted to 
venture a shilling — for that is a stake for a lot — when for 
that shilling he may haply draw a piece of plate worth a 
hundred pounds [ = £1000 in present value], or a hundred and 
forty, fifty, or threescore pounds ; if he can catch it, which 
he may if fortune favour him. 

Coun. Oh, Sir, that sound of a hundred pounds makes good 
music in the ear, and draws men to hearken to it. Those 
are the sweet baits ; but upon what hooks, I pray you, are 
those lickerish baits hung ? 

Cit. Upon villanous long ones. For to every prize there 
are put in forty blanks ; so there are so many tricks to set a 
man beside the saddle, and but one to leap in. There are 
7,600 prizes and 42,000 blanks. A number of hard-choked 
pears must be swallowed before the delicate fruit can be 

Coun. And yet I hear that the people fly thither like wild 

Cit. You may well say like wild geese : for some of them 
prove such goose caps by going thither, that they leave 
themselves no more feathers on their backs than a goose 
hath when she is plucked. I have sat there and beheld the 
faces of all sorts of people that flock to this fair of silver 
household stuff. It is better than ten comedies to note 
their entrances into the place and their exits : and yet, in 
good truth, I have been heartily sorry to see what tragical 

jaii.'i6o8.] The GREAT FROST OF January 1608. 181 

ends have fallen upon some poor housekeepers that have 
come thither. About the doors, multitudes still are crowding ; 
above, the room is continually filled with people. Every 
mouth is bawling out for lots, and every hand thrust out to 
snatch them. Both hands are lifted up, the one to deliver 
the condemned shillings, the other to receive the papers of 
life and death. And when the papers, which are rolled up 
like wafers, are paid for ; lo ! what praying is there in every 
corner that GOD would, if it be His will, send them good 
fortune. How gingerly do they open their twelvepenny 
commodity ! How leisurely, with what gaping of the 
mouth, with what licking of the lips, as though they felt 
sweetness in it before they tasted it ! How the standers by 
encourage him that hath drawn to open boldly, as if it were 
to venture upon the mouth of a cannon : and with what 
strange passions and pantings does he turn over his waste 
papers ? But when he finds within but a pale piece of 
paper. Lord ! how he swears at his own folly, curses the 
Frenchmen, and cries " A plague on the house " and wishes 
all the plate were molten and poured down the throats of 
them that own it. Yet when he hath emptied his bosom of 
all this bitterness, the very casting of his eye upon a goodly 
fair bason of silver so sweetens the remembrance of his lost 
money, that to it he falls again ; and never gives over so long 
as he can make any shift for the other shilling. And thus 
do a number of poor men labour with a kind of greediness to 
beggar themselves. 

Coun. But amongst all these land rovers, have none of 
them the luck of men of war to win rich prizes ? 

Cit. Yes, some do : and the making of one is the undoing 
of a hundred : for the sight of a standing bowl being borne 
openly away in triumph by some poor fellow, so sets all their 
teeth on edge that are the gazers on, that many are almost 
mad till they have sold their pewter, in hope to change it 
into a cupboard of silver plate. And so far does this frenzy 
lead some, especially the baser sort of people, that this man 
pawns his cloak ; that man his holiday breeches; this woman 
sell her brass; that gossip makes away with her linen : and 
all these streams meet in the end in one river. These do all 
suffer shipwreck, and the sea swallows the spoil. The one 
goes home crying and cursing, the other stands still tickling 

i82 The GREAT FROST OF January I 608. [j 

an. 1608. 

with laughter ; the one hugs himself for his good success, the 
other is ready to hang himself for his ill-fortune. Carmen 
sell their horses and give over drawing of loads to draw lots. 
There came a young wench in one day, a maid-servant, that 
had newly received her quarter's wages, and was going to 
buy clothes to her back : but this silver mine standing in 
her way, here she vowed to dig and to try if she could be 
made for ever. She ventured all her money, and lost all : 
but when she saw it gone, she sighed and swore that the loss 
of her maidenhead should never have grieved her so much 
as the loss of her wages. 

Coun. I believe her, Sir. 

Cit. Imagine how a vintner's boy, having received a 
reckoning of his master's guests, and they falling presently 
to dice ; if the drawer should set his master's money, and 
crying " at all," should lose it all : how would that fellow 
look ? even so looked that poor wench. 

Coun. Are there — think you, Sir — no deceits in this 
lottery to cozen and abuse the people ? 

Cit. Trust me, father, I dare accuse no man of any, 
because I know of none. Such actions as these — how 
warrantable soever, and strengthened by the best authorities 
who have wisdom to look through and through them — if 
there were any juggling conceit, notwithstanding stand 
from the stings of slander. If any villany be done, the 
people that swarm hither practise it one against another. 

Coun. And how, I pray you, Sir ? 

Cit. For I have been told that some one crafty knave 
Knavish tricks amongst the rest, taking upon him to play the good 
lottery. shcphcrd over the flock that stands about him, hath 

gathered money from several men or women, he himself 
likewise putting in his own ; and then keeping a crowding to 
pass through the press, he comes back and delivers so many 
blanks as he received shillings : which blanks were not of 
the lottery, but cunningly made up by himself and carried of 
purpose up and down by him in his pocket. 

Coun. They are worthily served that will be cheated by 
such a doctor in the art of knavery. If any man therefore 
will needs be, as the term is now, one of these " twelvepenny 
gulls," let him hereafter set his own lime twigs ; and then 
if he catch no bird, nobody else shall laugh at him. 

jan.Ifios.] The GREAT FROST OF January I 608. 183 

Cit. Amongst many other things upon the frozen Thames 
that will, in times to follow, look to be remembered, this is 
one. That there were two barber's shops — in the fashion of 
booths, with signs and other properties of that trade belonging 
to them — fixed on the ice : to which many numbers of people 
resorted : and, albeit they wanted no shaving, yet would they 
here be trimmed, because [in order that] another day they 
might report that they lost their hair between Bank Side 
and London. Both these shops were still so full that the 
workmen thought eveiy day had been a Saturday. Never 
had they more barberous doings for the time. There was 
both old polling and cold polling. And albeit the foundation 
of their houses stood altogether upon a watery ground, yet 
they that were doctors of the barber's chair feared no danger: 
for it was a hard matter almost now for a man to find water 
to drown himself, if he had been so desperate. 

Then had they other games of " nine holes " and " pigeon 
holes " in great numbers. And this, father, did I observe 
as worthy to be remembered, that when the watermen, who 
had cold doings for a long time, had by main labour cut 
down with axes and such like instruments a lane and open 
passage between Queenhithe and the further bank [in 
Southwark], so that boats went surely to and fro, yet were 
people in great multitudes running, walking, sliding, and 
playing at games and exercises as boldly as if they had been 
on firm land, the Thames running mainly [powerfully] between 
them ; and taking boats at Queenhithe or any other stairs, 
they would as fiercely leap upon the very brim of the caked 
ice as if it had been a strong wharf or the ground itself. 

And thus much, father, touching the great frost here about 
our city. Unto which, upon my conference with some 
merchants my friends here in London, and upon view of 
letters from several factors out of other countries beyond the 
seas, I add this further report : that this frost hath not only 
continued in this extremity here in England ; but all, or the 
greatest part of all, the kingdoms in Christendom have been 
pinched by the same. Amongst which those countries 
northward, as Russia, Moscovia, &c., which at these times of 
the year are commonly subject to sharp, bitter, and violent 
frosts, were now, this winter, more extremely and more 
extraordinarily afflicted than usually they have been in many 

184 The GREAT FROST OF January I 6o8. [ja„.x6o8. 

years before. So that the calamities that have fallen upon 
us by this cruelty of the weather are so much to be endured 
with the greater patience and with more thanksgiving to 
GOD; because His hand hath punished neighbours and other 
nations as heavily if not more severely than He hath us. 

Amongst all the serious accidents that have happened here 
upon our Thames, I will now, father, quicken your hearing 
with one a little more merry. It was merry to the beholders 
and strange : but I believe he found no great mirth in it that 
was the person that performed it. But thus it was. 

A citizen happened to venture with many others on the 
ice ; but he, with a couple of dogs that followed him, walked 
up and down so long till he was, in a manner, alone from the 
rest of the company. You must understand that this was 
now towards the end of the frost ; when it either began or 
was likely to thaw, so that the people were not so bold upon 
the ice, nor in such multitudes as they were before : but this 
citizen and his two dogs keeping, as I said, aloof from others; 
it fortuned that the flake of ice upon which he stood was in 
a moment sundered from the main body of the frozen Thames, 
like an arm of a tree cut from the body. So that he stood, 
or rather swam as he stood, upon a floating island. The 
poor man, perceiving that his ground failed under him, began 
to faint in his heart, repenting now that he was so venturous 
or so foolish as to leave firm ground where he was safe and 
to trust a floor that was so deceitful, was afraid to stir ; and 
yet unless he did lustily stir for life, he was sure there was 
no way but one, and that was to be drowned. In this 
extremity and in this battle of comfort and despair, he had 
no means — albeit he was a fresh-water soldier — but to be 
constant in courage to himself and to try all paths how to 
get from this apparent danger. From place to place therefore 
doth he softly run, his two dogs following him close and 
leaping upon him : but his thoughts were more busied how 
to save himself than to regard them following. He never 
hated going a-hawking with his dogs till this time. Now 
the sport was loathsome ; now was he weary of it. For in 
all his hunting with his hounds thus at his tail, he met one 
game that could make him weary : he jostled with other 
huge flakes of ice that encountered with that whereupon he 
stood ; and gladly would have leaped upon some one of them, 

Jan.!6o8.] T H E GRE AT F R OST OF J ANU ARY I 6 O 8 . 185 

but to have done so, had been to have slipped out of one peril 
into another. Nothing was before his eyes but water mingled 
with huge cakes of ice. On every side of him was danger 
and death. 

Innumerable multitudes of people stood looking upon the 
shores ; but none were so hardy as to set out to his rescue. 
Being therefore thus round beset with the horrors of so 
present a wreck, he fell down on his knees, uttering such 
cold prayers as in this fear a man could deliver. His dogs, 
not understanding their master's danger nor their own, and 
not knowing why he kneeled, leaped ever and anon at his 
head and shoulders : but his mind being now more on his 
dying day than on his sports, he continued praying, till the 
flake of ice on which he kneeled was driven to the very 
Bridge. Which he perceiving, started up, and with a happy 
nimbleness leaped upon one of the arches ; his dogs leaping 
after as nimbly as the master : whilst the cake of ice passed 
away from him, and between the two arches was shivered all 
to little pieces. And thus did he escape. 

Goiin. It was a miraculous deliverance. 

Cit. Other abuses are there daily among the worser 
ranks of people, put one upon another; which being but idle, 
ridiculous, and not worth rehearsing, I willingly am glad not 
to remember; but only to content your longing, good old 
father, have I set thus much of our golden lottery before you. 

Goun. Sir, you bind me more and more to you for these 
kindnesses to me being a stranger and a person of so homely 
an outside from a citizen so grave as yourself seem to be. I 
will ever rest abundantly thankful. 




Printed for Henry 

Gosson, and are to be sold at 

his shop at London-Bridge. 



Secrets of Ansflin 


The choicest Tools, Baits and Seasons, for the 

taking of any Fish in Pond or River: 

practised and familiarly opened 

in three Books. 

By I. D. Esquire, 

Printed at London, for Roger Jackson^ and are to be sold 
at his shop near Fleet Street conduit, i6i 3. 

y. D. Esquire. 
The Secrets of Anglings 

With the exception of J. D.'s verses, who is the laureate of the craft, angling, as practised in 
England, sadly wants a sacred bard. Why does no fisherman hatnis et reti potens, as familiar 
with all the finny tribes as was Glaucus of old after tasting grass, cut himself a reed from the 
marg^ of his loved trout stream, and pipe a strain worthy of the subject ? — Quarterly Review, 
Oct. 187s, p. 358. 

J]Ur attention was drawn to this tract by the charming article 
on the literature and mysteries of Trout and Trout Fishings 
from which we have made the above quotation. The original 
edition of 1613 is of extraordinary rarity. Only two copies 
are known. One of these is in the Bodleian ; the other in the superb 
collection of Mr. Henry Huth, who kindly lent it for the present 

In addition to the original impression, we have given at pages igi-ipSall 
the additional Note and Comment which William Lauson added to the 
second impression of 1653. 

ISAAK Walton quotes from this poetical work in his Cotnpleat Angler 
first pubhshed in 1653, assigning by a marginal note, the authorship to 
J. Da. ; but the following entry in the Stationery Registers definitely 
fixes the name of the Writer, who was apparently a Somersetshire man. 

Master Roger Entred for his copie vnder th[e hjands of 
Jackson. Master Mason and Warden Hooper A 
booke called The secretes of Angling teaching 
the Choysest tools bates and seasons for the 
taking of any fish in pond or River practised 
and opened in three bookes by John Dennys 
Esquier vjd. 

As it appears from the Publisher's Epistle at p. 143 that the work 
appeared posthumously, the date of its composition can but approximately 
be fixed as "Before 1613." 

We think that to not a few Anglers, the poem will prove a very pleasant 
surprise ; and we imagine that this is the second printed book in our 
Literature specially devoted to stream fishing with the rod ; Juliana 
Barnes' treatise of Fysshynge with an angle at the end of the 1496 edition 
of her book of The manere of hawkynge and htmtynge &^c., being the first. 

Though the tract has several times been reprinted; lastly in 1811 : 
we feel sure we are but expressing the feeling of all Anglers in thanking 
Mr. Huth for his generous assistance in making it now perpetually 
accessible to all lovers of the gentle craft. 




Master John Harborne of Tack ley in the 
County of Oxford, Esquire. 


His Poem being sent unto me to be printed after the 
death of the author ; who intended to have done it in 
his life; but was prevented by death: I could not among 
my good friends, bethink me of any one to whom I might more 
fitly dedicate it — as well for the nature of the subject in which you 
delight, as to express my love — than to yourself, 

I find it not only savouring of Art and Honesty, two things now 
strangers unto many authors, but also both pleasant and profitable ; 
and being loth to see a thing of such value lie hidden in obscurity, 
whilst matters of no moment pester the stalls of every stationer, I 
therefore make bold to publish it for the benefit and delight of all, 
trusting that I shall neither thereby disparage the author, nor 
dislike them. 

I need not, I think, apologize for either the use of the subject 
or for that it is reduced into the nature of a poem : for as touch- 
ing the last, in that it is in verse, some count it by so much the 

I90 Tpie Epistle. [^"■^^''Sxa. 

more delightful; and I hold it every way as fit a subject for poetry 
as Husbandry. And touching the first, if H tinting and Hawking 
have been thought worthy delights and arts to be instructed in, I 
make not doubt but that this art of Angling is much more worthy 
practice and approbation : for it is a sport every way as pleasant, 
less chargeable, more profitable, and nothing so much subject to 
choler or impatience as those are. You shall find it more 
briefly, pleasantly, and more exactly performed than any of this 
kind heretofore. Therefore I refer you to the perusing thereof; 
and myself to your good opinion, which I tender as that I hold 
most dear. 

Ever remaining at 

Your gentle command, 

R. I. [i.e., Roger Jackson.] 



In due praise of this praiseworthy 
Skill and Work. 

N skills that all do seek, but few do find 
Both gain and game; (like Sun and Moon, do shine) 
Then th'Art of Fishing thus is of that kind; 
The Angler taketh both with hook and line, 

And as with lines, both these he takes ; this takes. 

With many a line well made, both ears and hearts; 

And by this skill, the skilless skilful makes : 

The corps whereof dissected so he parts ; 

Upon an humble subject never lay 

More proud, yet plainer lines, the plain to lead, 

This plainer Art with pleasure to survey, 

To purchase it with profit by that deed : 

Who think this skill's too low, then for the high 
This Angler read and they'll be ta'en thereby. 

Io[hn] Davies. 



The First Book containeth these three heads. 

1 W^^^^iHE antiquity of Angling, with the Art of Fishing, 
and of Fish in general. 

2 The lawfulness, pleasure and profit thereof; with 
all objections against it answered. 

3 To know the season and times how to provide the 
tools, and how to choose the best, and the manner 
how to make them fit to take each several fish. 

The Second Book containeth 

HE Angler^ s experience, how to use his tools and baits, 
to make profit by his game. 

2 What fish are not taken with angle, and what 

are ; and which are best for health. 

3 In what waters and rivers to find each fish. 

The Third Book containeth 

HE twelve virtues and qualities which ought to be in 
every Angler. 

2 What weather, seasons and times of the year are 

best and worst; and what hours of the day are 
best for sport. 

3 To know each fish's haunt, and the times to take them. 

Also, an obscure secret of an approved bait tending thereunto. 




of Angling. 

The First Book, 

F Angling and the Art thereof I sing, 
What kind of tools it doth behove to have; 
And with what pleasing bait a man may 

The fish to bite within the wat'ry wave. 
A work of thanks to such as in a thing 
Of harmless pleasure, have regard to save 
Their dearest souls from sin; and may 

Of precious time, some part thereon to 

N 6 

194 The First Book [MnDenny^ 

Before 1613. 

You Nymphs that in the springs and waters sweet, 
Your dwelling have, of every hill and dale; 
And oft amidst the meadows green do meet 
To sport and play, and hear the nightingale ; 
And in the rivers fresh, do wash your feet, 
While Progne's sister tells her woeful tale : 
Such aid and power unto my verses lend 
As may sufBce this little work to end. 

And thou sweet Boyd * that with thy wat'ry sway 
Dost wash the cliffs of Deington and of Week; 
And through their rocks with crooked winding way 
Thy mother Avon runnest soft to seek; 
In whose fair streams the speckled trout doth play. 
The roach, the dace, the gudgeon and the bleek : 
Teach me the skill with slender line and hook 
To take each fish of river, pond and brook. 

• The name of a brook. 

The Time for providing Angle Rods. 

Irst, when the sun beginneth to decline 
Southward his course, with his fair chariot bright ; 
And passed hath of heaven the middle line 
That makes of equal length both day and night; 
And left behind his back the dreadful sign 
Of cruel Centaur, slain in drunken fight; [song. 
When beasts do mourn and birds forsake their 
And every creature thinks the night too long. 

And blust'ring Boreas with his chilling cold, 
Unclothed hath the trees of summer's green ; 
And woods and proves are naked to behold, 
Of leaves and branches now despoiled clean ; 

^Before'^Ts!] ^^ THE Secrets OF Angling. 1 95 

So that their fruitful stocks they do unfold, 
And lay abroad their offspring to be seen : 

Where Nature shows her great increase of kind 
To such as seek their tender shoots to find. 

Then go into some great Arcadian wood 
Where store of ancient hazels do abound ; 
And seek amongst their springs and tender brood 
Such shoots as are the straightest, long and round : 
And of them all (store up what you think good) 
But fairest choose, the smoothest and most sound ; 
So that they do not two years' growth exceed, 
In shape and beauty like the Belgick reed. 

These prune and cleanse of every leaf and spray, 
Yet leave the tender top remaining still ; 
Then home with thee go bear them safe away. 
But perish not the rine and utter pill ; [*] i* Rinda,td 
And on some even boarded floor them lay, outer peei.\ 
Where they may dry and season at their fill ; 
And place upon their crooked parts some weight 
To press them down, and keep them plain and straight. 

So shalt thou have always in store the best 
And fittest rods to serve thy turn aright : 
For not the brittle cane, nor all the rest, 
I like so well, though it be long and light ; 
Since that the fish are frighted with the least 
Aspect of any glittering thing, or white ; 

Nor doth it by one half so well incline 

As doth the pliant rod, to save the line. 

196 The First Book pBrro^e^ais" 

To make the Line. 

Hen get good hair, so that it be not black, 
Neither of mare nor gelding let it be; 
Nor of the tireling jade that bears the pack ; 
But of some lusty horse or courser free, 
Whose bushy tail upon the ground doth track 
Like blazing comet that sometimes we see : 
From out the midst thereof the longest take 
At leisure best your links and lines to make. 

Then twist them finely as you think most meet, 
By skill or practice easy to be found ; 
As doth Arachne with her slender feet, 
Draw forth her little thread along the ground : 
But not too hard or slack, the mean is sweet ; 
Lest slack, they snarl; or hard, they prove unsound; 
And intermix with silver, silk or gold, 
The tender hairs, the better so to hold. 

Then end to end, as falleth to their lot. 
Let all your links, in order as they lie. 
Be knit together with that fisher's knot 
That will not slip nor with the wet untie; 
And at the lowest end forget it not 
To leave a bout or compass like an eye, 

The link that holds your hook to hang upon, 
When you think good to take it off and on. 

Which link must neither be so great nor strong, 
Nor like of colour as the others were ; 
Scant half so big, so that it be as long. 
Of greyest hue and of the soundest hair ; 

^B?fo?e"i6l^] OF THE Secrets of Angling. 197 

Lest whiles it hangs the liquid waves among 
The sight thereof, the wary fish should fear : 
And at one end a loop or compass fine, 
To fasten to the other of your line. 


Hen take good cork, so much as shall suffice, 
For every line to make his swimmer fit ; 
And where the midst and thickest parts doth rise, 
There burn a round small hole quite through it ; 
And put therein a quill of equal size, 
But take good heed the cork you do not slit ; 
Then round or square with razor pare it near 
Pyramidwise, or like a slender pear. 

The smaller end doth serve to sink more light 
Into the water with the plummet's sway ; 
The greater swims aloft and stands upright. 
To keep the line and bait at even stay ; 
That when the fish begin to nib and bite, 
The moving of the float doth them bewray : 
These may you place upon your lines at will. 
And stop them with a white and handsome quill. 


Hen buy your hooks the finest and the best 
That may be had of such as use to sell, 
x-Vnd from the greatest to the very least 
Of every sort pick out and choose them well ; 
Such as in shape and making pass the rest, 
And do for strength and soundness most excel : 
Then in a little box of driest wood 
From rust and canker keep them fair and good. 

198 The First Book [Jtefo^Tels: 

That hook I love that is in compass round, 
Like to the print that Pegasus did make 
With horned hoof upon Thessalian ground ; 
From whence forthwith Parnassus' spring outbrake, 
That doth in pleasant waters so abound, 
And of the Muses oft the thirst doth slake ; 
Who on his fruitful banks do sit and sing, 
That all the world of their sweet tunes doth ring. 

Or as Thaumantis, when she list to shroud 
Herself against the parching sunny ray, 
Under the mantle of some stormy cloud 
Where she her sundry colours doth display ; 
Like Juno's bird ; of her fair garments proud, 
That Phcebus gave her on her marriage day, 
Shows forth her goodly circle far and wide 
To mortal wights that wonder at her pride. 

His shank should neither be too short nor long; 

His point not over sharp nor yet too dull ; 

The substance good that may endure from wrong : 

His needle slender, yet both round and full, 

Made of the right Iberian metal strong 

That will not stretch nor break at every pull ; 

Wrought smooth and clean without one crack or knot. 

And bearded like the wild Arabian goat. 

Then let your hook be sure and strongly plaste 

Unto your lowest link, with silk or hair ; 

Which you may do with often overcast 

So that you draw the bouts together near : 

And with both ends make all the other fast, 

That no bare place or rising knot appear ; 
Then on that link hang leads of even weight, 
To raise your float and carry down your bait. 

J°Brfo?e"6i3.] OF THE SeCRETS OF AnGLING. 1 99 

Thus have your rod, line, float and hook ; 

The rod to strike, when you shall think it fit ; 

The line to lead the fish with wary skill ; 

The float and quill to warn you of the bit ; 

The hook to hold him by the chap or gill : 

Hook, line and rod all guided to your wit. 
Yet there remain of fishing tools to tell 
Some other sorts that you must have as well. 

Other Fishing Tools. 

Little board, the lightest you can find, 
But not so thin that it will break or bend ; 
Of cypress sweet or of some other kind, 
That like a trencher shall itself extend ; 
Made smooth and plain, your lines thereon to wind, 
With battlements at every other end ; 
Like to the bulwark of some ancient town 
As well-walled Silchester, now razed down. 

A shoe to bear the crawling worms therein, 
With hole above to hang it by your side. 
A hollow cane that must be light and thin, 
Wherein the " Bobb " and " Palmer" shall abide 
Which must be stopped with an handsome pin 
Lest out again your baits do hap to slide. 
A little box that covered close shall lie, 
To keep therein the busy winged fly. 

Then must you have a plummet formed round 
Like to the pellet of a birding bow ; 
Wherewith you may the secret'st waters sound, 
And set your float thereafter high or low 

200 TheFirstBook pBefo^eTe^; 

Till you the depth thereof have truly found ; 
And on the same a twisted thread bestow 

At your own will, to hang it on your hook, 

And so to let it down into the brook. 

Of lead likewise, yet must you have a ring, 
Whose whole diameter in length contains 
Three inches lull, and fastened to a string 
That must be long and sure, if need constrains ; 
Through whose round hole you shall your Angle bring, 
And let it fall into the wat'ry plain 

Until he come the weeds and sticks unto ; 

From whence your hook it serveth to undo. 

Have tools good store to serve your turn withal, 
Lest that you happen some to lose or break ; 
As in great waters oft it doth befall 
When that the hook is naught or line too weak : 
And waxed thread, or silk, so it be small, 
To set them on, that if you list to wreak 

Your former loss, you may supply the place ; 

And not return with sorrow and disgrace. 

Have twist likewise, so that it be not white, 

Your rod to mend, or broken top to tie ; ^1 

For all white colours do the fishes fright "' ■ 

And make them from the bait away to fly : 

A file to mend your hooks, both small and light ; 

A good sharp knife, your girdle hanging by ; 

A pouch with many parts and purses thin, 

To carry all your tools and trinkets in. 


^°Be"fore*i6S ^^ '^^^ SeCRETS OF AnGLING. 20I 

Yet must you have a little rip beside 
Of willow twigs, the finest you can wish ; 
Which shall be made so handsome and so wide 
As may contain good store of sundry fish ; 
And yet with ease be hanged by your side, 
To bring them home the better to your dish. 
A little net that on a pole shall stand, 
The mighty pike or heavy carp to land. 

His several Tools and what Garment is fittest. 

Nd let your garments russet be or gray 
Of colour dark and hardest to descry. 
That with the rain or weather will away 
And least offend the fearful fish's eye: 
For neither scarlet nor rich cloth of 'ray 
Nor colours dipt in fresh Assyrian dye, 
Nor tender silks of purple, paul or gold 
Will serve so well to keep off wet or cold. 

In this array the Angler good shall go 
Unto the brook to find his wished game ; 
Like old Menalcus wandring to and fro 
Until he chance to light upon the same ; 
And here his art and cunning shall bestow 
For every fish his bait so well to frame. 
That long ere Fhcebus set in western foam 
He shall return well laden to his home. 


Ome youthful gallant here perhaps will say 
" This is no pastime for a gentleman. 
It were more fit at cards and dice to play, 
To use both fence and dancing now and then, 

202 The First Book [^Be^^e™: 

Or walk the streets in nice and strange array, 
Or with coy phrases court his mistress' fan ; 
A poor dehght with toil and painful watch 
With loss of time a silly fish to catch 1 " 

" What pleasure can it be to walk about 
The fields and meads in heat or pinching cold ; 
And stand all day to catch a silly trout 
That is not worth a tester to be sold ? 
And peradventure sometimes go without, 
Besides the toils and troubles manifold ? 
And to be washt with many a shower of rain 
Before he can return from thence again ? " 

•* More ease it were, and more delight I trow 
In some sweet house to pass the time away 
Among the best, with brave and gallant show ; 
And with fair dames to dance, to sport and play ; 
And on the board, the nimble dice to throw 
That brings in gain, and helps the shot to pay; 
And with good wine and store of dainty fare 
To feed at will and take but little care.'* 

The Answer, 

Mean not here men's errors to reprove, 
Nor do envy their seeming happy state ; 
But rather marvel why they do not love 
An honest sport that is without debate ; 
Since their abused pastimes often move 
Their minds to anger and to mortal hate ; 
And as in bad delights their time they spend, 
So oft it brings them to no better end. 

%o?e"6S OF THE Secrets of Angling. 203 

Indeed it is a life of lesser pain 
To sit at play from noon till it be night; 
And then from night till it be noon again; 
With damned oaths, pronounced in despite, 
For little cause and every trifling vein : 
To curse, to brawl, to quarrel and to fight ; 

To pack the cards, and with some coz'ning trick, 
His fellow's purse of all his coin to pick. 

Or to beguile another of his wife, 

As did ^GiSTUS, Agamemnon serve ; 

Or as that Roman * monarch led a life ; *nero. 

To spoil and spend while others pine and starve ; 

And to compel their friends with foolish strife, 

To take more drink than will their health preserve ; 
And to conclude, for debt or just desert 
In baser tune to sing the " Counter" part. 

O let me rather on the pleasant brink 
Of Tyne and Trent possess some dwelling-place ; 
Where I may see my quill and cork down sink 
With eager bite of barbel, bleek or dace : 
And on the world and his Creator think. 
While they, proud Thais' painted sheet embrace ; 
And with the fume of strong tobacco's smoke. 
All quaffing round, are ready for to choke. 

Let them that list these pastimes then pursue 
And on their pleasing fancies feed their fill; 
So I the fields and meadows green may view. 
And by the rivers fresh may walk at will 
Among the daisies and the violets blue, 
Red hyacinth and yellow daffodil, 

Purple narcissus like the morning rays, 
Pale ganderglass and azure culverkeys. 

204 The First Book ^£"6^ 

I count it better pleasure to behold 
The goodly compass of the lofty sky ; 
And in the midst thereof like burning gold, 
The flaming chariot of the world's great Eye; 
The wat'ry clouds that in the air uprolled 
With sundry kinds of painted colours fly ; 
And fair Aurora lifting up her head, 
All blushing rise from old Tithonus' bed. 

The hills and mountains raised from the plains, 
The plains extended level with the ground. 
The ground divided into sundry veins, 
The veins inclosed with running rivers round, 
The rivers making way through Nature's chain. 
With headlong course into the sea profound, 
The surging sea beneath the valleys low. 
The valleys sweet, and lakes that lovely flow. 

The lofty woods, the forests wide and long, 
Adorned with leaves and branches fresh and green ; 
In whose cool bowers the birds with chanting song 
Do welcome with their quire, the Summer's Queen : 
The meadows fair where Flora's gifts among, 
Are intermixt the verdant grass between ; 
The silver-scaled fish that softly swim 
Within the brooks and crystal wat'ry brim. 

All these and many more of His creation 
That made the heavens, the Angler oft doth see ; 
And takes therein no little delectation 
To think how strange and wonderful they be ; 
Framing thereof an inward contemplation 
To set his thoughts from other fancies free. 
And whiles he looks on these with joyful eye. 
His mind is rapt above the starry sky. 

^BdSr^ri'.] OF THE Secrets of Angling. 205 

T/ie Author of Angling. 

Ut how this Art of Angling did begin ? 
.\nd who the use and practice found ? 
How many times and ages since have bin 
Wherein the sun hath daily compast round 
The circle that the signs twice six are in 
And yielded yearly comfort to the ground ? 
It were too hard for me to bring about ; 
Since Ovid wrote not all that story out. 

Yet to content the willing reader's ear, 

I will not spare the sad report to tell. 

When good Deucalion and his Pyrrha dear 

Were only left upon the earth to dwell, 

Of all the rest that overwhelmed were 

With that great flood, that in their days befell ; 
Wherein the compass of the world so round 
Both man and beast with waters deep were drowned. 

Between themselves they wept, and made great moan 
How to repair again the woeful fall 
Of all mankind, whereof they two alone 
The remnant were ; and wretched portion small : 
But any means or hope in them was none, 
That might restore so great a loss withal; 
Since they were aged, and in years so run, 
That now almost their thread of life was spun. 

2o6 TheFirstBook [%o?e"x6r3. 

Until at last they saw where as there stood 
An ancient temple wasted and forlorn, 
Whose holy fires and sundry offerings good 
The late outrageous waves away had borne ; 
But when at length down fallen was the flood, 
The waters low, it proudly 'gan to scorn : 
Unto that place they thought it best to go, 
The counsel of the goddess there to know. 

For long before that fearful deluge great, 

The universal earth had overflown ; 

A heavenly power there placed had her seat, 

And answers gave of hidden things unknown. 

Thither they went her favour to entreat 

Whose fame throughout that coast abroad was blown ; 

By her advice some way or mean to find. 

How to renew the race of human kind. 

Prostrate they fell upon the sacred ground, 
Kissing the stones and shedding many a tear ; 
And lowly bent their aged bodies down 
Unto the earth, with sad and heavy cheer; 
Praying the saint with soft and doleful sound. 
That she vouchsafe their humble suit to hear. 
The goddess heard : and bade them go and take 
Their mother's bones, and throw behind their back. 

This oracle obscure and dark of sense, 
Amazed much their minds with fear and doubt. 
What kind of meaning might be drawn from thence ; 
And how to understand and find it out. 
How with so great a sin they might dispense 
Their parent's bones to cast and throw about ? 
Thus when they had long time in study spent 
Out of the church with careful thougnt they went. 


^°Ke°6S OF THE Secrets of Angling. 207 

And now beholding better every place, 

Each hill and dale, each river, rock and tree; 

And musing thereupon a little space. 

They thought the Earth their mother well might be ; 

And that the stones that lay before their face 

To be her bones did nothing disagree : 

Wherefore to prove if it were false or true, 

The scattered stones behind their backs they threw. 

Forthwith the stones (a wondrous thing to hear) 
Began to move as they had life conceived; 
And waxed greater than at first they were, 
And more and more the shape of man received ; 
Till every part most plainly did appear 
That neither eye nor sense could be deceived : 

They heard, they spake, they went and walked too 

As other living men are wont to do. 

Thus was the earth replenished anew 

With people strange, sprung up with little pain ; 

Of whose increase, the progeny that grew 

Did soon supply the empty world again : 

But now a greater care there did ensue 

How such a mighty number to maintain ; 
Since food there was not any to be found, 
For that great flood had all destroyed and drowned. 

Then did Deucalion first the Art invent 
Of Angling, and his people taught the same ; 
And to the woods and groves with them he went 
Fit tools to find for this most needful game. 
There from the trees the longest rinds they rent, 
Wherewith strong lines they roughly twist and fram^. 
And of each crook of hardest bush and brake, 
They made them hooks the hungry fish to take. 

2o8 The First Book pBe"fo?e"6r3 

And to entice them to the eager bit, 
Dead frogs and flies of sundry sorts he took ; 
And snails and worms such as he found most fit 
Wherein to hide the close and deadly hook ; 
And thus with practice and inventive wit, 
He found the means in every lake and brook 
Such store of fish to take with little pain 
As did long time this people new, sustain. 

In this rude sort began this simple Art 
And so remained in that first age of old 
When Saturn did Amalthea's horn impart 
Unto the world, that then was all of gold : 
The fish as yet had felt but little smart 
And were to bite more eager, apt and bold ; 
And plenty still supplied the place again 
Of woeful want, whereof we now complain. 

But when in time the fear and dread of man 
Fell more and more on every living thing, 
And all the creatures of the world began 
To stand in awe of this usurping king ; 
Whose tyranny so far extended then 
That earth and seas it did in thraldom bring : 
It was a work of greater pain and skill, 
The wary fish in lake or brook to kill. 

So worse and worse two ages more did pass, 
Yet still this Art more perfect daily grew : 
For then the slender rod invented was, 
Of finer sort than former ages knew : 
And hooks were made of silver and of brass, 
And lines of hemp and flax were framed new ; 
And sundry baits experience found out more 
Than elder times did know or try before. 

^Brfore'"i6i3:] <^^ THE Secrets of Angling. 209 

But at the last the Iron Age drew near, 
Of all the rest the hardest and most scant : 
Then lines were made of silk and subtle hair ; 
And rods of lightest cane and hazel plant ; 
And hooks of hardest steel invented were, 
That neither skill nor workmanship did want ; 
And so this Art did in the end attain 
Unto that state where now it doth remain. 

But here my weary Muse awhile must rest 
That is not used to so long a way ; 
And breathe or pause a little at the least 
At this land's end, until another day : 
And then again, if so she think it best 
Our taken-task afresh we will assay ; 
And forward go as first we did intend 
Till that we come unto our journey's end. 

T/ie end of the First Booh. 


rjohn Dennys. 
L Before 1613 

The Second Booh 

Efore, I taught what kind of tools were fit 
For him to have, that would an Angler be ; 
And how he should with practice and with 

Provide himself thereof in best degree : 
Now doth remain to show how to the bit 
The fishes may be brought, that erst were 
free ; 
And with what pleasing baits enticed 

they are, 
To swallow down the hidden hook 


IT WERE not meet to send a huntsman out 
Unto the woods with net, with gin or hay ; 
To trace the brakes and bushes all about 
The stag, the fox or badger to betray ; 
If having found his game, he stand in doubt 
Which way to pitch, or where his snares to lay ; 
And with what train he may entice withal. 
The fearful beast into his trap to fall. 

^Befo^eX] The Second Book. 211 

So, though the Angler have good store of tools, 
And them with skill in finest sort can frame ; 
Yet when he comes to rivers, lakes and pools, 
If that he know not how to use the same, 
And with what baits to make the fishes fools ; 
He may go home as wise as out he came, 

And of his coming boast himself as well 

As he that from his father's chariot fell. 

Not that I take upon me to impart 

More than by others hath before been told, 

Or that the hidden secrets of this Art 

I would unto the vulgar sort unfold ; 

Who peradventure for my pains' desert 

Would count me worthy Balaam's horse to hold : 

But only to the willing learner show 

So much thereof as may sufi&ce to know. 

But here, O Neptune ! that with triple mace 

Dost rule the raging of the ocean wide ; 

I meddle not with thy deformed race 

Of monsters huge, that in those waves abide ; 

With that great whale, that by three whole days' space 

The man of GOD did in his belly hide. 

And cast him out upon the Euxine shore 

As safe and sound as he had been before. 

Nor with that Ork, that on Cephasan strand 

Would have devoured Andromeda the fair ; 

Whom Perseus slew with strong and valiant hand, 

Delivering her from danger and despair : 

The Hurlepool [? whirlpool] huge that higher than the land 

Whole streams of water spouteth in the air ; 

The porpoise large that playing swims on high 

Portending storms or other tempest nigh. 

212 The Second Book refo^'Zt 


Nor that admirer of sweet music's sound 
That on his back Arion bore away 
And brought to shore out of the seas profound ; 
The hippotame that like an horse doth neigh, 
The morse that from the rocks enrolled round 
Within his teeth himself doth safe convey ; 
The tortoise covered with his target hard, 
The tuberon attended with his guard. 

Nor with that fish that beareth in his snout 
A ragged sword, his foes to spoil and kill ; 
Nor that fierce thrasher that doth fling about 
His nimble flail and handles him at will ; 
The ravenous shark that with the sweepings out 
And filth of ships doth oft his belly fill ; 
The albacore that followeth night and day 
The flying fish, and takes them for his prey. 

The crocodile that weeps when he doth wrong, 
The halibut that hurts the appetite, 
The turbot broad, the seal, the sturgeon strong, 
The cod and cozze that greedy are to bite, 
The hake, the haddock, and conger long, 
The yellow ling, the milwell fair and white. 
The spreading ray, the thornback thin and flat, 
The boisterous base, the hoggish tunny fat. 

These kinds of fish that are so large of size, 
And many more that here I leave untold. 
Shall go for me, and all the rest likewise 
That are the flock of Proteus' wat'ry fold ; 
For well I think my hooks would not suffice, 
Nor slender lines, the least of these to hold. 
I leave them therefore to the surging seas : 
In that huge depth, to wander at their ease. 

■^ B^fore'"i6iy OF THE SeCRETS OF AnGLING. 213 

And speak of such as in the fresh are found, 
The little roach, the menise biting fast, 
The slimy tench, the slender smelt and round, 
The umber sweet, the grayling good of taste, 
The wholesome ruff, the barbel not so sound, 
The perch and pike that all the rest do waste, 
The bream, the carp, the chub and chavender, 
And many more that in fresh waters are. 

Sit then Thalia on some pleasant bank. 
Among so many as fair Avon hath ! 
And mark the anglers how they march in rank. 
Some out of Bristol, some from healthful Bath ; 
How all the river's sides along they flank. 
And through the meadows make their wonted path : 
See how their wit and cunning they apply 
To catch the fish that in the waters lie 1 

For the Gudgeo7i. 

IN a little boat where one doth stand, 
That to a willow bough the while is tied ; 
And with a pole doth stir and raise the sand. 
Where as the gentle stream doth softly slide : 
And then with slender line and rod in hand. 
The eager bite not long he doth abide. 

Well leaded in his line, his hook but small, 
A good big cork to bear the stream withal. 

His bait the least red worm that may be found. 

And at the bottom it doth always lie ; 

Whereat the greedy gudgeon bites so sound 

That hook and all he swalloweth by and by. 

See how he strikes, and pulls them up as round 

As if new store the play did still supply ! 

And when the bite doth die or bad doth prove. 
Then to another place he doth remove. 



214 The Second Book pBrfo^eTefs 

This fish the fittest for a learner is 
That in this Art delights to take some pain ; 
For as high-flying hawks that often miss 
The swifter fowls, are eased with a train ; 
So to a young beginner yieldeth this, 
Such ready sport as makes him prove again ; 
And leads him on with hope and glad desire, 
To greater skill and cunning to aspire. 

For the Roach. 

Hen see on yonder side where one doth sit, 
With line well twisted and his hook but small ; 
His cork not big, his plummets round and fit, 
His paste of finest paste, a little ball ; 
Wherewith he doth entice unto the bit 
The careless roach, that soon is caught withal : 
Within a foot the same doth reach the ground. 
And with least touch the float straight sinketh down. 

And as a skilful fowler that doth use 

The flying birds of any kind to take, 

The fittest and the best doth always choose 

Of many sorts a pleasing stale to make ; 

Which if he doth perceive they do refuse 

And of mislike abandon and forsake. 

To win their love again, and get their grace, 
Forthwith doth put another in the place. 

So for the roach more baits he hath beside ; 
As of a sheep, the thick congealed blood, 
Which on a board he useth to divide 
In portions small to make them fit and good. 


■^Brfo^e lei's.'] o^ "^^^ Secrets of Angling. 215 

That better on his hook they may abide ; 
And of the wasp the white and tender brood ; 

And worms that breed on every herb and tree ; 

And sundry flies that quick and lively be. 

For the Dace. 

Hen look where as that poplar gray doth grow, 
Hard by the same where one doth closely stand 
And with the wind his hook and bait doth throw 
Amid the stream with slender hazel wand, 
Where as he sees the dace themselves do show. 
His eye is quick and ready is his hand 

And when the fish doth rise to catch the bait, 
He presently doth strike, and takes her straight. 

O world's deceit ! how are we thralled by thee. 
Thou dost thy gall in sweetest pleasures hide ! 
When most we think in happiest state to be, 
Then do we soonest into danger slide. 
Behold the fish, that even now was free, 
Unto the deadly hook how he is tied ! 
So vain delights allure us to the snare, 
Wherein un'wares we fast entangled are. 

For the Carp. 

Ut now again see where another stands 
And strains his rod that double seems to bend ! 
Lo how he leads and guides him with his hands 
Lest that his line should break or angle rend ; 
Then with a net, see how at last he lands 
A mighty carp, and has him in the end ! 
So large he is of body, scale and bone 
That rod and all had like to have been gone. 

2i6 The Second Book [-^Brfo^eTeS 

Mark what a line he hath, well made and strong, 
Of Bucephal or Bayard's strongest hair 
Twisted with green or watchet silk among 
Like hardest twine that holds th'entangled deer ; 
Not any force of fish will do it wrong 
In Tyne or Trent or Thames he needs not fear : 
The knots of every link are knit so sure 
That many a pluck and pull they may endure. 

His cork is large, made handsome smooth and fine, 

The leads according, close, and fit thereto ; 

A good round hook set on with silken twine 

That will not slip nor easily undo : 

His bait great worms that long in moss have been, 

Which by his side he beareth in a shoe ; 
Or paste wherewith he feeds him oft before, 
That at the bottom lies a foot or more. 

For the Chub and Trout. 

Ee where another hides himself as sly 
As did Action or the fearful deer, 
Behind a withy, and with watchful eye 
Attends the bite within the water clear, 
And on the top thereof doth move his fly 
With skilful hand, as if he living were, 

Lo how the chub, the roach, the dace and trout, 
To catch thereat do gaze and swim about. 

His rod or cane, made dark for being seen 
The less to fear the wary fish withal ; 
The line well twisted is, and wrought so clean 
That being strong yet doth it show but small ; 


^°Befo?e°6i3:] ^F THE Secrets OF Angling. 217 

His hook not great, nor little, but between. 
That light upon the wat'ry brim may fall ; 

The line in length scant half the rod exceeds, 

And neither cork nor lead it needs. 

For the Trout and Eel. 

Ow SEE some standing where the stream doth fall 
With headlong course behind the sturdy weir, 
That overthwart the river like a wall, 
The water stops, and strongly up doth bear ; 
And at the tails of mills and arches small, 
Where as the shoot is swift and not too clear ; 
Their lines in length not twice above an ell. 
But with good store of lead, and twisted well. 

Round handsome hooks that will not break nor bend, 

The big red worm well scoured is their bait, 

Which down unto the bottom doth descend, 

Where as the trout and eel doth lie in wait. 

And to their feeding busily intend ; 

Which when they see, they snatch and swallow straight. 

Upon their lines are neither cork nor quill ; 

But when they feel them pluck, then strike they still. 

For the Sezvant and Flounder. 

Ehold some others ranged all along, 
To take the sewant, yea, the flounder sweet ; 
That to the bank in deepest places throng 
To shun the swifter stream that runs so fleet; 
And lie and feed the brackish waves among. 
Where as the waters fresh and salt do meet. 

And there the eel and shad sometimes are caught, 
That with the tide into the brooks are brought. 

2i8 The Second Book Refo^eTei:!: 

But by the way it shall not be amiss 
To understand that in the waters gray, 
Of floating fish, two sundry kinds there is ; 
The one that lives by raven and by prey. 
And of the weaker sort, now that, now this, 
He bites and spoils, and kills and bears away, 

And in his greedy gullet doth devour ; 

As Scylla's gulf a ship within his power. 

And these have wider mouths to catch and take 
Their flying prey, whom swiftly they pursue; 
And rows of teeth like to a saw or rake 
Wherewith their gotten game they bite and chew; 
And greater speed within the waters make 
To set upon the other simple crew; 

And as the greyhound steals upon the hare, 
So do they use to rush on them un'ware. 

Unequal fate ! that some are born to be 
Fearful and mild, and for the rest a prey; 
And others are ordained to live more free 
Without control or danger any way : 
So doth the fox, the lamb destroy we see ; 
The lion fierce, the beaver roe or grey ; 

The hawk, the fowl ; the greater wrong the less ; 

The lofty proud the lowly poor oppress. 

F'or the Pike or Perch. 

Ow FOR to take these kinds of fish withal, [as. p. 196] 
It shall be needful to have still in store 
Some living baits, as bleeks and roaches small, 
Gudgeon, or loach, not taken long before, 


"'BTfo^eieia.'] OF THE Secrets of Angling. 219 

Or yellow frogs that in the waters crawl; 

But all alive they must be evermore, 

For as for baits that dead and dull do lie, 
They least esteem, and set but little by. 

But take good heed your line be sure and strong, 
The knots well knit and of the soundest hair, 
Twisted with some well-coloured silk among ; 
And that you have no need your rod to fear : 
For these great fish will strive and struggle long, 
Rod line and all, into the stream to bear. 

And that your hook be not too small and weak. 

Lest that it chance to stretch or hap to break. 

And as in Arden, or the mountains hoar 
Of Appennine, or craggy Alps among ; 
The mastiffs fierce that hunt the bristled boar, 
Are harnessed with curats light and strong ; 
So for these fish, your line a foot or more 
Must armed be with thinnest plate along ; 
Or slender wire well fasten'd thereunto, 
That will not slip nor easily undo. 

The other kind that are unlike to these, 

Do live by corn or any other seed ; 

Sometimes by crumbs of bread, of paste or cheese ; 

Or grasshoppers that in green meadows breed ; 

With brood of wasps, of hornets, doars, or bees. 

Lip berries from the briar bush or weed. 

Blood worms and snails, or crawling gentles small, 
And buzzing flies that on the waters fall. 

220 The Second Book pBrro^eZ^- 

All these are good, and many others more, 
To make fit baits to take these kinds of fish ; 
So that some fair deep place you feed before 
A day or two, with pail, with bowl, or dish ; 
And of these meats do use to throw in store : 
Then shall you have them bite as you would wish ; 

And ready sport to take your pleasure still, 

Of any sort that best you like to kill. 

Thus serving them as often as you may, 
But once a week at least it must be done ; 
If that to bite they make too long delay 
As by your sport may be perceived soon : 
Then some great fish doth fear the rest away, 
Whose fellowship and company they shun ; 
Who neither in the bait doth take delight, 
Nor yet will suffer them that would to bite. 

For this you must a remedy provide ; 

Some roach or bleek, as I have showed before ; 

Beneath whose upper fin you close shall hide 

Of all your hook the better half and more ; 

And though the point appear or may be spied 

It makes not matter any whit therefore ; 
But let him fall into the wat'ry brim, 
And down unto the bottom softly swim. 

And when you see your cork begin to move. 
And round about to soar and fetch a ring ; 
Sometimes to sink, and sometimes swim above, 
As doth the duck within the wat'ry spring : 
Yet make no haste your present hap to prove. 
Till with your float at last away he fling ; 

Then may you safely strike and hold him short. 
And at your will prolong or end your sport. 


^°Bff<?e ^r* J ^^ ^^^ Secrets of Angling. 221 

But every fish loves not each bait alike, 
Although sometimes they feed upon the same ; 
But some do one, and some another seek, 
As best unto their appetite doth frame ; 
The roach, the bream, the carp, the chub, and bleek, 
With paste or corn their greedy hunger tame ; 
The dace, the ruff, the gudgeon and the rest, 
The smaller sort of crawling worms love best. 

The chavender and chub do more delight 

To feed on tender cheese or cherries red ; 

Black snails, their bellies slit to show their white ; 

Or grasshoppers that skip in every mead : 

The perch, the tench and eel do rather bite 

At great red worms, in field or garden bred ; 

That have been scoured in moss or fennel rough, 
To rid their filth, and make them hard and tough. 

And with this bait hath often taken bin 
The salmon fair, of river fish the best ; 
The shad that in the springtime cometh in ; 
The suant swift, that is not set by ^east; 
The bocher sweet, the pleasant flounder thin ; 
The peel, the tweat, the botling, and the rest, 

With many more, that in the deep doth lie 

Of Avon, Usk, of Severn and of Wye. 

Alike they bite, alike they pull down low 
The sinking cork that strives to rise again ; 
And when they feel the sudden deadly blow, 
Alike they shun the danger and the pain ; 
And as an arrow from the Scythian bow, 
All flee alike into the stream amain ; 

Until the angler by his wary skill. 

There tires them out, and brings them up at will. 

222 The Second Book pBefo^eTei:^ 

Yet furthermore it doth behove to know 
That for the most part fish do seek their food 
Upon the ground, or deepest bottom low, 
Or at the top of water, stream or flood ; 
And so you must your hook and bait bestow, 
For in the midst you shall do little good : 
For heavy things down to the bottom fall, 
And light do swim, and seldom sink at all. 

All summer long aloft the fishes swim, 
Delighted with fair Phcebus' shining ray, 
And lie in wait within the waters dim 
For flies and gnats that on the top do play ; 
Then half a yard beneath the upper brim. 
It shall be best your baited hook to lay, 
With gnat or fly of any sort or kind, 
That every month on leaves or trees you find. 

But then your line must have no lead at all, 

And but a slender cork or little quill 
To stay the bait that down it does not fall, 
But hang a link within the water still ; 
Or else upon the top thereof you shall 
With quicker hand and with more ready skill 
Let fall your fly, and now and then remove, 
Which soon the fish will find and better love. 

And in the stream likewise they use to be 

At tails of floodgates, or at arches wide ; 

Or shallow flats where as the waters free 

With fresher springs and swifter course do slide : 

And then of wasp the brood that cannot fly. 

Upon a tile-stone first a little dried ; 

Or yellow " bobs " turned up before the plough 
Are chiefest baits ; with cork and lead enough. 

^"KeXy OF THE Secrets of Angling. 223 

But when the golden chariot of the sun. 
Departing from our northern countries far 
Beyond the Balance, now his course hath run 
And goes to warm the cold Antarctic star ; 
And summer's heat is almost spent and done : 
With new approach of winter's dreadful war ; 
Then do the fish withdraw into the deep, 
And low from sight and cold more close do keep. 

Then on your lines you may have store of lead 
And bigger corks of any size you will, 
And where the fish are used to be fed 
There shall you lay upon the bottom still : 
And whether that your bait be com or bread 
Or worms or paste, it doth not greatly skill ; 
For these alone are to be used then 
Until the spring or summer come again. 

Thus have I showed how fish of divers kind 
Best taken are, and how their baits to know : 
But Phcebus now beyond the western Ind, 
Beginneth to descend and draweth low ; 
And well the weather serves, and gentle wind. 
Down with the tide and pleasant stream to row 
Unto some place where we may rest us in, 
Until we shall another time begin. 

The end of the Second Book. 

2 24 

The Third Booh 

Ow FALLS it out in order to declare 
What time is best to angle in aright ; 
And when the chief and fittest seasons are 
Wherein the fish are most disposed to bite ; 
What wind doth make, and which again 

doth mar 
The Angler's sport wherein he takes 
delight ; 
And how he may with pleasure best 

Unto the wished end of his desire. 

For there are times in which they will not bite, 
But do forbear, and from their food refrain ; 
And days there are wherein they more delight 
To labour for the same and bite amain : 
So he that can those seasons find aright 
Shall not repent his travail spent in vain, 
To walk a mile or two amidst the fields 
Reaping the fruit this harmless pleasure yields. 


^t"o?eT6a The Third Book. 225 

And as a ship in safe and quiet road 
Under some hill or harbour doth abide, 
With all her freight, her tackling and her load, 
Attending still the wind and wished tide ; 
Which when it serves, no longer makes abode, 
But forth into the wat'ry deep doth slide, 
And through the waves divides her fairest way 
Unto the place where she intends to stay. 

So must the Angler be provided still 
Of divers tools and sundry baits in store. 
And all things else pertaining to his skill 
Which he shall get and lay up long before ; 
That when the weather frameth to his will 
He may be well appointed evermore 

To take fit time when it is offered ever : 

For time in one estate abideth never. 

The Qualities of an Angler. 

Ut ere I further go, it shall behove 
To show what gifts and qualities of mind 
Belong to him that doth the pastime love ; 
And what the virtues are of every kind 
Without the which it were in vain to prove 
Or to expect the pleasure he should find : 
No more than he that having store of meat 
Hath lost all lust and appetite to eat. 

For what avails to brook or lake to go, 

With handsome rods and hooks of divers sort, 

Well-twisted lines, and many trinkets moe 

To find the fish within their wat'ry fort : 

If that the mind be not contented so 

But wants those gifts, that should the rest support. 

And make his pleasure to his thoughts agree. 

With these therefore he must endued he. 


226 The Third Book PKeTeri 

The first is Faith, not wavering and unstable ; 

But such as had that holy patriarch old, 

That to the Highest was so acceptable 

As his increase and offspring manifold, 

Exceeded far the stars innumerable : 

So must he still a firm persuasion hold, 

That where as waters, brooks and lakes are found, 
There store of fish without all doubt abound. 

For Nature, that hath made no empty thing, 
But all her works doth well and wisely frame; 
Hath filled each brook, each river, lake and spring 
With creatures, apt to live amidst the same ; 
Even as the earth, the air and seas do bring 
Forth beasts and birds of sundry sort and name, 
And given them shape, ability and sense 
To live and dwell therein without offence. 

The second gift and quality is Hope, 
The anchor hold of every hard desire ; 
That having of the day so large a scope 
He shall in time to wished hap aspire. 
And ere the sun hath left the heav'nly cope 
Obtain the sport and game he doth desire ; 
And that the fish, though sometimes slow to bite. 
Will recompense delay with more delight. 

The third is Love and liking to the game, 

And to his friend and neighbour dwelling by ; 

For greedy pleasure not to spoil the same, 

Nor of his fish some portion to deny 

To any that are sickly, weak or lame ; 

But rather with his line and angle try 
In pond or brook, to do what in him lies 
To take such store for them as may suffice. 

•'Be"f<i^'"ffl OF THE Secrets of Angling. 227 

Then followeth Patience, that the furious flame 
Of Choler cools, and Passion puts to flight ; 
As doth a skilful rider break and tame 
The courser wild, and teach him tread aright: 
So patience doth the mind dispose and frame 
To take mishaps in worth and count them light ; 

As loss of fish, line, hook or lead, or all, 

Or other chance that often may befall. 

The fifth good gift is low Humility ; 

As when a lion coucheth for his prey, 

So must he stoop or kneel upon his knee 

To save his line or put the weeds away ; 

Or lie along sometimes if need there be 

For any let or chance that happen may : 
And not to scorn to take a little pain 
To serve his turn, his pleasure to obtain. 

The sixth is painful Strength and Courage good, 
The greatest to encounter in the brook, 
If that he happen in his angry mood 
To snatch your bait and bear away your hook. 
With wary skill to rule him in the flood 
Until more quiet, tame and m.ild he look : 
And all adventures constantly to bear. 
That may betide, without mistrust or fear. 

Next unto this is Liberality, 

Feeding them oft with full and plenteous hand 

Of all the rest a needful quality 

To draw them near the place where you will stand 

Like to the ancient hospitality, 

That sometime dwelt in Albion's fertile land ; 

But now is sent away into exile 

Beyond the bounds of Isabella's isle. 

228 The Third Book ^£6^3: 

The eighth is Knowledge, how to find the way 
To make them bite when they are dull and slow ; 
And what doth let the same and breeds delay ; 
And every like impediment to know, 
That keeps them from their food and wonted prey 
Within the stream or standing waters low ; 

And with Experience skilfully to prove, 

All other faults to mend or to remove. 

The ninth is Placability of mind, 
Contented with a reasonable dish ; 
Yea though sometimes no sport at all he find 
Or that the weather prove not to his wish. 
The tenth is Thanks to that GOD, of each kind, 
To net and bait, doth send both fowl and fish ; 
And still reserve enough in secret store 
To please the rich and to relieve the poor. 

Th'eleventh good gift and hardest to endure, 
Is Fasting long from all superfluous fare ; 
Unto the which he must himself inure 
By exercise and use of diet spare : 
And with the liquor of the waters pure 
Acquaint himself if he cannot forbear; 

And never on his greedy belly think, 

From rising sun until alow he sink. 

The twelfth and last of all is Memory, 
Remembering well before he setteth out, 
Each needful thing that he must occupy; 
And not to stand of any want in doubt 
Or leave something behind forgetfully : 
When he hath walked the fields and brooks about, 
It were a grief back to return again, 
For things forgot that should his sport maintain. 

^°Before*"6i3.] ^^ ^HE SeCRETS OF AnGLING. 229 

Here then you see what kind of qualities 

An Angler should endued be withal ; 

Besides his skill and other properties 

To serve his turn, as to his lot doth fall : 

But now what season for this exercise 

The fittest is, and which doth serve but small : 

My Muse ! vouchsafe some little aid to lend 

To bring this also to the wished end. 

Season and Time not to Angle. 

Irst, if the weather be too dry and hot, 
And scalds with scorching heat the lowly plain ; 
As if that youthful Phaeton had got 
The guiding of his father's car again ; 
Or that it seemed Apollo had forgot 
His light-foot steeds to rule with steadfast rain : 
It is not good with any line or hook. 
To angle then in river, pond or brook. 

Or when cold Boreas with his frosty beard. 
Looks out from underneath the " lesser bear ; " 
And makes the weary traveller afeard 
To see the valleys covered everywhere 
With ice and snow, that late so green appeared : 
The waters stand as if of steel they were ; 
And hoary frosts do hang on every bough, 
Where freshest leaves of summer late did grow. 

So neither if Don ^olus lets go 
His blust'ring winds out of the hollow deep ; 
Where he their strife and struggling to and fro, 
With triple fork doth still in order keep : 
They rushing forth do rage with tempests so 
As if they would the world together sweep ; 
And ruffling so with sturdy blasts they blow. 
That tree and house sometimes they overthrow. 

230 The Third Book PKeTei^ 

Besides, when shepherds and the swains prepare, 

Unto the brooks withal, their flocks of sheep ; 

To wash their fleeces, and to make them fair 

In every pool and running water deep : 

The savour of the wool doth so impair 

The pleasant streams, and plunging that they keep, 

As if that Lethe-flood ran everywhere 

Or bitter Doris intermingled were. 

Or when land floods through long and sudden rain, 
Descending from the hills and higher ground, 
The sand and mud the crystal streams do stain, 
And make them rise above their wonted bound, 
To overflow the fields and neighbour plain : 
The fruitful soil and meadows fair are drowned ; 

The husbandman doth leese his grass and hay ; 

The banks, their trees ; and bridges borne away. 

So when the leaves begin to fall apace 
And bough and branch are naked to be seen ; 
While Nature doth her former work deface, 
Unclothing bush and tree of summer's green ; 
"Whose scattered spoils lie thick in every place 
As sands on shore or stars the poles between, 

And top and bottom of the rivers fill : 

To Angle then I also think it ill. 

All winds are hurtful, if too hard they blow : 
The worst of all is that out of the East, 
Whose nature makes the fish to biting slow 
And lets the pastime most of all the rest ; 
The next that comes from countries clad with snow 
And Arctic pole, is not offensive least ; 

The Southern wind is counted best of all ; 

Then that which riseth where the sun doth fall. 


^Brfo?e"i6S OF THE SeCRETS OF AnGLING. 23 1 

Best Times and Season to Angle. 

Ut if the weather steadfast be and clear, 
Or overcast with clouds, so it be dry ; 
And that no sign nor token there appear 
Of threat'ning storm through all the empty sky ; 
But that the air is calm and void of fear 
Of ruffling winds d raging tempests high ; 
Or that with mild and gentle gale they blow ; 
Then it is good unto the brook to go. 

And when the floods are fall'n and past away, 
And carried have the dregs into the deep ; 
And that the waters wax more thin and grey 
And leave their banks above them high and steep ; 
The milder stream of colour like to whey 
Within his bounds his wonted course doth keep ; 

And that the wind South or else by- West : 

To angle then is time and seasons best. 

When fair Aurora rising early shows 
Her blushing face among the Eastern hills. 
And dyes the heavenly vault with purple rowa 
That far abroad the world with brightness fills; 
The meadows green are hoar with silver dews 
That on the earth the sable night distils, 
And chanting birds with merry notes bewray 
The near approaching of the cheerful day: 

Then let him go to river, brook or lake. 
That loves the sport, where store of fish abound ; 
And through the pleasant fields his journey make. 
Amidst sweet pastures, meadows fresh and sound ; 

232 TheThirdBook [^t£r^. 

Where he may best his choice of pastime take, 
While swift Hyperion runs his circle round : 
And as the place shall to his liking prove, 
There still remain or further else remove. 

To know each Fishes Haunt. 

Ow THAT the Angler may the better know 
Where he may find each fish he doth require ; 
Since some delight in waters still and slow. 
And some do love the mud and slimy mire ; 
Some others where the stream doth swifter flow ; 
Some stony ground, and gravel some desire : 
Here shall he learn how every sort do seek 
To haunt the lair that doth his nature like. 

Carp, eel and tench do love a muddy ground ; 
Eels under stones or hollow roots do lie. 
The tench among thick weeds is soonest found, 
The fearful carp into the deep doth fly : 
Bream, chub and pike, where clay and sand abound, 
Pike love great pools and places full of fry, 
The chub delight in stream or shady tree, 
And tender bream in broadest lake to be. 

The salmon swift the rivers sweet doth like, 
Where largest streams into the sea are led ; 
The spotted trout, the smaller brooks doth seek, 
And in the deepest hole there hides his head ; 
The prickled perch, in every hollow creek 
Hard by the bank and sandy shore is fed : 

Perch, trout and salmon love clear waters all, 
Green weedy rocks and stony gravel small. 

^BSo?e°i6i3:] ^^ '^^^ Secrets of Angling. 233 

So doth the bullhead, gudgeon and the loach, 
Who most in shallow brooks delight to be : 
The ruff, the dace, the barbel and the roach, 
Gravel and sand do love in less degree ; 
But to the deep and shade do more approach, 
And overhead some covert love to see. 
Of spreading poplar, oak or willow green, 
Where underneath they lurk for being seen. 

The mighty luce great waters haunts alway. 
And in the stillest place thereof doth lie, 
Save when he rangeth forth to seek his prey, 
And swift among the fearful fish doth fly. 
The dainty umber loves the marly clay 
And clearest streams of champaign country high ; 
And in the chiefest pools thereof doth rest, 
Where he is soonest found and taken best. 

The chavender amidst the waters fair, 

The swiftest streams doth most himself bestow : 

The shad and tweat do rather like the lair 

Of brackish waves, where it doth ebb and flow ; 

And thither also doth the flock repair, 

And flat upon the bottom lieth low, 

The peel, the mullet and the suant good 

Do like the same, and therein seek their food. 

But here experience doth my skill exceed, 
Since divers countries divers rivers have ; 
And divers rivers change of waters breed, 
And change of waters sundry fish doth crave, 
And sundry fish in divers places feed. 
As best doth like them in the liquid wave. 
So that by use and practice ma}' be known 
More than bv art or skill can well be shown. 

234 The Third Book [^tfl^t^H 

So then it shall be needless to declare 
What sundry kinds there lie in secret store ; 
And where they do resort and what they are, 
That may be still discovered more and more. 
Let him that list, no pain or travail spare 
To seek them out, as I have done before ; 
And then it shall not discontent his mind, 
New choice of place, and change of game to find. 

Tike best Hours of the Day to Angle 

Rom first appearing of the rising sun 
Till nine of clock, low under water best, 
The fish will bite; and then from nine to noon, 
From noon to four they do refrain and rest: 
From four again till Phcebus swift hath run 
His daily course, and setteth in the West. 
But at the fly aloft they use to bite, 
All summer long, from nine till it be night. 

Now lest the Angler leave his tools behind, 
For lack of heed or haste of his desire ; 
And so enforced with unwilling mind 
Must leave his game and back again retire. 
Such things to fetch as there he cannot find. 
To serve his turn when need shall most require: 

Here shall he have to help his memory, 

A lesson short of every want's supply. 

Light rod to strike, long line to reach withal, 
Strong hook to hold the fish he haps to hit, 
Spare lines and hooks whatever chance do fall. 
Baits quick and dead to bring them to the bit, 


^Brfore^ieij:] OF THE SeCRETS OF AngLING. 235 

Fine lead and quills, with corks both great and small, 

Knife, file and thread, and little basket fit. 

Plummets to sound the depth of clay and sand, 
With pole and net to bring them safe to land. 

And now we are arrived at the last 
In wished harbour, where we mean to rest, 
And make an end of this our journey past : 
Here then in quiet road I think it best 
We strike our sails and steadfast anchor cast, 
For now the sun low setteth in the West. 
And ye boatswains ! a merry carol sing 
To Him that safely did us hither bring. 



Wouldst thou catch fish ? 
Then here's thy wish ; 
Take this receipt 
To anoint thy bait. 

Hou THAT desir'st to fish with line and hook, 
Be it in pool, in river, or in brook, 
To bless thy bait and make the fish to bite, 
Lo, here's a means ! if thou canst hit it right : 
Take gum of life, fine beat, and laid in soak 
In oil well drawn from that which kills the oak. 
Fish where thou wilt, thou shalt have sport thy fill ; 
When twenty fail, thou shalt be sure to kill. 


Ifs perfect and goody 
If well understood ; 
Else not to be told 

For silver or gold. 


B. R. 



William Lauson. 
Comments on The Secrets of Angling, 

[Second Edition, Augmented wiik via7ty afprozed experitnenis.] 

To the Reader, 

T may seem in me presumption to add this little 
Comment to the work of so worthy an Author. 

But Master Harrison the Stationer's request 
and desire to give his country satisfaction ; must 
be satisfied, and in it I myself rest excused. 

What mine observations are, I refer to censure. Assuredly, 
the truth stands on so well-grounded experience ; that but my 
haste, nothing can do them injury. What to me is doubtful ; 
I have, as I can, explained. What wants, in my judgment, 
I have supplied as the time would suffer ; what I pass by, I 

The Author by verse hath expressed much Learning, and 
by his Answer to the Objection shows himself to have been 
virtuous. The subject itself is honest and pleasant ; and 
sometimes profitable. 
Use it ! and give GOD all glory. Amen. 

W. Lauson. 

238 Comments on The Secrets of Angling. [^•^'Jf^j. 

1 [p. 149]. Beath \}iathe\ them a little, except the top, all 
in a furnace : they will be lighter and not top heavy ; which 
is a great fault in a rod. 

2 [p. 149]. Tie them together at every bout, and they 
will keep one another straight. 

3 [p. 149]. White or gray are likest the sky, and therefore 
of all colours offend the least. 

4 [p. 149]. Besides the fish discerns it, and is put away 
with the stiffness of the rod : whereas on the contrary the 
weak rod yields liberty to the fish without suspicion, to run 
away with the bait at his pleasure. 

5 [P- 150]- Knit the hair you mean to put in one link at 
the rod's end, and divide them as equally as you can : put 
your three lowest fingers betwixt, and twine the knot ; and 
your link shall be equally twist. If you wet your hair, it 
will twine better. A nimble hand, a weak and light rod that 
may be easily guided with one hand, needs but four or five 
hairs at the most for the greatest river fish, though a salmon 
or a luce, so you have length enough : and except the luce 
and salmon, three will suffice. 

6 [p. 150]. Intermixing with silver or gold is not good : 
because: First, the thread and hair are not of equal reach. 
Secondly, the colours differing from the hairs orfly, affright the 
fish. Thirdly, they will not be[n]d and twist with the hairs. 

7 [p. 150]. An upper end also, to put it to and fro the 

8 [p. 150]. The same colour, to wit, grey like the sky ; the 
like bigness and strength : is good for all the line, and every 
link thereof. Weight is hurtful; so unequal strength causeth 
the weakest to break. 

9 [p. 151]. I utterly dislike your Southern corks. First, 
for they affright the fish in the bite and sight ; and because 
they follow not so kindly the nimble rod and hand. Secondly, 
they breed weight to the line ; which puts it in danger, 
hinders the nimble jerk of the rod, and loads the arm. A 
good eye and hand may easily discern the bite. 

10 [p. 151]. I use \am accustomed] to make mine own 
hooks ; so that I shall have them of the best Spanish and 
Milan needles of what size, bent or sharpness as I like and 
need. Soften your needles in an hot fire, in a chafer. 

^■^^ss'.l Comments (y^ The Secrets of Angling. 239 

The Instruments. 

First. An holdfast. 

Secondly. A hammer to flatten the place or the 

Thirdly. A file to make the beard, and sharpen the 

Fourthly. A bender, viz. a pin bended, and put in the 
end of a stick, an handful long, thus, f """T, 

When they are made, lap them in the end of a wire ; beat 
them again, and temper them in oil or butter. 

11 [p. 152]. The best form for ready striking and sure 
holding and strength, is a straight and somewhat long shank 
and straight nibbed ; with a little compass : not round in any 

wise, ""Tj ^o^ ^^ neither strikes surely nor readily ; but is 

weak, as having too great a compass. Some use to batter 

the upper end thus "^ ^^ to hold the faster: but good thread 

or silk, good baud [? hanSA may make it fast enough. It is 
botcherly, hinders the biting, and sometimes cuts the line. 

12 [p. 152]. He means the hook may be too weak at the 
point. It cannot be too sharp, if the metal be good steel. 

13 [p. 153]. Or wind them on two or three of your fingers, 
like an Orph-Arion's string. 

14 [p. 153]. Worm poke of cloth, or boxes. 

15 [p. 153]. A plummet you need not ; for your line being 
well leaded and without a float, will try your depths. When 
the lead above your hook comes to the earth, the line will 
leave sinking. 

16 [p. 154]. That is good : but a forked rod about two yards 
long is better. When your hook is fastened in the water, 
take a rod thus fashioned 


and put the line in the fork, and so follow down to your hook. 
So letting your line be somewhat slack, move your fork to and 
fro, especially downwards ; and so shall your hook be loosed. 

17 [p. 154]. White and grey are good, answering to the 
colours of the sky. 

18 [p. 167]. The Gudgeon hath his teeth in his throat (as 

240 Comments on The Secrets of Angling. [ 

W. Lauson. 

also the Chub) and lives by much sucking. He is a dainty 
fish, like or nearly as good as the Sparling. 

19 [p. 168]. The Roach is one of the meanest. 

20 [p. 170]. Diversely. For the Trout is a ravening fish, and 
at that time of the day comes from his hole, if he come at all. 

21 [p. 171]. The Trout makes the Angler the most 
gentlemanly and readiest sport of all other fishes : if you 
angle with a made fly, and a line twice your rod's length or 
more, of three hairs, in a plain water without wood, in a dark 
windy day from mid-afternoon, and have learned the cast of 
the fly. 

Your fly must counterfeit the May Fly, which is bred of 
the cad bait ; and is called the Water Fly. You must change 
his colour every month ; beginning with a dark white and so 
grow to a yellow. The form cannot so well be put on a 
paper, as it may be taught by slight [? sight\ : yet it will be like 
this form. 

The head is of black silk or hair; the wings of a feather 
of a mallard, teal, or pickled hen's wing ; the body of crewel, 
according to the month for colour, and run about with a black 
hair : all fastened at the tail with the thread that fastened 
the hook. You must fish in or by the stream, and have a 
quick hand, a ready eye and a nimble rod. Strike with him ! 
or you lose him. 

If the wind be rough, and trouble the crust of the water: 
he will take it in the plain deeps : and then and there 
commonly the greatest will rise. When you have hooked 
him, give him leave ! keeping your line straight. Hold him 
from the roots, and he will tire himself. This is the chief 
pleasure of Angling. 

This fly, and two links, among wood or close by a bush, 
moved in the crust of the water ; is deadly in an evening, if 
you come close [hidden]. This is called "Busking for 

Cad bait is a worm bred under stones in a shallow river : 
or in some out-runner of the river, where the streams run 
not strongly, in a black shale. They stick by heaps on the 
low side of a great stone, it being hollow. They be ripe in 

^■^"iS Comments oii The Secrets of Angling. 241 

the beginning of May: they are past with July. They be 
yellow when they be ripe, and have a black head. This is a 
deadly bait for a Trout, either aloft [on the surface] or at the 
ground ; if your tools be fine and you come close : for the 
Trout of all other fish, is most affrighted with sight. And 
indeed it should be considered that fish are afraid of any 
extraordinary motion or sight of whatsoever colour : except 
the Pike ; which will be open to your sight on a sunshiny 
day, till you halter him. 

The Trout will take also the worm, menise or any bait : so 
will the Pike, save that he will not take the fly. 

22 [p. 171]. There be divers ways to catch the wrinkling 
Eel. Your line must be stronger — six or seven hairs — and 
your hook accordingly : for she must upon the hooking 
presently [immediately] be draVvn forth with force: otherwise 
she fastens herself with her tail about a root or stone or such 
like ; and so you lose your labour, your hook, and the fish. 
The worm or menise ar.e her common bait. 

There is a way to catch Eels by " Draggling: " thus. Take 
a rod, small and tough, of sallow, hazel or such like, a yard 
long, as big as a beanstalk. In the small end thereof, make 
a nick or cleft with a knife ; in which nick put your strong 
but little hook baited with a red worm ; and made sure to 
a line of ten or twelve good hairs, but easily that the Eels 
may pull it out. 

Go into some shallow place of the river among the great 
stones, and braggle up and down till you find holes under the 
stones. There put in your hook so baited at your rod's end, 
and the Eel under the stone will not fail to take it. Give her 
time to put it over; and then, if your strength will serve, she 
is your own. 

There is a third usual way to catch Eels, called " Bobbing." 
Upon a long and double strong thread, two yards long or 
thereabouts, spit some many great red worms — gotten in a 
summer's evening with a candle — as the thread will hold 
lengthways through the midst, and link them about your 
hand like a rope, thus 

242 Comments on The Secrets of Angling. ^- ^^^°^ 

And fasten these to a long goad's end with a cord as long as 
your rod ; and a great plummet of lead, a handful above the 

In a troubled or flooded river, in a deep tun, or by a stream 
side ; let it fall within a handbreadth of the ground : and 
then shall you sensibly feel a multitude of Eels, all in that 
pit, like so many dogs at a carrion ; tug and pull. Now at 
your good time, when you think that every Eel hath got a 
link and swallowed it up — like so many ducks the entrails of 
a pullet — draw up very easily, and they will follow working 
and pulling ; till you have them near the crust : and then 
amain hoist them to land. This is the readiest way where 
Eels are plentiful, to catch many. 

For the Trout, you shall find in the root of a great dock ; 
a white worm with a red head. With this, fish for a Trout 
at the ground. 

23 [?• 172]. A young whelp, kitling, or such like; is good 
bait for a Luce. 

24 [p. 183]. The stronger the wind blows, so you may abide 
it and guide your tools; and the colder the summer days are: 
the better will they bite, and the closer [nearer] shall you 
come to them. 

25 [p. 184]. I rather think the kades and other filth that 
fall from sheep do so glut the fish ; that they will not take 
any artificial bait. The same is the reason of the flood ; 
washing down worms, flies, frog-clocks, &c. 

26 [p. 184]. I find no difference of winds; except too cold 
or too hot : which is not the wind, but the season. 

27 [p. 185]. Clear cannot be good, by reason of the offensive 

28 [p. 185]. The morning can no way be good because the 
fish have been at relief all the night, as all other wild 
creatures : and in the day they rest or sport. In the evening 
is the fittest. Then hunger begins to bite. 

29 [p. 186]. The Trout lies in the deep ; but feeds in the 
stream, under a bush, bray, foam, &c. 

30 [p. 190]. I have heard much of an ointment that will 
presently [immediately] cause any fish to bite; but I could 
never attain the knowledge thereof. The nearest in mine 
opinion — except this Probatum — is the oil of an Osprey, 
which is called Aquila Marina, the Sea Eagle. She is of 

^' ^"^sS Comments on T/fE Secrets of Angling. 243 

body near the bigness of a goose ; one of her feet is webbed 
to swim withal, the other hath talons to catch fish. It seems 
the fish come up to her : for she cannot dive. 

Some likelihood there is also in a paste made of Cocculus 
Indies, Assafoetida, Honey, and Wheat-flour. 

But I never tried them. Therefore I cannot prescribe. 

31 [p. 190]. That which kills the oak, I conjecture to be 
Ivy : till I change my mind. 

This excellent receipt, divers anglers can tell you where 
you may buy it. 

[Surely this must have been a standing joke among the practitioners of the 
Art.— E. A.] 

Certain O bservations Forgotten. 

Chevan and chub are one. 

Shotrell, I year' 

/vu^ Pickerel, 2 year 
Ine \-a-\ ^ hare one. 

Pike, 3 year 

VLuce, 4 year, 

The Summer — May, June and July — are fittest for Angling. 

Fish are the fattest in July. 

Fish commonly spawn at Michael's tide [29th September]. 
After spawning; they be kipper, and out of season. 

They thrust up little brooks to spawn. The Trout and 
Salmon will have lying on their backs. 

All the summer time, great fish go downwards to deeps. 

Bar netting and night hooking ; where you love Angling. 

When you are angling at the ground : your line must be 
no longer than your rod. 

He that is more greedy of fish than sport : let him have 
three or four angles fitted and baited : and laid in several 
pools. You shall sometimes have them all sped at once. 

If you go forth in or immediately after a shower, and take 
the water in the first rising ; and fish in the stream at the 
ground with a red worm : you may load yourself, if there be 
store. Thus may any botcher kill fish. 

For want of a pannier : spit your fish by the gills on a 
small wicker or such like. 

I use a pouch of parchment, with many several places to 
put my hooks and lines in. 

244 Comments on The Secrets of Angling. [^ ^IJes"' 

I use a rod of two parts, to join in the midst when I come 
to the river: with two pins and a little hemp waxed. Thus 
the pins join it, and the hemp fastens it firmly. 


A whale bone made round, no bigger than a wheat straw 
at the top ; yields well, and strikes well. 

Let your rod be without knots. They are dangerous for 
breaking, and bouts are troublesome. 

Keep your rod neither too dry nor too moist ; lest they 
grow brittle or rotten. 

When you angle in [a time of] drought, wet your rod. It 
will not break so soon. 

You shall hardly get a rod of one piece, but either crooked 
or top heavy or unequally grown. 

Enterprise no man's ground without leave. Break no 
man's hedge to his loss. 

Pray to GOD with your heart to bless your lawful 




Wealth, and to employ Ships 
and Mariners j 


A plain description what great profit it will bring 

into the Common Wealth of England, by the erecting, 

building, and adventuring of Busses 

to sea, a fishing. 

With a true Relation of the inestimable wealth, that is yearly 

taken out of His Majesty's seas by the Hollanders, 

by their great number of Busses, Pinks, 

and Line-boats. 

And Also, 

A Discourse of the sea coast towns of England, and the most fit 

and commodious places and harbours that we have for 

Busses; and of the small number of our fishermen; 

and also of the true valuation and whole charge 

of building and furnishing to sea. Busses 

and Pinks, after the Holland manner. 

By Tobias Gentleman, Fifherman and Mariner. 


Printed by A'"^ TH AN I EL B u TTE R. 1614. 






HILL, Constable of the Castle of Dover, 

Lord Warden, Chancellor and Admiral 

of the Cinque Ports, Lord Privy Seal, 

Knight of the most noble Order 

of the Garter, and one of His 

Majesty's most honourable 

Privy Council. 

Right Honour able^ 

\Eeing thatfby Nature, our country chatlengeth a greater 
interest in us, than our parents, friends, or children 
can ; and that we ought for preservation thereof, oppose 
[expose] our lives unto the greatest dangers '■ it is the 
part of every native to endeavour something to the advancement 
and profit thereof : and not to affect it, for that we possess in it ; 
but to love it for itself, as being the common Mother and Nourisher 

248 The Epistle Dedicatory. [Jis^leb.'?^ 

of us all. For mine own part, albeit my short fathom can 
compass no such great design as I desire : yet frotn a willing 
mind (as he that offered his hands full of water to great 
Artaxerxes), I am bold to present this Project of my honest and 
homely labours; beseeching your Lordship, whose virtues have 
truly ennobled you, to take the same into your protection ! and 
prefer it to the view of our most royal Sovereign, recommending 
the good effecting thereof to his gracious favour and furtherance f 
Doubtless your actions and endeavours, having all been full of 
virtue and goodness, are not the least prevailing motives whereby 
His Majesty hath so endeared you unto him. In this, then, you 
shall not think yourself disparaged ! the matter being both honest 
and commendable ; and in true value, of as great substance, as the 
offer of Sebastian Cabota to King Henry the Seventh for 
the discovery of the West Indies. 

Humbly at your Lordship's commandment, 

Tobias Gentleman, 




England* s Way to win Wealthy and 
to employ Ships and Mariners, 

Oble Britons! Forasmuch as it hath 
pleased the Almighty GOD to make us a 
happy Nation, by blessing and enriching this 
noble Kingdom with the sweet dew of His 
heavenly Word truly and plentifully preached 
amongst us ; and also in situating our 
country in a most wholesome climate, and 
stored with many rich and pleasant trea- 
sures for our benefit, which also yieldeth in abundance all 
things necessary, so that we do not only excel other nations 
in strength and courage, but also all other kingdoms far 
remote are by our English Commodities relieved and cherished : 
it seemeth also that the wisdom of our gracious GOD hath 
reserved us, as some precious gem, unto Himself; in environ- 
ing our country with the plenteous ocean sea, and dividing 
of us from the whole Continent of the rest of the inferior 
world by our rich and commodious element of water, which 
in due seasons, yieldeth to us in abundance. For although 
our champion [champagne] soil, by the diligence of the 
husbandman, be plentiful unto us ; yet doth these watery 
regions and dominions yield yearly great variety of all kind 
of most wholesome and dainty fishes : so that it may seem 
strange and disputable, and hard to determine, which of His 
Majesty's Dominions, of the Land or Seas, be richer ? Myself 
being the most unworthiest of all, in that I am no scholar, 
but born a fisherman's son by the seaside, and spending my 
youthful time at sea about fisher [fishing] affairs, whereby 
now I am more skilful in nets, lines, and hooks, than in 

250 John Keymar's inquiries in 161 i. [^'^JII^Te^ 

rhetoric, logic, or learned books : yet in those few which I 
have read, besides the instinct of Nature, which maketh me 
to know that every one should endeavour himself (the best he 
is able) to be beneficial and profitable to the kingdom and 
common wealth wherein he is born ; which was a forcible 
motive to incite me to think of this present Discourse, the 
penning whereof was thus occasioned. 

It was my fortune, some two years past [i.e., in 161 1], to be 
sent for into the company of one Master John Keymar, who 
is a man very well deserving of his country ; and he, knowing 
me to have experience in fisher \Jishing\ affairs, demanded of 
me the Charge both of Busses and Line-boats, after the 
Hollanders' fashion : and showed unto me some few notes 
that he had gathered and gotten from other men of my trade, 
which he seemed greatly to esteem of, for that himself was 
altogether unexperimented in such business. And further I 
delivered to him certain principal notes which he seemed 
greatly to esteem ; for that, he said, that " He did mind to 
show them unto the right honourable Council." 

Whereupon I entered into the cogitation of writing this True 
Relation out of myown experience and knowledge, touching the 
inestimable sums of money taken yearly for fish and herrings 
out of His Majesty's seas by strangers. Whereby they have not 
only maintained their wars against the Spaniard, both by land 
and sea, he being one of the great Monarchs of the world ; 
and at length they have not only wearied him in the wars 
and brought him to good terms and reasonable Composition : 
but also, it is most apparent, notwithstanding the huge charge 
of their wars, so long continued, which would have made 
any other nation poor and beggarly ; they, to the contrary, 
are grown exceeding rich and strong in fortified towns and 
beautiful buildings, in plenty of money and gold, in trade 
and traffic with all other nations, and have so increased and 
multiplied their shipping and mariners, that all other nations 
and countries in the world do admire \wonder ai\ them. 

Moreover, whereas one haven in one of their towns did, in 
former times, contain their ships and shipping ; with infinite 
cost, now they have cut out two havens more to a town : 
and at this present, are all three havens scarce sufficient with 
room enough to contain their ships and shipping. And by 
reason of their industrious fisher-trade, not one of their 

T-Gen^';^'^^;] The Dutch must buy everything. 251 

people is idle, nor none seen to beg amongst them, except 
they be some of our own English nation. 

And what their chiefest trade is, or the principal Gold 
Mine, is well known to all merchants that have used those 
parts, and to myself and all fishermen : namely, that His 
Majesty's Seas are their chiefest, principal, and only rich 
Treasury ; whereby they have so long time maintained their 
wars, and have so greatly prospered and enriched themselves. 

If that their little country of the United Provinces can do 
this (as is most manifest before our eyes they do), then what 
may we His Majesty's subjects do, if this trade of fishing 
were once erected among us ? We having in our own 
countries [coim^^Vs], sufficient store of all necessaries to accom- 
plish the like business. 

For the Hollanders have nothing growing in their own 
land for that business ; but they are compelled to fetch 
all their wood, timber, and plank, wherewith they build 
and make all their ships of, out of divers countries : their 
iron out of other places ; their hemp and cordage out of 
the Eastern [Baltic] Countries; the hoops and barrel-boards 
out of Norway and Sprucia [Prussia] ; their bread-corn out of 
Poland and the East Parts; their malt, barley, and best 
Double Drink from England ; and also all their fish and 
chiefest wealth out of His Majesty's seas. 

The which they do transport unto the foresaid countries ; 
and return for the procedue [proceeds] of fish and herrings, the 
forenamed commodities : whereby their ships and mariners 
are set on work, and continually multiplied ; and into their 
countries is plentiful store of money and gold daily brought, 
only [solely] for the sales of fish and herrings. 

And their country being, as it were, a small plot of ground 
in comparison of Great Britain ; for two of His Majesty's 
counties, Suffolk and Norfolk, do equal, if not exceed, in 
spaciousness, all their Provinces : and yet it is manifest, that 
for shipping and seafaring men, all England, Scotland, 
France, and Spain, for quantity of shipping and fishermen, 
cannot make so great a number. 

Howsoever this may seem strange unto many that do not 
know it ; yet do I assure myself, that a great number besides 
myself, know I affirm nothing herein but the truth. Where- 
fore seeing the great benefit that this business by the Busses, 

252 England needs only Pitch and Tar. [^'^j^n.X 

. Gentleman. 

bonadventures, or fisherships ; by erecting of this profitable 
and new trade, which will bring plenty unto His Majesty's 
Kingdoms and be for the general good of the Common wealth ; 
in setting of many thousands of poor people on work, which now 
know not how to live; and also for the increasing of ships and 
fishermen, which shall be employed about the taking of fish 
and herrings out of His Majesty's own streams ; and also for 
the employing of ships, and increasing of mariners for the 
strengthening of the Kingdom against all foreign invasions ; 
and for the enriching of Merchants with transportation of 
fish and herrings into other countries ; and also for the 
bringing in of gold and money : which now is grown but 
scarce, by reason that the Dutch and Hollanders have so long 
time been suffered to carry away our money and best gold for 
fish and herrings taken out of His Majesty's own streams ; 
which His Majesty's own subjects do want and still are like[ly] 
to do, if that they be not forbidden for bringing us fish and 
herrings ; and this worthy common wealth's business of 
Busses fostered and furthered by His Majesty's honourable 
Council, and the worshipful and wealthy subjects ; by putting 
to their helping Adventures now at the first, for that those 
that be now the fishermen, of themselves be not able to begin. 

Those poor boats and sorry nets that our fishermen of 
England now have, are all their chiefest wealth ; but were 
their ability better, they would soon be employing themselves: 
for that it is certain that all the fishermen of England do 
rejoice now at the very name and news of building of Busses, 
with a most joyful applaud, praying to GOD to further it ! 
for what great profit and pleasure it will bring they do well 
understand, and I will hereafter declare. 

First, I shall not need to prove that it is lawful for us that 
be His Majesty's own subjects, to take with all diligence 
the blessings that Almighty GOD doth yearly send unto us, 
at their due times and seasons ; and which do offer them- 
selves freely and abundantly to us, in our own seas and 
nigh our own shores. 

Secondly, to prove that it is feasible for us ; for what can be 
more plain than that we see daily done before our eyes by 
the Hollanders ! that have nothing that they use, growing in 
their own land, but are constrained to fetch all out of other 
countries: whereas we have all things that shall be used 


T- <^j^^,*^:] Fisheries, the Dutch Gold Mine. 253 

about that business growing at home in our own land ; pitch 
and tar only excepted. 

Thirdly, to prove it will be profitable, no man need to 
doubt; for that we see the Hollanders have long maintained 
their wars: and are nevertheless grown exceeding rich: which 
are things to be admired, insomuch that themselves do call it 
their chiejest trade, and principal Gold Mine; whereby many 
thousands of their people of trades and occupations be set on work, 
well maintained, and do prosper. These be the Hollanders' own 
words in a Dutch Proclamation, and translated into English; 
and the copy of that Proclamation is here annexed unto the 
end of my book 

And shall we neglect so great blessings I O slothful 
England, and careless countrymen ! look but on these fellows, 
that we call the plwmp Hollanders ! Behold their diligence 
in fishing ! and our own careless negligence ! 

In the midst of the month of May, do the industrious 
Hollanders begin to make ready their Busses and fisher- 
fleets; and by the first of their June [i.e., N.S.] are they yearly 
ready, and seen to sail out of the Maas, the Texel, and the 
Vlie, a thousand Sail together ; for to catch herrings in the 
North seas. 

Six hundred of these fisherships and more, be great Busses 
some six score tons, most of them be a hundred tons, and the 
rest three score tons, and fifty tons: the biggest of them 
having four and twenty men ; some twenty men, and some 
eighteen, and sixteen men a piece. So that there cannot be 
in this Fleet of People, no less than twenty thousand sailors. 

These having with them bread, butter, and Holland cheese 
for their provision, do daily get their other diet out of His 
Majesty's seas ; besides the lading of this Fleet three times a 
piece commonly before Saint Andrew['s day, October 24] with 
herrings, which being sold by them but at the rate of Ten 
Pounds the Last, amounteth unto much more than the sum 
of one million of pounds [ = ,^4,500, 000 in present value] 
sterling ; only [solely] by this fleet of Busses yearly. No King 
upon the earth did ever see such a fleet of his own subjects 
at any time; and yet this Fleet is, there and then, yearly to 
be seen. A most worthy sight it were, if they were my own 
countrymen ; yet have I taken pleasure in being amongst them, 
to behold the neatness of their ships and fishermen, how 

254 The great Fleet of Busses. |7-*^j^^'^ 

every man knoweth his own place, and all labouring merrily 
together : whereby the poorest sort of themselves, their wives 
and children, be well maintained; and no want seen amongst 

And thus North- West-and-by-North hence along they steer, 
then being the very heart of summer and the very yolk of all 
the year, sailing until they do come unto the Isle of Shet- 
shetiand is the land, which is His Majesty's dominions. And 
fTiThel^rcades! wlth this gallant fleet of Busses, there have been 
h^f h"o^f&>°''' ^^^" twenty, thirty, and forty ships of war to waft 
N. Lat. [convoy] and guard them from being pillaged and 

taken by their enemies and Dunkirkers : but now the wars 
be ended, they do save that great charge, for they have not 
now about four or six to look unto them, for [from] being 
spoiled by rovers and pirates. 

Now if that it happen that they have so good a wind as to be 
at Shetland before the 14th day of their June [t.e.,N.S.] as most 
commonly they have, then do they all put into Shetland, nigh 
Swinborough [Suniburgh] Head ; into a sound called Bracies 
[Bressa] Sound, and there they frolic it on land, until that 
they have sucked out all the marrow of the malt and good 
Scotch ale, which is the best liquor that the island doth 
afford: but the 14th day of June being once come, then away 
all of them go, for that is the first day, by their own law, 
before which time they must not lay a net; for until then the 
herrings be not in season, nor fit to be taken to be salted. 

From this place, being nigh two hundred leagues from 
Yarmouth, do they now first begin to fish, and they do never 
leave the shoals of herrings, but come along amongst them, 
following the herrings as they do come, five hundred miles in 
length [along], and lading their ships twice or thrice before 
they come to Yarmouth, with the principal and best herrings, 
and sending them away by the merchant ships that cometh 
unto them, that bringeth them victuals, barrels, and more salt, 
and nets if that they do need any, the which ships that buyeth 
their herrings they do call Herring Yagers [now spelt Jagers]: 
and these Yagers carry them, and sell them in the East 
[Baltic] Countries, some to Revel and to Riga, and some so far 
as Narva and Russia, Stockholm in Sweden, Quinsborough 
[? Konigsberg], Dantsic, and Elving [Elbitig], and all Poland, 
Sprucia, and Pomerland, Letto [Lithuania], Burnt-Hollume, 

"^'^m!'!^'.] The work of the Herring Jagers. 255 

Stettin, Lubeck, and Jutland and Denmark. Returning hemp, 
flax, cordage, cables, and iron ; corn, soap ashes, wax, wains- 
cot, clapholt [? clap-boards], pitch, tar, masts, and spruce 
deals, hoops and barrel-boards [staves] ; and plenty of silver 
and gold : only [solely] for their procedue [proceeds] of herrings. 

Now besides this great Fleet of the Busses, the Hollanders 
have a huge number more of smaller burden, only for to take 
herrings also; and these be of the burden from fifty tons unto 
thirty tons, and twenty tons. The greatest of them have 
twelve men a piece, and the smallest eight and nine men a 
piece ; and these are vessels of divers fashions and not like 
unto the Busses, yet go they only for herrings in the season, 
and they be called, some of them, Sword-Pinks, Flat-Bottoms, 
Holland-Toads, Crab-Skuits, and Yevers : and all these, or the 
most part do go to Shetland ; but these have no Yagers to 
come unto them ; but they go themselves home when they be 
laden, or else unto the best market. There have been seen 
and numbered of Busses and these, in braces [rigged], sound, 
and going out to sea ; and at sea in sight at one time, two 
thousand Sail, besides them that were at sea without [out of] 
sight, which could not be numbered. 

It is Bartholomewtide [August 24] yearly, before that they 
be come from Shetland with the herrings so high as [down to] 
Yarmouth: and all those herrings that they do catch in the 
Yarmouth seas from Bartholomewtide until Saint Andrew['s 
day, October 24], the worst that be, the roope-sick herrings that 
will not serve to make barrelled herrings by their own law, 
they must not bring home into Holland ; wherefore they do 
sell them for ready money or gold unto the Yarmouth men, 
that be no fishermen, but merchants and ingrossers of great 
quantities of herrings, if that, by any means, they can get them. 
So that the Hollanders be very welcome guests unto the 
Yarmouthian [!] herring-buyers, and the Hollanders do call 
them their "hosts," and they do yearly carry away from 
Yarmouth many a thousand pounds, as it is well known. 

But these Hollanders, with the ladings of the best, which 
they make their best brand herrings to serve for Lenten store, 
they send some for Bordeaux, some for Rochelle, Nantes, 
Morlaix; and Saint Malo and Caen in Normandy; Rouen, 
Paris, Amiens, and all Picardy and Calais : and they do 
return from these places wines, salt, feathers, rosin, woad, 

256 Enormous prices in gold, for fish, ['^•^/^"^g^ 

Normandy canvas, and Dowlais cloth, and money and French 
crowns. But out of all the Archduke's countries they return 
nothing from thence but ready money, in my own knowledge; 
and their ready payment was all double Jacobuses, English 
twenty-[five] shilling pieces. I have seen more there, in one 
day, than ever I did in London at any time. 

For at Ostend, Newport, and Dunkirk, where and when 
the Holland Finks cometh in, there daily the Merchants, 
that be but women (but not such women as the fishwives of 
Billingsgate ; for these Netherland women do lade away 
many waggons with fresh fish daily, some for Bruges, and 
some for Brussels, Yperen, Dixmuiden, and Rissels [Lille], 
and at Sas by Ghent), I have seen these Women-Merchants 
have their aprons full of nothing but English Jacobuses, to 
make all their payment of; and such heaps and budgetfuls 
in the counting-houses of the Fish Brokers, which made me 
much to wonder how they should come by them. And 
I have seen a ^Iso I know that capons are not so dearly sold 
fdd'lh'e^f for'' ^y ^^^ poulterers in Gratious [Gracechurch] Street 
two shillings in London, as fresh fish is sold by the Hol- 
i^°cfl turbor*' landers in all those Roman Catholic and Papistical 

for a Jacobus. cOUntricS. 

And whereas I have made but a true relation of their Fleets 
of Busses, and only the herring fishermen that be on His 
Majesty's seas from June until November : I will here set 
down the fishermen that, all the year long, in the seasons, do 
fish for Cod and Ling continually, going and returning laden 
with barrelled fish. 

And these be Pinks and Well-boats of the burden of forty 
tons, and the smallest thirty tons. These have some twelve 
men a piece, one with another. There is of this sort of fisher- 
boats, beginning at Flushing, Camefere, Surwick Sea, the 
Maas, the Texel, and the Vlie, and the other sandy islands, 
about five hundred or six hundred Sail which, all the year 
long, are fishing for Cod ; whereof they do make their barrelled 
fish, which they do transport in the summer into the East 
parts, but in winter all France is served by them and all the 
Archduke's countries before spoken of : both of barrelled fish 
and fresh fish, which they of purpose do keep alive in their 

'^■*^.^] Description of the English fishermen. 257 

boats in wells. And to us here in England, for love of our 
strong beer, they bring us barrelled fish in winter ; and carry 
away our money and gold every day in great quantities. 

Besides all these Pinks and Well-boats, the Hollanders 
have continually, in the season, another fleet of fishermen, 
at the north-east head of Shetland, which be of another 
quality: and there are more than two hundred of these, and 
these be called Fly-boats. These do ride at anchor all the 
season at Shetland, in the fishing grounds, and they have 
small boats within them, which be like unto Cobles, the 
which they do put out to lay and haul their lines, whereby 
they do take great store of Ling : the which they do not 
barrel, but split them and salt them in the ship's hulk[hold] ; 
and these they sell commonly for four and five pounds the 
hundred. These go by the name of Holland Lings : but 
they are taken out of His Majesty's seas, and were Shetland 
Lings before they took them there ; and for these Lings they 
do carry away abundance of England's best money daily. 

Ow HAVING declared according unto truth, the 
numbers of their fishermen in Holland for herrings 
upon His Majesty's seas ; and also of their Pinks 
and Well-boats ; and their courses for taking, 
venting, and selling of their barrelled fish and 
fresh fish ; and also of their Fly-boats at the north-east 
head of Shetland, for Shetland Lings : I think it now best, 
truly to show the true number of our English fishermen, and 
how they do employ themselves all the year long; first 
beginning at Colchester, nigh the mouth of the Thames, and 
so proceeding northward. 

I can scarce afford these men of that Water the name of 
fishermen ; for that their chiefest trade is dredging for oysters : 
yet have they, in the summer, some eight or ten boats in the 
North seas for Cod ; which if that they happen to spend all 
their salt, and to speed well, they may get some twenty pounds 
in a summer clear. 

But here, by the way, I will make known a great abuse 
that is offered to the common wealth, and especially to all 
the herring fishermen of England, only by those men of 
Colchester Water. For these men, from Saint Andrew 

R 6 

258 Colchester fishers op Bleaks. P"^^.*^ 

[October 24] until Candlemas [February 2], and sometimes 
longer, do set forth Stale-boats, amongst the sands in the 
Thames' mouth, for to take sprats, with great stale-nets, 
with a great poke [bag] ; and they standing in the Swinne 
or the King's Channel on the back of the Gunfleet, they do 
there take instead of sprats, infinite thousands of young 
herrings, smaller than sprats and not good to be eaten, for 
one sprat is better worth than twenty of those Bleakes or 
young herrings. But because they do fill the bushel at 
Billingsgate, where they do sell them for sprats ; the which, 
if that they were let [ajlive, would all be, at Midsummer, a 
fat Summer full Herring. And a peck is sometimes there 
sold for twopence ; which number of herrings at Midsummer 
would make a barrel of summer herrings, worth twenty or 
thirty shillings. 

If that they could take sprats it were good, for they be 
good victuals for the City ; but for every cartload or bushel 
of sprats, they take a hundred cartloads or bushels of these 
young herrings ; which be the very spawn of the shoals of the 
herrings that cometh from Shetland every summer : and 
whereas they come into Yarmouth seas yearly about Saint 
Luke's [day, September 21] and (sometimes before, if that it 
do blow a hard easterly wind) do always at that season 
become roope-sick and do spawn and become shotten [einpty] 
betwixt Wintertonness and Orfordness. And those fry of that 
spawn, those young little creatures, by the wisdom of the 
great Creator, seeketh into the shore and shallow places, 
there to be nourished, and also into the Thames' mouth into 
the sweetest waters ; for that the water nigh the shore and 
in the Thames' mouth is not so briny salt as it is farther off 
in the deep water. Where these Bleaks yearly seeking to be 
nourished, they be always at that season taken and destroyed. 
But if that these men will needs use their Stale-boats and 
nets, let them go where the good sprats be. They must then 
stand at Orfordness and in Dunwich bay, where there be 
excellent sprats: and for the good of all the herring fishermen 
of England, I wish that they might be prohibited to sell that 
which is not wholesome to be eaten ; which is as much as to 
sell hemlock for parsnips. 

The next to Colchester, is Harwich Water. A royal harbour 
and a proper town, fit for the use of Busses (no place in all 

*°j^.^:] Fishermen of Harwich and Ipswich. 259 

Holland comparable to it, for there is both land and strand 
and dry beach enough for four hundred Sail); but the chiefest 
trade of the inhabitants of this place is with Caravels for 
Newcastle coals : but they have three or four ships yearly 
that they do send to Iceland for Cod and Ling from March 
until September ; and some years they get, and some years 
they lose. But if that they had but once the trade of Busses, 
this would soon be a fine place : but those Caravels and Ships 
which they now have, be all their chiefest wealth. 

Six miles up Harwich water stands Ipswich ; which is a gal- 
lant town and rich. This Town is such a place for the Busses, 
as in all England and Holland I know no place so convenient. 
First, it is the best place in all England for the building of 
Busses ; both for the plenty of timber and plank, and 
excellent workmen for making of ships. There are more 
there, than there are in six of the best towns in all England. 
Secondly, it is a principal place for good housewives for 
spinning of yarn, for the making of pouldavice [canvas] ; for 
there is the best that is made. Which town with the use 
of the making of twine, will soon be the best place of all 
England for to provide nets for the Busses. It is also a most 
convenient place for the wintering of the Busses, for that all 
the shores of that river are altogether ooze and soft ground, 
fit for them to lie on in winter. 

Also the Ipswich men be the chiefest Merchant Adventurers 
of all England, for all the East Lands [Baltic This Town is 
Countries], for the Suffolk cloths: and they have convl^i^^ 
their factors lying, all the year long, in all those ^'lup're t^ 
places where the Hollanders do vent their herrings, for com for aii 
and where the best price and sale is continually. the^ret°ui^°and 
And although that yet there be no fishermen, yet fuL^^-'^* 
have they store of seafaring men, and for Masters ^^^f^^J^ 
for the Busses, they may have enough from Yar- Poland. 
mouth and So[uth]w[o]ld and the sea-coast towns [villages] 
down their river. From Nacton and Chimton, Holbroke, 
Shotley, and Cowlness they may get men that will soon be 
good fishermen with but little use. For understand thus 
much ! that there is a kind of emulation in Holland between 
the fishermen that go to sea in Pinks and Line-boats, winter 
and summer ; and those fishermen that go in the Busses. 
For they in the Pinks make a scorn of them in the Busses, 

26o Fishermen of Orford, Aldborough, (7"°;"?^: 

and do call them koe-milkens or "cow-milkers" : for indeed the 
most part of them be men of occupations [handicraftsmen] in 
winter, or else countrymen ; and do milk the cows themselves 
and make all the Holland cheese, when they be at home. 

This place is also most convenient for the erecting of salt- 
pans, for the making of ** Salt upon Salt." For that the 
harbour is so good that, at all times, ships may come unto 
them with salt from Mayo, or Spanish salt, to make brine or 
pickle ; and also the Caravels from Newcastle with coals for 
the boiling of it at the cheapest rates, at any time may come 

To the north-east of this place, three or four leagues, is 
Orford Haven ; and in the towns of Orford and Aldborough 
especially be many good fishermen. And there are belonging 
to those towns some forty or fifty North Sea boats, that 
yearly go to sea, having seven men a piece ; and ten or twelve 
Iceland barks, which sometimes get something, and some- 
times little or nothing. If that these men's wealth were in 
Busses and nets, and had but once the trade, they would put 
down the Hollander ! for they be great plyers of any voyage 
that they do undertake. 

About three leagues to the northward is So[uth]w[o]ld Haven, 
Dunwichin and in the towns of So[uth]w[o]ld, Dunwich, and 
h^thTee'lTthe Waldcrswick be a very good breed of fishermen ; and 
icfngf of the there are belonging unto those three towns, of North 
East Angles, gea boats some twenty sail ; and of Iceland barks 
all ruined. somc fifty Sail, which yearly they send for Cod and 
Ling to Iceland. 

Myfatheriived This towH of So[uth]w[o]ld, of a sca tov^Ti, is the 
in this town most bcneficial unto His Majesty, of all the towns 

until he was 98 . , hi- i • 

years of age, m England ; by reason all their trade is unto 

a)m|osftion'* Iceland for Ling, and His Majesty's Serjeant 

yi^s un'tTf^ur Catcrcr hath yearly gratis out of every ship and 

Pnnc^. vi^-.^ bark, one hundred of the choicest and fairest Lings, 

Quein mary°' which bc worth more than ten pound the hundred ; 

iuz^ABETH, and they call them "Composition Fish." But these 

and until the j^gn of this placc are greatly hindered, and in a 

Bixth year r o , -^ . , '. , , 

[1609] of the manner undone, by reason their haven is so bad, 

mof^lradJus and in a manner often stopped up with beach and 

whkh'TOi^eth shingle stone that the wind and tide and the sea do 

to muck mora beat thlthcr, so that many time, in the season, 

"^'^£'^'2 SouTHWoLD, Lowestoft, and Yarmouth. 261 

when they be ready to go to sea ; they cannot get |h^5°"d 
out when time is to go to sea; neither can they pounds, for on« 
get in when they return from sea, but oftentimes tow"n° 
do cast away their goods and themselves. This haven if that 
it had but a south pier built of timber, would be a far better 
haven than Yarmouth haven, with one quarter of the cost 
that hath been bestowed on Yarmouth haven. They be now 
suitors unto His Majesty : GOD grant that they may speed ! 
For it is pitiful, the trouble and damage that all the men of 
these three towns do daily sustain by their naughty [inade- 
quate] harbour. 

To the northward of So[uth]w[o]ld Haven three leagues, are 
Kirkley and hsiyestoi [Lowestoft] , decayed towns. They have 
six or seven North Sea boats : but they of Lowestoft make 
benefit yearly of buying of herrings of the Hollanders ; for 
likewise these Hollanders be ** hosted " with the Lowestoft 
men, as they be with the Yarmouthians. 

To the northward, two leagues, is the town of Great 
Yarmouth, very beautifully built upon a very inaiiHis 
pleasant and sandy plain of three miles in length. Majesty's 

X J K vj KinsrcloiTis Dot 

This town is a place of great resort of all the any town 'com- 
herring fishermen of England. For thither do ForbrlTve"'" '' 
resort all the fishermen of the Cinque Ports and •'"''^ings. 
all the rest of the West Country men of England, as far 
as Burport [Bridport], and Lyme [Regis] in Dorsetshire : 
and those herrings that they do take they do not barrel, 
because their boats be but small things, but they sell all 
unto the Yarmouth herring-buyers for ready money. And 
also the fishermen of the north countries, beyond Scarborough 
and Robin Hood's Bay, and some as far as the Bishopric of 
Durham do thither resort yearly, in poor little boats called 
" Five-Men Cobbles"; and all the herrings that they do take 
they do sell fresh unto the Yarmouth men, to make red 

Also to Yarmouth, do daily come into the haven up to the 
quay, all or the most part of the great Fleet of Hollanders, 
which before I made relation of, that go in the Sword-Pinks, 
Holland-Toads, Crab-Skuits, Walnut-Shells, and great and 
small Yevers ; one hundred and two hundred sail at one time 
together, and all their herrings that they do bring in, they do 
sell them all, for ready money, to the Yarmouth men. 

262 Advantageous situation of Yarmouth, l^- *^^!'J^ 

And also the Frenchmen of Picardy and Normandy, some 
hundred sail of them at a time, do come thither ; and all the 
herrings they catch, they sell fresh unto these Herring-mongers 
of Yarmouth, for ready money. So that it amounteth unto a 
great sum of money, that the Hollanders and Frenchmen do 
carry away from Yarmouth yearly into Holland and France : 
which money doth never come again into England. 

This town is very well governed by wise and civil [prudent] 
Magistrates, and good orders carefully observed for the 
maintenance of their Haven and Corporation. And this town, 
by reason of the situation, and the fresh rivers that belong 
to it, one [the Wensum] up to the city of Norwich ; and 
another [the Waveney] that runneth far up into Suffolk, a 
butter and cheese country, about Bunga [Bungay] and 
Betkels [Beccles] ; and a third [the Bure] that runneth far up 
into Flegg [by Aylesham] a corn country ; by reason whereof 
this town of Yarmouth is always well served with all kind 
of provision at good and cheap rates : whereby they of the 
town do relieve the strangers, and also do benefit themselves. 

To this town belongeth some twenty Iceland barks, which 
yearly they do send for Cod and Ling, and some hundred 
and fifty sail of North Sea boats. They make a shift to live ; 
but if that they had the use of Busses and also barrelled fish, 
they would excel all England and Holland. For they be 
the only fishermen for North seas, and also the best for the 
handling of their fish that be in all this land. 

The herring buyers of Yarmouth doth profit more than doth 
the fishermen of Yarmouth, by reason of the resort of the 
Hollanders ; for that they are suffered to sell all their roope- 
sick herrings at Yarmouth to the Merchants there. And 
also the barrelled fish that the Flemings do bring in winter 
to London, Ipswich, Lynn, and Hull do also gale [gaul] 
them : but for that [seeing that] our fishermen may, if they 
please, make barrelled fish themselves ; and therefore I will 
not moan [bemoan] them ! 

The merchant herring buyer of Yarmouth that hath a 
Yarmouth stock of his own, SO long as he can make his gains 

haven is the . -ii • r • t t • 1 

only refuge, in SO ccrtam With buymg of roope-sick herrings oi 
w'^tre'r°L all thc Hollaudcrs, will never lay out his money to 
S'thecTn'^ue ^uild or set forth Busses; and the fishermen be 
poru and all now SO poor, by reason that they only do bear the 


^' ^^!'i'6it] Blackney, Wells, King's Lynn, Boston. 263 

whole charge of that costly haven, the merchant foh^n'hos/" 
herring buyers being not at any charge thereof: seas: and it ii 
but all that great cost cometh out of the fisher- timber, against 
men's labours for the maintenance of that wooden Iht^lTi^?^ 
haven [bier], which amounteth to some five it 'snow in 

i_ J J * J , great danger 

nundred pounds a year, and some years more, to come to 
So that though they be willing, yet their ability ISve'noVherp 
will not suffer them to do it; neither can they ">'''°«- 
forbear [invest] their money to adventure their herrings into 
the East [Baltic] Countries, where the best sales always be. 

To the northward of Yarmouth eight leagues, are the 
towns of Blackney and Wells, good harbours and fit for 
Busses : and they have good store of fishermen. And these 
towns have some twenty Sail of barks that they do yearly 
send unto Iceland. But these towns be greatly decayed, to 
that they have been in times past : the which places, if that 
they had but twenty Busses belonging to them, would soon 
grow rich towns in short time. 

Then is there [King's] Lynn, a proper gallant town for 
sea-faring men, and for men for Iceland. This is a rich 
town, and they have some twenty Sail of Iceland ships, that 
they yearly send for Cod and Ling : and I am in hope to see 
them fall to the use of Busses as soon as any men. 

To the northward is Boston, a proper town ; and like unto 
Holland's soil, for low ground and sands coming in : but yet 
there are but few fishermen ; but it is a most fit place for 
Busses. If that they had but once the taste of them, they 
would soon find good liking. 

Next to Boston, some twenty leagues to the northward, is 
the great river of Humber, wherein there is Hull, a very 
proper town of sailors and shipping : but there be but few 
fishermen. But it is a most convenient place for to adventure 

There are also Grimsby, Paul, and Patrington. In all 
these places now there is great store of poor and idle people, 
that know not how to live ; and the most of all these places 
be decayed, and the best of them all grow worse and worse : 
which with the use of Busses would soon grow rich merchant 
towns, as is in Holland. For to these places would be 
transported of the East lands all manner of commodities for 
the use of Busses ; and houses and work-yards erected for 

264 Grimsby, Paul, Patrington, and Hull. [J'^j^'^; 

coopers, and ropemakers, and great numbers of net-makers. 
And with the recourse of the ships that shall bring salt and 
other commodities, and ships that shall lade away their 
herrings and fish, these places shall soon become populous ; 
and money stirring plentifully in these places returned for the 
procedue [proceeds] of fish and herrings : which places now 
b^. exceeding poor and beggarly. 

In all these fisher towns, that I have before named, 
as Colchester, Harwich, Orford, Aldborough, Dunwich, 
Walderswick, So[uth]w[o]ld, Yarmouth, Blackney, Wells, 
Lynn, Boston, and Hull — these be all the chiefest towns; and 
all thatuseth the North seas in summer: and all these towns, 
it is well known, be ruinated. 

In all these towns I know to be — Iceland barks, and — 
pa?dJn for North Sca boats; and all these fishermen having — 
that I omit rnen a piece amounteth to the sum of — . But admit 
numb^rs'^^d that there are in all the West Country of England 
whtch iS)uid of fisherboats, tag and rag, that bringeth home all 
heresetdown fresh fish, whlch scldom or never useth any salt ; 

II 1 were com* , • 

manded.* say, that they have other — men a piece which makes 
the sum of — in all England. 

But in all these I have not reckoned the fishermen, mac- 
kerel-catchers, nor the Cobble-men of the north country, which 
having — men a piece, cometh to — men in all England. 

But so many in all England, and I have truly showed 
before, that the Hollander hath in one fleet of Busses, twenty 
thousand fishermen ; besides all them that goeth in the 
Sword-Pinks, Flat-Bottoms, Crab-Skuits, Walnut-Shells, and 
Great Yevers, wherein there are not less than twelve thousand 
more: and all these are only for to catch herrings in the 
North seas. Besides all they that go in the Fly-boats for 
Shetland Ling, and the Finks for barrelled fish, and Trammel- 
boats : which cometh unto five thousand more. 

So that it is most true, that as they have the sum of — 
fishermen more than there is in all this land : and by reason 
of their Busses and Pinks and fishermen that set their 
Merchant-ships on work [a work] ; so have they — ships and 
— mariners more than we. 

• Our Author has however already specified the number to be, at least, 
Iceland barks 126, and North Sea boats 237. 


^' ^^^^^ Our fishings bringin no coin. 265 

Ow IN our sum of — fishermen ; let us see what 
vent [sale] have we for our fish into other countries? 
and what commodities and coin is brought into 
this kingdom ? and what ships are set on work by 
them, whereby mariners are bred or employed ? 
Not one ! It is pitiful ! 

For when our fishermen cometh home the first voyage [i.e., 
in the summer] from the North Seas, they go either to London, 
Ipswich, Yarmouth, Lynn, Hull, or Scarborough ; and there 
they do sell, at good rates, the first voyage. But the second 
voyage (because that they which be now the fishermen, have 
not yet the right use of making of barrelled fish, wherewith 
they might serve France, as do the Hollanders) they be 
now constrained to sell in England. For that it is staple 
[standard] fish ; and not being barrelled, the French will not 
buy it. 

But if that our fishermen had but once the use of Pinks 
and Line-boats and barrelled fish; then they might serve 
France as well as the Hollanders : which by this new trade 
of Busses being once erected, and Pinks, and Line-boats 
after the Holland manner; there will be fishermen enough 
to manage the Pinks for barrelled fish, from November unto 
the beginning of May, only the most part of those men that 
shall be maintained by the Busses. For that, when the Busses 
do leave work, in the winter, their men shall have employment 
by the Pinks for barrelled fish ; which men now do little or 
nothing. For this last winter at Yarmouth, there were three 
hundred idle men that could get nothing to do, living very 
poor for lack of employment ; which most gladly would have 
gone to sea in Pinks, if there had been any for them to go in. 
And whereas I said before, that there was not one ship set 
on work by our fishermen : there may be objected against 
me this. That there doth every year commonly lade at 
Yarmouth four or five London ships for the Straits [of 
Gibraltar], which is sometimes true. And the Yarmouth 
men themselves do yearly send two or three ships to 
Bordeaux, and two or three boats laden with £°^'f*. 
herrings, to Rouen, or to Nantes, or Saint Malo : two ships this 
whereby there are returned salt, wines, and Nor- S!^!*'*'** 
mandy canvas ; whereby the King hath some custom. But 
there is no money returned into England for these herrings, 

266 The cost of a Herring Buss. 

r. Gentlemaa. 
Jan. 1614. 

Note here how 
the Hollanders 
employ them- 
selves and their 
Ships ! First, in 
taking of the 
herrings quick 
[alive] ; and 
yet are not 
content I but 
catch them 
again, after 
they be dead ! 
and do set both 
their ships and 
mariners on 
work : and 
English ships 
lie up a rotting ! 

which cost the Yarmouthians ready gold, before 
that they had them of the Hollanders and French- 
men to lade these ships : and therefore I may boldly 
say, Not one ! 

And this last year now the Hollanders them- 
selves have also gotten that trade, for there did lade 
twelve sail of Holland ships with red herrings at 
Yarmouth for Civita Vecchia, Leghorn, Genoa, and 
Marseilles and Toulon. Most of them being ladened 
by the English merchants. So that if this be 
suffered, the English owners of ships shall have 
but small employment for theirs. 

Ow TO show truly, what the whole charge of a 
Buss will be, with all her furniture, as masts, 
sails, anchors, cables, and with all her fisher's 
implements and appurtenances, at the first pro- 
vided all new. It is a great charge, she being 
between thirty and forty Last [ = 60 ^0 80 Tons] and will cost 
some five hundred pounds [= about ^^2,250 in present value]. 
By the grace of GOD, the Ship or Buss will continue 
twenty years, with small cost and reparations : but the yearly 
slite [fraying] and wear of her tackle and war-ropes and 
nets will cost some eighty pounds. 

And the whole charge for the keeping of her at sea for the 
whole summer, or three voyages ; for the fitting of a hundred 
Last of caske or barrels. 

If any will loo Last of BaiTels 

P^°rcu"f For Salt, four months 

Weys of Salt, Beer, four months 

or Barrels of For Bread, four months ... 

Beer, or Hun- _, ,' _, 

dred[weight]sof Bacon and Butter 

Biscuits, I will For Pease, four months 

s^WL/^,w For Billet, four months 

to] him ; but For men's wages, four months 

here is the 
whole charge, 
and with the 
most [at the 







One hundred Last of 
herrings, filled and 
sold at £,\o the Last, 
Cometh to one thou- 
sand pounds. 

Herrings ... £,1,000 
The whole charge 335 

;^335 Gotten ;^665 

[See full paiticulars in the later work Britain's Buss in Vol. III. p. 6az.] » 

Here plainly appeareth that there is gotten ^^665 in one 

T- ^j^'Ti^l Typical case of a Dutch Family fishing. 267 

summer, whereout if that you do deduct ;£'ioo for the wear 
of the ship and the reparations of her nets against the next 
summer ; yet still there ;f 565 remaining for clear And i hay* 
gains, by one Buss in one year. u^nil but 

The Hollanders do make [consider] the profit of ^V^'^'^'^l- 
their Busses so certain, that they do lay out their the'*iea«. ^or 
own children's money, given them by their deceased moniy'oiTby 
friends, in adventuring in the Busses ; and also a^'j)^°"s|^'^for 
there is in Holland a Treasury for Orphans opened ;{;i5 and ;{:2o 
and laid out in adventuring in the Busses. ""* ^^^ 

The Hollanders do make both a profitable and a pleasant 
trade of this summer fishing. For there was one of them 
that having a gallant great new Buss of his own, and he 
having a daughter married unto one that was his Mate in the 
Buss : the Owner that was Master of this Buss did take his 
wife with him aboard, and his Mate his wife ; and so they 
did set sail for the North seas, with the two women with 
them, the mother and the daughter. Where, having a 
fair wind, and being fishing in the North seas, they had soon 
filled their Buss with herrings ; and a Herring- Yager cometh 
unto them, and brings them gold and fresh supplies, and 
copeth [bargaineth] with them, and taketh in their herrings 
for ready money, and delivereth them more barrels j^^^y money 
and salt ; and away goeth the Yager for the first °'. ?^'''"' 
market into Sprucia [Prussia] . And still is the bhis of " 
Buss fishing at sea, and soon after again was full be^pafdi't '° 
laden and boone [bound] home : but then another fi"' sight. 
Yager cometh unto him as did the former, and delivering 
them more provision of barrels, salt, and ready money, and 
bids them farewell. And still the Buss lieth at sea, with 
the mother and daughter, so long, and not very long before 
they had again all their barrels full ; and then they sailed 
home into Holland, with the two women, and the buss laden 
with herrings, and a thousand pounds of ready money. 

If that any man should make question of the truth of this, 
it will be very credibly approved by divers of good credit that 
be now in the city of London. 

Now to show the charge of a Pink of eighteen or twenty 
Last [ = 36 to 40 tons]. The Pink being built new, and all 
things new into her, will not cost ^260, with all her lines, 
hooks, and all her fisher appurtenances. 

268 The cost of a Fishing Pink. [_^" ^/J1i\'\"^' 

15 Last of barrels will cost 

5 Weys of " Salt upon Salt " 

For Beer and Cask 

For Bread 

For Butter 

For the Petty Tally 

For men's wages for two months, Master 
and all together ... 20 






Fifteen Last of barrelled fish at £14 8s. the Last, which 
is but twenty-four shillings the barrel, amounteth to £2i(i ; 
whereout if that you do deduct ^^57 for the charge of setting 
her to sea, there is still resting ^^159 clear gain by one Pink, 
with fifteen Last of fish, for two months. 

Wherefore, seeing the profit so plain ; and, by the grace 
of GOD, so certain ; both by the Busses and Line-boats, 
whereby the Hollanders have so long gained by : let all 
noble, worshipful, and wealthy subjects put to their 
adventuring and helping hands, for the speedy launching 
and floating forward of this great good common wealth 
business, for the strengthening of His Majesty's dominions 
with two principal pillars, which are, with plenty of coin 
brought in for Fish and herrings from other nations, and also 
for the increasing of mariners against all common invasions. 
And also for the bettering of trades and occupations, and 
setting of thousands of poor and idle people on work, which 
now know not how to live ; which by this Trade of Busses 
shall be employed : as daily we see is done, before our eyes, by 
the Hollanders. And, as always it hath been seen, that 
those that be now the fishermen of England have been always 
found to be sufficient to serve His Majesty's ships in former 
time, when there has been employment: which fellows, by this 
new trade of building and setting forth of Busses will be 
greatly multiplied and increased in this land. Which fellows, 
as we see the Hollanders, being well fed in fishing affairs, 
and strong[er] and lustier than the sailors that use the long 
southern voyages that sometimes are greatly surfeited and 
hunger-pined : but these courageous, young, lusty, fed-strong 
younkers, that shall be bred in the Busses, when His Majesty 

^■^M.'^4.] Fishermen make strong active Sailors. 269 

shall have occasion for their service in war against the 
enemy, will be fellows for the nonce! and will put more 
strength to an iron crow at a piece of great ordnance in 
traversing of a cannon or culvering, with the direction of 
the experimented [experienced] Master Gunner, than two or 
three of the forenamed surfeited sailors. And in distress of 
wind-grown sea, and foul winter's weather, for flying forward 
to their labour, for pulling in a topsail or a spritsail, or 
shaking off a bonnet in a dark night ! for wet and cold cannot 
make them shrink, nor stain that the North seas and the 
Busses and Pinks have dyed in the grain, for such purposes. 

And whosoever shall go to sea for Captain to command in 
martial affairs, or to take charge for Master in trade of 
merchandise (as in times past I have done both) will make 
choice of these fellows : for I have seen their resolution in 
the face of their enemy, when they have been legeramenta 
[Italian for light-hearted] and frolicsome, and as forward as 
about their ordinary labours or business. 

And when His Majesty shall have occasion and employ- 
ment for the furnishing of his Navy, there will be nisnotun- 
no want of Masters, Pilots, Commanders, and suf- known, that 
ficient directors of a course and keeping of com- thlre^s'a 
putation ; but now there is a pitiful want of fio"ng^the'^^t 
sufficient good men to do the offices and labours f/om"^'^'!;, 
before spoken of. All which, these men of the Yorkshire unto 
Busses and Pinks will worthily supply. Mount"inCom. 

And to the art of sailing they may happily attain. ^i"v°°Jff^! 
For hitherto it hath been commonly seen, that nUh but seven 
those men that have been brought up in their t^ting°over^ 
youth in fishery, have deserved as well as any in [hTcS'pfi- 
the land for artificial [scientific] sailing : for at this »''"« ^4 ^'^ 

"- / -' . r • 1 J noble Princess 

time IS practised all the projections 01 circular and but twenty- 
mathematical scales and arithmetical sailing by ^'^ht leagues. 
divers of the young men of the sea-coast towns, even as 
commonly amongst them, as amongst the Thamesers. 

Besides all the Hollanders before spoken of, the Frenchmen 
of Picardy have also a hundred sail of fishermen. Some of these 
only [solely] for herrings on His Majesty's seas ever}' to^the 
year in the summer season ; and they be almost like ^"'^den. 
unto the Busses : but they have not any Yagers that cometh 
unto them, but they do lade themselves, and return home twice 

270 English shall wear old Dutch shoes! [7"^j|S',"^ 

every year ; and find great profit by their making but two 

voyages every summer season. 

And it is much to be lamented that we, having such a 
TheHoiianders plentiful country, and such store of able and idle 
so^y^as * people, that not one of His Majesty's subjects is 
more'th^Jl^'o there to be seen all the whole summer to fish or 
miiiioi^rf to take one herring; but only the North Sea boats 
fin^ ApTwe, of the sea-coast towns that go to take Cod, they 
s"bjS"o^' do *^^^ s° many as they do need to bait their 
thandobSt' hooks and no more. 

our hooks! We are daily scorned by these Hollanders for 

being so negligent of our profit, and careless of our fishing ; 
and they do daily flout us that be the poor fishermen of 
England, to our faces at sea, calling to us and saying, Ya 
English ! ya zall, or oud scove dragien, which in English is 
this, " You English ! we will make you glad for to wear our 
old shoes." 

And likewise the Frenchmen, they say, "We are apish," for 
that we do still imitate them in all needless and fantastical 
jags [tatters] and fashions. As it is most true indeed. For 
that they have no fashion amongst them in apparel nor lace, 
points, gloves, hilts, nor garters ; even from the spangled 
shoe-latchet unto the spangled hat and hatband (be it never 
so idle and costly): but after that we do once get it, it is far 
bettered by our nation. 

Wherefore, seeing that we can excel all other nations, 
wastefully to spend money ; let us in one thing learn of 
other nations ! to get thousands out of His Majesty's sea ! 
and to make a general profit of the benefits that Almighty 
GOD doth yearly send unto us, in far more greater abundance 
than the fruit of our trees ! which although they [the fishes] 
be more changeable in the gathering together, yet is the 
profit far more greater unto this kingdom and common wealth 
of all His Majesty's subjects, increasing the wealth of the 
Adventurers; as also for the enriching of Merchants, and 
maintaining of trades, occupations, and employing of ships, 
and increasing of mariners which now do but little or 
nothing ; as also for the setting of poor and idle people on 
work, which now know not how to live. And to teach many 
a tall fellow to know the proper names of the ropes in a 
ship, and to haul the bowline ; that now for lack of era- 

^isFeb.*^.] ;^ 1 2,000 PAID TO Dutch, in 8 Weeks. 271 

ployment many such, by the inconvenience of idle living, 
are compelled to end their days v^ith a rope by an Jrote'fb!"/^ 
untimely death : which by the employment of the seaandt/u 

—^ •'.,,, ,, •'.,- 1,1 • , ■ gallows refuse 

Busses might be well avoided, and they in time nonei 
become right honest, serviceable, and trusty subjects. 


Ere since my book came to the press, I have been 
credibly certified by men * of good worth *J^^ g^^"-" 
(being Fishmongers) that since Christmas ung, Master 
last, unto this day ; there hath been paid L^v.^TnTd^ers 
to the Hollanders, here in London, only for bar- company 'of* 
rels of fish and Holland Ling, the sum of Twelve Fishmongers. 
thousand pounds [ = about ^50,000 in the present day]. 

And last of all, if that there be any of worshipful Adven- 
turers that would have any directions for the building of 
these Busses or fisher-ships, because I know that the ship 
carpenters of England be not yet skilful in this matter; 
wherefore if that any shall be pleased to repair to me, I will 
be willing to give them directions and plain projections and 
geometrical demonstrations for the right building of them, 
both for length, breadth, and depth, and also for .Andforpro- 
their mould under water, and also for the con- ^d^g of^^^eir 
triving of their rooms and the laying of their Nets, after the 
gear,* according to the Hollanders' fashion. Any ^°d'chSp'^\ 
man shall hear of me at Master Nathaniel "-ates. 
Butter's, a Stationer's shop at Saint Austen's Gate in 
Paul's Churchyard. Farewell this i8th of February [1614]. 





as well of the Charge oj a Buss or 

Herring Fishing Ship ; as also of the 

Gain and Profit thereby. 

By E. S. 


Printed by William Jaggard for Nicholas Bourne, and 

are to be sold at his shop at the South Entry of 

the Royal Exchange, i 6 i 5. 

s 6 




IvERS TREATISES have been published 
here in England, some long since, some 
very lately, all of them inviting to the 
building and employing of English fishing 
ships, such as our neighbouring Hol- 
landers call Busses, principally to fish 
for herrings : with which kind of fish, 
Almighty GOD, of His rich bounty 
(blessed be His name therefore!), hath abundantly stored His 
Majesties streams on the coasts of England, Scotland, and 
Ireland, above all the known parts of the world. 

Four books I have seen of this subject. 

One called the British Monarchy, written Anno Domini 
1576 which is near[ly] forty years past. 

The second, entitled Hitchcock's New Year's Gift 
printed about thirty[-five] years since. 

The third, named England's Way to Win Wealth and to 
increase ships and, mariners published within these two years : 
whose author [TOBIAS Gentleman, Mariner, (of Yarmouth)], 
I have heard, was trained up from his youth, and is very 
expert, both in navigation and fishing [See Vol. IV. p. 323.] 

The fourth, styled The Trade's Increase, now newly come 

In all which four books; but especially in the two last, the 
necessity, faculty, profit, and use of that fishing trade is 
proponed [set forth] and handled. 

After I had read three of the former books, and before the 
fourth and last came to light, I was much affected with the 
business. And the more I consider it, the more is my 

276 The first English Adventurers in Busses. [fg^J 

affection confirmed and increased. And out of vehement 
desire to see this work, which I conceive to tend so much to 
GOD's glory, to the honour of our noble King, to the general 
strength, safety, and commodity of all His Majesty's large 
kingdoms and dominions, and to the private and peculiar 
benefit and advancement of every private Undertaker herein : 
I say, out of vehement desire to see this work in hand, and 
the prosperity thereof, I inquired, as often as conveniently I 
could, what Busses or fishing ships were in building on our 
coasts, or were bought or used by any English. 

At length, I was informed, and that very truly, that one 
Roger Godsdue, Esquire, of Bucknam Ferry in Norfolk, 
had begun to apply himself to this worthy work, and had on 
the stocks at Yarmouth, five Busses ; whereof I understand 
one is, since that time, launched, and that the other four are 
in good forwardness. But when, upon inquiry after the 
gentleman, I heard him to be a man of such undoubted 
honesty and integrity, besides his other virtues and worth; 
methought I did see GOD beginning this good business in a 
good hand. 

Soon after, I heard that another worthy gentleman, 
namely, Sir William Harvey, Knight, had on the stocks at 
Limehouse, in the yard of Master Stevens, shipwright, 
another very fair large Buss near[ly] as big as any Flemish 
Buss: which Buss I did afterwards see myself, when she was 
in launching; and she is now in the Thames before Ratcliffe. 

But besides these two gentlemen, I have not yet heard of 
any English that have yet applied themselves that way. 

Now because, after many considerations of that matter, I 
perceived that none of the four treatises before mentioned, 
had set down in very plain particulars, the exact Charge of 
building, manning, victualling, and furnishing of such a 
Buss ; and of the Gain or Profit, which, by GOD's blessing, 
in probability may redound yearly to the particular owner 
and adventurer of such a ship ; and conceiving hope, that the 
publication of such particulars, might be some furtherance 
of the action : I resolved to bestow my best labours to get 
such particulars. And to that end, I travailed and conferred 
with such ; both shipwrights, mariners, fishermen, netmakers, 
and others, as I thought to be able to inform me in the 

J-,J] Divisions of the present Work. 277 

premises : that so I also might bring straw or mortar to 
that noble building, or that I might pick or teaze oakum, or 
do somewhat, that am not able to do much. 

And for that, upon conference with some experienced in 
this herring fishery, I am informed that a Buss of thirty-five 
Last, that is, of seventy Tons, is of a very good and meet size 
or scantling, wherewith, in four month's fishing, yearly, to 
make the gain or profit by herrings only [as] hereafter in 
particular [is] set down; besides her employment yearly also 
in cod fishing, &c : I have therefore here imparted such 
instructions, as I could attain unto. 

1. First[ly], of the precise dimensions or proportions 
of such a Buss of thirty-five Last, that is, of seventy 

2. Secondly, of the uttermost charges of such a Buss, 
and the particulars of all her masts, yards, sails, 
flags, pulleys, shivers, tackling, cables, and anchors ; 
together also with hercock-boat and oars. 

3. Thirdly, the particulars of her Carpenter's store ; and 
of her Steward's store ; and of her weapons, and the 
charge of them all. 

4. Fourthly, the particulars of her herring-nets, and of 
the warropes and other ropes, cords, and lines ; [of J 
cork, pynbols or buyes belonging to those nets ; 
with the particular charges of them all. 

5. Fifthly, the particular tools and implements used in 
dressing and packing of the said herrings, and their 
particular prices. 

6. Sixthly, the charge of one hundred Last of herring 
casks or barrels, and of salt needful for the packing 
of a hundred Last of herrings. 

7. Seventhly, the particular charge of four month's 
victuals for sixteen persons to serve in the said Buss ; 
and the particular charge of physic and surgery helps, 
for those sixteen persons. 

8. Eighthly, the particular utmost wages of the said 
sixteen persons for the said four months. 

9. Lastly, the Gain or Profit, by GOD's blessing, hoped for 
by such a four months' herring fishing. 

Afterwards is also set down the yearly charges of repairing 

278 Dimensions of a 70 ton Herring Buss. 



the said Buss ; and of her apparel and furniture, and also of 
the said nets, &c. : together with the rest of the Second 
Year's Charge and Gain. 

By which Second Year's Charge and Gain, you shall see the 
charge and gain of every year following, so long as the Buss 
lasteth; which, by GOD's blessing and good usage, may well 
be twenty years at least. 

E THAT will give a probable estimate of any Charge, 
must tie himself to some particular proportions, 
which he must admit as the very just allowances. 
But I would have none to imagine that I intend 
these particulars to be such as may not be varied. 

If any be so vain [as] to make scornful constructions, I hold 

such fellows to be not worth the thinking on. 

Buss of thirty-five Last, that is, of 70 Tons, 
must be on the keel, in length 

And on the main beam 

And her rake on the stem forward 

And her rake on the stempost eastward on 

And her waist from her lower edge of her deck-ledges 

unto her ceilings 

Fifty feet 
Seventeen feet 
Sixteen feet 
Seven feet. 

Thirteen feet 


UCH a Buss, with her cabins, cook-room, and 
other rooms, fitted for the sea, and to this 
fishing service, together with her rudder, iron- 
work, bolts, chain-bolts, shroud-chains, nails, 
&c. ; and her cock-boat and oars, will cost, at 


All her masts and yards will cost, at most 

The making and fitting her said masts and yards 

Her pulleys and shivers [or sheevers\ at most 

Her rigging or tackling ropes of the fittest sizes or scantlings, 
will come to, at most, 8 cwt. of ropes ; which will cost, at 

most, 30s. a cwt., which comes to 

Her mainsail and two bonnets must be eleven yards deep 
and sixteen cloths broad of Ipswich poledavis ; which 
comes unto 176 yards of poledavis: which at ninepence 

a yard wiU cost 

Her main topsail must be eight yards deep and eight cloths 
broad at the yard, and sixteen cloths broad at the clews ; 



12 O O 

6 12 o 

fe,^;] Cost of Hull, Masts, Sails, &c. 279 

which takes 96 yards of Bungay canvas : which at eight- £ s. d. 
pence a yard will cost 340 

Her foresail, the course, and two bonnets must be ten yards 
deep and twelve cloths broad, taking up 120 yards of 
Ipswich poledavis : which at ninepence a yard comes to 4 10 o 

Her mizen or back-sail must be four cloths broad and five 
yards deep ; which takes 20 yards of Bungay cloth : which 
at eightpence comes to o 13 4 

So that all the sails take 420 yards of sailcloth of both sorts, 
which 420 yards (at 28 yards to a bolt) makes almost 
1 5 bolts of cloth. And the Sailmaker will have for his work 
five shillings a bolt, which comes to 3150 

Bolt ropes for all the said sails, and twine, &c., to make the 
said sails withal, will cost, at most i 15 8 

£304 10 

Wo FLAGS or fans, to observe the wind by, with 
their staves ; at two shillings a piece 

Two or three hand[s]pikes, of ash, at most 

Two waterskeits, to wet the sails ; at eighteen- 

pence a piece 

Two water-buckets, at sixpence 

Six maps \mops\ to cleanse the Buss withal, at sixpence ... 
Compasses and boxes, two ; at ten shillings a piece, at most 
Hour-glasses, three or four, at most, at eighteen-pence 

A lanthorne for the poop 

Two other lanthornes, at eighteen-pence a piece 

Fenders or long poles, four, at two shillings 

Long oars, six, at three shillings and fourpence 

An iron crow, of islbs., at fourpence \;per lb?[ 

Four Cables. 
















£4 5 


Ne cable of nine inches [and nearly three 
inches thick] about, and one hundred 
fathoms, i.e., two hundred yards long, 

will weigh about 18 cwt. 

A second cable eight inches and a-half 
[about 2yi inches thick] about, and of the length 

above said, well weigh about 15 cwt. 

A third cable seven inches and a-half [about 2 inches 

thick] about, and of like length, will weigh 11 cwt. 

The fourth cable seven inches [about 2 inches thick] 
about, and of like length, will weigh 10 cwt. 

54 cwt 

So all the tour cables will weigh about 54 cwt. ; which 54 cwt. ■rrt 

of cables, at 30s. [/^r] cwt., will cost ^^ ^ ^ 

2 8o Cost of Anchors, and Steward's Store. 

TE. S. 

Four Anchors. 

Ne anchor to weigh about 
A second to weigh about ... 
A third to weigh about 
A fourth to weigh about ... 

So all the four anchors, weighing 

at 26s. 8d. a cwt, will cost 

Four anchor stocks, and the fitting of them, at ten 

shillings a piece 2 

A.nd so the four anchors, and their four stocks will 
come to 

4 cwt 

... y/i cwt 

2>^ cwt 
2 cwt 

... 12 cwt, 
;^l6 O O 

Steward's Store. 

HORT iron pot-hangers ; two, at twelve- 

Pothooks, two pair, at tenpence 

A large iron Pease-pot, of five or six gal- 

A large copper fish-kettle, about 32lbs. weight, at 

fifteen-pence a pound 

A wooden scummer \skim7ner\ or two 

Wooden ladles, two or three 

A gridiron, at most 

A fryingpan 

Pipkins, two or three 

A chafing dish, of iron 

A small fire-shovel, and a pair of tongs 

A pair of bellows 

Trays, two, at fifteen-pence a piece 

Trugs, two, at ninepence a piece 

Wooden platters, twelve, at fourpence 

Wooden potagers, twenty-four 

Trenchers, four dozen, at threepence 

Baskets for mess-bread, six, at fourpence 

Beer cans, bigger and lesser, twelve 

Taps and fawcets, four or five 

Wooden Butter scales, a pair 

Leaden weights, 4lbs., 2lbs., lib., ^Ib., and X^b., 
at twopence [^^r /^.] 

Tinder boxes, two, well furnished 

Candles, at most for 16 weeks, 3olbs., at fourpence 
Candlesticks, with iron wires, six, at eightpence... 
A Candlebox, with lock and key, at most 








































£5 8 


i:] Cost of Carpenter's Store, and Weapons. 281 

Carpenter s Store. 

Ron essles to mend the shroud chains 

withal, if any should chance to break ; 

ten, of I lb. a piece, at fourpence a pound 

Fids or Hammers, two, at twelve-pence 

Orlop nails, three hundred, at sixteen- 

pence a hundred 

Scupper nails, two hundred, at sixpence 

Spikes, five pounds, at fourpence a lb 

Sixpenny nails, three hundred [at sixpence a hun- 

Fourpenny nails, three hundred [at fourpence a 


Pump nails, three hundred, at twopence a hundred 
A saw 

i s. d. 

£0 18 



Alf pikes, ten, at two shillings [each] ... 
Muskets, with bandaleers, rests, and 
moulds, six [at one pound each] 

1 Gunpowder, six lbs. at tenpence 

Leaden bullets, six lbs. at threepence ... 


£7 6 6 

Nets with their appurtenances. 

|He Buss aforesaid must have fifty nets. 
Each Net must be thirty yards; that is, fifteen fathoms long 

upon the rope. 
Each net must also hang full, and not stretched on the rope. 
Therefore each net before it come to be fastened to the 
rope ; (being stretched out) must be thirty-five yards. 
Each net must be in depth, seven deepings. 

Each deeping must be a fathom, that is two yards, deep. So as each net 
of seven deepings takes seven times thirty-five yards of line or netting 
(of sixty masks or mashes [mes/ies] or holes deep), which comes to just 
245 yards of Lint or Netting, of a fathom breadth or depth. 
Which 245 yards of Lint or Netting (ready made or knit) will £ s. d. 
cost three pence a yard ; which comes to for one net 3 i 3 

Each net must have a Net Rope on the top of the net ; so each 

net must have fifteen fathoms of net rope. 
This net rope must not be a stiffed-tarred rope, but lithe and 

gentle [supple] ; and is best made of old ropes. 
This 1 5 fathom of net rope for each net will cost two shiUings 030 

282 Cost of fifty Nets complete, [fg,* 

Round about the head and two sides of each net, but not at the 
bottom, must be set a small cord, about the bigness of a bow- 
string, which is called [the] Head-Roping or Nostelling. 

So each net takes 15 fathoms ; and 7 fathoms and 7 fathoms : 
which comes to 29 fathoms of head-roping. 

There is twenty fathoms of this head-roping in a pound weight 

of it. So each net takes almost a pound and a half of this £, s. d. 

head-roping : which is sold for sixpence a pound. So the 

pound and a half costeth 009 

The seven deepings of each net are to to be sewn, each to [the] 
other, altogether, with a small thread called, Twine Masking 
[ ? Meshing']. 

Each net takes a pound of this twine-masking, which is sold for o o 6 

Each net is to be fastened to her ropes with short pieces of 
cords or lines, of two feet long a piece, called Nozzels. 

These nozzels are tied very thick, viz., at four meshes or holes 
asunder. So each net takes 150 nozzels. 

These nozzels are sold, ready cut, for eightpence a hundred. So 

1 50 nozzels will cost 010 

Each net must have a rope five or six fathoms long and an inch 
through, that is, three inches and better about, called a 
Seazing, to fasten the net unto the War-rope. This rope will 
cost fourpence a fathom. So, for the said six fathom o 2 o 

The Seaming or Sewing together of the said seven deepings of 
each net, and the head-roping of each net as aforesaid, and 
the bringing of each net to the rope or setting on the nozzels, 
all this, I say, is usually done by a woman, working it at 
fourpence a day [with] meat and drink ; or tenpence a day, 
at most, finding herself. Which woman will so despatch, at 
least, two or three nets in a day. So each net so finishing, will 
cost, at most 005 

Every net must be tanned in a tan-fat, which will cost, at most, o o 10 

JVets, War-ropes, &c. 

Ll the said fifty nets being finished, must be hanged 
all arow [in a row] upon a strong large rope, called 
a War-rope ; which must be in bigness four inches 
about. This War-rope must be as long as all the 
said fifty nets ; that is, fifty times fifteen fathoms 
long, that is 750 fathoms of War-rope. 

So each net taketh up fifteen fathoms of War-rope. A cwt., 
that is, 112 lbs., of this rope is sold for, at most, thirty shillings; 
that is, almost s^d. a pound. 

fg-.j-] Cost of War-ropes, Cork, &c. 283 

A hundred fathoms of this rope will weigh nearly four cwt. 

At which rate, each fathom will weigh almost 4>^ lbs. ; which at £ s. d. 

y/d. a pound, will cost l4.}4d. a fathom. 
So for each net, 15 fathoms at 1 4>^d. will cost o i8 2 

Each net must have half-a-pound of Leghorn Cork placed all 
along the net, at half a yard asunder. At which distance, each 
net takes sixty corks or sixty half pounds of cork, that is, 30 
lbs. of cork at twopence halfpenny a pound {i.e., £1 3s. 4d. a 
hundredweight), will cost 063 

Those sixty corks must have sixty Cork-bands to tie them to 

the net. Each cork-band must be a fathom long. 
These cork-bands are made of the aforesaid Head-roping Line, 

whereof twenty fathoms weigh a pound, as aforesaid. 
So the said sixty fathoms will weigh 3 lbs. which at sixpence a 

pound will cost 016 

For every two nets, there must be a PynboU or Bwy hooped, 
which will cost eightpence. So to each net allow for half 
a Pynboll or Bwy ..,004 

Each Pynboll or B\vy must have a rope of a yard long, to 
fasten it to the War-rope, which yard of rope will cost, at most, 
sixpence. So to each net allow for half such a rope o o 3 

So it appears, by the particulars aforesaid, that each Net with 
War-ropes and all other appurtenances, will cost 4 15 3 

And so the said fifty nets, at £4. 15s. 3d. a piece, will cost in all £2 38 2 6 

Too/s and Implements used in drying 
and packing of Herrings], 

Ipping or Gilling knives, 24, at four- £ s. d. 

pence 080 

Roaring baskets or scuttles, 24, at 

sixpence 012 o 

Addesses, for Cooper's work, 6, at 

two shillings o 12 o 

Drifts, to beat down hoops, 12, at one penny ...010 
Irons, to pull up barrel heads, 6, at fourpence ... o 2 o 
Iron pipes, to blow and try casks whether they be 

tight or not, 3, at eightpence 020 

Bended hoops to supply such as shall chance to 
break or fly off. For a hundred Last, that is, of 
1,200 barrels ; 2,400 hoops, at two shillings a 
hundred ..280 

284 Each Buss should fill 24 barrels, a day. 


Iron marks or letters to brand the barrels withal, £ s. d. 
viz., A.B. for the best ; S. for the second ; W. for 
the worst ; at eightpence a piece, at most ... o 2 o 

£4 7 


Erring barrels, an hundred Last, that is 1,200 
barrels, which containeth 32 gallons a piece : 
will cost fifteen shillings a Last, that is, fifteen- — 
pence a piece ; which cometh to £75 


Water Bushel (that is, five pecks) of Spanish salt, 
will salt a barrel of herrings. 

So to salt the said hundred Last, or 1,200 barrels of 
Herrings, must be 1,200 [water] bushels of salt, 
that is, (at forty [water] bushels of salt to a W ey) 
just thirty Wey of salt : which, at 40 shillings a 


Wey, that is, twelvepence a bushel, will cost 


Flemish Buss doth often take seven or eight Last 
of herrings in a day. But if GOD gave a Buss, 
one day with another, but two Last of herrings a 
day, that is, twelve Last of herrings in a week ; 
then, at that rate, a Buss may take, dress, and pack 
the said whole Proportion of a hundred Last of herrings 
(propounded to be hoped for), in eight weeks and two days. 

And yet is herein [after] allowance made for victuals and 
wages for sixteen weeks, as after followeth. 

Of which sixteen weeks time, if there be spent in rigging 
and furnishing the said Buss to sea, and in sailing from her 
port to her fishing-place ; if these businesses, I say, spend 
two weeks ot the time, and that the other two weeks be also 
spent in returning to her port after her fishing season, and in 
unrigging and laying up the Buss : then I say (of the sixteen 
weeks above allowed for) there will be twelve weeks to spend 
only in fishing the herring. 


Victuals and fuel for Sixteen men and boys, serving in the Buss aforesaid, 

for the herring-fishing time, and the time of her setting out 

and of her return home, viz., from the 2\th of May 

until the 2\st of September, which is 112 days; 

that is, sixteen weeks; that is, four months; 

BEER. ipB^^BisiO ALLOW for every man and 
boy, a gallon of beer a day 
(which is the allowance made 
in the King's ships), that is, 
for the said sixteen persons, 
sixteen gallons : that is, just 
half a herring barrel full, a day. That is, for the 
whole voyage, or sixteen weeks, or 112 days, fifty- 
six [of] such barrels of beer. Seven of these 
herring barrels contain a tun of beer : so as the £ s. d. 
said 56 herring barrels full of beer do make just 
eight tun of beer, which, at 40s. a tun, comes to... 16 o o 

Biscuit. To allow for every man and boy (as 
in His Majesty's ships), a pound of biscuit a day ; 
that is, for every roan and boy for the said four 
months or 112 days, an cwt. of biscuit. That is, 
for the said 16 persons, 16 cwt. of biscuit, which at 
13s. 4d. a cwt. will come to 10 13 4 

Oatmeal or Pease. To allow, amongst the 
said sixteen persons, a gallon a day, that is, half a 
pint a piece, every day : that is, 1 12 gallons for them 
all, for the said 112 days or four months ; which 
comes to just 14 bushels, which, at 4s. a bushel, will 
cost 2 16 o 

Bacon. To allow also for each man and boy, 
two pounds of bacon for four meals a week ; that 
is, for each person for the said sixteen weeks, 32 
lbs. ; that is four stone of bacon. And so for the 
said sixteen persons, 64 stone of bacon ; which, at 
2s. 2d. a stone, will come to 6 18 8 

Fresh Fish. They may take, daily, out of 
the sea, as much fresh fish as they can eat. 

Butter. To allow every man and boy (to 
butter their fish, or otherwise to eat, as they like) a 
quarter of a pound of butter a day, that is, for each 
person 28 lbs. of butter, which is half a firkin of 
Suffolk butter. And so for the said sixteen men, 
eight firkins of butter, at 20s. the firkin 800 

Cheese. To allow every of the said sixteen 
men and boys, half a pound of Holland cheese a 
day ; that is, for each person 56 lbs., that is, half a 
hundredweight of cheese. And so for the said 
sixteen persons to allow eight cwt. of Holland 

286 Provisions, a little over ids. a day. 


cheese : which at twopence halfpenny the pound ; 
that is, 23s. 4d. the hundredweight, will cost 

Vinegar. To allow amongst the said sixteen 
persons, three pints of Vinegar a day; that is, for 
the said 112 days, 42 gallons; that is, a tierce of 
vinegar, which at £6 the Tun, caske and all, will 

Fuel. To allow for the dressing and boiling of 
their victuals, eight hundred of Kentish faggots, 
that is, seven faggots a day, and sixteen faggots 
over in the whole time : which 800 of faggots, at 
8s. a hundred, comes to 



Sum of all the said four months' Victuals is £57 18 

I am informed that the Dutch Busses have not 
half so much allowance of victuals; but take 
almost all theirs out of the sea. 

Physic and Surgery helps. 

Permaceti, and a box for it 

Stone pitch, and a box for it 

\AquavitcB, 16 quarts are 4 gallons, at 

three shillings 

BZante Oil, 16 pints are 2 gallons, at 

six shillings 

Honey, 16 pints are 2 gallons, at five shillings ... 

Sugar, 4 pounds at one shilling 

Nutmegs, a quarter of a pound 

Ginger, half a pound 

Pepper, 16 oz., that is, a pound 

Balsam and other salves, and old linen 

Syzers \scissors'\ a pair 

A steel Pleget, to spread plaisters 

A Chest, with partitions, for all these things 





£3 10 

Wages to sixteen men. 




A Master for the said four months 
at ^5 a month ; that is,;^i 5s. od. a 
week, or 4s. 2d. a day for six days, 
or 3s. 6^d. a day for seven days 
To two Mates, at 24s. a month, a piece 
To six other men, at 20s. a piece, per 


To six other men, at i6s. a piece, per month 
To a boy, at 6s., a month 










E. S. 

] Total Outlay, the First Year. 287 

Sum of all the Stock and Charge of one entire 

Buss, &c., the First Year will be about ... £934 5 8 

The difference or odds between the 
Charge and the Adventure. 
T appears before, in particulars, that a 
new Buss, with her nets and other 
appurtenances, together with all the 
First Year's charge of salt, caske, £ s. d. 
victuals, wages, &c., will come to... 934 5 8 
But it is to be observed, that the Owner and 
Adventurer of such a Buss shall not be out of purse, 
norAdventure so much money the said First Year by 171 10 

For the Wages aforesaid are never paid ' 
till the return of the Ship or Buss, which if 
it should never return (as GOD forbid!), then 
are no wages paid. So Wages is part of the 
Charge, but no part of the Adventure. And so 
the wages is spared from the Adventure, which 

comes to, as before in particulars £74 

Also, it must be observed, that the Buss can 
conveniently stow at once but 34 Last of Caske, 
which is but the Third part of her said hundred 
Last in Charge ; and so is also spared from the 
Adventure, Two-thirds of her Caske, which is 66 
Last of caske, which, at 15s., comes to... £49 lOs. 
Likewise, the Buss cannot conveniently stow, at 
once, above ten Weys of salt; which is but a Third 
part of her Salt, in Charge. And so is also spared 
from the Adventure, Two-thirds of her said salt, 
which is twenty Weys of salt, which at 40s. a 

Wey comes to £40 

Neither can the Buss conveniently stow, at once, 
above one-half of her said 8 Tuns of beer, in 
Charge. And so also is spared from the Adven- 
ture the one-half of her said beer, which is four 

Tuns, which at 40s. a Tun comes to £8 

Total spared from the Adventure 171 10 

Which £171 10s. being deducted out of the said 
charge of £934 5s. 8d.; there resteth to be 
Adventured the First Year, only 762 15 8 

288 The net profit on the first Adventure, [f^^^^ 

The First Years Gain, in hope and likelihood. 

Bout a month after the Busses are gone out to 
sea, a Yager (which is a caravel or a merchant's 
ship employed to seek out the said Herring 
Busses, and to buy of them their herrings upon 
the first packing) ; this Yager, I say, whereof 
divers are so employed, comes to the said Buss, amongst 
others, and buys all such herrings as she hath barrelled : 
which barrels, upon the first packing, are called Sticks. And, 
in part of payment for her said Herring Sticks, delivers such 
salt, caske, hoops, nets, beer, and other necessaries as the 
Buss shall then want ; wherewith the said Yager comes 
always furnished. The rest, the said Yager pays in ready 
money to the Bussman. 

In this manner, comes the Yager to the Busses, two or three 
times or oftener, in a Summer Herring fishing time. So as the 
said Yager buys of the said Buss (if GOD give them to the 
Buss) all her said hundred Last of Herring Sticks. 
For which said hundred Last of Herring Sticks ; 
if the Yager do pay but after the rate of j^io 
a Last, that is, i6s. 8d. a barrel, then are the 
said hundred Last of Herring Sticks sold for 

just £1,000 

So (by the grace and blessing of GOD) the very First 
Year's herrings only, may bring in to the Adventurer or 
Owner ; all his whole both of Stock and Charges of 
£934 5s. 8d. aforesaid. 

And also £65 14s. 4d. over and above. 
And so the said Adventurer or Buss master is like, by 
GOD's blessing, to gain clearly the very First Year, the Buss 
aforesaid, with all her apparel and furniture, together with 
her nets, &c. : and £65 14s. 4d. in money over and above, 
towards the use or interest of the said £762 15s. 8d., which 
the said Adventurer disburseth the First Year, out of purse. 
Which is almost £9 in the hundred, also for use [interest]. 


The Second Years Charge, 

AULKING or carrying [^ar^^;z- ^ s. d. 
i7ig\ the said Buss, yearly, 

will cost about 500 

Repairing the tacklings (which 
cost at first ^^12, as before 

1>. 626]) 600 

Repairing the sails (which 
cost at first £,10 los. od. 

\j). 627]) 10 o o 

Repairing the pulleys, shivers, and other petty 

things, about 100 

Repairing the cables (which cost at first ^81 

[}>. 627]), about 24 o o 

Towards the reparation of the anchors (which cost 

at first ^18 ]J). 628]) allow 300 

Repairing the Carpenter's store (which cost at 

first 15s. [/. 629]) about 012 c 

Repairing the Steward's store (which cost at first 

^5 8s. od.) about, at most 280 

Renewing shot and powder, and scouring the 

muskets, &c., about o 10 o 

Repairing of nets with the appurtenances, with 
fifty new deepings, and a hundred fathom of 
war-rope, &c. (which cost first, as before in 
particulars, ^238 2s. 6d. \j)p. 629-631], the third 

part whereof is just ;^79 7s. 6d.), [say] 77 o o 

Renewing of tools to dress and pack herrings 

withal (which cost at first ^4 5s. od. \_p. 631]) 200 
Renewing the whole hundred Last of caske, at 15s. 

[a last] 75 o o 

Renewing the whole thirty Weys of salt, at 40s.... 60 o o 
Renewing the whole proportion of victuals afore- 
said 57 18 S 

Renewing part of the physic and surgery helps 

(which cost at first ;^3 I OS. od. [/. 634]) i 11 4 

Wages, as at the first 74 o o 

290 Continuous Profit of Herring Fishing only, [fg,! 

The Sum total of the Charge of the 

Second Year's herring fishing, will be, £ s. d. 

as appears, about 400 

But the Second Year's Adventure and Disburse- 
ment will be the less than the said Charge 
(as it was for the First Year) by 171 10 

And so the Second Year's Adventure will be 

only about 228 10 

Towards which Adventure and Charge, there is 
before accompted to be gotten in money by 
the First Year's herring fishing, as before 
appears 65 14 4 

So then the Second Year's Charge, beside the 

said 3^65 14s. 4d. before gained, will be but 334 5 8 

But the said Second Year's Adventure, besides 

the said Gain, will be but 162 15 8 

So it appears, that if the Buss be only employed in fishing 
the herring, and in that but only four months in every year; 
and that the Buss lie still in her own port all the rest of the 
year, yet she gains clearly every year, in that four months 
only, the sum of £600 : if GOD give her in that time but 
the said hundred Last of herrings, which being sold at 
£10 the last, yield £1,000 ; out of which, deducting the 
gained said Second Year's Charge of £400, there resteth as 
clearly £600 yearly by the said Buss. 



If the Adventurer of a Buss will also hire a Yager by the Last, 
to take in his herrings and carry them into Danisic, 
Melvyn, Sweathland [Sweden], France, or else- 
where : then the Charge and Gain of that 
course will be as follow eth or 
thereabouts, viz. : 

3u MAY HIRE a Caravel or other 
Merchant's ship, for a Yager, to 
carry our herrings from the 
BussintoDantsic, Melvyn,&c.; 
and to stay there for relading 
14 or 2odays, and then to bring 
back to London such wares or 
merchandise as you shall there 
freight her withal. For which fraught [freight] 
outward, and stay there, and fraught home 
back again ; the said ship will have, at most 
£2 los. od. a Last, this is, 25s. a tun, in and 
out. So the fraught of a hundred Last of 
herrings into Dantsic and the fraught of another 
hundred Last of pitch, hemp, flax, or corn, &c., 
back again to London, will cost, at most, at 

£2 IDS. od 

The TOLL at Elsmore will cost, out and in, about. . . 

I think no Custom [duty] is paid for herrings in 

the East Country, yet suppose for custom, four 

shillings a Last, that is fourpence a barrel ; at 

which rate, the hundred Last of Sticks comes to 

For Cranage there, allow at most one shilling a 







292 Total Profit OF FREIGHTING A Jager. [fg, 

Last ; which for the said hundred Last of £ s. d. 

herrings is 5 o o 

For Wharfage there, allow also after the rate of 

twelve-pence a Last 500 

For Warehouse-room there, till the herrings be 

sold, allow, at most 2 o o 

The repacking of the herrings by the sworn 
Coopers of that place, and for new hooping 
seventy-five Last of caske, which will be filled 
with the said hundred Last of Herring Sticks, 
allowing twenty-five Last, that is, a fourth part 
of the hundred Last, to be shrunk away. That 
75 Last, repacking and hooping, at most, at 8s. a 
Last, will cost 30 o o 

Sum, which never goes out of purse, but is paid 

when the herrings are sold 315 

So if the said hundred Last of herrings, so sent 
from the Buss to Dantzic, do shrink a fourth 
part ; then will rest to be sold in Dantzic, Mel- 
vyn, &c,, seventy-five Last full of repacked 
herrings. Which seventy-five Last will be there 
sold, for, at least, -^18 12s. od. a Last, that is, 
31S. a barrel : which is 4s. id. a hundred ; which 
is more than two and a half herrings a penny, 
by 7 herrings in a hundred. And so the seventy 
five Last of herrings will be sold for 

Which is for the herrings ^^kjoo o o 

And for the freight in and out ... 315 o o 

And so is gained, outward only 80 

Besides, there may well be gained, by the return of £139 
worth of corn or other merchandise, at least £120 more. 

\^Note, this i>rofit is gained on only One Hundred Last; being one-tenth 
of the proposed annual catch of the Bussl\ 










^^pfiT ^\\ 



















[Cc>z> y^;v^z> Ling fishing.'] 

EsiDES the said herring fishing which is 
performed in four months, as aforesaid, the 
same Buss may be also employed the same 
year, presently [immediaiely] after the said 
herring season, in fishing for Cod and Ling. 
For the herring fishing being begun 
yearly, as before is shewed, about the 24th 
of May, and the Buss being returned home 
again about the 21st of September, which is sixteen weeks 
after : then the said Buss and her men may rest in port about 
ten weeks, viz., from the 21st of September until St. Andrew's 
tide [30 November], or the ist of December after, and then set 
sail again ; furnished with hooks, lines, salt, caske, and all 
other things (hereinafter particularly mentioned) needful for 
the winter cod fishing : which may, by GOD's blessing, be 
despatched, and the Buss be at home again in her own port, 
by the ist of March, which is thirteen weeks after, that is, 
ninety-one days. 

And so between the said ist of March and the 24th of 
May, which is just eight weeks, the said Buss may be 
carined [careened] or caulked, and repaired, victualled and 
provided of all things against the Second or next Year's 
herring fishing. And so is the whole year ended and spent as 

294 Cost of Tools and Implements. [fgV 

Now the charges of the said first Cod fishing in the Buss aforesaid^ 

with the sixteen men and boys aforesaid, during the aforesaid 

time oj thirteen weeks, or ninety-one days, wilt be 

as Jolioweth, thus : — 

Tools and Implements, 

ACH MAN fishing for Cod and Ling 
useth at once two KiP-HOOKS. 
So sixteen men may use at once 32 
of those hooks. But because they 
lose their hooks sometimes, therefore 
allow for eveiy of the men a dozen f s. d. 
hooks, that is 16 dozen of Kiphooks : which, at 
most, will cost twelve-pence a dozen, that is ...0160 

Strings, (or each man, six : that is, for the 
sixteen men, eight dozen of strings. Every string 
must be fifty lathom long, and about the bigness of 
a jack-line ; and it must be tanned. Every such 
string will cost about twelve-pence : and so, the 

said 8 dozen of strings will cost 4 16 O 

Chopsticks, for every man, four, is in all 
64 chopsticks. A chopstick is an iron about 
the bigness of a curtain rod, and a yard long ; 
and, upon this iron, is a hollow pipe of lead, eight 
or nine inches long, and weighs alsout 4 lbs., and 
the iron weighs about a pound. Which iron and 
lead will cost about twelve-pence a piece : so 64 

chopsticks at I2d. will cost 340 

For every man, two Gar fangle- HOOKS. 
Total, 32 Garfangle-hooks. This Garfangle-hook is 
an ashen plant six or eight feet long ; with an iron 
hook, like a boat hook, at the end of it. One of 
these Garfangle-hooks will cost sixpence, so the 32 

Garfangle-hooks will cost 0160 

Four Heading Knives, like Chopping 

knives, at twelve-pence 040 

Four Splitting Knives, like Mincing 

knives, at twelve-pence 040 

Six G UTTi ng Knives, at fourpence ...020 

A Gri ndstone and Trough 050 

Wh ETSTO n e s, two or three 030 

Some of the old herring nets, to get herrings to 
bait their hooks. Or else to buy a hogshead full 
of Lamprils \la7npreys\ which are the best bait for 

j-,J] Cost of Caske, Salt, and Medicines. 295 



cod and ling. There is store of Lamprils to be £ 
had at Woolwich, Norwich, and Hull ; which may 

cost about 2 

Baskets, some of those before bought and 
used for the dressing of herrings, and twelve other 
great baskets at 2s. 6d. a piece 

£14 10 


Or barrelled Cod, to provide thirty- 
five Last of barrels ; which are the 
very same, every way, with the herring 
barrels aforesaid. So the said 35 
Last of caske, at 1 5s. the last will cost 26 

As for the Lings (in hope) there is no caske used 
for them ; but they are only salted and packed one 
upon another in the ship's hold. And if they take 
any lingthey bring home the less cod ; and then also, 
they save some of the said caske. 


ACH barrel of Cod will take a bushel 
of " salt upon salt " {Vol. II., p. 143]. 
So the thirty-five Last of Cod afore- 
said takes just 420 bushels of "salt 
upon salt," that is, ten Weys and an 
half of salt, which at £2> ^ Wey, that 
is, eighteenpence a bushel, will cost 

;i 10 o 

Physic and Siirgery Helps. 

O ALLOW as before is allowed [see^. 
634] for the herring - fishing time ; 
which (besides the Chest) will cost, 
as before in particulars 2 18 O 

He Steward's store and Carpenter's 
store aforesaid, will serve this voyage. 
So for them needeth no allowance 

£60 13 

296 Cost of Provisions and Fuel, [fg,^- 
Victuals a7id Ftiel. 

For sixteen men and boys to serve in the said Buss for the said cod- 

fishins; time, and the time of setting out, and [^] retttrn 

home, viz.jfrojn aboid the first of December unto the 

first of March, which is just thirteen weeks, 

that is, ninety-one days. 

Beer. jp^^^S^O allow every person a 
gallon of beer a day (as 
in the King's ships), that 
is, for the said sixteen 
persons, 16 gallons, that 
is, just half a herring 
barrel a day, that is, for the whole voyage 91 half 
barrels ; that is, almost 46 of those herring barrels. 
Seven ot these herring barrels contain a Tun of ^ s. d. 
beer, so as the said 46 barrels contain six tun and 

a half of beer ; which, at 40s. a tun will cost 13 o o 

Biscuit. To allow for every person (as in His 
Majesty's ships) a pound of Biscuit a day, that is, 
for all the said sixteen persons, 112 lbs. (that is, 
an hundred weight) of Biscuit a week ; that is, for 
the said thirteen weeks, 13 cwt. of Biscuit ; which 

at 13s. 4d. a cwt. will cost 8 13 4 

Pease. To allow for every person half a pint of 
peas a day (to be watered, and eaten with butter, 
or else with bacon) that is, a gallon a day amongst 
them all ; that is, in all 91 gallons, that is, eleven 
bushels and a peck and a half of peas ; which, at 

4s. a bushel, will cost 256 

Bacon. To allow for every person two pounds 
of bacon a week, for four meals in every week, that 
is, for the said sixteen persons, 32 lbs. ; that is, 4 
stone of bacon a week amongst them all, that is, 
for the said thirteen weeks, 52 stone of bacon ; 

which, at 2s. 2d. a stone, will cost 5128 

Fresh Fish. They may take daily out of the 
sea as much as they can eat. 

Butter. To allow every person a quarter of a 
pound of butter a day, that is, 4 lbs. of butter a day 
amongst them all. So for the said thirteen weeks 
or ninety-one days, must be 364 lbs. of butter; that 
is, just six firkins and a half of Suffolk butter; which, 

at twenty shillings a firkin, will cost 6 ro o 

Cheese. To allow every person half a pound 
of Holland cheese a day ; 'that is, 8 lbs. a day 
among them all. So for the said thirteen weeks 


fg,^;] Adventure, Charge, & Gain of Cod fishing. 297 

or ninety-one days, 728 lbs. of cheese ; this is, 6% 

cwt. ot Holland cheese ; which at 2>^d. pound £ s. d- 

(that is, ^i 3s. 4d. the cwt.), will cost 7 11 8 

Vinegar. To allow amongst them all three 
pints of vinegar a day, that is, for the said ninety- 
one days almost thirty-four gallons. Allow a tierce 
[36 gallons] which at ^6 a tun, cask and all, will 
cost 100 

Fuel. To allow also eight Kentish faggots a 
day, which for the said ninety-one days will come 
to seven hundred and a quartern of taggots, which 
at eight shillings a hundred will cost 2180 

Sum of all the said thirteen weeks' Victuals 

and Fuel, will come to, as appears • £47 11 2 


O A Master, for these thirteen weeks, 
at ^5 a month, that is, 25s. a week, 

is 16 5 o 

To two Mates at 24s. a month, that 
is, six shillings a week a piece, is for 

both 7 16 o 

To six other men at 20s. a piece per month, is 

five shillings a week a piece 19 10 o 

To six other men at i6s. a piece per month, is 

four shillings a week a piece 15 12 o 

To the boy at 6s. a month, that is, eighteen- 
pence a week 0196 

£60 2 6 

[The] Sum of all the Charge of the First 
winter's Cod fishing will be, as before in par- 
ticulars, about £182 16 8 

But here is to be remembered that the wages 
is no part of the Adventure, though it be part 
of the Charge, And so the Adventure shall be 
out of purse, for this First Codfishing voyage 
but, only, at most £122 4 2 

Now if it please G D in this Voyage to afford 
unto this Buss the filling of her said caske, that 
is thirty-five Last of Cod only : that Cod will 

298 Yearly profits of Herring & Cod Fishing. [f^^J 

yield at least 20s. a barrel, that is, but £12 a 

Last. So the said 35 Last, will yield at least £420 

Of the livers of those thirty-five Last of fish, 
may well be made five Tun of train oil [what is 
now called unpurified Cod's Liver Oil] worth at 
least ;^I2 a tun; that is but twelve-pence a gal- 
lon. At which rate, five Tun of oil will yield... 60 

So, by the blessing of GOD, this Codfishing, 
may bring in to the Adventurer, as before in 
particulars, just £480 

Out of which £480, deduct the Charge 
abovesaid of 182 16 8 

And then resteth to be cleared, yearly, by the 
Codfishing .. :. £297 3 4 

And so it appears that there may be gained, yearly, 
by one Herring fishing and one Cod fishing, in such a 
Buss, the sum of £897 3s. 4d.; all Charges borne; 
and without any Stock after the First year. 



Y THAT which is before set down, it ap- 
peareth, that one Adventurer or divers 
Partners, buying or building, and furnish- 
ing such a Buss, and adventuring her to 
sea as aforesaid, shall disburse before and 
in the iirst Herring voyage, the sum of 
£762 15s. 8d. out of purse. 

And that the same £762 15s. 8d. is 
clearly inned again, together with all other charges ; and 
£G5 14s. 4d. over and above, within less than a year : and 
so the Buss, with her nets and furniture, and the said £65 
14s. 4d. in money, is gained clearly the First Voyage. 

And that if the Buss do also, that year, make a Cod fishing 
voyage, as aforesaid ; then I say, within the space of the said 
First Year, the Adventurer or the said Partners shall have all 
their Stocks into their purse again as aforesaid, and shall 
also have in purse gained clearly the said First Year, £362 
17s. 8d, : which Gain is more than is to be disbursed the 
Second Year in repairing the said Buss, with her appurten- 
ances, &c. ; and also in furnishing her with new herring 
cask, salt, victuals, &c., for the Second Year's fishing. 

And that the said Adventurer or Partners, after the said 
First Year, shall never be out of purse any money at all. But 
that the First Year's clear Gain will stock him or them so 
sufficiently for the use of this Buss, as by the same, they may 
get clearly after the said First Year, by two such voyages in 
that Buss, yearly, over and above all charges, £897 3s. 4d. 
And that if the said Adventurer or Partners will make but 
only one Herring voyage yearly, then by that one only Herring 
voyage yearly, the said Buss may get clearly per annum, as is 
before declared, £600, over and above all Charges. 

300 English Fishings, the Dutch Gold Mine, [fj; 

Confess the private gain to every Undertaker 
before propounded may seem too great to be hoped 
for. But before any conclude so, let them read the 
Proclamation concerning this business made by 
those thriving States of the United Provinces of 
the Low Countries : and let them consider what should move 
those States in that public Proclamation, to call this herring 
fishing the "chiefest trade and principal gold mine" of those 
United Provinces, and to show such jealousy, and provide 
so very for the preservation thereof; if the gain thereby were 
not exceedingly great and extraordinary. 

And for myself, I say that I know that " no man may do 
evil, that good may come of it " : therefore I would not devise 
a lie to persuade any to a work how good soever, nor commend 
that to others, which my own heart were not first strongly 
persuaded to be commendable. Yet, as I deny not but that 
I may err in some of so many particulars ; so I disdain not, but 
rather desire to see such errors, honestly and fairly corrected 
by any that (out of more skill, and desire of perfecting and 
furthering this good work) shall find out any such errors. 

And whether this fishery be necessary for the common 
wealth or no, let the present condition and estate of our 
shipping and mariners, sea towns, and coasts, which (as the 
means) should be the walls and strength of this Islandish 
Monarchy ; I say, let them speak ! I will say no more to this 
point, as well for other reasons as also because this matter is 
but for a few, alas : namely for those only that prefer the 
common wealth to their own private [gains] ; and they are 
wise, and a word is enough for such. 

If any be so weak to think this mechanical fisher-trade 
not feasible to the English people ; to them, I may say, with 
Solomon, "Go to the pismire [ant] !" Look upon the Dutch ! 
Thou sluggard ! learn of them ! They do it daily in the sight 
of all men at our own doors ; upon our own coasts. But some 
will needs fear a lion in every way ; because they will em- 
ploy their talents no way, but lie unprofitably at home always. 


The difficulties that Unwillingness hath objected, consist 

in Want of Men, of Nets, of Caske, of Timber 

and Plank, of Utterance of Sale, and of 

the fear of the Pirates. Of every of 

which, a word or tivo. 

He sixteen men and boys before admitted 
to serve in the said Buss may be these, 
viz.: — A Master, a Mate, four ordinary 
sailors and four fishermen. There are 
ten. And then six landsmen and boys 
to be trained up by the ten former men in 
the Art of Sailing, and Craft of Fishery. 
By which means, every Buss shall be a 
seminary of sailors and fishers also, for so shall every Buss 
breed and make six new mariners; and so every hundred 
Busses breed six hundred new mariners to serve in such 
other Busses as shall be afterwards built : which is also no 
small addition to the strength of this State. 

Mariners. Now if there were one hundred Busses presently 
to be built, I would make no doubt (hard as the world goes) but 
before they could be fitted for the sea, there may be gathered 
up about the coast towns of His Majesty's dominions, at least 
an hundred able Masters to take charge of them, and another 
hundred of mariners to go with them as their Mates, and 
four hundred sailors to serve under the said hundred Masters. 
That is in all but 600 mariners and sailors. For I find in the 
35th page oi England's Way to Win Wealth (the author where- 
of was a Yarmouth man) that, the last winter but one, 
*' there were in that one town of Yarmouth three hundred 

302 Objections as to Men, Nets, &c., answered. [fg^J 

idle men that could get nothing to do, living poor for lack of 
employment, who most gladly would have gone to sea in 
Pinks, if there had been any for them to go in." I have re- 
ported his own words. 

Fishermen. And for the four hundred fishermen to serve in 
the hundred Busses, they would soon be furnished [obtained] 
out of those poor fishers in small boats, as trawles, cobbles, 
&c., which fish all about the coasts : which poor men by 
those small vessels can hardly get their bread, and therefore 
would hold it as a great preferment to be called into such 
Busses where they may have meat, drink, and wages, as 
before is liberally propounded for such. Besides which, if need 
be, there are too too many [far too many] of those pernicious 
Trinkermen, who with trinker- boats destroy the river of 
Thames, by killing the fry and small fish there, even all that 
comes to net, before it be either meat or marketable. Which 
Trinkermen (if they will not offer themselves) may, by order 
and authority of our State, be compelled to give over that 
evil, and to follow this good trade. 

Landsmen for a Seminary. But for the said six hundred 
landmen to serve in these hundred Busses we need not study 
where to find them ; if such should not seek for service in 
these Busses, the very streets of London and the suburbs 
will soon shew and afford them, if it were so many thousand 
[required], I think. Idle vagrants so extremely swarm there, 
as all know. So much for men. 

Nets. Nets will be the hardest matter to provide at the 
first ; yet, I understand that the beforenamed knight. Sir 
William Harvey, had in a few weeks or months, provided 
all his nets for his great Buss. And myself was offered nets 
for half a dozen Busses, if I would have had them last 
summer ; and if there were now a hundred Busses in build- 
ing, I am informed of one that will undertake to furnish 
them with nets. And after these Busses shall once be seen ; 
many for their own gain will provide for hemp, twine, and 
all necessaries to the making of nets enough. And doubtless 
Scotland and Ireland will presently afford good help in this 

Caske. Caske will be plentifully served by Scotland and 
Ireland, [even] though we should make none of English timber. 

ffiis"] 500 Busses will serve England. 303 

Timber and Plank. And for all the great and pitiful waste 
of our English woods ; yet will England afford timber and 
plank enough for many Busses : but, to spare England a 
while, Ireland will yield us Busses enough, besides many 
other good ships, if need be ; and Scotland will help us with 
masts. But if we would spare so near home, we may help 
ourselves out of Virginia and Sommer Islands [the Bermudas]. 
I wis [think] the Dutch, who have no materials in any 
dominions of their own, have made harder and dearer shifts 
for their multitudes of ships of all sorts. If they had shifted 
off the building of ships, because they had no timber or other 
shipping stuff of their own in their own lands, what a poor, 
naked, servile people had that free people been, ere this day ? 

Utterance or Sale. Touching Utterance and Sale of Her- 
rings, when we shall have them ; I am informed that there is 
yearly uttered and spent in His Majesty's own dominions, 
at least 10,000 Last [=120,000 barrels] of herrings: which, 
being served by ourselves, will keep in the land abundance 
of treasure, which the Dutch yearly carry out for the 
herrings, which they catch on our own coasts, and sell to 
us. Now if such a Buss, as aforesaid, get yearly a hundred 
Last of Herrings as aforesaid, then an hundred Busses, taking 
yearly a hundred Last a piece, do take in all 10,000 Last of 
herrings. So then His Majesty's own dominions will utter 
all the herrings which the hundred Busses shall take in a year. 
And then if we shall have five hundred Busses more; I am per- 
suaded we may, in France and in Dantsic and in other foreign 
parts, have as good and ready sale for them, as the Dutch have 
for theirs : for I hear that the Dutch could yearly utter 
double so many as they do sell, if they had them. But if that 
should not be so, surely it were too great poverty for English 
minds (like horses that know not their strength) to fear to set 
foot by the Dutch or any other people under heaven : or to 
fear to speed worse in any market or place than they, and yet 
not be driven to beat down the markets either, except the 
Dutch should prove more froward and fond thati can yet mis- 
trust ; but if they should, I will not be persuaded to think, but 
that the worser part would fall out to their share, at last. 

If there will be employment but for a thousand Busses, 
methinks, they should thank us (as for many other benefits, 

304 Objections as to a Sale, &c., answered, [fgv 

so for this) we may be contented that they share with us, 
by using only five hundred Busses; and to fish friendly in 
consort, as it were, with other five hundred Busses of ours. 
But if they should allege that they now having a thousand, 
shall have in that case no employment for the other five 
hundred : why then, perhaps, we may in friendly manner cope 
[bargain] with them, and buy of them the other five hundred 
of the said Busses. 

I thank GOD ! I neither hate, nor envy the Dutch. Nay, for 
good and due respects, I prefer them to all other foreign 
nations in my love : and they acknowledging us, as they 
ought, we shall, I hope, do them no wrong ; and they must 
do us right. 

I have herein been longer than I meant to be, only be- 
cause there came even now to my mind some reports that I 
have heard, but do not believe, of very foul and insolent 
dealing of their Buss men with our poor weak fishermen upon 
our coasts. But if it were true, as I doubt it at least, yet I 
would not hate nor speak evil of a whole State for the saucy 
presumptions of a particular man or of a few men ; and those 
perhaps provoked thereto by our own Double Beer of 

Pirates and Enemies. It is too true that all seas are too 
full of pirates, and that amongst them (which we have great 
cause to lament) our English abound ; who are too ready to 
justify their lewd [wicked] errors, with the want of employ- 
ment. It is true also, that men are not to get their living by 
sinful violence and unlawful courses : yet I would that they 
were stript of that colour and pretence ; which a good fleet 
of Busses would do. Besides such a fleet of Busses will, by 
GOD's grace, be soon able to maintain about them a 
guard of strong warlike ships well appointed to defend them ; 
and in time of need also, to serve His Majesty, and offend his 
enemies. And such a guard will be very requisite : although 
GOD hath so laid and placed the herrings, as our Busses 
shall seldom need to lie, or to labour out of the sight of our 
own shores. So much of the facility. 

Lastly, touching the use of this famous fisher-trade, I will 
only commend unto your considerations, that which is written 
thereof in all the four books before mentioned, namely in The 
British Monarchy, and Hitchcock's New Year's Gift, and in 

fg-j^:] Social effects of a Fleet of Busses. 305 

England's Way to Win Wealth &c., and in The Trade's Increase. 
The Dutch have thereby, as by their only or chief means, 
curbed and bearded their adversaries. What then may we 
do by it, if GOD please ; we, I say, to whom He hath vouch- 
safed multitudes of other helps (which Dutch-land hath not) 
to second this. This trade sets awork all their idle folks ; 
and it keeps their gold and silver in their dominions, and 
multiplies it. And I see not why the same trade should not 
be of the same use to us. 

Ow ABOARD our Busscs again ! which once well 
established and followed, will, in short time, I hope, 
by GOD's blessing, set many ploughmen here on 
work to sow hemp or flax; both in England, 
Scotland, and Ireland. 

2. And will convert our idle bellies, our beggars, our 
vagabonds and sharks into lusty hempbeaters, spinners, 
carders, rope-makers, networkers, coopers, smiths, ship- 
wrights, caulkers, sawyers, sailors, fishermen, biscuit-bakers, 
weavers of poledavis, sailmakers, and other good labouring 

3. And will more warrant and encourage our Magistrates 
to punish the idle, the sturdy beggar, and the thief; when 
these Busses shall find employment for those that will work. 

4. And will be a means that the true poor, aged, and im- 
potent shall be better and more plentifully, yet more easily 
and with less charges relieved ; when only such shall stand 
at devotion, and no valiant rogues shall share in the alms of 
the charitable, as now they do. 

5. And will help to bring every one to eat their own bread. 

6. Yea, and will supply His Majesty's armies and garrisons 
in time of need with many lusty able men instead of our bare- 
breeched beggars, and nasty sharks; that are as unskilful and 
as unwilling to fight as to work. 

7. And will keep and bring in abundance of gold and 

I know and confess that it is not in man to promise 
these, or any of them peremptorily; but all these are the 
evident effects of this fishery among the Dutch. 

And therefore I may conclude. That we are to hope for 
like blessing by our like lawful and honest endeavours in this 

U 6 

3o6 May be done by two kinds of Busses, [fgv 

Trade of fishery, which Almighty GOD hath brought home to 
our doors, to employ us in ; whereby He also gives us a com- 
fortable calling to the work. 

O BEGIN withal, if but some of our Noblemen and 
some of our gentry, and some citizens and others 
of ability, each man for himself, would speedily 
provide and employ at least one Buss a piece ; so 
as some good store of Busses may, amongst them, 
in that manner, be speedily provided and employed to join 
with Sir William Harvey, who is already entered the field 
alone : no doubt but His Majesty will be pleased, at their 
humble suit, to encourage and incorporate them with 
privileges, immunities, and authority ; and so they may 
choose amongst themselves, some meet officers and overseers, 
and make meet laws and orders for the due and seasonable 
taking, curing, packing, and selling of the said herrings, &c. 
As the French and Straits [of Gibraltar] Merchants, who 
being so incorporated, yet have every man his own ship or 
the ship he hires : and each man by himself or by his factor, 
goes out, returns, buys and sells, not transgressing the private 
laws and orders of their respective Companies. 

But if, at the first entrance, there will [shall] not be any 
competent number of Busses so provided and adventured as 
abovesaid : if His Majesty will be pleased so to incorporate 
some fit for this work, and out of that Corporation, a sufficient 
Treasurer and other needful Officers be here chosen and made 
known ; then may all that please, of whatsoever honest 
condition, bring in by a day to be assigned, what sum of 
money any shall like to Adventure herein, from ^^5 upwards. 
And when there shall be brought in ^^70,000 or £80,000 ; then 
presently the said Officers to provide an hundred Busses, which 
with that money will [shall] be royally built and furnished : 
and all their First Year's charge defrayed. 

And as more Stock shall come in, so also more Busses to 
be provided and added to those former, &c. All which may 
be (as in the now East India Company) the Joint Stock and 
Busses of the Company. 

Of which Joint Stock and Busses, every Adventurer accord- 
ing to the proportion of his said adventure may yearly know, 

fgj] A Joint Stock like the East India Co. 307 

give, and receive his proportion; as shall please GOD to dispose 
of the whole fleet and business. But whereas in the said 
East India Company, and others such like, as have a common 
Treasury whereinto every Adventure is promiscuously put, the 
said Adventurers, once brought in, are there still continued in 
bank, and often additions called for : in this Fishing Company 
every adventurer shall but only, as it were, lend the money he 
adventureth for one year or thereabouts ; as before is shewed. 

Now for the good government and sincere disposition of 
this Joint Stock, &c. ; it would be specially provided, amongst 
other ordinances and provisions, that all Officers be only 
annual, and that those be freely chosen and yearly changed 
by the more [majority of] votes of the Company, yearly to be 
assembled for that purpose. And that whatsoever gratuities, 
or rewards, or fees, shall be yearly given to such Officers, may, 
not only in gross, l3ut in particular, be distributed or set down 
by the more part of voices of the Company so assembled : and 
not one gross sum given, be divided or distributed by any one 

For so may the Company with their own money arm 
and enable one man, first thereby made proud, to overrule 
and keep under himself, by binding his fellow officers to 
himself to the neglect of the generality ; whose proper gifts 
they be, though by that ill means it be not acknowledged : 
besides many other mischiefs and inconveniences, which may 
come by the overweening of one or few men, whilst others of 
better deserts perhaps, are neglected and not looked on ; to the 
moving of much offence, murmuring and envy in some, and 
of pride, insolency, and arrogancy in others. 

By this last mentioned promiscuous course of Joint Stock, 
after the rate of Adventure, and Charge, and Gain ; before in 
particulars set down, it appears that 

Every Adventurer of ;£'ioo may gain clearly 
Every Adventurer of ^40 may gain clearly 
Every Adventurer of ;^20 may gain clearly 
And every Adventurer of £5 may gain clearly 

Surely, I hope this famous City (ever forward for the 
Kingdom's good) will, for its part, provide and furnish the 
first hundred of Busses at the least, and thereby, according to 

Per Annum. 




3 15 

3o8 London, the Cresset to England, [fg. 

their former noble examples (as the Cresset to the Kingdom) 
give light to the rest of the land to follow them by. 

And I think the East India Company will liberally further 
this work, for that thereby some of their greatest wants are 
likely to be supplied. 

I speak as I think, without insinuation ; which I hate as 
much as railing. As I neither hope for nor desire any other 
gain hereby than my share in the common good, that all this 
land shall, by GOD's blessing, reap by this business ; and the 
proportionable gain of mine Adventure therein. 

M A JES T Y's 

Declaration to his 


lawful Sports to 
be used. 


Printed by Bonham Norton and John Bill, 

Deputy Printers for the King's most 

Excellent Majesty. 



By the King. 

Hereas upon Our return, the last year out 
of Scotland, We did publish Our Pleasure 
touching the recreations of Our people in 
those parts, under Our hand : for some 
causes Us thereunto moving, We have 
thought good to command these Our 
Directions, then given in Lancashire, with 
a few words thereunto added and most 
appliable to these parts of Our Realms, to be published to all 
Our subjects. 

Whereas We did justly, in Our progress through Lan- 
cashire, rebuke some Puritans and precise people, and took 
order that the like unlawful carriage should not be used by 
any of them hereafter, in the prohibiting and unlawful punish- 
ing of Our good people for using their lawful recreations and 
honest exercises upon Sundays and other Holy Days, after 
the afternoon Sermon or Service ; We now find, that two 
sorts of people wherewith that country [county] is much in- 
fested (We mean Papists and Puritans) have maliciously 
traduced and caluminated those Our just and honourable pro- 
ceedings. And therefore lest Our reputation might, upon the 
one side, though innocently, have some aspersion laid upon 
it ; and that, upon the other part. Our good people in that 
country be misled by the mistaking and misinterpretation of 
Our meaning : We have therefore thought good hereby to 
clear and make Our Pleasure to be manifested to all Our 
good people in those parts. 
It is true, that at Our 

first entry to this Crown and 

312 The First Edition of [ 5^faJ^"^. 

Kingdom, We were informed, and that too truly, that Our 
County of Lancashire abounded more in Popish Recusants 
than any county in England ; and thus hath still con- 
tinued since, to our great regret, with little amendment, 
save that now, of late, in our last riding through Our said 
County, We find, both by the report of the Judges, and 
of the Bishops of that diocese, that there is some amend- 
ment now daily beginning, which is no small contentment to 

The report of this growing amendment amongst them, 
made Us the more sorry, when, with Our own ears. We heard 
the general complaint of Our people, that they were barred 
from all lawful recreation and exercise upon the Sunday's 
afternoon, after the ending of all Divine Service. Which can- 
not but produce two evils. The one, the hindering of the 
conversion of many whom their priests will take occasion 
hereby to vex ; persuading them that " no honest mirth or 
recreation is lawful or tolerable in Our Religion ! " which 
cannot but breed a great discontentment in Our people's 
hearts; especially of such as are, peradventure, upon the 
point of turning. The other inconvenience is, that this pro- 
hibition barreth the common and meaner sort of people from 
using such exercises as may make their bodies more able for 
war, when We, or Our Successors shall have occasion to use 
them : and in place thereof sets up filthy tiplings and 
drunkenness, and breeds a number of idle and discontented 
speeches in their alehouses. For when shall the common 
people have leave to exercise, if not upon the Sundays and 
Holy Days ? seeing they must apply their labour, and win 
their living in all working days ! 

Our express pleasure therefore is, That the Laws of Our 
Kingdom, and Canons of Our Church be as well observed in that 
County, as in all other places of this Our Kingdom. And, on the 
other part, that no lawful recreation shall be barred to our good 
people, which shall not tend to the breach of Our aforesaid Laws, 
and Canons of Our Church. 

Which to express more particularly. 

Our Pleasure is. That the Bishop and all other inferior 
Churchmen [Clergy], and Churchwardens shall, for their parts, be 
careful and diligent, both to instruct the ignorant, and convince 
and reform them that are misled in religion, presenting [i.e., re- 


f;Ma^":8.] The B 00 K F S po R TS. 313 

porting for punishment] them that will not conform themselves, 
but obstinately stand out to Our Judges and Justices : whom, 
We likewise command to put the law in due execution against 

Our Pleasure likewise is, That the Bishop of that diocese take 
the like strait order with all the Puritans and Precisians within 
the same : either constraining them to conform themselves, or to 
leave the country, according to the Laws of Our Kingdom and 
Canons of Our Church. And so to strike equally on both hands 
against the Contemners of Our Authority, and Adversaries of 
Our Church. 

And as for Our good people's lawful recreation ; Our 
Pleasure likewise is, That after the end of Divine Service, Our 
good people be not disturbed, letted, or discouraged from any law- 
fid recreation, such as Dancing (either men or women) , Archery for 
men, Leaping, Vaulting, or any other such harmless recreations ; 
nor from having of May Games, Whiisun A les, and Morris Dances; 
and the setting up of May Poles, and other sports therewith used : 
so as the same be had in due and convenient time, without impedi- 
ment or fieglect of Divine Service. And, That women shall have 
leave to carry rushes to the church for the decoring [decorating] 0/ 
it, according to their old custom. 

But withal, We do here account still as prohibited, all unlawful 
games, to be used upon Sundays only ; as Bear and Bull baitings. 
Interludes : and, at all times, in the meaner sort of people by Laiv 
prohibited. Bowling. 

And, likewise, We bar from this benefit and liberty, all such 
known Recusants, either men or women, as will abstain from 
coming to Church or Divine Service : being, therefore, unworthy 
of any lawful recreation after the said Service, that will not 
first come to the Church, and serve GOD. 

Prohibiting, in like sort, the said recreation to any that, though 
conforme [conformable] in Religion, are not present in the Church, 
at the Service of GOD, before their going to the said recreations. 
Our Pleasure likewise is. That they to whom it belongeth in 
Office, shall present, and sharply punish all such, as in abuse of 
this Our liberty, will use these exercises before the ends of all Divine 
Services for that day. 

And We, likewise, straitly command. That every person shall 
resort to his own Parish Church to hear Divine Service ; and each 
Parish, by itself, to use the said recreation after Divine Service. 


The Book of Sports. 

[King James. 
24 May 1618. 

Prohibiting likewise, Any offensive weapons to be carried or used 
in the said times of recreation. 

And Our Pleasure is, That this Our Declaration shall he pub- 
lished by order from the Bishop of the diocese, through all the 
Parish Churches ; and that both Our Judges of Our Circuit, and 
Our Justices of Our Peace be informed thereof. 

Given at Our Manor of Greenwich, the four and twentieth 
day of May [1618] in the sixteenth year of Our reign of 
England, France, and Ireland ; and of Scotland, the one and 

GOD save the King ! 


Declaration to His 



lawful Sports to 

be used. 

Imprinted at L O N D O N by 

Robert Barker, Printer to the King's most excellent 

Majesty: and by the Assigns of John Bill. 


3i6 TotheKing. [ ^i"5c?^'33*: 

[Charles I.'s Preface and Conclusion,] 

\Ur dear Father, of blessed memory, in his return 
from Scotland, coining through Lancashire found that 
his subjects were debarred front lawful recreations upon 
Swtdays, after Evening Prayers ended, and upon 
Holy Days: and he prudently considered, that if these 
times were taken from them, the meaner sort, who labour hard all 
the week, shoidd have no recreations at all to refresh their spirits. 

And, after his return, he further saw that his loyal subjects in 
all other parts of his kingdom did suffer in the same kind, though 
perhaps not in the same degree. A nd did therefore, in his Princely 
wisdom, publish a Declaration to all his loving Subjects con- 
cerning the lawful Sports to be used at such times ; which was 
printed and published, by his royal commandment, in the year 1618, 
in the tenour which hereafter follow eth. 

Ow, out of a like pious care for the service of GOD, 
and for suppressing of any humours that oppose 
Truth, and for the ease, comfort, and recreation of 
our well deserving people : We do ratify and publish 
this Our blessed father's Declaration. The rather 
because, of late, in some counties of Our kingdom, We find that, 
under pretence of taking away abuses, there hath been a general 
Forbidding, not only of ordinary meetings, but of the Feasts of 
the Dedication of the Churches, commonly called Wakes. 

Now, Our express Will and Pleasure is, that these Feasts, with 
others, shall be observed ; and that Our Justices of the Peace, in 
their several divisions, shall look to it, both, that all disorders, 
there, may be prevented or punished ; and that all neighbourhood 
and freedom, with manlike and lawfid exercises be used. 

And We further Command Our Justices of Assize, in their 
several circuits, to see that no man do trouble or molest any of Our 
loyal or dutiful people in or for their lawfid recreations ; having first 
done their duty to GOD, and continuing in obedience to Us and Our 
Laws. And of this. We command all Our Judges, Justices of the 
Peace, as well within Liberties as without. Mayors, Bailiffs, Con- 
stables, and other Officers to take notice of ; and to see observed, as 
they tender Our displeasure. And We further will, that publica- 
tion of this Our Command be made, by order from the Bishops, 
through all the Parish Churches of their several diocese respectively. 
Given at Our Palace of Westminster, the 18th day of October 
[^^53]> ^^^ l^i^ ninth year of Our reign. GOD save the King ! 


A Discourse 

tendered to the High Court 

of Parliament, 


I The general Use of heather. 
The general Abuse thereof y 
The good which may arise to Great Britain, 
from the reformation. 
The several Statutes made in that behalf by 
our ancient Kings : 

And, lastly, a Petition to the High Court of Parlia- 
ment, that, out of their pious care to their country, they 
would be pleased to take into consideration the redress of 
all old abuses ; and by adding some remedies of their own, 
to cut off the new. 


Printed by T. C. for Michael Spakke, dwelling at the 
sign of the Blue Bible., in Green Arbor. 1629. 


The Contents of this Discourse. 

Irst, a Proem, or Induction to it. 

Secondly, a Comparison made between the commo- 
dities of other countries, and this of our own; and 
then is shewed the general use of Leather. 
Thirdly, are laid open several abuses offered to England, by 
transporting her leather into foreign kingdoms. 

Fourthly, is delivered, what profit to the King, and what good 
to the Subject shall arise by a due reformation of the abuses. 

Fifthly, are brought in several Statutes made by our ancient 
Kings, and pleading in that behalf. 

Sixthly and lastly, a Petition to the High Court of Parliament, 
that they would be pleased to look upon their country, and cure her 
of these enormities. 

A Discourse concerning heather^ 

tendered to the High Court of Parliament. 

Ingdoms are Palaces built by the great Architect 
of the world, for Monarchs to dwell in ! Nations, 
the Courtiers ! every common subject, an Officer 
attending there upon his Sovereign ! The higher 
men are seated, the broader and stronger ought 
their shoulders to be, in supportation of that State which 
they are to bear up ; whilst the hard-hand artificer and 
poorest mechanic are parts and pieces of that scaffolding 
which serves to strengthen the glory of so magnificent a 
structure. For though Kings are the Master Bees in their 
full and swelling hives ; subjects may well be called minores 
apes, which fly every day to bring home the honey. 

And albeit the earth be the proper and main foundations 
of these kingdoms : yet the best and soundest timber to raise 
up buildings, the most curious adornings, beautifyings, and 
embellishings of them, when they are up, yea, even at the 
erecting of the first story, are wise, profound, politic, and 
wholesome Laws. 

Without Laws, all nations are lame, and Sovereignty itself 
walks upon crutches ; Authority lies sick of a consumption : 
and none (at such times) have able bodies, but Insolence, 
and the rage of the harrowing multitude. The beast with 
many heads will then be head of all ! and when such a 
head is distracted, how can the limbs be but laid upon the 
rack, and torn to pieces ! 

It hath ever, therefore, been a custom in all countries, 
especially in this of ours, to invent, enact, and establish good 
Ordinances and Statutes, to serve to two uses : one as a 
snaffle, to be thrust into the mouths of the headstrong; the 
other, as a sevenfold shield to protect the obedient. 

Yet, as there can be no concord in music without discord, 
as the best-working medicines are tempered with poison, as 
the noblest and clearest rivers have by-ways, creeks, and 
crooked windings : so there are no stratagems projected, 
how beneficial soever to a kingdom, but some busy-pated 
and malevolent spirits are raised out of hell, by sorcerous 

320 Look back upon the reigns of our Kings ! [J^^^ 

charms, to cross and countermine it. Hence it comes, that 
if the whole race of man should study how to steer the helm 
of a commonwealth, by a strong and steady hand ; yet whirl- 
winds will be raised on shore, and tempests hurl down their 
malice in thunder and lightning at sea, to shipwreck the 
industry, courage, and knowledge of those excellent pilots. 

Let Law be never so sweetly strung ; there are meddling, 
spiteful singers, which can put it out of tune. Abuses even 
of the best things, grow apace, and spread their branches 
over the largest dominions : but amendments can hardly take 
rooting in the narrowest cities. 

Look back upon the reigns of our ancient Kings, upon the 
honourable Courts of Parliament holden in their ages, upon 
the wisdom, judgement, counsel, gravity, and sincerity of both 
Houses, Upper and Lower, then assembled ; upon the Laws, 
the excellent Laws ! those men made ; and upon the care, 
deliberation, and serious resolution they took, in the con- 
stitution, comprising, and composing of those Laws : yet 
what statutes, how strongly soever knit then together, but by 
the paws of Lions (great men) have been since rent in sunder, 
mangled, and misused ; or by the subtilty of Foxes (blood- 
suckers of States) have had holes eaten into them, and been 
brokenthrough,asif they had been the cobweb lawn of spiders. 

The same infection reigns now ! Corruption of goodness 
will never die ! Enormities, once crept into Kingdoms, sure, 
are whole-breasted monsters ; and it is long ere their hearts 
will break ! The sweetest sprigs are nipped in the blossom ; 
the fairest trees, eaten by caterpillars ; and the noblest land 
hath her bowels gnawn out by vipers of her own breeding. 

Who are those vipers ? Men, evil-minded men ! that care 
not, so their own turns be served, what laws they subvert ! 
what statutes they infringe ! what customs they violate ! 
what Orders they break ! on what sacred urns of our English 
Kings, they commit sacrilege 1 by stealing from them the 
reverence due to their names for calling honourable Parlia- 
ments, Councils, and Consultations together, how to preserve 
in health this royal Kingdom ; and if any bi-disorders and 
misdemeanours should strike her sick, how to cure her. 
I leave the main ocean to expert navigators ; it is only a 
poor rivulet, that I crave pardon to row in ; and thus it runs, 
T/ie ge7ieral Use of Leather. 


The general Use of Leather, 

He heavenly Distributor of blessings hath 
with so excellent a moderation and judge- 
ment parted [shared] them among nations, 
that what one abounds in, the other wants ; 
or, if any one hath share in her neighbour's 
benefits, it is not a superfluous heap, but a 
husbandly and sparing handful : so that 
the world is the great Vine, and every 
Kingdom a Prop to support the branches, and make them 

Here will I spread the table ! and on it, plant some of the 
dishes belonging to this banquet. 

The West Indies open their womb, and are delivered of 
their golden ingots. These are the King of Spain's best sons ; 
whom he sends forth, to fight against, and conquer (if he can) 
all Christendom. 

Other countries on the American shore have their peculiar 
endowments. Some boast of their several grained woods, 
accommodable to rare and extraordinary excellent uses ; some, 
of tobacco ; some, of fishing : all can speak of their own par- 
ticular rarities ; and all are profitable and useful amongst 
countries far remote from them. 

Let us come nearer home, and look into our next neigh- 
bours' orchards, walks, and delicate gardens. 

Spain is proud of her fat wines ; her oils, iron, hides : and 
her golden apples of the Hesperides. France glories in her 
vineyards, her saltpits, and marble quarries. Germany, of her 
seventeen rich and warlike daughters, sitting enthroned, with 
the abundance of all things about them. Russia lays before 

X 6 

322 Unmatchable goodness of English Leather. [J^^^ 

you the costly furs and the rich skins of beasts. The Eastern 
Countries [Baltic seashore] are happy in their masts, cables, 
flax, hemp, rosin, pitch, tar, turpentine, &c. 

And this, the Almighty Benefactor does, to the intent, with 
a manus manum fricat, the fire of one country should thaw the 
ice of another ; the fulness of one supply the other's empti- 
ness ; and so be ever mindful of the good turns received, with 
a study of the requital Qtice mihi prcestiteris memini, semperqtie 
ienebo. So that, by this means, they being severally beholden 
to foreigners and strangers unknown, may love one together, 
though living never so far asunder, like united friends, allies, 
and neighbours. 

This participation of the fruits and commodities which one 
land suffers to be made with another, opens a free market for 
all commerce. It is a noble mart, to which the Christian 
and Turk are invited alike. This is the golden Chain of Traffic 
and Negotiation, which doth concatenare (tie) merchants of far 
separated countries so fast together, as if they dwelt in their 
own. This increases shipping, advances the trade of fish- 
ing, nurseth up mariners, and makes us as familiar inhabi- 
tants and tenants of the sea, as the farmer and the husband- 
man are to the land. 

And as these forenamed Kingdoms have their royal maga- 
zines and storehouses ; so hath England hers. For when she 
unlocks her treasury, there you may behold mines of tin, lead, 
and iron. What Kingdom in the world hath goodlier and 
greater cattle, to feed man, and do him service ? And where 
nobler pasture than here, to fatten beasts ? Where, larger 
sheep ? where flocks so numerous ? where better and more 
useful wool ? What fields can please the eye for grass ; or 
fill the barns with heavier sheaves of corn ? Where sit any 
people by warmer fires ? our sea coalpits being able, if not 
abused, to furnish the whole island, and lend fuel to neighbour- 
ing nations. 

And yet, if truly you cast up the accounts of all those rich 
merchandises in foreign kingdoms, and balance them with 
these of our own ; you shall find that not one of them all, 
either abroad or at home, are able for common use, extraor- 
dinary employment, enforced necessity, unrateable value, and 
unmatchable goodness, to compare with our English 

J^j] Its necessity to all classes of people. 323 

We can live without the gold of Peru, the trees of Brazil, 
the smoke of Virginia, and the whales of Newfoundland. 
What need have we of the hot Spanish, or cool French grape ? 
Without Russia's furs, we have cloth of our own to keep us 
warm, and to make robes to adorn our Princes. But can 
our Kingdom want that excellent, useful, and commendable 
commodity of her own English Leather ? 

We have amongst us, a kind of humble, though sometimes 
complimentally cogging, proverbial speech ; when, to shew 
how well we wish to a man or woman, we say, " I would lay 
my hands under his feet, to do him good ! " What submission 
can be greater 1 What free expression of love, duty, and ser- 
vice ! Now if Leather were able to do no more but this ; to 
lay itself under our feet, were it not sufficient ? 

If no use could be made of Leather, but out of it only to cut 
and fashion boots and shoes ; what a universal benefit were 
this to our country 1 It reaches from the King downwards to 
his meanest vassals ; and ascends from the common subject, 
up to the Prince and Nobleman. 

Suppose we had no Leather, either of our own or from any 
other nation! and that, then necessity compelled us to travail 
hard for some new invention to preserve our feet from the 
ground : what could the brain of man find out for the foot and 
leg, so fit, so pliant, so comely to the eye, so curious in the 
wearing, so lasting, and so contemning all sorts of weather, as 
this treasure of the Shoemaker? 

In times of peace, how many thousand employments have 
we for Leather ? In times of war, are there not as many ? 
What can War perform without it ? and what not undergo, 
having the free use of it ? 

All our ancient English Kings, all our former Parliaments, 
all the Nobility, Clergy, Judges, and the learned Wits of the 
land would never have enacted so many, so severe, and such 
politic laws to bar the transportation of English Leather into 
any foreign dominions : but that they well knew, how bene- 
ficial a commodity it was to their own kingdom, being kept 
at home; and how prejudicial it would prove to the State, if 
ever it were suffered to be consumed abroad. 

How many millions, within the bounds of this little island, 
of men, women, and children, eat their bread by the sweat of 
their labour; who deal only, in this leathern commodity? 

324 The Trades making use of Leather. [,6^7. 

There is no City in England, no Corporation, but have hands 
working in this Tan Vat. The Kingdom is by their industry 
generally furnished : and how London thrives by them, wit- 
ness our Fairs ! by the cartloads of leather brought into 
Leadenhall, Smithfield, and other places ; and all bought up 
within three days at most ! 

How many masters, besides menservants, in and about this 
honourable and populous City, would be enforced to leave 
London, and lose their freedoms, or else run into base and 
desperate courses, should they give over their trading in 
leather ! How many professions were undone, wanting the 
use of it ! How many rich households would be shut up, as 
in a time of sickness [plague] ! and though the persons might 
happily [haply ] not be missed ; yet their labours would ! 

How many occupations and manual trades must be left- 
handed and go lame, if Leather, which is the staff they partly 
lean upon, be taken from them ? 

Take a survey of these few : et ab uno disce omnes. 

Shoemakers, and ) get their maintenance only by 
Curriers J Leather. 

These trades might want work, were it not for Leather. 

Book hinders. 
Budget makers. 
Trunk makers. 
Belt makers. 
Case makers. 
Wool-card makers. 

Sheath makers. 

Hawk's-hood makers. 

Scabbard makers. 

Box makers. 

Cabinet makers. 

Bottle and Jack makers. 



And now, within the compass of a few years, those upstart 

Coach makers, and 

Harness makers for Coach horses. 

And let thus much, being but little in words, though 
enough in substance, serve to prove the general and neces- 
sary Use of Leather. 

Now, to the Abuse. 



Of the Abuses of Leather, 

S DARKNESS shoves away light, and as the 
best working physic hath poison in it : so 
the most wholesome laws may be perverted, 
corrupted, confounded, and condemned; as 
purest waters grow thick by being troubled. 
Sithence then, that these few following 
Acts, established by all the wisdom, care, 
and providence of former times, and serv- 
ing but as a taste to a thousand more, stand up as proofs 
that the goodliest buildings may be undermined and blown 
up : it is no marvel, if this weak one and poor one of Leather 
be likewise shaken, and in danger to be confounded. 

The Use of Leather hath his place before. Now, do but 
cast your eyes on this other side, and behold what Abuses 
do attend upon it ! 

They are not many ; yet able enough to do much mischief. 
Is it not strange that our Kingdom being as plentifully 
stored with leather as any one part of the world, there 
should here, notwithstanding, be a dearth of leather ? Are 
not boots and shoes (which every man, woman, and child 
must, of necessity, have) sold at extreme, unusual, and 
intolerable prices ? insomuch that the rich complain of the 
excessive dearness, and the poor cannot reach to the honour 
of a new pair. How comes this to pass ? 

Doth the Abuse spring from transportation of our leather 
into foreign countries ? which hath, in all our Kings' reigns, 
as shall be shewn hereafter, been forbidden ; and is still 
forbidden! Yet what cannot golden hooks pluck away from us ? 
to serve strangers beyond the seas ; yea, our greatest enemies. 


326 5,000 Coaches in London & Westminster. \_J^j^ 

This, if it be true (as it is to be feared), is a great Abuse. 
But is not our wanton and prodigal expense of it at home, 
as great an Abuse, or greater than the former? I believe 
any man may say so, when he doth but look upon our infinite 
number of coaches ! What prodigal spending of leather is 
there made, in covering but one coach, and cutting out the 
harness for it ! and this leather is not the meanest sort or 
worst ; but the principal and strongest, which might, otherwise, 
serve both for Sooling [soling] Leather and Upper Leather. 

It is thought, and it is easy to be known, that in London 
and Westminster and the parts adjoining, are maintained 
at least 5,000 coaches and caroches; to the furnishing of 
which throughout with leather, are consumed 5,000 hides of 

And if these two places only, spoil so much what doth the 
whole kingdom ? sithence Pride leaps into her chariot in every 
Shire, Town, and City ? 

Every private Gentleman now is a Photon, and must 
hurry with his thundering caroch along the streets, as that 
proud boy. 

Or, if this be not a wasting, decaying and abuse of leather ; 
what shall we think of the prodigality of our legs and feet ? 
what over lavish spending of leather is there, in boots and 
shoes ! To either of which, is now added a French proud 
superfluity of Galloshes ! 

The wearing of Boots is not the abuse ; but the generality 
of wearing, and the manner of cutting boots out with huge, 
slovenly, unmannerly, and immoderate tops ! 

For the general walking in Boots, it is a pride taken up by 
the Courtier, and is descended down to the clown. The 
merchant and the mechanic walk in boots! Many of our 
Clergy, either in neat boots, or shoes and galloshes ! Uni- 
versity scholars maintain the fashion likewise. Some 
citizens, out of a scorn not to be gentile [genteel], go, every 
day, booted ! Attorneys, lawyers' clerks, serving-men, all 
sorts of men delight in this wasteful wantonness ! 

Wasteful, I may well call it ! for one pair of boots eats up 
the leather of six pair of reasonable men's shoes ! 

How many thousand pairs of boots are worn in London 

and Westminster, every year ! They cannot be numbered ! 

But if there were but 1,000 pairs worn: in them are 

jg'y] A PAIR OF Boots equal to 6 pair of Shoes. 327 

consumed 6,000 pairs of shoes, the soles only excepted ; for 
it is meant only 6,000 upper leathers. 

Is not this, think you ! an excessive devouring, and an exceed- 
ing abuse of leather ? If this be not, I know not what can be ! 

Besides, how many several new pairs of boots doth some 
one man lavishly wear out in one year ? 

If these things, these abuses, were not ; the poor might go 
as well shod as the rich, and leather would be sold at a 
reasonable rate : which now carries a higher price, than ever 
was known in England. 




Abuses of Leather Markets, 

O THESE abuses of leather, add the abuses of markets 
where hides and leather are sold ! 

And to avoid the nomination of too many places, 
for these disorders spread all over the kingdom, let 
Leadenhall only be pricked down ! for the circle 
and centre, in which all these devilish abuses are conjured up. 
Of which, this is the main one, viz. : 

The market is full of excellent leather, strong backs and 
good upper leathers ; all this in the morning, lies unsealed. 
Then into the market enter a crew of ancient, careful, good 
men, (ancient in villainy ! careful to get wealth ! but not 
caring whom to undo ! good to themselves, but bad members 
to a commonwealth !) citizens by title, Cordwainers or Shoe- 
makers by profession. 

And these are not above eight or ten in number ; rich in 
purse, poor in conscience ! full of gold, empty of goodness ! 
These eight or ten (no matter what their number is, so they 
were honest !) stalk severally up and down the market, and 
spying where the heaps of best leathers are, a price is beaten 
in the tanner's ear; but the closing up of the bargain must 
be at the tavern : where they and the tanners meet, have a 
breakfast of 30s. or 40s. [ = 3^6 or =£^ «oz£;], which the tanner 
or they easily discharge ; and there, the leather is bought, 
before it be sealed ! which ought not to be. 

But then, a Sealer is sent for, a crown [6s.] clapped into 
his hand (where not Half is his due) to go and despatch : 
which being done, every shoemaker comes in, and seeing it 
sealed, cheapens, but cannot buy ! 

" It is sold," they say, " already." And so, on a sudden, 
all is swept away to the warehouses or cellars of these un- 
conscionable engrossers. 

So that if a shoemaker that brings but ^4 or ^^5 [£16 or 
£20 now] to the market (his estate happily reaching no 
higher), is enforced to buy leather of these cormorants, at 
such rates as they please to set them. 

lel;] The abuses of the Leather markets 329 

The hurts done by these men are many ; and whole families 
smart and want through their greediness. Yet the mischief 
they do, comes not alone : for here another abuse follows. 

The poorer sort of tanners ; they, seeing the market swept 
of all the best leather, hold up their worst hides at as dear a 
rate as the best were paid for : and so, the said shoemaker 
is glad to buy ill ware, and pay dear for it too ! or else go 
home and do nothing. 

Another abuse is, that every week are bought and carried 
away from the market 300 or 400 raw hides at the least ; 
which being conveyed in carts to certain ends of the town, 
are there first dried and then salted ; and then sent into 
several counties to be tanned : but are never again brought 
into London. By which means, the market of the City is 
cheated of much good ware in a year; and the tradesmen 
thereby hindered, if not undone. 

The good that may arise by Reformation 
of these Abuses, 

F IT would please the High Court of Parliament to 
take into consideration, a redress of these wrongs, 
disorders, and abuses ; by restraining the prodigal 
wasting of Leather, 

1. The prices of boots and shoes would, in a veiy short 
time be abated. 

2. Our country would be abundantly furnished with this 
beneficial and needful commodity. 

3. The knitting of worsted and woollen stockings, now much 
decayed throughout the whole kingdom, [would be] 
greatly put in practice. 

4. An infinite number of poor children, which now go 
begging up and down, [would] be set at work. 

5. Tradesmen and shopkeepers in all our cities, [would] 
have quicker doings. 

330 Probable benefits from a Reformation. [J^^^ 

6. The ancient Company of Hosiers (who, in former times, 
lived richly, by cutting out Kerseys into Cloth Stockings; 
but are now utterly in a manner, extinguished) might 
be set up again : to the good and maintenance of many 
hundreds of families ; who might be set at work, only 
to serve their shops with those kinds of wares. 

7. And, lastly, by this means, our own country commo- 
dities might be kept at home in full abundance : whereas, 
now, they are conveyed away into other Kingdoms to 
furnish them, whilst we feel the scarcity. 

If the Masters and Wardens of the Companies of Saddlers, 
Cordwainers, and Curriers might be examined, what they 
know touching these abuses, how they come ? and from 
whom ? and by what ways these mischiefs may be prevented ? 
no question is to be made, but an easy path might be beaten 
out, to do a general good to our nation ; because they are 
men better informed in these mysteries than any others. 


The Statutes enacted in several Kings' 
reigns, touching Leather. 

Anno. 27 
Hen. 8, 
cap. 14. 

MANNER of Estranger or Denizen shall 
pack, or cause to be packed, any manner of 
Leather, to be conveyed over the seas out of 
this Realm, Wales, or other the King's 
Dominions ; otherwise than in this Act is 
expressed, that is to say, that all such Leather shall be here- 
after packed by a Packer sworn in every such port, where 
any leather shall be shipped to be conveyed out of this 
Realm, Wales, or other the King's Dominions, upon pain of 
forfeiture of all such leather, &c. 

No tanner within this Realm, Wales, or other the King's 
Dominions, or other persons occupying or having a tan house, 
shall from henceforth send, or cause to be conveyed over the sea, by 
way of merchandise or otherwise, any mamier of leather, tanned or 
untanned : upon pain of forfeiture of all such leather, or the value 

Nor that any person or persons, at any time hereafter, shall 
carry over the sea out of this Realm S'C, any salted or untanned 
hide, or any leather called Back or Sole Leather, S'C 

Anno. 2 Ed. 6, cap. 11. An Act was made for the true 
tanning of Leather. 

An Act enacted in Anno. 3 Ed. 6, cap. 6. That it shall 
be lawful to divers artificers there named, to buy and sell 
tanned leather, curried or not curried : so that such should 
be converted by the buyers into wares w-ithin the King's 

Again, in Anno. 5 Ed. 6, cap. 15. No person or persons 

332 Statutes relating to Leather. [J^^^ 

shall ship, or cause to be shipped, to the intent to carry transport 
or convey over the seas, as merchandise to be sold or exchanged 
there, any shoes, boots, buskins, starttips, or slippers : upon pain 
to forfeit all and every such shoes, S'C. 

Again Anno, i Eliz., cap. lo. An Act was made that the 
carrying of leather, tallow, and raw hides out of this Realm 
for merchandise, should be Felony. 

There was a Statute made concerning Cordwainers and 
Shoemakers in 25 Ed. 3, cap. 2. 

Another in 13 Rich. 2, cap. 12. 

Another in 4 Hen. 4, cap. 35. 

Another in 2 Hen. 5, cap. 7. 

Another in 4 Ed. 4, intituled, Cordwainers and Cobblers. 

Another in i Hen. 7, called An Act against Tanners and 

Another in 19 Hen. 7, intituled. For Curriers and 

Another in 3 Hen. 8. 

Another in 5 Hen. 8, intituled, An Act for Strangers for 
buying of Leather in open market. 

Another in the 14 or 15 Hen. 8, intituled. An Act concern- 
ing the liberty of Cordwainers and Shoemakers. 

Another in 22 Hen. 8, intituled. An Act concerning Tanners 
and Butchers. 

Another in 24 Hen. 8, intituled, An Act concerning true 
tanning and currying of Leather. 

Another to the same purpose, Anno. 2 and 3 Ed. 6, cap. 9. 

Another in 4 Ed. 6, intituled, An Act for buying of rough 
hides and calves' skins. 

Another in i Eliz., where it was enacted. That it shall not be 
lawful for any person or persons to lade, ship, or carry into any 
vessel or ship, or otherwise, any Leather, Tallow, or raw Hides, 
of intent to transport or carry the same into any place or places of 
the parts beyond the seas, or into the Realm of Scotland, by land 
or by seas, other than Scottish hides : upon the forfeiture &c. 

And the owners of the said ships or vessels, knowing of such 
offence, to forfeit the said ships or vessels, with all their apparel 
[tackle] and furniture to them and every of them belonging. 

And the Masters and Mariners knowing of such offence, to for- 
feit all their goods and chattels ; and to have imprisonment by the 
space of One Year, without bail or mainprize. 

.^l;] Statutes relating to Leather. ^^^ 

Then in 4 Jacob, cap. 5, there is a long Act set down 

touching Cordwainers, Curriers, Tanners, Butchers, and 

Leather ; spreading into many and several branches, viz. : — 

No Butcher by himself or any other person, shall gash, 

slaughter, or cut any Hide of any ox, bull, steer, or cow. 

No Butcher shall water any Hide, except in the months of 
June, July, and August ; nor shall offer to put to sale any Hide 

No Butcher shall use the craft, feat, or mystery of a Tanner. 
No Tanner shall use the craft or mystery of a Shoemaker, 
Currier, Butcher, or other artificer using, or exercising, cutting, or 
working of leather. 

No Tanner shall suffer any Hide or Skin to be in the lime till 
the same be overtimed ; nor shall put any Hides or Skins into any 
tan vats before the lime be well and perfectly soaked ; nor shall 
use any stuff about the tanning of Leather, but only ash-bark, 
oak-bark, topwort, malt, meal, or lime ; nor shall suffer his 
Leather to be laid, or to hang, or to lie wet in any frost ; nor to 
parch or dry his leather with the heat of the fire or of the summer 
sun ; nor shall suffer the hide for utter [outward] Sole Leather, 
to lie in the woozes, any less time than nine months at the least. 

No Tanner shall tan any Hide, Calves' skin, or Sheep's skin, 
with hot or warm woozes : upon forfeiture of ;^io for every such 
offence ; and also for every such offence, stand in the pillory, three 
market days. 

No Currier shall curry any kind of Leather in the house of any 
Shoemaker ; but only in his own house, and that must be situate 
in a corporate or market town : nor shall curry any kind of 
Leather, except it be well and perfectly tanned ; nor curry any 
hide being not perfectly dried after his wet season. In which wet 
season, he shall not use any deceitftd mixture ; nor curry any 
Leather meet for utter Sole Leather with any other stiff than hard 
tallow; nor curry any leather for Over [Upper] Leather and 
Inner Soles but with good stuff, being fresh and not salt ; nor 
shall burn or scald any Hide or Leather in the currying, nor shall 
have any leather too thin ; nor shall gash or hurt any Leather in 
the shaving. 

No Currier shall use the mystery of a Tanner, Cordwainer, 
Shoemaker, Butcher, or any other artificer using or cutting of 

No Cordwainer or Shoemaker shall make, or cause to be mad^ 

334 Statutes relating to Leather. [J^^ 

any boots, shoes, buskins, startups, slippers, or pantoffles ; or any 
part of them, of English Leather wet curried (other than Deet 
skins, Calf skins, or Goat skins dressed like Spanish Leather) ; 
but of Leather well and truly tanned, and curried substantially, 
sewed with good thread (well twisted and made and sufficiently 
waxed with wax, and well rosined), and the stitches hard drawn 
with hand-leathers, without mingling of Over Leathers ; that is 
to say, part of the Over Leather being of Neafs Leather, and part 
of Calf Leather. 

No Cordwainer or Shoemaker shall put into any boots, shoes, 
&c. (as before) any Leather made of Sheepskin, Bull hide, or 
Horse hide ; nor in the Upper Leathers of any shoes, startups S'C, 
or in the nether [lower] part of any boots (the inner part of the 
shoes only excepted) any part of any Hide from which the Sole 
Leather is cut, called the Womb, Neck, Shank, Flank, Poul, or 
Cheek. Nor put in the Utter Sole, any other leather than the 
best of the Ox or Steer Hide ; nor into the Inner Sole, than the 
Wombs, Necks, Pouls, or Cheeks ; nor into the trewsels of the 
double-soled shoes, other than the Flanks of Hides. 

Moreover, the Masters and Wardens of Cordwainers, Ctirriers, 
Girdlers, and Saddlers of the City of London, upon pain to forfeit 
-£"40 [=;£'200 now] for every year they make defaidt, shall, once 
every quarter, make a true search and view within London, and 
within three unites of the same, for all boots, shoes, buskins, &c., 
made of tanned leather ; and if they be not made and wrought, as 
they ought to be, or insufficiently curried ; then the said Masters 
and Wardens have power to take, seize, and carry away to their 
Common Halls, all such boots, shoes, wares, stuff, or other things. 

And that all coach makers dwelling in London, or within three 
miles of the city, shall be tinder the survey and search of the Mas- 
ters and Wardens of the Company of the Saddlers. 

Moreover, that the Lord Mayor of London and the Aldermen 
are, upon pain of £^0 yearly, to appoint Eight Persons, free of 
the Cordwainers, Curriers, Saddlers, or Girdlers (of the which one 
shall be a Sealer, and the rest Searchers), to view and search every 
tanned Hide, Skin, or Leather which shall be brought to Leaden- 
hall Market : and there, if they find them sufficiently tanned and 
thoroughly dried, then to seal them ; or being found defective, to 
seize them. 

And within six days after the seizing, such Hides or Leathers 
are to be reviewed by certain Triers ; whereof there are two of the 


,6^jJ Statutes relating to Leather. 335 

better sort of the Company of the Cordwainers, two of the better 
sort of the Company of Curriers, and the other two of the better 
sort of the Tanners using Leadenhall Market. 

These Searchers and Sealers, for fear of corruption, are not 
suffered to continue in the office longer than two years : taking for 
the searching, sealing, and registering of every Ten Hides, Backs, 
or Butts of Leather (with the Necks, Wombs, and Dibbins, or 
other pieces of offal cut from the Backs or Butts), of the Seller 2d. 
[ = 6d. now], and of the Buyer as much. 

Now for the avoiding of all ambiguities and doubts, which 
may grow and arise upon the definition of this word Leather : it 
is enacted &c., That the Hides and Skins of Ox, Steer, Bull, 
Cow, Calf, Deer red or fallow. Goat and Sheep, being tanned or 
tawed ; and every Salt Hide is, shall be, and ever hath been, 
reputed and taken for " Leather.'" 

All currying and dressing of Leather, commonly called Dry 
Currying and Frizzing, being construed to be 'Dressing and 
Currying of Leather after the manner of Spanish leather." 

To shew how careful this Parliament was to keep this 
excellent commodity of Leather to ourselves, the want of it 
being so hurtful ; hear what the Act speaks against transpor- 

It is enacted &c., That if any Leather wrought, cut, or un- 
wrought, to the intent to be sold or bartered, shall hereafter 
unlawfully be transported, or purposed to be transported into other 
parts beyond the sea, from or out of any port, haven, or creek of 
this Realm or Wales : every Controller, Customer [Customs 
Collector], Surveyor, Collector of Tonnage and Poundage, and 
the Searchers ; and the deputy of any of them, or any other persons 
hearing or knowing, by any ways, of any Leather meant to be 
transported from any place within his Office, and do not his best 
endeavour to seize the same ; or being transported, do not disclose 
or cause the same to be disclosed within forty days next after such 
knowledge or hearing of the same, in some Court of Record, so as 
the offender may be punished according to the laws in that case 
provided, shall, for every the first offence committed against this 
Article, forfeit ;^ioo [ = ;£"500 now], and for the second offence, his 

Again, Every Customer, Officer, or Officer's Deputy that shall 
make any false certificate of any Leather in any port, creek, or 
place of this Realm, shall also forfeit for every such offence ;^ioo. 

336 Statutes relating to Leather. [J^^ 

Now whereas by the covetousness of divers, regrating and in- 
grossing [rigging the market of] tanned Leather, and selling it 
again at excessive prices to saddlers, and such other artificers making 
wares of tanned Leather, those wares be grown to unreasonable 
prices : Be it enacted &c., That no person or persons, of what 
estate degree or condition soever he or they be, shall buy or ingross, 
or cause to be bought or ingrossed any kind of tanned leather, to 
the intent to sell the same again : upon pain to forfeit the said 
leather so bought. Provided &c., That all Saddlers, Girdlers, 
Cordwainers, and all other artificers such as make mails, bougets 
[bags], leather-pots, tankards, boar-hides, or any other wares of 
Leather, shall or may buy all such kind 
of Tanned Leather. 


The General Grievance of all England ; 
Man^ Woman ^ and Child. 

To THE High and Honourable Court of Parliament. 

Hereas, We, your poor Petitioners, 
jointly, with one unanimity, humbly desire 
a Reformation of this general and great 
Grievance of late, for, and in consideration 
of the great Abuse of Transportation of 
Raw Hides, Tanned Skins of great growth, 
and Calves' Skins : all which are trans- 
ported in most unreasonable manner, and under the colour 
[pretence] of the transporting of some hundred Dozens, 
many thousands are daily transported ; and that in such 
an excessive manner that not only all Skins that are brought 
into the market at Leadenhall and elsewhere, are so enhanced 
in price that they be of late raised Treble to the price they 
have been ; but, by secret bargains, almost all sorts of leather 
be bought underhand, in all countries [cotmties] before they 
come to markets to be sold, by divers merchants for to be 

And, moreover, it is, for certain, known, that divers 
Dutchmen come daily over, and employ poor shoemakers, 
curriers, and cobblers to be their bargain -drivers in all 
chief fairs, for great parcels of ware and sums of money, 

y 6 

338 A Petition to the Parliament. IJ,^_ 

whilst they themselves sit private in taverns or tippling- 
houses, to pay the money when others have driven the 
bargain. By which means the fairs and markets be so fore- 
stalled, that His Majesty's subjects cannot have the benefit of 
the fairs and markets as in times past ; the said commodities 
being bought out of His Majesty's subjects' hands. 

And likewise, of late days, some leather sellers of London, 
who do not cut, or work, or use leather, finding the great 
benefit and profit to be got by transporting, have and do 
(contrary to all equity or right) buy, or cause in private to be 
bought up, what they conveniently may. 

So that, unless there be some speedy course taken by this 
Honourable Court now assembled ; it is most likely that all 
mechanics that get their livings by the said use of Leather, 
are likely to fall to utter ruin and decay ; and this commodity 
to be enhanced to such an unreasonable price that our 
enemies shall go well shod, and we bare foot ! and be utterly 
impoverished in that commodity: and all trades, which in 
times past have flourished by Leather, are now likely to be 
utterly ruinate and overthrown. 

Therefore, We, His Majesty's poor subjects, in most 
humble manner, desire in commiseration of our poor wives 
and children, [you] to take into consideration this our 
extreme grievance, and to provide for some speedy remedy. 

And we shall daily pray for your prosperous success. 



Carriers' Cosmography: 


A Brief Relation 


The Inns, Ordinaries, Hostelries, 

and other lodgings in and near London; where the 

Carriers, Waggons, Foot-posts and Higglers 

do usually come from any parts, towns, 

shires and countries of the Kingdoms of Eng- 
land, l^rincipality of Wales; as also from the 
Kingdoms of Scotland and Ireland. 

With nomination of what days of 

the week they do come to London, and on 

what days they return: whereby all sorts of 

people may hnd direction how to receive or send 

goods or letters unto such places as their 

occasions may require. 

As also, 

Where the Ships, Hoys, Barks, 

Tiltboats, Barges and Wherries, do usually attend 

to carry Passengers and Goods to the coast towns 

of England, Scotland, Ireland, or the Netherlands; 

and where the Barges and Boats are ordinarily 

to be had, that go up the River of Thames 

westward from London. 

By lohn 'Taylor. 
London Printed by A,G, 1637. 


To all whom it may concern ; with my 

kind remembrance to the Posts, Carriers, 

Waggoners and Higglers. 

F any man or woman whomsoever hath either occasion 

or patience to read this following description, it is no 

doiiht hut they shall find fidl satisfaction for as much 

as they laid out for the book : if not, it is against 

my will ; and my good intentions are lost and frustrate. 

I wrote it for three causes. First, for a general and necessary 
good use for the whole commonwealth. Secondly, to express my 
grateful duty to all those who have honestly paid me my money 
which they owed me for my books of The collection of Taverns 
in London and Westminster, and ten shires or counties next 
round about London; and I do also thank all such as do purpose 
to pay me hereafter. Thirdly, for the third sort, that can pay me 
and will not; I write this as a document : I am well pleased to 
leave them to the hangman's tuition, as being past any other man's 
mending, for I would have them to know, that I am sensible of 


the too much loss that I do suffer by their pride or coiisenage; their 
number being so many and my charge so great, which I paid for 
paper and printing of those books, that the base dealing of those 
sharks is insupportable. But the tedious toil that I had in this 
collection, and the harsh and unsavoury answers that I was fain 
to take patiently, from Hostlers, Carriers, and Porters, may move 
any man that thinks himself mortal to pity me. 

In some places^ I was suspected for a Projector ; or one that had 
devised some trick to bring the Carriers under some new taxation ; 
and sometimes I was held to have been a Man-taker, a Sergeant, or 
Bailiff to arrest or attach men's goods or beasts. Indeed I was 
scarce taken for an honest man amongst the most of them. All 
which suppositions I was enforced oftentimes to wash away with 
two or three jugs of beer, at most of the Inns I came to. In some 
Inns or Hostelries, I could get no certain intelligence, so that I 
did take instructions at the next Inn unto it; which I did 
oftentimes take upon trust though I doubted [feared] it was indirect 
and imperfect. 

Had the Carriers, Hostlers, and others known my harmless and 
honest intendments, I do think this following relation had been 
more large and useful : but if there be any thing left out in this 
first impression, it shall be with diligence inserted hereafter, when 
the Carriers and I shall be more familiarly acquainted; and they, 
with the Hostlers, shall be pleased in their generosity, to afford me 
more ample directions. In the mean space, I hope I shall give 
none of my readers cause to curse the Carrier that brought me to 

Some may object that the Carriers do often change and shift 
from one Inn or Lodging to another, whereby this following 
direction may be hereafter untrue. To them I answer, that I am 
not bound to bind them or to stay them in one place ; hut if they 
do remove, they may be inquired for at the place which they have 


left or forsaken ; and it is an easy matter to find them by the 
learned intelligence of some other Carriers, an Hostler, or an 
understanding Porter. 

Others may object and say that I have not named all the towns 
and places that Carriers do go unto in England and Wales. To 
whom I yield; but yet I answer, that if a Carrier of York hath a 
letter or goods to deliver at any town in his way thither, he serves 
the turn well enough : and there are Carriers and Messengers from 
York to carry such goods and letters as are to be passed any ways 
north, broad and wide as far or farther than Berwick. So he that 
sends to Lancaster may from thence have what he sends conveyed 
to Kendal or C ocker month ; and what a man sends to Hereford 
may from thence be passed to St. Davids in Wales. The 
Worcester Carriers can convey anything as far as Caermarthen ; 
and those that go to Chester may send to Caernarvon. The 
Carriers or Posts that go to Exeter may send daily to Plymouth, 
or to the Mount in Cornwall. Mixfield, Chippenham, Hunger- 
ford, Newberry, and all those towns between London and Bristol ; 
the Bristol Carriers do carry letters unto them: so likewise all the 
towns and places are served, which are betwixt London and 
Lincoln, or Bostoyi, Yarmouth, Oxford, Cambridge, Walsingham, 
Dover, Rye, or any place of the King's dominions, with safe and 
true carriage of goods and letters; as by this little book's directions 
may be perceived. 

Besides, if a man at Constantinople or some other remote part 
or region shall chance to send a letter to his parents, master, or 
friends that dwell at Nottingham, Derby, Shrewsbury , Exeter, or 
any other town in England ; then this book will give instructions 
where the Carriers do lodge that may convey the said letter, which 
could not easily be done without it ; for there are not many that by 
heart or memory can tell suddenly where and when every Carrier is 
to be found. 



rj. Taylor. 
I May 1637. 

I have (for the ease of the reader and the speedier finding out of 
every iown^s name, to which any one would send, or from whence 
they would receive) set them down by way of A Iphahet ; and thus 
Reader if thou beest pleased, I am satisfied ; if thou beest 
contented, I am paid ; if thou beest angry, I care not for it. 



He Carriers of Saint Albans do come every 
Friday to the sign of the Peacock in 
Aldersgate street : on which days also 
Cometh a coach from Saint Albans, to the 
Bell in the same street. The like Coach 
is also there for the carriage of passengers 
every Tuesday. 

The Carriers of Abingdon do lodge at 
the George in Bread street. They do come on Wednesdays, 
and go away on Thursdays. 

The Carriers of Aylesbury in Buckinghamshire do lodge 
at the George near Holborn Bridge, at the Swan in the Strand, 
at the Angel behind St. Clement's church, and at the Bell in 
Holborn. They are at one of these places every other day. 

The Carriers of Ashbury do lodge at the Castle in Great 
Wood street. They are to be found there on Thursdays, 
Fridays and Saturdays. 


He Carriers of Blanville in Dorsetshire do lodge at 
the Chequer near Charing Cross. They do come 
thither every second Thursday. Also there cometh 
Carriers from Blandford, to the sign of the Rose 

near Holborn Bridge. 


The Carriers of Braintree and Bocking in Essex do lodge 
at the sign of the Tabard in Gracious [Gracechurch] street, 
near the Conduit. They do come on Thursdays, and go away 
on Fridays. 

The Carriers of Bath do lodge at the Three Cups in Bread 
street. They come on Fridays, and go on Saturdays. 

The Carriers of Bristol do lodge at the Three Cups in Bread 
street ; and likewise from Bristol on Thursdays, a Carrier 
which lodgeth at the Swan near to Holborn Bridge. 

The Carriers of Bruton in Dorsetshire do lodge at the Rose 
near Holborn Bridge. They come on Thursdays, and go 
away on Fridays. 

The Carriers from divers parts of Buckinghamshire and 
Bedfordshire are almost every day to be had at the sign of 
the Saracen's Head without Newgate. 

The Carriers of Broomsbury do lodge at the sign of the 
Maidenhead in Cateaton street, near the Guildhall in London. 
They come on Thursdays, and go away on Fridays. 

The Carriers of Bingham in Nottinghamshire do lodge at 
the Black Bidl in Smithiield. They come on Fridays. 

The Carriers of Bramley in Staffordshire do lodge at the 
Castle near Smithfield-bars. They come on Thursdays, and 
go away on Fridays or Saturdays. 

The Carriers of Burford in Oxfordshire do lodge at the 
Bell in Friday street. They come on Thursdays, and go away 
on Fridays. 

The Carriers of Buckingham do lodge at the King's Head 
in the Old Change. They come Wednesdays and Thursdays. 

The Carriers of Buckingham do lodge at the Saracen's 
Head in Carter lane. They come and go Fridays and 

The Carriers of Bewdley in Worcestershire do lodge at the 
Castle in Wood street. They come and go Thursdays, 
Fridays and Saturdays. 

The Carriers of Buckingham do lodge at the George near 
Holborn Bridge. They come and go on Wednesdays, 
Thursdays and Fridays. 

The Carriers of Brackley in Northamptonshire do lodge 
at the George near Holborn Bridge. They come and go on 
Wednesdays, Thursdays and Fridays. 

The Carriers of Banbury in Oxfordshire do lodge at the 

LyTe'a?'] ^ "^^^ "^O FIND OUT ALL CARRIERS. 347 

George near Holborn Bridge. They go and come Wednesdays, 
Thursdays and Fridays. 

The Carriers of Bedford do lodge at the Three Horseshoes in 
Aldersgate street. They come on Thursdays. 

The Carriers of Bridgnorth do lodge at the Maidenhead in 
Cateaton street, near the Guildhall. 

The Carriers of Bury, or St. Edmund's Bury, in Suffolk, do 
lodge at the Dolphin without Bishopsgate street. They come 
on Thursdays. 

The Waggons of Bury, or Berry, in Suffolk, do come every 
Thursday to the sign of the Four Swans in Bishopsgate 

A Foot Post doth come from the said Bury every Wednes- 
day to the Green Dragon in Bishopsgate street ; by whom 
letters may be conveyed to and fro. 

The Carriers of Barnstaple in Devonshire do lodge at the 
Star in Bread street. They come on Fridays, and return on 
Saturdays or Mondays. 

The Carriers of Bampton do lodge at the Mermaid in 
Carter lane ; and there also lodge the carriers of Buckland. 
They are there on Thursdays and Fridays. 

The Carriers of Brill in Buckinghamshire do lodge at the 
sign of Saint Paul's Head in Carter lane. They come on 
Tuesdays and Wednesdays. 

The Carriers of Bampton in Lancashire do lodge at the 
Bear at Bassishaw. They are there to be had on Thursdays 
and Fridays. Also thither cometh Carriers from other parts 
in the said county of Lancashire. 

The Carriers of Batcombe in Somersetshire do lodge at 
the Crown or JarreVs Hall at the end of Basing lane, near 
Bread street. They come every Friday. 

The Carriers of Broughton in Leicestershire do lodge at 
the sign of the Axe in Aldermanbury. They are there every 


He Carriers of Colchester do lodge at the Cross 
Keys in Gracious street. They come on the 
Thursdays, and go away on the Fridays. 

The Carrier of Chesham in Buckinghamshire 


doth come twice every week to the sign of the White Hart 
in High Holborn, at the end of Drury lane. 

The Carrier of Coggeshall in Suffolk doth lodge at the 
Spread Eagle in Gracious street. He comes and goes on 
Thursdays and Fridays. 

The Waggons from Chippenganger [Chipping Ongar] in 
Essex do come every Wednesday to the Crown without 

The Waggons from Chelmsford in Essex come on Wednes- 
days to the sign of the Bhie Boar without Aldgate. 

The Carriers of Cheltenham in Gloucestershire do lodge 
at the Three Cups in Bread street. They do come on Fridays, 
and go away on Saturdays. 

The Carriers of Camden in Gloucestershire, and of 
Chipping Norton, do lodge at the Three Cups in Bread street. 
They come and go Thursdays, Fridays and Saturdays. 

The Carriers of Chester do lodge at the Castle in Wood 
street. They are there to be had on Thursdays, Fridays and 

The Carriers of Chard in Dorsetshire do lodge at the 
Queen's Arms near Holborn Bridge. They are there to be 
had on Fridays. 

The Carriers of Chard do lodge at the George in Bread street. 

The Carriers of Chester do lodge at Blossom's or Bosom's 
Inn in St. Laurance lane, near Cheapside : every Thursday. 

The Carriers of Coleashby in Northamptonshire do lodge 
at the sign of the Ball in Smithfield. Also there do lodge 
Carriers of divers parts of that country [county] at the Bell, 
in Smithfield. They do come on the Thursdays. 

The Carriers of Crawley in Bedfordshire do lodge at the 
Bear and Ragged Staff in Smithfield. They come on the 

The Carriers of Coventry in Warwickshire, do lodge at 
the Ram in Smithfield. They come on Wednesdays and 

There are other Carriers from Coventry that do, on 
Thursdays and Fridays, come to the Rose in Smithfield. 

The Carrier of Creete in Leicestershire doth lodge at the 
Rose in Smithfield. 

The Waggons or Coaches from Cambridge do come every 
Thursday and Friday to the Black Bull in Bishopsgate street. 

lllyillj] ^ WAY TO FIND OUT ALL CARRIERS. 349 

The Carriers of Coventry do lodge at the sign of the Axe 
in Saint Mary Axe in Aldermanbury. They are there 
Thursdays and Fridays. 

The Carriers of Cambridge do lodge at the Bell in 
Coleman street. They come every Thursday. 

The Foot Post of Canterbury doth come every Wednesday 
and Saturday to the sign of the Two-necked [i.e. nicked] Swan 
at Sommers Key, near Billingsgate. 

The Carriers of Crookehorne in Devonshire do lodge at 
the Queen's Arms near Holborn Bridge. They come on 


He Carriers of Dunmow in Essex do lodge at the 
Saracens Head in Gracious street. They come and 
go on Thursdays and Fridays. 

The Waggons from Dunmow do come every 
Wednesday to the Crown without Aldgate. 

The Carriers of Ditmarsh in Berkshire do lodge at the 
George in Bread street. 

The Carriers of Doncaster in Yorkshire, and many other 
parts in that country, do lodge at the Bell, or Belle Sauvage, 
without Ludgate. They do come on Fridays, and go away 
on Saturdays or Mondays. 

The Carriers of Dorchester do lodge at the Rose near 
Holborn Bridge. They come and go on Thursdays and 

The Carriers of Denbigh in Wales do lodge at Bosom's 
Inn every Thursday. Also other Carriers do come to the 
said Inn from other parts of that country. 

The Carrier of Daintree doth lodge every Friday night at 
the Cross Keys in Saint John's street. 

The Carriers from Duneehanger, and other places near 
Stony Stratford, do lodge at the Three Cups in Saint John's 

The Carriers of Derby, and other parts of Derbyshire, do 
lodge at the Axe in Saint Mary Axe, near Aldermanbury. 
They are to be heard of there on Fridays. 

The Carriers of Derby do lodge at the Castle in Wood 
street every week, on Thursdays or Fridays. 



He Carrier of Epping in Essex doth lodge at the 
Prince's Arms in Leadenhall street. He comes on 

The Carriers of Exeter do lodge at the Star in 
Bread street. They come on Fridays, and go away on 
Saturdays or Mondays. 

The Carriers of Exeter do lodge at the Rose near Holborn 
Bridge. They come on Thursdays. 

The Carriers of Evesham in Worcestershire do lodge at 
the Castle in Wood street. They come thither on Fridays. 


He Carriers of Feckingham-forest in Worcestershire 
do lodge at the Crown in High Holborn, and at the 
Queen's Head at Saint Giles in the fields. There is 
also another Carrier from the same place. 
The Carriers of Farringdon in Berkshire do lodge at the 

Saint PauVs Head in Carter lane. They come on Tuesdays, 

and go away on Wednesdays. 


Arriers from Grindon Under Wood in Buckingham- 
shire do lodge at the Saint Paul's Head in Carter 
lane. They are to be found there on Tuesdays and 

The Carriers of Gloucester do come to the Saracen's Head 
without Newgate, on Fridays. 

The Carriers of Gloucester do lodge at the Saracen's Head 
in Carter lane. They come on Fridays. 

Clothiers do come every week out of divers parts of 
Gloucestershire to the Saracen's Head in Friday street. 

The Wains or Waggons do come every week from sundry 
places in Gloucestershire, and are to be had at the Swan 
near Holborn Bridge. 

There are Carriers of some places in Gloucestershire that 
do lodge at the Mermaid in Carter lane. 

I. Taylor."] 
May 1637.J 



Arriers from Hadley in Suffolk do lodge at the 
George in Lombard street. They come on Thursdays. 
The Carriers of Huntingdon do lodge at the 
White Hind without Cripplegate. They come upon 
Thursdays, and go away on Fridays. 

The Carriers of Hereford do lodge at the King's Head in 
the Old Change. They do come on Fridays, and go on 

The Carriers of Halifax in Yorkshire do lodge at the 
Greyhound in Smithfield. They do come but once every 

The Carriers of Halifax are every Wednesday to be had at 
the Bear at Bassishaw. 

The Carriers of Halifax do likewise lodge at the Axe in 
[Saint Mary Axe] Aldermanbury. 

The Carriers of Halifax do likewise lodge at the White 
Hart in Coleman street. 

The Carriers of Hatfield in Hertfordshire do 
Bell in Saint John's street. They come on Thursdays 

The Carriers of Harding in Hertfordshire do lodge at the 
Cock in Aldersgate street. They come on Tuesdays, 
Wednesdays, and Thursdays. 

The Carrier or Waggon of Hadham in Hertfordshire do 
lodge at the Bull in Bishopsgate street. They do come and 
go on Mondays, Tuesdays, Fridays and Saturdays. 

The Waggon or Coach from Hertford town doth come 
every Friday to the Four Swans without Bishopsgate street. 

The Waggon or Coach of Hatfield doth come every 
Friday to the Bell in Aldersgate street. 

lodge at the 


He Carriers of Ipswich in Suffolk do lodge at the 
sign of the George in Lombard street. They do 
come on Thursdays. 

The Post of Ipswich doth lodge at the Cross Keys 

in Gracious street. He comes on Thursdays, and goes on 



rj. Taylor. 
LMay 1637. 


The Wains of Ingarstone in Essex do come 
Wednesday to the King's Arms in Leadenhall street. 

The Carriers of Ivell in Dorsetshire do lodge at JarreVs 
Hall or the Crown in Basing lane, near Bread street. 




He Carriers of Keinton in Oxfordshire do lodge at 
the Bell in Friday street. They are there to be had 
on Thursdays and Fridays. 
The Post of the Town of Kingston upon Hull, 

commonly called Hull, doth lodge at the sign of the Bull over 

against Leadenhall. 


He Carrier of Lincoln do lodge at the White Horse 
without Cripplegate. He cometh every second 

The Carriers of Leighton Beudesart, corruptly 
called Leighton Buzzard, in Bedfordshire ; do lodge at the 
Harfs Horns in Smithfield. They come on Mondays and 

The Carriers of Leicester do lodge at the Saracen's Head 
without Newgate. They come on Tuesdays. 

The Carriers of Leicester do also lodge at the Castle near 
Smithfield-bars. They do come on Thursdays. 

There be Carriers that do pass to and through sundry 
parts of Leicestershire ; which do lodge at the Ram in 

The like Carriers are weekly to be had at the Rose in 
Smithfield, that come and go through other parts of Leices- 

The Carriers of Lewton [Ltiton] in Hertfordshire do lodge 
at the Cock in Aldersgate street. They are there Tuesdays 
and Wednesdays. 

The Carriers of Leeds in Yorkshire do lodge at the Bear 
in Bassishaw. They come every Wednesday. 

The Carriers of Leeds do also lodge at the Axe in [Saint 
Mary Axe] Aldermanbury. 

L^TS] ^ ^^^^ ^^ FIND OUT ALL CARRIERS. 353 

The Carriers of Leicester do lodge at the Axe in [Saint 
Mary Axe] Aldermanbury. 

The Carriers of Loughborough in Leicestershire do lodge 
at the Axe in [Saint Mary Axe] Aldermanbury. Also other 
Carriers do lodge there which do pass through Leicestershire, 
and through divers places of Lancashire. 


He Carriers of Maiden in Essex do lodge at the 
Cross Keys in Gracious street. They come on 
Thursdays, and go on Fridays. 
The Carriers of Monmouth in Wales, and some 
parts of Monmouthshire; do lodge at the [Saint] Paul's Head 
in Carter lane. They do come to London on Fridays. 

The Carriers of Marlborough do lodge at the sign of the 
Swan near Holborn Bridge. They do come on Thursdays. 

There doth come from Great Marlow in Buckinghamshire 
some higglers or demi-carriers. They do lodge at the Swan 
in the Strand, and they come every Tuesday. 

The Carriers of Manchester do lodge at the Bear in 
Bassishaw. They do come on Thursdays or Fridays. 

The Carriers of Manchester do likewise lodge at the sign 
of the Axe in [Saint Mary Axe] Aldermanbury. 

The Carriers of Manchester do also lodge at the Two- 
necked Swan in Lad lane ; between Great Wood street and 
Milk-street end. They come every second Thursday. Also 
there do lodge Carriers that do pass through divers other 
parts of Lancashire. 

The Carriers of Melford in Suffolk do lodge at the Spread 
Eagle in Gracious street. They come and go on Thursdays 
and Fridays. 


fARRiERS from New-Elme in Berkshire do lodge at 
the George in Bread street. They come on Wednes- 
days and Thursdays. 

The Carriers of Netherley in Staffordshire do 
lodge at the Bear and Ragged Staff in Smithfield. They do 
come on Thursdays. ^ 


The Carriers of Northampton, and from other parts of that 
country there about ; are almost every day in the week to be 
had at the Ra)n in Smithfield. 

There doth come also Carriers to the Rose in Smithfield, 
daily ; which do pass to or through many parts of North- 

The Carrier of Nottingham doth lodge at the Cross Keys in 
Saint John's street. He cometh every second Saturday. 

There is also a Foot Post that doth come every second 
Thursday from Nottingham. He lodgeth at the Swan in St. 
John's street. 

The Carriers of Norwich do lodge at the Dolphin without 
Bishopsgate. They are to be found there on Mondays and 

The Carriers of Newport Pannel [PagnelF] in Bucking- 
hamshire do lodge at the Peacock in Aldersgate street. They 
do come on Mondays and Tuesdays. 

The Carriers at Nantwich do lodge at the Axe in [Saint 
Mary Axe] Aldermanbury. They are there Wednesdays, 
Thursdays and Fridays. 

The Carriers of Nuneaton in Warwickshire do lodge at the 
Axe in [Saint Mary Axe] Aldermanbury. They come on 


He Carriers of Oxford do lodge at the Saracen's 
Head without Newgate, near Saint Sepulchre's 
Church. They are there on Wednesdays, or almost 
any day. 

The Carriers of Olney in Buckinghamshire do lodge at the 
Cock in Aldersgate street, at the Long lane end. They do 
come on Mondays, Tuesdays and Wednesdays. 


He Carriers of Preston in Lancashire do lodge at 
the Bell in Friday street. They are there on 

lllyilll'.] A WAY TO P^IND OUT ALL CARRIERS. 355 


He Carriers of Reading in Berkshire do lodge at 
the George in Bread street. They are there on 
Thursdays and Fridays. 

The Carriers from Rutland and Rutlandshire, 
and other parts of Yorkshire, do lodge at the Ram in 
Smithfield. They come weekly ; but their days of coming 
are not certain. 


He Carriers of Sudbury in Suffolk do lodge at the 
Saracen's Head in Gracious street. They do come 
and go on Thursdays and Fridays. 

The Carriers of Sawbridgeworth in Hertfordshire 
do lodge at the Prince's Arms in Leadenhall street. They 
come on Thursdays. 

The Wains from Stock in Essex do come every Wednesday 
to the King's Arms in Leadenhall street. 

The Carriers from Stroodwater in Gloucestershire do 
lodge at the Bell in Friday street. They do come on 
Thursdays and Fridays. 

The Carriers of Sisham in Northamptonshire do lodge at 
the Saracen's Head in Carter lane. They come on Friday, 
and return on Saturday. 

The Carriers from Sheffield in Yorkshire do lodge at the 
Castle in Wood street. They are there to be found on 
Thursdays and Fridays. 

The Carriers from Salisbury do lodge at the Queen's Arms 
near Holborn Bridge. They come on Thursdays. 

The Carriers of Shrewsbury do lodge at the Maidenhead 
in Cateaton street, near Guildhall. They come on Thursdays. 

The Carriers of Shrewsbury do also lodge at Bosom's Inn. 
They do come on Thursdays. And there do lodge Carriers 
that do travel divers parts of the county of Shropshire and 
places adjoining. 

The Carrier from Stony Stratford doth lodge at the Rose and 
Crown in Saint John's street. He cometh every Tuesda}'. 

There doth come from Saffron Market in Norfolk a Foot 
Post who lodgeth at the Chequer in Holbom. 


The Carriers of Stamford do lodge at the Bell in Aldersgate 
street. They do come on Wednesdays and Thursdays. 

The Waggon from Saffron Walden in Essex doth come to 
the Bidl in Bishopsgate street. It is to be had there on 
Tuesdays and Wednesdays. 

The Carriers of Shaftesbury, and from Sherborne in 
Dorsetshire, do lodge at the Crown or Jarrefs Hall in Basing 
lane near Bread street. They come on Fridays. 

The Carriers from Stopford in Cheshire do lodge at the 
Axe in [Saint Mary Axe] Aldermanbury. Also there are 
Carriers to other parts of Cheshire. 

The Carriers of Stafford and other parts of that county, 
do lodge at the Swan with two Necks in Lad lane. They come 
on Thursdays. 


f Arriers from Tewkesbury in Gloucestershire do lodge 
at the Three Cups in Bread street. They come and 
go on Fridays and Saturdays. 

The Carriers of Tiverton in Devonshire do lodge 
at the Star in Bread street. They come on Fridays, and 
return on Saturdays or Mondays. 

The Carriers of Thame in Oxfordshire do lodge at the 
Saracen's Head in Carter lane. They come and go on Fridays 
and Saturdays. 

The Carriers of Torcester in Northamptonshire do lodge 
at the Castle near Smithfield-bars. They come on Thursdays. 


Arriers from Vies or the De-vises [Devizesl in 
Wiltshire, do lodge at the sign of the Swan near 
Holborn Bridge. They come on Thursdays, and go 
away on Fridays. 


He Carrier from Wendover in Buckinghamshire 
doth lodge at the Black Swan in Holborn, and is 
there every Tuesday and Wednesday. 

The Carrier of Witham in Essex doth lodge 
at the Cross Keys in Gracious street every Thursda}^ and 


The Carriers of Wallingfield in Suffolk do lodge at the 
Spread Eagle in Gracious street. They come and go on 
Thursdays and Fridays. 

The Carriers from Wallingford in Berkshire do lodge at 
the George in Bread street. Their days are Wednesdays, 
Thursdays and Fridays. 

The Carriers of Winchcombe in Gloucestershire do lodge 
at the Three Cups in Bread street. They come and go on 
Fridays and Saturdays. 

The clothiers of sundry parts of Wiltshire do weekly come 
and lodge at the Saracen's Head in Friday street. 

The Carriers of Warwick do lodge at the Bell in Friday 
street. They are there on Thursdays and Fridays. 

The Carriers of Woodstock in Oxfordshire do lodge at the 
Mermaid in Carter lane on Thursdays and Fridays. 

The Carriers of Wantage in Berkshire do lodge at the 
Mermaid in Carter lane. Their days are Thursdays and 

The Carriers of Worcester do lodge at the Castle in Wood 
street. Their days are Fridays and Saturdays. 

The Carriers of Winslow in Buckinghamshire do lodge at 
the George near Holborn Bridge ; Wednesdays, Thursdays 
and Fridays. 

The Waggon from Watford in Middlesex [or rather 
Hertfordshire] doth come to the Swan near Holborn Bridge 
on Thursdays. 

The Carriers from Wells in Somersetshire do lodge at the 
Rose near Holborn Bridge. They come on Thursdays, and 
on Fridays. 

The Carriers from Witney in Oxfordshire do lodge at the 
sign of the Saracen s Head without Newgate. They come on 

There cometh a Waggon from Winchester every Thursday 
to the Swan in the Strand : and some Carriers come thither 
from divers parts of Buckinghamshire ; but the days of their 
coming are not certain. 

The Carriers of Worcester do lodge at the Maidenhead in 
Cateaton street, near Guildhall. They come on Thursdays. 

The Carriers from many parts of Worcestershire and 
Warwickshire do lodge at the Rose and Crown in High 
Holborn ; but they keep no certain days. 


The Carrier of Warwick doth come to the Queen's Head 
near Saint Giles in the Fields, on Thursdays. 

The Carrier of Walsingham in Norfolk doth lodge at the 
Chequer in Holborn. He cometh every second Thursday. 

The Carriers of Wendover in Buckinghamshire do lodge at 
the Bell in Holborn. 

There doth a Post come every second Thursday from 
"Walsingham to the Bell in Holborn. 

The Carrier of Ware in Hertfordshire doth lodge at the 
Dolphin without Bishopsgate : and is there on Mondays and 

There is a Foot Post from Walsingham that doth come to 
the Cross-keys in Holborn every second Thursday. 

There are Carriers from divers parts of Warwickshire that 
do come weekly to the Castle near Smithfield-bars : but their 
days of coming are variable. 

There is a Waggon from Ware at the Vine in Bishopsgate 
street every Friday and Saturday. 

The Carriers of Wakefield in Yorkshire do lodge at the 
Bear in Bassishaw. They do come on Wednesdays. 

The Carriers of Wells in Somersetshire do lodge at the 
Crown in Basing lane near Bread street. They come and 
go on Fridays and Saturdays. 

The Carriers of Wakefield, and some other parts of 
Yorkshire, do lodge at iht Axe in [St. Mary Axe] Aldermanbury. 
They are to be had there on Thursdays. 

The Carriers of Wakefield, and some other parts of 
Yorkshire, do also lodge at the White Hart in Coleman 
street. They come every second Thursday. 


He Carriers of York, with some other parts near 

York within that county, do lodge at the sign of the 

Bell or Bell Savage without Ludgate. They come 

every Friday, and go away on Saturday or Monday. 

A Foot Post from York doth come every second Thursday 

to the Rose and Crown in St. John's street. 


For Scotland. 

Hose that will send any letter to Edinburgh, that 
so they may be conveyed to and fro to any parts 
of the kingdom of Scotland, the Post doth lodge 
at the sign of the King's Arms (or the Cradle) at 
the upper end of Cheapside : from whence, every 
Monday, any that have occasion may send. 

The Inns and Lodgings of the Carriers 
which come into the Borough of South- 
wark out of the countries of Kent, 
Sussex and Surrey. 

Carrier from Reigate in Surrey doth come every 
Thursday (or oftener) to the Falcon in Southwark. 
The Carriers of Tunbridge, of Sevenoaks, of 
Faut and Staplehurst in Kent, do lodge at the 
Katharine Wheel. They do come on Thursdays 
and go away on Fridays. Also on the same days, do come 
hither the Carriers of Marden and Penbree, and from 
Warbleton in Sussex. 

On Thursdays the Carriers of Hanckhurst and Blenchley in 
Kent, and from Dorking and Leatherhead in Surrey ; do come 
to the Greyhound in Southwark. 

The Carriers of Tenterden and Penshurst in Kent, and the 
Carriers from Battle in Sussex, do lodge at the sign of the 
Spur in Southwark. They come on Thursdays, and go away 
on Fridays. 

To the Queen's Head in Southwark do come, on Wednesdays 
and Thursdays, the Carriers from Portsmouth in Hampshire; 
and from Chichester, Havant, Arundel, Billingshurst, Rye, 


Lamberhurst, and Wadhurst, in Sussex: also from Godstone 
and Linvill in Surrey. They are there to be had Wednesdays, 
Thursdays and Fridays. 

The Carriers from Cranbroke, and Bevenden in Kent ; and 
from Lewes, Petworth, Uckiield and Cuckfield in Sussex : do 
lodge at the Tabard or Talbot in Southwark. They are 
there on Wednesdays, Thursdays and Fridays. 

To the George in Southwark, come every Thursday the 
Carriersfrom Guildford, Wonersh,Goudhurst, and Chiddington 
in Surrey. Also thither come out of Sussex, on the same days 
weekly, the Carriers of Battle, Sindrich, and Hastings. 

The Carriers from these places undernamed out of Kent, 
Sussex and Surrey, are every week to be had on Thursdays 
at the White Hart in the Borough of Southwark ; namely, 
Dover, Sandwich, Canterbury, Biddenden, Mayfield, Eden 
(or Eaten Bridge), Hebsome, Wimbledon, Godaliman, 
(corruptly called Godly Man) Witherham, Shoreham, Enfield, 
Horsham, Haslemere. And from many other places far and 
wide in the said Counties; Carriers are to be had almost daily 
at the said inn, but especially on Thursdays and Fridays. 

The Carrier from Chiltington, Westrum, Penborough, 
Slenge, Wrotham, and other parts of Kent, Sussex, and 
Surrey, do lodge at the King's Head in Southwark. They do 
come on Thursdays, and they go on Fridays. 

Every week there cometh and goeth from Tunbridge in 
Kent a Carrier that lodgeth at the Green Dragon in Fowl 
lane in Southwark, near the Meal Market. 

illyt^esj] ^ ^^'^'^ ^^^ FIND OUT ALL CARRIERS. 361 

Here followeth certain directions for to find 

out Ships, Barks, Hoys and Passage Boats 

that do come to London, from the most 

parts and places by sea, within the 

King's dominions ; either of 

England, Scotland or 


Hoy doth come from Colchester in Essex to Smart's 
Key near Bilhngsgate ; by which goods may be 
carried from London to Colchester weekly. 

He that will send to Ipswich in Suffolk, or Lynn 
in Norfolk; let him go to Dice Key, and there his 
turn may be served. 

The ships from Kingston upon Hull (or Hull) in Yorkshire 
do come to Ralph's Key, and to Porter's Key. 

At Galley Key, passage for men and carriage for goods 
may be had from London to Berwick. 

At Chester's Key, shipping ma}^ be had from L'eland, from 
Poole, from Plymouth, from Dartmouth and Weymouth. 

At Sabb's Docks, a Hoy or Bark is to be had from Sandwich 
or Dover in Kent. 

A Hoy from Rochester, Margate in Kent or Feversham 
and Maidstone doth come to Saint Katherine's Dock. 

Shipping from Scotland is to be found at the Armitage or 
Hermitage below Saint Katherine's. 

From Dunkirk, at the Custom House Key. 
From most parts of Holland or Zealand, pinks or shipping 
may be had at the brewhouses in Saint Katherine's. 

At Lion Key, twice almost in every twenty-four hours, or 
continually, are Tide boats or Wherries ; that pass to and 
fro betwixt London and the towns of Deptford, Greenwich, 


Woolwich, Erith, and Greenhithe In Kent ; and also boats 
are to be had that every tide do carry goods and passengers 
betwixt London and Rainham, Purfleet, and Grayes in Essex. 
At Billingsgate are, every tide, to be had Barges, Light 
horsemen, Tiltboats and Wherries, from London to the towns 
of Gravesend and Milton in Kent, or to any other place 
within the said bounds ; and as weather and occasions may 
serve, beyond or further. 

Passage Boats and Wherries that do carry 

passengers and goods from London, 

and back again thither East or 

West above London Bridge. 

O Bull Wharf, near Queenhithe, there doth come 
and go great boats twice or thrice every week, 
which boats do carry goods betwixt London and 
Kingston upon Thames. Also thither doth often 
come a boat from Colebrooke; which serveth those 
parts for such purposes. 

Great Boats that do carry and recarry passengers and 
goods to and fro betwixt London and the towns of Maidenhead, 
Windsor, Staines, Chertsey, with other parts in the counties 
of Surrey, Berkshire, Middlesex and Buckinghamshire ; do 
come every Monday and Thursday to Queenhithe ; and they 
do go away upon Tuesdays and Thursdays. 

The Reading Boat is to be had at Queenhithe weekly. 
All those that will send letters to the most parts of the 
habitable world, or to any parts of our King of Great 
Britain's Dominions ; let them repair to the General Post 
Master Thomas Withering at his house in Sherburne lane, 
near Abchurch. 



WC6 \| 









Caution to keep Money. 

With the 

Causes of the scarcity a7td jnisery of the want 
hereof y in these hard and merciless Times, 


How to save it in our diet, apparel, recreations, &c. 

yfnd also 

What honest courses men in want may take to hve. 
By H. P., Master of Arts. 


Printed A?in. Dom. i6^j» 

[This date is a misprint, apparently for 1641. This first edition was privately printed, 
see/. 248.] 


(We have been careful to distinguish in the present text, what 
Peacham himself wrote, from the additions by his friend [/>. J and 
others, in the posthumous editions of 1664, 1667, 1669, and 1676. 

AH such fresh matter, whether in the text or side-notes, is shewn 
between square brackets, [ ].) 


To the every way deserving and worthy 
Gendeman, Master Richard Gipps, 
eldest son unto Master Richard Gipps, 
one of the Judges of the Court of Guild- 
hall, in the city of London. 

Hen I finished this discourse of The Worth of a 
Penny, or A Caution to keep Money, and bethinking 
myself unto whom I should offer the Dedication ; none 
came more opportunely into my thought, than your- 
self! For I imagined, if I should dedicate the same unto any 
penurious or miser-able minded man, it woidd make him worse, 
and be more uncharitable and illiberal : if tmto a bountiful and 
free-minded Patron, I should teach him to hold his hand ; and, 
against his nature, make him a miser. I, to avoid either, made 
choice of yourself ! who being yet unmarried, walk alone by your- 
self ; having neither occasion of the one nor the other. 

Besides, you have travelled [in] France and Italy, ajf^ I hope 
have learned Thrift in those places : and understand what a virtue 
Parsimony is, for want thereof, how many young heirs in Eng- 
land have galloped through their estates, before they have been 
thirty ! 

Lastly, my obligation is so much to your learned and good 
father, and {for goodness) your incomparable mother; that I 
should ever have thought the worse of myself, if I had not cum 
tota mea supellex sit chartacea, as ERASMUS saith, I had 
not expressed my duty and hearty love to you, one way or other. 
Whose in all service, 

I am tndy, 

Henry P e a c h a m . 


Advertisement to the Reader. 

By William Lee, the Publisher, in 1664, and 1667. 


1664. Master Peacham, many years since, having finished this little 
book of The Worth of a Pemty, did read it unto me ; and some eminent 
friends of his, being then present, we were much pleased with his con- 
ceits. The chief intent of printing it, was to present them [copies] to 
his friends. 

But some years after, Mr. Peacham dying, and the book being so 
scarce that most of the considerable booksellers in London had never 
heard of it, many Gentlemen of great worth were very importunate with 
me, to print the book anew : but after much search and inquiry, I found 
the book without any printer's name, and without any true date {i.e., 
1647 instead 1641 or 2] ; and having procured it, to be licensed and 
entered [/« 1664], and corrected all v.\': mistakes in it, I have, in an orderly 
way, reprinted a small number of Iheni, word for word, as it was in the 
original. Only a friend of his, that knew him well in the Low Countries, 
and when he was Tutor to the Earl of Arundel's children, hath added 
some notes in the margent, and translated some Greek and Latin 
sentences, which were omitted in the first impression. 

To speak much of the worth of the Author is needless, who, by his 
own Works, hath left unto the World a worthy memorial of himself ; his 
book called The cotnplete Gentleman, being in the year 1661, reprinted 
the third time : and divers others books of his. 

And, Reader, know, that there is no felicity in this life, nor comfort at 
our death, without a good conscience in a healthful body, and a com- 
petent estate : and most remarkable is the saying of that eminent wise 
man — 

Industry is Fortune's right hand, and Frugality her left. 

Read this book over, and if thou hast a Penny, it will teach thee how to 
keep it ; and if thou hast not a Penny, it will teach thee how to get it. 
And so, farewell. W. L. 

1667. Reader, I reprinted this little book about two years since [June 
24, 1664], and the number printed presently selling in a few days all away, 
I intended suddenly to have printed it again ; but the great judgement of 
that fearful Plague, 1665, hindered the printing of it : and it being after- 
wards fitted for the press, the late dreadful Fire burnt that copy [edition"] 
with many thousands of other books burnt with it. 

But now [May 17, 1667], it is so well fitted and corrected ; with some 
useful additions printed in a change of letter [Italic type, as also in this 
1883 edition] that, with your good husbandry it will so increase your 
store, that you may have " a penny to spend, a penny to lend, and a penny 
for thy friend." 

The number of books [copies] printed then [1664] was so much sold off 
within a few days in London, that there hath not been books left for to 
serve the country, not one for every shire in England ! that the country 
at this day, is altogether unfurnished with them. W. L.] 




O R A 

Caution to keep Money. 

He Ambassador [J. Ben Abdella] of 
MuLEY Hamet Sheik, King of Morocco, 
when he was in England, about four or 
five years since [He arrived in London on 
October 8, 1637], said on a time, sitting at 
dinner at his house at Wood street, " He 
thought verily, that Algiers was four times 
as rich as London." An English merchant 
replied that he " thought not so ; but that London was far 
richer than that ! and for plenty, London might compare 
with Jerusalem, in the peaceful days of Solomon." 

For my part, I believe neither ! especially the merchant. 
For, in the time of Solomon, silver was as plentiful in Jeru- 
salem as stones in the street : but with us, stones are in far 
more abundance, when, in every street in London, you may 
walk over five thousand loads, ere you will find a single Penny. 
Again, the general complaint and murmur throughout the 
Kingdom, of the scarcity and want of money, argues that we 
fall far short of that plenty which the merchant imagined. 

And, one time, I began to bethink myself, and to look into 
the causes of our want and this general scarcity : and I found 
them manifold. 

First, some men, who, by their wits or industry, or both, 
have screwed or wound themselves into vast estates, and 
gathered thousands like the griffins of Bactria ; when they 
have met with a gold mine, so brood over and watch it, day 
and night, that it is impossible for Charity to be regarded, 
Virtue rewarded, or Necessity relieved : and this we know to 
have been the ruin, not only of such private persons them- 
selves, but of whole Estates and Kingdoms. That I may 
instance one for many. Constantinople was taken by the 

368 Monsieur Gaulart andhis hidden money. ["• ^^^''I'g^^'^^ 

Turk, when the citizens abounding in wealth and money, 
would not part with a penny in the common necessity : no, 
not for the repair of their battered walls ! or the levying of 
soldiers to defend them. 

Another sort doat upon the stamp of their money, and the 
bright lustre of their gold ; and, rather than they will suffer 
it to see the light, will hide it in hills, old walls, thatch or 
tiles of their houses, tree roots, and such places : as, not 
many years since, at Wainfleet in Lincolnshire, there was 
[Helmets eaten found In digging of 3. back side to sow hemp in, an 
the°r"owJ*'rLt, old rusty helmet of iron, rammed in full of pieces 
fbtrnd^fiued o^ sold with the picture and arms of King Henry I. 
with monies of And moncy thus hid. the owner seldom or never 

ancient inscrip- .-.ui -il- -• ^j 

tion. 1664.] meets withal agam ; bemg, many times, prevented 
by sudden death, by casualty, or their forgetfulness. 

Monsieur Gaulart, a Great Man of France, though none of 
[About 3s the wisest, in the times of the Civil Wars, buried 

years since ' r /^r n 1 -i 

[1629]. not far somc 2,000 crowns [=£000= £3,000 now], a mile 
stable, many Or two from his housc, in an open fallow field: and 
werTtoken'''^'^ that hc might know the place again, took his mark 
T' T^lfV^* from the spire of a steeple that was right against 
thrown upon thc placc. Tile wars being ended, he came, with a 
fu^ot!^ Being fficnd of his, as near the place as he could guess, 
examined, ^0 look for his moncy. Which he not finding, and 

tney were . •' o ' 

found to be wondering what the reason should be, after, in the 
Lptessbnof* circumference, he had gone about the steeple, 
tii'em'^'' Mr. bclng right against it which way soever he went ; 
John sei.den quoth he to his friend, " Is there no cheating 
them for their knavc, think you ! in the steeple, that turns it 
some o'flhem about, intending to cheat me of my money ? " 
having been imagining that it went round and himself stood 

stamped, as he .,, r^ ,. ■, 

said, above still, as CoPERNicus did of the Globe of the 

900, and some -po-^U 
a 1000 years. J-^di 111. 

1664.] Indeed, much money and treasure, in former 

[It is conceived timcs, as in the invasions of the Saxons, Danes, 

many great ' . '. ' 

sums of money and Normans here with us, and of others in other 
ground; which placcs, hath been this way bestowed ; and for this 
th^e.^duHng reason, in such troublesome times, become scarce 
the heat of tTie for wholc Agcs after, but this is no true cause of 

late unnatural . ° . ' _^. , ... 

wars. 1664.] Want 01 moncy in our Times : wherein, it is true, 
we have little money to hide ; yet there are not wanting 

H. Peacham.J ^^^ CHARACTERISTICS OF A MiSER IN 164I . 369 

among us, those monedulce or money-hiding daws, who repine 
and envy that either King or country should be one penny 
better (yea, even in the greatest extremity !) for what they 
have conveyed into their holes. 

And most true it is, that money so heaped up in chests 
and odd corners, is like, as one saith, to dung; which while 
it lieth upon a heap doth no good, but dispersed and cast 
abroad, maketh fields fruitful. Hence Aristotle concludeth 
that the prodigal man is more beneficial to, and deserveth 
better of, his country, than the covetous miser. Every trade 
and vocation fareth the better for him, as the tailor, haber- 
dasher, vintner, shoemaker, sempster, hostler, and the like. 

The covetous man is acquainted with none of these. For 
instead of satin, he suits himself in sacken. He trembles, 
as he passeth by a tavern door, to hear a reckoning of 8s. 
[=30s. now] sent up into the Half Moon [? bow window] for 
wine, oysters, and faggots : for his own natural drink, you 
must know 1 is between that the frogs drink [simple water] 
and a kind of pitiful small beer too bad to be drunk, scarbeer, 
and somewhat too good to drive a water mill. Broom h^''the 
The haberdasher gets as little by him as he did by \°^^^°f^"f 
an old acquaintance of mine at Lynn in Norfolk : w^t^ithecaiion, 
who, when he had worn a hat eight and thirty ^^ -""^h nice it. 
years, would have petitioned Parliament against haberdashers 
for abusing the country, in making their ware so slight ! 
For the shoemaker, he hath as little to do with him, as ever 
Tom Coryat had. For sempsters, it is true, that he loves 
their faces better than their fashions. For Plays, if he read 
but their titles upon a post [the Bill of the Play], it is enough. 
Ordinaries [Eating-houses with table d'hotes] he knows none ! 
save some of three pence [i.e.y a threepenny ( = is. now) dinner], 
in Black Horse Alley, and such places. For tapsters and 
hostlers, they hate him as hell ! as not seeing a mote in his 
cup once in seven years. [This miser-able Master supped his 
man and himself, at the inn, with a quart of milk ! 1664.] 

Another cause of scarcity and want of money are peaceful 
Times, the nurses of pride and idleness ; wherein people 
increase, yet hardly get employment. Those of the richer 
and abler sort give themselves to observe and follow every 
fashion ; as what an infinite sum of money goeth out of this 
kingdom into foreign parts,for the fuel of our fashionable pride! 

2A 6 

3 /O Occasions of the great want of Coin. ["• ^^^''^q^,: 

Let me hereto add the multitude of strangers that daily 
[The English comc over into our Warmer soil, as the cranes in 
gold being at a winter betake themselves to Egypt ; where, having 
beyondYhe^s^eas enhched themselvcs through our folly and pride, 
Sn,'isa°'^° they return and purchase great estates in their 
great cause of Qwn countrics : enhancing there, our monies to a 

the transpor- i., i- '-'.. ii- 

tationofit. higher rate, to their excessive gain and the im- 
■"■^^^'^ poverishing our people of England. 

Let me add hereto besides, the great sums of money and 
many other great and rich gifts, which have been formerly 
conferred on strangers : which, how they have been deserved, 
I know not ! Some, I am sure ! like snakes taken up, and 
having got warmth from the Royal fire, have been ready to 
hiss at and sting, as much as in them lieth, both their finders 
and their founders. 

Again, there is an indisposition of many to part with 
money in these tickle Times : being desirous if the worst 
should happen, to " have their friends about them," as Sir 
Thomas More said, filling his pockets with gold, when he was 
carried to the Tower. 

There is likewise almost a sensible decay of Trade and 
traffic : which being not so frequent, as heretofore, by reason, 
as some would have it, the seas are now more pestered with 
pirates than in times past ; the " receipt of custom," like the 
stomach, wanting the accustomed nourishment, is constrained 
to suck it from the neighbour[ing] veins to the ill disposition 
and weakening of the whole body. 

They are no few or small sums, which, in Pieces of Eight 
'^idTs'^on^ L?.^., eight Rials, the present Mexican dollar = ^s. ^d. 
yeyed thither jiow] arc Carried over to the East Indies : no doubt to 
1664.7 ^^ the great profit and enriching of some in particular; 
but whether of the whole Kingdom in general, I know not ! 

What hurt, our late questioned Patentees, in Latin Him- 
dines [bloodsuckers], have done to the common body, in suck- 
ing and drawing forth even the very life-blood from it ; 
we know daily, and more we shall know shortly. 

I wish some of the craftiest and most dangerous among 
them, might be singled out for examples 1 remembering 
that of Tacitus : 

Pcena ad paucos, timor ad multos. 
[The punishment to few, hut the terror to many, 1664.] 

H. Peacham. 
? 164 

\\] The Money Lenders of Moor Fields. 371 

All people complain generally, as I have said, of the want 
of money ; which, like an epidemical disease, hath over-run 
the whole land. The City hath little Trading [which is the 
Mother of Money : for he who buys and sells, feels not what he 
spends. 1667]. Country farmers complain of their rents yearly 
raised (especially by their Catholic landlords, which, in times 
past, have been accounted the best ; though now the case 
is altered, and easily may the reason be guessed) : yet can 
find no utterance for their commodities, or must sell them at 
under rates. Scholars, without money, get neither patrons 
nor preferment ; mechanic artists [skilled workmen], no work: 
and the like of the other professions. 

One very well compared worldly wealth or Money unto a 
Foot Ball : some few nimble-heeled and [nimblej-headed 
run quite away with it; when most are only lookers-on, and 
cannot get a kick at it, in all their lives. 

Go but among the Usurers in their walk in Moor Fields, 
and see if you can borrow £100 [=;£"35o now] of any of them, 
without a treble security, with the use [interest] , one way or 
other, doubled ! and as yourself, so must your estate be 
particularly known ! 

A pleasant fellow came, not long since, to one of them, 
and desired him that he would lend him ^^50 [a country 

[=^175 now]. tenant meeting 

<- Aj / u -> 1T1 witli his miser- 

Quoth the usurer. My friend, I know you ?bie landlord, 

r^. ,, in the Term 

not ! time, did offer 

" For that reason only, I would borrow the money I",!™ ^^l p'j°^''- 
of you," [said the other, 1667J ; " for if you knew "J^^^'^j^^i^^j 
me, I am sure you would not lend me a penny ! " iorJsaid,"B"ea 

Another meets a creditor of his, in Fleet street : fnd'^savfone ' 
who seeing his old debtor, " Oh, Master A," quoth ^''j f^e^'ol^r - 
he, "you are met in good time! You know there and i win take 
is money between us, and hath been a long time ; il j^ouhadspe^t 
and now it is become a scarce commodity." [IV^^^i/L^'^'" 

" It is true, Sir," quoth the other, " for," he |"™^.^'f4f ^ 
looking down upon the stones that were between, 
" in good faith ! I see none." 

And this was all the citizen could get at that time ; but 
afterwards, he was well satisfied. 

Whom would it not vex, to be indebted to many of your 
shopkeepers ? who, though they have had their bills truly paid 

372 Money is required for everything, ["'^^^^^e^'^ 

them for many years together, yet (upon the smallest distaste 
of a petty mistake, reckoning, or some remnant behind) 
will be called upon ! openly railed at ! by their impudent and 
clamorous wives, insulted over ! and lastly, arrested ! which 
should, methinks, teach every young Fashion-monger, either 
to keep himself out of debt, or money in his purse to provide 
Cerberus a sop. 

Another misery proceeding from the want of money is that 
when it is due unto you, by your own labour or desert, from 
some rich miser-able, or powerful man or other, by long wait- 
ing, day by day, yea hourly attendance, at his house or 
lodging; you not only lose your time and opportunity of 
getting it elsewhere, and when all is done, to be paid after 
five in the hundred, in his countenance, or else fair and can- 
did promises, which will enrich you straight ! 

Promissis dives quilihet esse potest. 
{If words and promises would pass for coin; there 
would be 710 man poor. 1664 [. 

And some poor men there are, of that currish and inhuman 
nature : whom, if you shall importune through urgent neces- 
sity, then are you in danger to lose both your monies and 
their favour for ever. 

Would you prefer and place your son in the University ? 
Let him deserve never so well, as being an able and ready 
Grammarian, yea. Captain of his Form ! you shall very hardly 
prefer him, without Great Friends joined with your great 
Purse ! For those just and charitable Times wherein Desert 
seldom went without its due, are gone ! 

The like, I may say of the City : where, if the Trade [line 
of business] be anything like, you cannot place your son, 
under ;£'6o or £ioo [=^^210 or £350 now] ; though by nature 
he were, as many are, made for the same, and of wit and 
capacity never so pregnant. 

Or have you a daughter, by birth well descended, virtuous, 
chaste, fair, comely, endued with the best commendable 
qualities that may be required in a young, beautiful, and 
modest Maid : if you have not been, in your life-time, thrifty 
to provide her a Portion, she may live till she be as old as 
Creusa, or the Nurse of ^neas, ere you shall get her a good 
Match ! 



Nam genus etformam Regina Pecunia donate 
[Money 's a Queen ! that doth bestow 
Beauty and Birth to high and low. 1664.] 

is as true as old. Hence the Dutch have a proverb, that 
" Gentihty and Fair Looks buy nothing in the market." 

If you happen to be sick and ill; if your purse hath been 
lately purged, the Doctor is not at leisure to visit you ! yea, 
hardly your neighbours and familiar friends ! But unto 
monied and rich men, they fly as bees to the willow palms ! 
and, many times, they have the judgement of so many, that 
the Sick is in more danger of them, than of his disease. 

A good and painful Scholar having lately taken his Orders, 
shall be hardly able to open a Church door without a Golden 
Key, when he should ring his bells [i.e., ring himself in]. 
Hence it comes to pass, that so many of our prime wits run 
over sea to seek their fortunes ; and prove such vipers to 
their mother country. 

Have you but an ordinary suit in law, let your cause or 
case be never so plain or just, if you want wherewith to 
maintain it, and, as it were, ever and anon to water it at the 
root, it will quickly wither and die ! 

I confess friends may do much to promote it, and may 
prevail by their powerful assistance in the prosecution [as 
hy the following story appears. 1667.] 

There was, of late years, in France, a marvellous fair and 
goodly Lady, whose husband being imprisoned for [Beauty i/ not 
debt or something else, was constrained to be his pro-jesvtorean 
Solicitor, and, in her own person, to follow his suit /"w. le'e'gj 
in law, through almost all the Courts in Paris ; and indeed, 
through her favour, got extraordinary favour among the 
Lawyers and Courtiers, and almost a final despatch of all 
business : only she wanted the King's hand, who was Henry 
IV. of famous memory. He, as he was a noble, a witty, and 
an understanding Prince, understanding how well she had 
sped (her suit having been, in the opinion of most men, 
desperate or lost), told her that " for his part, he would 
willingly sign her Petition.'' Withal, he asked her, " How 
her husband did ? " and bade her, from himself, to tell him, 
" That had he not pitched upon his horns, he had utterly 
been spoiled and crushed ! " 

374 How CONFIDENT ARE MONEYED MeN ! ["" '^j'^^'le^"); 

So that hereby was the old proverb verified, " A Friend in 
itugoodto Court is better than a Penny in the Purse." But, 
'b7A/ujar ' as friends go nowadays, I had rather seek for 
betterneverto them in mv Durse, than in the Court: and I 

have need oj , ,- A .• r -J 

them. 1669. beueve many Courtiers are oi my mind. 

Again, to teach every one to make much of and to keep 
money, when he hath it ; let him seriously think with him- 
self, What a misery it is, and how hard a matter to borrow 
it ! And most true it is, that one saith : 

Semper comitem Mris Alieni esse Miseriam. 
That Misery is ever the companion of Borrowed Money. 

Hereby, a Man is made cheap and undervalued ! despised ! 
deferred ! mistrusted ! oftentimes flatly denied ! and besides, 
upon the least occasion, upbraided therewith, in company and 
among friends ! 

And sometimes, Necessity drives men to be beholden to 
such as, at another time, they would scorn to be ! wherein 
the old saying is verified — 

Miserum est dehere cui nolis. 
[A miserable thing it is, to owe money to him, 
whom thou wouldst not ! 1664.] 

And, on the contrary, how bold, confident, merry, lively, 
and ever in humour, are Moneyed Men. [For being out debt, 
[They need not they are out of danger ! 1667.] They go where 
but\™reet they Hst ! They wear what they list ! They eat 
proof. 1664.] and drink what they list ! And as their minds, so 
their bodies are free ! 

They fear no City Serjeant, Court Marshal's man, or 
Country Bailiff. Nor are they followed or dogged home to 
their Ordinaries and lodgings, by City shopkeepers and other 
creditors : but they come to their houses and shops, where 
they are bidden welcome ; and if a stool be fetched [i.e., for 
them] into the shop, it is an extraordinary favour, because all 
passers by take notice of it. And these men can bring their 
wives or friends to see in Court, the King and Queen at din- 
ner, or to see a Masque ; by means of some eminent man of 
the Guard, or the carpenter that made the scaffold [i.e., for 
the Masque] . 

"■ ^rt^"?.] Why are men poor? 375 

The common and ordinary Causes why 7nen 
ai^e poor and want money. 

Here must, by the Divine Providence, in the Body 
of the Common wealth, be as well poor ^-^^ blessing 
as rich ; for as a human body cannot "l god upon 

1- •, 1 1 ■> r 11 '"S prosperity 

subsist Without hands and leet to labour, oftheindus- 
and to walk about, to provide for other members; coX^nted!^ 
the rich being the belly, which devour all yet do ^^^^^ 
no part of the work : but the cause of every man's poverty is 
not one and the same. 

Some are poor by condition, and, content with their calling, 
neither seek, nor can work themselves into a better fortune : 
yet GOD raiseth up, as by miracle, the children and posterity 
of these, oftentimes, to possess the most eminent places, 
either in Church or Commonwealth, as to become Arch- 
bishops, Bishops, Judges, Commanders, Generals in the field, 
Secretaries of State, Statesmen, and the like. So that it 
proveth not ever true, which Martial saith. 

Pauper eris semper, si pauper es ^MILIANE ! 
If poor thou beest ; poor, shalt thou ever be ! 
-^MiLiANUS, I assure thee ! 

Of this condition are the greatest number in every Kingdom. 
Others there are, who have possessed great estates, but 
those estates, as I have seen and known it in some families, 
and not far from the City, have not thrived or continued; as 
gotten by oppresson, deceit, usury, and the like: which 
commonly lasteth not to the Third generation ; according to 
the old saying: 

De male qucesitis vix gaudet tertius hceres, 
[The Grandchild seldom is the heir 
Of goods that evil gotten are. 1664.] 

Others come to want and misery, and spend their fair 
estates in ways of vicious living, as upon drink and women : 
for Bacchus and Venus are inseparable companions ; and he 
that is familiar with the one, is never a stranger to the other. 

Uno namque mode, Vina VENUSque nocent, 
[In one same way, manner, and end ; 
Both Wine and Women do offend. 1664.1 

376 Idleness & Prodigality, causes of Want.["- ^j'^'=Jg^]^; 

Some again live in perpetual want, as being naturally 
wholly given to idleness [which kerns the edge of Wit, and is the 
Key of Beggary. 1667.] These are the drones of the Common 
wealth, who deserve not to live. 

Qui non laborat, nan mandiicet. 
[He that laboureth not, must not eat, 

** Labour, night and day ! rather than be burdensome," saith St. 
Paul. 1664.] 

Both country and City swarm with this kind of people. 
" The diligent hand," saith Solomon, " shall make rich ; but 
the sluggard shall have scarcity of bread." 

I remember, when I was in the Low Countries, there were 
three soldiers, a Dutchman, a Scot, and an Englishman, for 
their misdemeanours, condemned to be hanged. Yet their 
lives were begged by three several men. One, a Bricklayer, 
that he [the Dutch soldier] might help him to make bricks, and 
carry them to the walls. The other was a Brewer of Delft, 
who begged his man [the Scot] to fetch water, and do other 
work in the brewhouse. Now, the third was a Gardener, and 
desired the third man, to help him to work in and dress a 

The first two accepted their offers thankfully. The 
Englishman told his master, in plain terms, *' his friends 
never brought him up to gather hops ! " but desired he might 
be hanged first : and so he was. 

[The reasons^ Othcrs having had great and fair estates left 
so^ea"est"ates unto thcm by fricnds, and who never knew the 
consume them- paln and care of getting them, have, as one 
notrin'"'° ^^^^ truly, *' galloped through them in a very short 
1664.] ' time." 

These are such, of whom Solomon speaketh, " who, having 
riches, have not the hearts (or rather the Wit), to use 

These men, Homer, most aptly, compareth unto the Willow 
Tree, which he calleth by a most significant epithet coXeai- 
Kapirof;, in hatin frugi-perda, or " loose fruit : " because the 
palms [buds] of the willow tree are no sooner ripe, but are 
blown away with the wind. 

I remember, in Queen Elizabeth's time, a wealthy citizen 



of London left his son a mig;hty estate in money : who 
imagining he should never be able to spend it, would 
usually make " ducks and drakes " in the Thames, with 
Twelve pences [=55. now], as boys are wont to do with tile 
sherds and oyster shells. And in the end, he grew to that 
extreme want, that he was fain to beg or borrow sixpence : 
having, many times, no more shoes than feet ; and some- 
times, " more feet than shoes," as the Beggar said in the 

[Who more than his worth doth spend, 
Maketh a rope, his life to end ! 1667.] 

Many also there are, who, having been born to fair estates, 
have quite undone themselves by marriage : and that, after a 
twofold manner. 

First, by matching themselves, without advice of parents or 
friends, in heat of youth, unto proud, foolish, and light house- 
wives, or such perfect "linguists," that one were ♦ a place near 
better to take his diet in Hell,* than his dinner at to west- 

A 1 1 • • 1 p 1 • niinster Hall ; 

home. And this is the reason so many of their where very 
husbands travel beyond the seas ; or, at home, go dresseXau'the 
from town to town, from tavern to tavern, to look Term time. 
for company : and, in a word, to spend anything to live any- 
where, save at home in their own houses. 

Others there are, again, who match themselves (for a little 
handsomeness and eye-pleasing Beauty, [which, so soon as 
Poverty cometh in at the door, leapeth out of the window. 1664.] 
into very mean and poor kindred ; and are sometimes drawn 
in hereto by broken knaves, necessitous parents, who are glad 
to meet with such, that they may serve them as props to up- 
hold their decaying and ruinous families. And these poor 
silly young birds are commonly caught up before they be 
fledged, and pulled bare before ever they knew they had 
feathers : for their fathers-in-law or some near of the kin, 
as soon as they have seen one and twenty, have so belimed 
them with Bonds, that they shall hardly, as long as they 
live, be able to fly over ten acres of that land, their friends 
left them. 

[If Youth be joined with Honour and Riches, how dangerous, 
if the reins be then let loose, we see the many destructive effects it 
hath, and do work ! but the Three joined with Wisdom, how 
honourable and noble are they all 1 

^yS Learn the just bounds of Pleasure! ["•^^^"I'e"; 

But the greatest snare, the Author writes of, is Beauty : which, 
of itself, is a blessing. We see how comfortably the candle causes 
light, not offending in burning ; yet the foolish fly offends in 
scorching itself in the fame ! Yea, it is no small misery to become 
a temptation unto another, and to be made the occasion of other's 
ruin ; Beauty being not well governed. Which fails, if the Soul 
answers not the Face ! for the foulest souls often dwell fairest ! 
How happy, if Virtue be joined thereto ! 

If Precepts will not forewarn thee, yet let a multitude of Examples 
affright thee from unequal and unfit marriages ! 

He that takes his full liberty in what he may, shall repent him ! 
how much more, in what he should not / Nothing can overturn 
him that hath power of himself ! Learn first, by a just survey, to 
know the juso due and lawful bounds of Pleasure ! and then 
knowing the danger of going beyond a man's strength, use pleasures 
without dotage ! I mver knew a wise man that repented him of 
too little worldly pleasure. The surest course in all earthly delights 
is to rise [therefrom] with an appetite, and to be satisfied with 
moderation. 1669.] 

A Knight of ^8,000 or ;£"io,ooo [=£25,000 or ;^30,ooo 
now] [by] land in a year, doated upon a poor Alewife's 
daughter, and made her a Lady. It cannot be denied but 
women of the meanest condition may make good wives ; since 

Paupertas non est vitium ; 
Poverty is no vice : 

but herein is the danger, that when their husbands, in a 
short time, having as it were taken a surfeit of their beauties, 
and finding their error; they begin, as I have known many, 
to contemn them, and fly abroad, doat upon others, and 
devise all the ways they can (being grown desperate) to give 
or sell all that they have. 

Besides, such poor ones, oftentimes, prove so impious and 
proud, as that they make no conscience to abuse, insult over, 
and make silly fools of their husbands ; as by letting and 
disposing of their lands, gathering up his rents, putting away 
and entertaining what servants they list, to verify that old 
verse : 

Asperius nihil est humili, cum surgit in altum. 
There's nothing more perverse and proud than She, 
Who is to Wealth advanced from Beggary. 

H. Peacharn.-j Ple^ Pleasure, AND IT WILL BE nigh! 379 

An Italian Earl, about Naples, of 100,000 Crowns 
[=£30,000 then =£100,000 now] by the year in estate, 
married a common laundress. Whereupon old Pasquin (the 
image of stone in Rome), the next Sunday morning or 
shortly after, had a foul and most filthy shirt put on his back, 
and this tart libel beneath : 

" Pasquin, how now ! a foul shirt upon a Sunday ! " 
The risposto or answer, in Pasquin's behalf was : 
" I cannot help it, my laundress is made a Countess ! " 

Besides, another inconvenience is that, besides the 
calling of his Wit and Judgement into question ; he draws 
unto him so many leeches and down-drawers upon his estate, 
as his wife hath necessitous friends and kindred. But they 
that thus marry, are commonly such young men as are left 
to themselves ; their parents, ov&rseevs [guardians], or faithful 
friends, being either dead, or far from them. 

Others, not affecting marriage at all, live, as they say, 
** upon the Commons " : unto whom it is death to mi ait est 
be put into the Several. They spend what they ^Ji^"" 
have, altogether in irregular courses of life, and in ^'*'^- 
change of horses and lodgings, entertainment of new ac- 
quaintance, making great feasts in taverns, invitations and 
meetings of their common mistresses, coach hire, clothes in 
fashion, and the like. [Who forget that old but true Proverb : 

Follow Pleasure, and Pleasure will fly ! 

Flee Pleasure, and Pleasure will be nigh I 1667.] 

besides the hanging on and intrusion of some necessitous 
parasites ; of whom they shall find as much use, as of water 
in their boots. \^And it is well said by one, that "he that over- 
much studies his own contentment, ever wantethit /" 1667.] 

There are others, again, of overgood free natures and dis- 
positions ; who are easily fetched and drawn in by decayed 
and crafty knaves (I call them, no better ! ) to enter into 
bonds, and to pass their words for their old debts and engage- 
ments : and this they are wrought to do in taverns in their 
cups and merriment, at Ordinaries, and the like places. 

380 Many ways of coming to poverty. ["' ^^^''I'e^^ 

I would have in the fairest room of one of these houses, 
The old an Emblem of a gallant young heir creeping in at 
Suretyship, the great end of a hunter's horn with ease ; but 
cruelly pinched at the coming forth at the small end : a 
fool standing not far off, laughing at him. And these be 
those fools who will be so easily bound! and pass their words 
in their drink. 

Facilis descensus A verni, sed revocare gradum. 
['Tis easy into hell to fall ; 
But to come back from thence is all ! 1664.] 

It is easy slipping in, but the return and getting out is full 
of difficulty. 

Infinite also are the Casualties that are incident to the 
Life of Man, whereby he may fall into poverty : as mis- 
fortune by fire, loss at sea, robbery and theft on land, wounds, 
lameness, sickness, and the like. 

Men run out of great estates, and have undone themselves 
by over sumptuous building, above and beyond their means 
and estates. [For he that builds a fair house, without good 
counsel, builds himself to prison ! It being a sweet impoverish- 
ment I 1667.] 

Others have been undone by carelessness and thriftless 
servants, such as waste and consume their Masters' goods ; 
[for thereis a great deal saved where alittle is spent. 1667.]: neither 
saving nor mending what is amiss ; but whatsoever they 
are entrusted withal, they suffer to be spoiled and to run to 
ruin. For 

Qui modica spernit, paulaiim defluit, 
" He that despiseth small things, falls by little and little," 
says the Wise Man. 

Some, yea, a great many, have brought themselves to 
beggary by play and gaming, and never lying [staying] out 
of Ordinaries and Dicing-houses : which places, like quick- 
sands, so suddenly sink and swallow them, that hardly you 
shall ever see their heads appear any more. [And so, these 
idle practices turn the edge of their Wit. 1667.] 

Others, and Great Ones too, affect unprofitable, yea, im- 
possible inventions and practices, as the Philosopher's Stone, 
the Adamantine Alphabet,* the discovery of that new world 
♦Possibly referring to Bp. F. Godwin's book in 1638. E. A. 

"■^'^^I'e™:] The character of an indigent soldier. 381 

in the Moon by these new devised perspective glasses [teles- 
copes] , far excelling, they say, those of Galileo, sundry kinds 
of useless wild fire, water works, extractions, distillations, 
and the like. 

If any would be taught the true use of money, let him 
travel to Italy I For the Italian, the Florentine especially, 
is able to teach all the world. Thrift ! For Italy being 
divided into many Principalities and Provinces, and all very 
fertile ; the inhabitants are many, and by reason of so often 
differences among them, apt to take arms. The people are 
subject to taxes and impositions : as, in Florence, the Duke 
hath a custom [octroi] at the gates, even out of herbs that 
are brought for sallets [sallads] and broths into the city. 

The Symptoms of a Mind dejected and discontented 

for want of money. 

|E THAT wanteth money is, for the most part> 
extremely melancholic in every company, or alone 
by himself [He is a Cypher among Numbers ! 1667,] 
especially if the weather be foul, rainy, or cloudy. 
Talk to him, of what you will ; he will hardly give you the 
hearing ! Ask him any questions ; he answers you with 
monosyllables, as Tarleton did one, who out-eat him at 
an Ordinary: " Yes ! No ! That ! Thanks ! True ! " &c. 

That rliQioncsil pa.ssa.gQ oi Status translativHS [the State trans- 
lative, 1664.] is of great use with him, when he lays the cause 
of his want upon others : as protesting, this great Lord, that 
Lady, or kinsman owes him money ; but not a deniere can he 
get ! He swears, he murmurs against the French and other 
strangers, who convey such sums of money out of the land, 
besides our leather hides under the colour of calfskins : with 
that, he shews you his boots out at the heels, and wanting 
mending 1 He walks with his arms folded ; his belt without 
a sword or rapier, that perhaps be somewhere in irhetme 
trouble. A hat without a band, hanging over his anind'gent 
eyes ; only it wears a weather-beaten fancy, for '\'^^,tfdZ"dier. 
fashion' sake. He cannot stand still, but like one i664.] 
of the Tower wild beasts, is still walking from one end of his 
room to another, humming out some new Northern tune or 
other. If he meets with five or ten pieces ha.ippi\y [by chance] 

382 Poverty makes men to be scorned. ["•^^^''^ 



conferred upon him, by the beneficence of some noble friend 
or other [although he may carry all his friends on his hack. 1667.]; 
he is become a new man ! and so overjoyed with his fortune, 
that not one drop of small drink will down with him, all that 
day ! 

The misery of wa^tt of money in regard of 
contempt in the world. 

HosoEVER wanteth money is ever subject to con- 
tempt and scorn in the world ; let him be furnished 
with never so good gifts, either of body or mind. 
So that, most true it is, that one saith, 

Nil hahet infoelix paupertas dtirius in se 
Quam quod ridiculos homines facit. 

[Nothing there is more hard in penury, 
Than that it makes men so despised be ! 1664.] 

The worst property that Poverty hath, it maketh men 
ridiculous and scorned, but oftentimes of such as are more 
to be contemned themselves, in regard either of their igno- 
rance, or vicious living, or useless company. 

If we do but look back into better and wiser Ages, we 
shall find Poverty, simply in itself, never to have been, as 
nowadays in this last and worst Act of Time, esteemed a 
Vice, and so loathsome, as many would have it : it having 
been the Badge of Religion and Piety in the primitive times 
since Christ, and of Wisdom and Contempt of the World 
among the wisest Philosophers long before. 

But Tempora mutantur [The Times are changed. 1664.]. And 
in these Times, we may say with the Wise Man, " My son, 
^^d°o7the^^ better it is to die, than to be poor ! " For, now, 
Worid.andthe moncy is the World's God, and the Card, which 
card'. ieelT^ the Devil turns up trump, to win the set withal ! 
for it gives Birth, Beauty, Honour, and Credit ; and the 
most think, it conferreth Wisdom to every possessor. 

Pecunice omina ohediunt. 
[All things obey money. 1664.] 

Hence it is so admired, that millions venture both soul and 
body, for the possession of it. 

"■^^^''164";] Indignities offered to a needy one. ^8^ 

But there is a worse effect of Poverty than that. It 
maketh men dissolute and vicious [so that ^'Debtors are 
said to be liars." 1664.]. 

O mala Paupertas ! vitii scelerisqtie Ministra, 
[0 wretched Poverty, a bawd 
To every wickedness and fraud, 1664.] 

saith Mantuan. 

It wresteth and maketh crooked the best natures of all ; 
which, were their necessities supplied, would rather die than 
do as they sometimes do, borrow and not be able to pay, to 
speak untruths, to deceive, and sometimes to cheat their own 
fathers and friends. 

What greater grief can there be to an ingenious and free 
spirit, sitting at a superior's table (and thought to be 
necessitous and only to come for a dinner) than to Mone^thl °^ 
be placed the lowest! to be carved unto of the occasion of 
worst and first cut, as of boiled beef brawn and the t^mpt.'^deceit, 
like ! and if the Lady or loose-bodied Mistress nesl^'iS] 
presents unto him, the meat from her trencher, then assuredly 
it is burnt to the body [we should now say " burnt to the bone "J ! 
if he be carved unto out of a pasty of venison, it was some 
part that was bruised in the carriage, and began to stink ! yet 
for all this, he must be obsequious ! endure any jeer! whisper 
for his drink ! and rise, at the coming in of the basin and 
ewer ! To do the which, any generous and true noble spirit 
had rather, as I am persuaded, dine with my Lord Mayor's 
hounds in Finsbury Fields. 

Another misery, akin to the former, is, what discourse so- 
ever is offered at such tables, the necessitous man, though 
he can speak more to the purpose than them all ; yet he 
must give them leave to engross all the talk! And though he 
knows they tell palpable and gross lies, speak the absurdest 
nonsense that may be : yet must he be silent ! and be held 
all the while for a vau-neant ! 

Let these, and the like examples, then, be motives to all, 
to make much of Money ! to eat their own bread l.S'"^^'^^"""- i" 
in their houses ! and to be beholden as little as treadbe/ore 
may be, to any for their meat, For leeyo 

Rst aliena vivere quadra, miserrimum. 
[It is most miserable to live on the trencher of another tnan. 1664.] 

;84 H O W W A N T L E A D S T O C R I M E. ["• ^^^^"^,1^, 

How Necessity and Want compelleth to offend 
both against body and soul. 

Eek not Death, in the error of your lives ! " saith 
the Wise Man ; that is, by taking evil wisdom. 
courses to procure unto yourselves untimely ends : 
as those do, who, through extreme necessity, are 
constrained to steal, lie, forswear themselves, become cheaters, 
common harlots, and the like ; whereof, nowadays, we have 
too many examples everywhere, to the hazard of their souls 
to hell, and their bodies to the hands of the executioner. 

Hereby, we may see, how much it concerns all parents 
[The duty of to givc their children virtuous education in the 
vMuou/Zif fear of GOD, and to employ them betimes in 
ThiiTrln!''^''' honest vocations; whereby they may be armed 
1664.] against want and ill courses. 

And doubtless many, yea, too many parents have been, 
and are herein much to blame ; who, when they have given 
their children a little breeding and bringing up till about 
twelve or fourteen years of age, they forsake them ! and 
send them out into the wide world to shift for themselves, to 
sink or swim ! without trades or portions provided. So they 
be rid of a charge, what care they ! 

Hence we see so many young men and women come to un- 
timely ends ; who living might have been comforts to their friends 
and parents, and proved good members in the Common wealth. 

[Some years since, I saw 07ie Master Ward, one of the debau- 
chedst men of that A-ge, much known by the name of ^^ Damn 
Ward " : who, being in Newgate, it was reported that he did 
drink a health to the Devil. 

He being at Tyburn, at his execution did speak short, beginning 
thus, " A man of an ill name is half hanged ! " saying, " he was 
in his youth brought up a Gentleman at the charge of his father's 
brother ; but his uncle dying, his maintenance failed." Wishing 
all parents to beware how they breed their children above their 
means, and without a calling. Much blaming his uncle's fond- 
ness. Denying the drinking of such a Health; said ''he was 
forced to live by his sword.'" Confessed his fact [crime] : and so 
was executed. 1667.] 

I spake before of idle persons, whom St. Paul denieth to 
eat ; which are the drones of the Common wealth, not to be 
pitied : Whom Homer prettily described. 

Of Frugality or Parsimony : 
what it is J and the effects thereof, 

AviNG already shewed you the Misery of 
Want from the want of money; let me give 
you a Preservative against that Want, from 
the nature and effects of Thrift, which if not 
observed and looked to, he shall live in 
perpetual want. 

And indeed, next to the serving of GOD, 
it is the first thing we ought, even from 
children, to learn in the world. 

Some men are thrifty and sparing by nature ; yea, saving 
even in trifles. As Charles V. was so naturally sparing, 
that if a point \tag\ from his hose had broken, he would have 
tied the same upon [w] a knot, and made it to serve again. 

Others again are thrifty in small matters, but lavish and 
prodigal in great. These, we say, "are Penny IJ^JI^^'"' 
wise, and Pound foolish ! " Many great Ladies Ladies, and 
and our great Dames are subject to this disease. w^«t«!i664.] 
Others having had long experience in the world, and 
having been bitten with Want, through their unthriftiness 
when they were young, have proved very good husbands at 
the last. 

Others again there be, who cloak their miserable baseness 
under the pretence of Thrift : as one would endure none of 
his family to eat butter with an egg but himself; because 
it was sold for 5d. [=i8(f. now] the lb. 

2B 6 

;86 Of every Shilling, spend a Penny ! ["• ^^^''I'gJ^: 

The definition of Frugality or Thrift, 

JRUGALITY is a virtue which holdeth her own, layeth 
out or expendeth profitably, avoideth unnecessary 
expenses, much buying, riot, borrowing, lending, 
superfluous buildings, and the like : yet can spend, 
in a moderate way, as occasion shall require, [as, That Groat 
is well spent ! that saveth a Shilling. 

Many years since, a very aged Gentleman having bought wares 
of a citizen in London ; the master sends a young boy, his appren- 
tice, to carry the goods with the said party. 

The old Gentleman gave the boy a single Penny, saying, ** J 
give thee but this small piece of money ; but I will give thee good 
counsel ! That when thy master's more liberal customers have 
given thee, to the value of One Shilling, then spend but One 
Penny! and when it increaseth to Two Shillings, spend Two pence! 
and keep the money, spending this sparingly, and thou mayest be 
a rich man, many years after my death I " 

The boy observing this nde, did " make his penny " with 
diligence and a small portion, up to thousands of pounds. 1667. ] 

It is a virtue very nearly allied to Liberality, and hath the 
same extremes. For as Liberality is opposite to Covetous- 
ness, so Frugality is more opposite to Profuseness or Prodi- 
gality. [For he that liveth not well one year, sorroweth for it 
seven years after. 1667.] 

This virtue is the Fountain or Springhead of Beneficence 
and Liberality : for none can be bountiful except they be 
parsimonious and thrifty. Bonus S erv alius facit bonum Boni- 
facium, is an old Monkish, but true, proverb. Quod cessat 
reditu ex frugalitate suppletur, ex quo velutfonte liber alitas nostra 
decurrit, quce ita tamen temperanda est, ne nimia profusione 
inarescat, saith Seneca. [That which becometh defecteth in our 
revenues is to be stipplied by Thrift : from whence, as from a foun- 
tain, our Liberality floweth; which, notwithstanding, is so to 
be moderated that it grow not dry by too much profuseness. 

It avoideth the ambitious buildings, pomps, shows, Court 

"■^^^'^64^.] Examples of Extravagance and Avarice. 387 

maskings, with excessive feasts and entertainments. As 
Mark Antony spent, at one supper, a thousand For the 
wild boars. Heliogabalus had served him up at ifo°dinners*'^ 
a supper likewise, six hundred heads of ostriches, ^hkh^ere' 
ViTELLius, at one feast, had two thousand fishes, ^^out three of 
and mostly of several kinds; besides seven thou- the^°emS)n 
sand fowls. 

Many such like feasts have been made by the Roman 
Emperors ; and some so excessive, that an infinite quantity 
of bread, meat, and other good victuals, all sorts of people 
being satisfied, hath been thrown into the river of Tiber. 

Again, on the other side, there are miserable Euclios and 
base penurious slaves to be found in all parts ; yea, in every 
town of the kingdom. As one at Priors Thorney, near to 
Swaffham in Norfolk, made his man pay a penny out of his 
wages for a rope he [? the servant] cut [down], when he [? the 
master] was hanging of himself in his barn. 

Another, in the Spring time, because [in order that] the 
market should not thrive by him, would make boys climb 
trees and search steeples, for all the crows and daws they 
could find : which he lived upon, while they lasted, to save 
other victuals. 

Now there is an aurapKeta, or a Self-contented Sufficiency, 
which is most pleasing and agreeable to the nature of many 
men. As Phocion, when Alexander had sent him a gift of 
a hundred talents of gold : he sent it back with [Shewing he 
this message, that " he needed not Alexander's tlban hftl^at 
money." eTrcSel^a^ TrXovatcorepov rov 8cS6vro<; gaveit. 1664.] 
ToaavTa, &c. [Thou hast shewed thyself a richer man than the 
owner himself! 1664] be the words of Plutarch. 

T/ie derivation of the word Penny ^ and of the value 
and worth thereof. 

|Ur English Penny consists of four Farthings. And 
a Farthing is so called from the old Saxon or High 
Dutch [German] Bin viert ding, that is, a fourth 
thing : because from the Saxons' time until Edward 
III., the Penny of this land had a cross struck so deep in the 

388 Etymology of the word Penny, ["• ^j'^^'^g^"?; 

midst thereof, that you might break out any part of the four, 
to buy what you thought good withal ; which was, in those 
times, their Farthing. 

The word Penny is so called, airo rrj^ irevia^, that is, 
Poverty ; because, for the most part, poor people are here- 
with relieved. The old Saxon called it Penig, the High 
Dutch Pfennig, the Netherlanders Penninck, in Italian 
Denaro, in Spanish Dinero, in Latin Denarius, which some 
fetch from the Chaldean Denar, but somebody hath taught 
the Chaldean to speak Latin. It is indeed derived a numero 
denario, because decern asses made a Penny ; or, according to 
Plutarch, a decent cereis, koX to ZeKayaXKov iKaXelro Srjvdpcov. 
[Ten small pieces of brass were called a Penny. 1664.] 

In the British or Welsh, it is Keniog from being current, 
because it goes away faster than other money : as Scavernog 
is Welsh for a hare, because she runs over the mountains 
faster than an ordinary runner in Wales can overtake 01 
catch her ; as my honest friend Master Owen Morgan, that 
country-man once, in good earnest, told me. 

There are as many kind of Pence, as there are several 
countries or nations. Our English penny is a Scotch shilling. 

In the time of King Edward I. our English Penny being 
round and undipped, was to weigh thirty grains of wheat 
taken out of the midst of the ear. Twenty of these grains 
made an ounce, and twelve [of these] ounces made a pound. 

There were also golden pence, as we may find in Didymus 
Claudius de analogia Romanorum. In a word, I might dis- 
course ad infinitum, of the variety of Pence, as well for 
the form and stamp as weight and value ; though I sought 
no further than among those of our Saxon kings, but it were 
needless. I will only content myself with our ordinary 
Penny, and stay the reader a while upon the not unpleasant 
consideration of the simple worth of a single Penny ; reflect- 
ing or looking back, as oft as I can (and as Pliny adviseth), 
upon my Title, 

H. Peacham."] 

^t^'^^TiJ T^^ WORTH OF A Penny in 1641. 389 

TAe simple worth of a single Penny. 

Penny bestowed in charity upon a poor body shall 
not want a heavenly reward. 

For a Penny, you may, in the Low Countries, in 
any market, buy eight several commodities ; as nuts, 
vinegar, grapes, a little cake, onions, oatmeal, and the like. 

A Penny bestowed in a small quantity of aniseed, aqua, 
vitce, or the like strong water, may save one's life in a fainting 
or swoon. 

[At the Apothecaries, you may buy a pennyworth of any of these 
things following, viz., Lozenges for a cold or cough; Juice of 
Liquorish [liquorice], or Liquorish; a Diachilon plaster for an 
issue ; Paracelsus, Oil of Roses, Oil of St. John's Wort, a penny- 
worth of each is good for a sprain ; Synip-lettuce, to make one 
sleep; Jallop, to give a purge ; Mithridate, to make you sweat if 
you have taken cold, or good to expel and prevent infection ; 
Diascordium Diacodium, if you ca?tnot sleep. 1667. J 

For a Penny, you may hear a most eloquent oration upon 
our English Kings and Queens, if, keeping your hands off, 
you will seriously listen to David Owen, who keeps the 
Monuments at Westminster [i.e., the Abbey]. 

Some, for want of a Penny [for a ferry or boat across the 
Thames], have been constrained to go from Westminster, 
about by London Bridge to Lambeth ; and might say truly, 
Defessi sumus abulando. 

You may have in Cheapside, your Penny tripled in the 
same kind : for you shall have Penny Grass, Penny Wort, 
and Penny Royal for your Penny. 

For a Penny, you may see any Monster, Jacknapes; or 
those roaring boys, the Lions. 

For a Penny, you may have all the news in England and 
other countries, of murders, floods, witches, fires, tempests, 
and what not, in one of Martin Parker's Ballads [in the 
weekly News books. 1664], 

For a Penny, you may have your horse rubbed and walked, 
after a long journey ; and [it] being at grass, there are some 
that will breathe [exercise] him for nothing. 

For a Penny, you may buy a fair cucumber ; but not a 
breast of mutton! except it be multiplied [maggoty]. 

390 The worth of a Penny in 1641. [ 

H. Peach a:T- 

For a Penny, you may buy Time, which is precious ; yea, 
and Thrift too, if you be a bad husband. 

For a Penny, a hostess or an hostler [innkeeper] may buy 
as much chalk as will score up £^0 or ^40 [= £120 or ;;^i6o 
now] ; but how to come by their money, that let them look to ! 

For a Penny, you may have your dog wormed [aired of 
worms], and so be kept from running mad. 

For a Penny [doubled. 1664] , a drunkard may be guarded 
to his lodging, if his head be light and the evening dark. 

For a Penny, you shall tell what will happen a year hence, 
(which the Devil himself cannot do !) in some Almanack or 
other rude country. 

A hard-favoured and ill-bred wench made Penny white, 
may, as our Times are, prove a gallant Lady. 

For a Penny, you may be advanced to that height that 
you shall be above the best in the City ; yea, the Lord 
Mayor himself ! that is, to the top of Paul's. 

For a Penny, a miserable and covetous wretch that never 
did, nor never will, bestow a penny on a Doctor or Apothe- 
cary for their physic or advice, may provide a remedy for all 
diseases [viz., a halter. 1664]. 

[For a Penny ^ you may buy a dish of coffee (not yet sold in 
cups), to quicken your stomach and refresh your spirits. 1664.] 

For a Penny, you may buy the hardest book in the world, 
and which, at some time or other, has posed the greatest 
Clerks in the land, viz., a hornbook [the making up of which 
books employeth above thirty trades. 1664]. 

In so great esteem, in former times, have our English 
pence been, that they have been carried to Rome by cart 
loads [i.e., Peter's Pence]. 

For a Penny, you may search among the Rolls, and withal 
give the IVIaster good satisfaction. I mean, in a baker's basket. 

For a Penny, a chambermaid may buy as much red ochre 
as will serve, seven years, for the painting of her cheeks. 

For a Penny, the Monarch of a free school, may provide 
himself of so many arms, as will keep all his rebellious 
subjects in awe. 

For a Penny, you may walk within one of the fairest 
gardens in the City, and have a nosegay or two made you 
of what sweet flowers you please [to satisfy your sense of 
smelling. 1664] . 


"■^?^^''S-] The worth of a Penny in 1641. 391 

[And for a Penny, you may have that so useful at your trencher, 
as will season your meat to please your taste, a month. 1664.] 

For a Penny, you may buy as much wood of that tree, 
which is green all the year and beareth red berries, as will 
cure any shrew's tongue, if it be too long for her mouth [viz., 
a holly wand. 1664]. 

A Penny may save the credit of many. As it did of four or 
five young* scholars in Cambridge, who, going into * someof 
the town to break their fast with puddings, having [ivIJTgTif ^*' 
sent to their college for bread and beer, the hostess London, 
brought them twelve puddings, broiled ; and finding among 
themselves that they had but eleven pence, they were much 
troubled about the other penny, not having any book about 
them, to lay in pawn for it. 

Quoth one, bolder than the rest, " Atidaces fortuna juvat :" 
" Fortune favours the venturous ;" and biting off a piece of 
the pudding's end, by wonderful luck, spat out a single 
penny, that paid for it ; which, it seems, was buried in the 
oatmeal or spice. So for that time, they saved their credits. 

But I will leave this discourse of a Penny's worth to their 
judgements and experience, who, having been troubled with 
overmuch money, afterward, in no long time, have been fain, 
after "a long dinner with Duke Humphrey," to take a 
nap on *' penniless bench," only to verify the old proverb, 
** A fool and his money is soon parted." 

HBatyy Mh, 





How money may^ ma7iy ways^ be saved 

in diet^ apparel, recreation^ 

and the like* 

S THERE are infinite ways and occasions of 
spending and laying out money, which it 
were supei^fluous here to recount ; whereof 
some may be well omitted; but others 
not, except we would want meat, drink, 
and our apparel, with other external 
necessaries, as horses, armour, books, and 
the like ; in a word, whatsoever may con- 
duce to our profit or honest pleasure. Yet in husbanding 
our money in all these, there is a great deal of caution and 
discretion to be used. 

For most true it is, that of all nations in Europe, our 
English are the most profuse and careless in the way of 
expense. Go into other countries, especially Italy ! the 
greatest magnifico in Venice will think it no disgrace to his 
magnificenza to go to market, to choose and buy his own meat, 
what him best liketh : but we in England scorn to do either ; 
surfeiting indeed of our plenty, whereof other countries fall 
far short. Insomuch, as I am persuaded, that our City of 
London, of itself alone, eateth more good beef and mutton 
in one month, than all Spain, Italy, and a part of France, in 
a whole year. If we have a mind to dine at a tavern, we 
bespeak a dinner at all adventure ! never demanding or 
knowing the price thereof till it be eaten. After dinner, 
there is a certain sauce brought up by the Drawer, called a 
Reckoning, in a bill as long as a broker's inventory. 

H.Peacham.-| f jj E NECESSAKV USE OF TAVERNS. 393 

I have known, by experience, in some taverns, some- 
times of at least twice, and sometimes thrice, as iManythues 

' . ' more is drunk 

much as the meat and drcvssmg hath been worth ■wastejuUyin 
[is charged]. No question but a fair and honest '^ompeunt' '^ 
gain is to be allowed, in regard of house -rent, ^^ZZipay/or 
linen, attendance of servants, and the like. There two dinners 

' . , - , ' , with temper- 

are, without doubt, very many taverns very honest ance; and tiu 
and reasonable. And the use of them is neces- 1664""^"'^ ' 
sary. For if a man meets with his friend or acquaintance 
in the street, whither should they go, having no friend's 
house near to go into, especially in rainy or foul weather, 
but to a tavern ? where, for the expense of a pint or quart of 
wine, they may have a dry house and room, to confer with, 
and to write to any friends about business. 

But to have in a bill, 8s. [= 30s. now], brought up for an 
ordinary capon, as my Lord of Northampton's Gentleman 
had, at Greenwich, in King James his time ; 7s. or 9s. 
[= 25s. OY 305. now'] for a pair of soles; 4s. [= 15s. now] for 
a dozen of larks; would make a Florentine run out of his 
wits ! How excellently, in some houses, are their neats' 
tongues powdered, when the reckoning is brought you up ! 

Again, what can be more distasteful to an ingenious and 
free spirit, than to stand to the courtesy of a nimble-tongue 
Drawer, or his many-ringed Mistress, whether they or your- 
self shall have the disposing of your money ! It is no small 
sum that our Gallants might save in a year, if they would be 
wise in this respect. 

\hlcn commonly are very cautious in purchasing bargains oj 
great value^ as buying of houses, horses, or rich apparel, or any 
other commodity of the like nature ; but for small expenses, as a 
penny, or two pence at a time, that many daily lay out about 
trivial things, they are altogether regardless of : and, for the most 
part, those are most free in spending these small sums, who have 
nothing else to spend, when their wives and children are ready to 

Now, a frequent custom of these small expenses, in a short time, 
arise to a considerable sum. As is. [= 3s. now] a day spent, 
Cometh to £1^ 5s. 6d. in the year ; and id. a day to £1 10s. ^d. 
in the year. And a man of credit may take up, at interest, £2^, 
for id. a day, being the full use [interest] of that sum after the 
rate of Six per Cent. 1667.] 

394 The great temperance of Italians, &c. ["' ^^'''''leT?; 

Besides, in your own private house or chambers, a dish or 
{Moderation two, aud a good stomach for a sauce, shall give 
'andmore''"'^' you morc contcnt, continue your health, and keep 
'TbundaiueT'' ^^^^ body in better plight, than a variety of many 
1664.] dishes. This pleased ever the wisest and best men. 

Horace affirmeth him to live healthy and happy, cui 
splendet in mensa temie salinum, meaning by the small and 
poor salt cellar, a slender and frugal diet. 

CuRius, that noble Roman, a man of marvellous honesty, 
temperance, and valour, who overcame the Samnites and 
Pyrrhus himself; when the ambassadors of the Samnites 
brought him a huge sum of gold, they found him sitting by 
the fire, and seething of turnips for his dinner, with an 
earthen dish in his lap. At which time, he gave them this 
answer, " I had rather eat in this dish, and command over 
them that have gold ; than be rich myself." Awhile after, 
being accused for deceiving the State of money which he 
had gotten in his conquests and kept to himself; he took a 
solemn oath, that he saved no more of all he got, but that 
one treen or wooden barrel, which he had there by him. 

Marvellous was the temperance of the Romans in their 
diet ; as also of the Turks at this day, the Italians, and the 
Spaniards : but it is in them natural, not habitual ; and by 
VThe great conscqucncc, no virtue, as themselves would have it. 
M'gaiity of Pqj. tj^g inhabitants of hot countries have not their 

the Italians, , . . , , , , , . 

Spaniards, digcstion SO strong as those under cold climates ; 

and Turks, i ij*i ±- l • ± • j* 

1664.] whose bodies, by an anhpenstasis or surrounding 

\mariot, of of cold, have the natural heat repelled and 
Gray's Inn, as |^gp^ within thcm : which is the reason that the 

g reat an eater . ^ , 

as any of late Northem nations are, of all others, the greatest 
'somethnes'eat eatcrs aud drlnkcrs ; and of those, the French say 
(=9s'ori2^. 'w^ of England have the best stomachs and are 
no^)inm7itton thc grcatcst trcnchcrmen of the world. Les Anglais 
other faievieat sout Ics plus gvos jHaugeurs de tout le monde. But they 
]%'Lfisoufn are deceived; those of Denmark and Norway 
^feedin'^oH^'"' ^xcecd US, and the Russians, them. 
coarse meats, \ confess wc havc had, and yet have, some re- 

made 6d. or Zd. iii j l i r 

(= IS. 6d. markable eaters amongst us : who, tor a wager, 
7er'vekiv^at a would havc catcn with the best of them; as 
meal. 1664.] WoLMER of Wiudsor. And not long since. Wood 
of Kent eat up, at one dinner, fourteen green geese, equal 

^'^■^'"'^eTr'l Instances of remarkable Misers. 395 

to the old ones in bigness, with sauce of gooseberries: as I 
heard it affirmed to my Lord Richard, Earl of Dorset, at 
a dinner time, at his house at Knowle, in Kent, by one of 
his Gentlemen, who was an eye-witness of the same. 

But the truth is, that those men live the longest, and 
are commonly in perfect health, who content themselves 
with the least and simplest meat ; which not only saves 
the purse, but preserves the body : as we may see in Lan- 
cashire, Shropshire, Cheshire, Yorkshire, and other counties 
which are remote from the City. And it is Master ^quparr 
Camden's observation in his Britannia, Ut diutius nvingaboui 
vivant qiice vescuntur Lacticiniis, '* they commonly Vare^'Ju a>iy 
are long-lived, who live by white meats," as milk, ^"'''" ^^^^-^ 
butter, cheese, curds, and the like. 

For Multa fercula midtos morbos gignere* was *. That many 
truly said of St. Jerome, as being apt, by their man"diseLes. 
sundry and opposite qualities to breed much corruption. 
How healthful are scholars in our Universities, whose 
commons are no more than needs must ! 

Neither would I have any man starve himself to save his 
purse, as a usurer confessed upon his death-bed, how he was 
above £*200 [=£600 now] indebted to his belly for breakfasts, 
dinners, and suppers ; which he had defrauded it, in Term 
times at London, and in other places, employing his money 
to other miserable purposes. 

[Another rich usurer {who made it his custom, every Term to 
travel on foot, in ragged clothes, and who sometimes did beg of 
the thieves themselves) was so well knoivn that, at last, they took 
notice of him : and, examining his pockets, they found little store 
of gold ; but a great black pudding, in one end whereof his gold 
was. The usurer, pleading hunger, desired the thieves, for GOD's 
sake ! to give him half of it back again : which granted, and the 
usurer finding it to be the wrong end; he desired them to give 
some of the fat in the other end, to his lean. *' No, you rogiu ! " 
said the thieves, " yott have had your cut already ! you shall not 
have a crumb more ! " 1664.] 

Money may be well saved in travel, or in town, if three or 
four shall join their purses ; and provide their diet at the 
best hand. It is no shame so to do. 

I have known also some who have been very skilful in 
dressing their own diet. Homer tells us, that Achilles 


? 1641. 


could play the cook excellently well. And I believe it were 
not amiss for our English travellers so to do, in foreign 
countries : for many reasons I have known. 

And execrable is the miser-able and base humour of many, 
who, to save their money, will live upon vile and loathsome 
[A mher-abie thlngs, as mushrooms, snails, frogs, mice, young 
kitlings, and the like. 

In time of extreme dearth or famine, people, I 
confess, have been driven to look out for whatso- 
ever could nourish, and, as we say, " keep life and 
soul together " : yea, and of far worse things than 
these, as Josephus reporteth of the Jews, in that 
horrible and fearful famine in Jerusalem at the time 
of the siege by Titus and Vespasian. Such we 
blame not ! 

Most blameworthy are they who, as it were 
surfeiting of, or loathing that abundant plenty of 
%"finfhehad. all good aud wholesome meats GOD hath afforded 
Zinter\he ^^ ^^ ^^^^ land, and which GOD, by name hath com- 
bejiejito/a_ mcudcd to His people, make this stuff their greatest 
fire, an tn (jaiutics : as I have known Ladies who, when 
they have eaten till they could eat no more of 
all the daintiest dishes at the table : yet they must 
eat the legs of their larks roasted anew in a greasy tallow 
candle ; and if they carved but a piece of a burnt claw 
to any Gentleman at the table, he must take it as an extra- 
ordinary favour from her Ladyship. It were much to be 
wished that they were bound to hold them to their diet, 
in a dear year, or a wet spring ! when frogs and snails may 
be had in greatest abundance. 

Of thrift and good husbandry in Apparel. 

Ou must, if you would keep money in your purse to 

uphold your credit, at all times be frugal and thrifty 

also in your apparel : not dogging the Fashion, or 

setting your tailor a work at the sight of every 

Monsieur's new suit. 

There is a middle, plain, and decent garb, which is best 
and most to be commended. This is commonly affected of 
the most staid and wisest. 

usurer, many 
days together, 
at a Cook's in 
London, did 
agree to have 
a large mess of 
pottage, about 
noon, a 
draught of 
small beer, if 
required; and 
as many 
chippings of 
bread in his 
pottage as he 
•would put in : 
paying One 
Penny (= yl. 
now) a day 

the summer, a 
further alloT.u- 
ance for small 
beer. 1664.] 

H.Peachain.-| 'pj^g ENGLISH ARE THE ApES OF EuROPE. 397 

[/ have observed that this year 1667, many that had lost 
thousands by the late dreadful Fire, both men and wo7nen that have 
worn the best of clothing, said that " they woidd wear over their 
old clothes again, by altering of them in a plain way." Thousands 
now have estates [fortunes] to repair, and therefore must not de- 
spise small things. It is good to abridge or take away petty charges ; 
and to stoop to petty gettings. Also, a man ought to avoid all 
charge begun, that will continue. 1667.] 

What money might be saved, if we were so wise as the 
Dutch or Spaniards, who, for these two or three hundred years, 
have kept themselves to one fashion : but we, the {T/iecom- 
Apes of Europe, like Proteus, must change our T^tomf/the 
shapes every year ! nay quarter ! month ! and spam-ardUn 
week ! as well in our doublets, hose, cloaks, hats, thsh-apparei. 

Ioo4 1 ' 

bands, boots, and what not ? 

That emblem was not improper which I saw at Antwerp, 
where was a he-fool and a she-fool turning a double- 
rimmed wheel upon one axle tree, one on the one side, 
and the other on the other. Upon the he-fool's wheel 
were the several fashions of men's apparel ; on the other 
wheel, of women's : which, with the revolution of time, went 
round, and came into the same place, use, and request again ; 
as for the present aloft and followed of all, by and by, was 
cast down and despised. 

I see no reason why a Frenchman should not imitate our 
English fashion, as we do his. What! have the French 
more wit than we in fitting clothes to the body, or a better 
invention or way in saving money, or making of apparel ? 
Surely, I think not. It may be our English, when they had 
to do in France, got a humour of affecting their fashions, 
which they could not shake off since. 

There is no man ever the warmer, or ever the wiser for a 
fashion, so far forth as it is a fashion : but rather the 
contrary, a fool ! for needless expense, and suffering himself 
to quake for cold ; when his clothes in the fashion must be 
cut to the skin, his hat hardly cover his crown, but stand 
upon his periwig like an extinguisher. And we know by 
ridiculous experience, every day in the street, that our ladies 
and waiting-women will starve and shiver in the hardest 
frost, rather than they will suffer their bare necks and breasts 
to pass your eyes unviewed. 


398 Greatest Princes often dress plainest. ["■■^"*|^. 

But some will say, as I have heard many, there is no man 
nowadays esteemed, that follows not the fashion. Be it 
so. The fashion of these Times is very fit to be observed 1 
which is, to be deeply indebted to mercers, haberdashers, 
sempsters, tailors, and other trades, for the fulfilling of a 
fashionable humour: which a thrifty and wise man avoideth, 
accommodating himself with apparel fair and seemly, for half 
or a third of others' charge. 

What makes so many of our city tailors arise to so great 
estates, as some of them have ; and to build so brave houses, 
but the fashion ? silkmen and mercers to buy such goodly 
Lordships in the countries [counties] , where (many times) 
they are chosen High Sheriffs, but the fashion ? 

And I would fain know of any of our prime fashion- 
mongers, what use there is of laced bands of £6, £y, and 
£8 [=5^18, ;^2i, £24. now] the band ? nay, of £"40 or £"50 the 
band ? such daubing of cloaks and doublets, with gold and 
silver points, of £'^ and £8 [=£15 and £z\ now] the dozen, 
to dangle uselessly at the knees ? 

Philopcemen, a brave Commander among the Grecians, 
inPHiLOPCE- as Plutarch reporteth, commanded that all the 
MEN. gold and silver which he had taken away from his 

enemies, which was a very great quantity, should be em- 
ployed in gilding and inlaying of swords, saddles, bridles, 
all warlike furniture both for his men and horses. *' For 
gold and silver worn by martial men addeth," saith 
Plutarch, " courage and spirit unto them ; but in others, 
effeminacy or a kind of womanish vanity." 

Moderata durante [Things that are moderate, endure. 1664] ; 
mediocra firma [Things of mediocrity are firm. 1664. {Lord 
Bacon)], were the mottoes of two as grave and great 
Councillors as were, of their Times, in England. 

A Gentleman in a plain cloth suit, well made, may appear 
in the presence of the greatest Prince. The Venetians, as 
wise a people and State as any other in Europe, are bound 
by the laws of their Common wealth, that their upper gar- 
ment, worn within the city, should ever be of plain black. 

Yea, the greatest Princes go, many times, the plainest in 
their apparel. Charles the Fifth, Emperor, the Bulwark 
and Moderator of Christendom, in his time, went very plain ; 
seldom or never wearing any gold or silver, save his Order of 
the Golden Fleece about his neck. 

^'^r^^e^i'^ Scholars often regardless of dress. 399 

Henry IV., King of France, worthily styled the Ninth 
Worthy, many times, in the heat of summer, would only go 
in a suit of buckram cut upon white canvas, or the like : 
so little they, who had the Kernel of wisdom and magna- 
nimity, cared for the Shell of gaudy apparel. 

And it is worthy the observation how, for the ^P/f'^i"^ 

. •' ' . Scholars have 

most part, the rarest and most excellent men m teen tfu; 
inward knowledge and multiplicity of learning, %7ns["idThey 
have been most negligent and careless in their ^loYenoOis'-^ 
apparel ; and, as we say, slovens. Erasmus saith credit to the,n. 
of Sir Thomas More, Quod a puero semper in j^^^^ 
vestitu fuit negligentissimus, "that from a child, he Epistoiarum. 
was ever most careless and slovenly in his apparel." Para- 
celsus we read to have been the like : and, to parallel him, 
our late Master Butler of Cambridge [died 1618], that 
learned and excellent Physician. 

[Of Scholars and Wits, in all Ages, both poets and others, some 
there have been who, of force, and against their own will, have 
been forced to keep an old fashion. 

I remember that an old Poet, of excellent parts for learning and 
pleasant discourse, did, many years since, tell me. A Gentleman 
of great estate in Derbyshire, desiring his company into the 
country with him, it being in the Long Vacation in summer 
time, when great breeches had been [were] much in fashion, with 
baggings out at the knees, taking up much cloth, and a great 
store of linings. This scholar being at present very low in his 
fortunes, had worn very long and threadbare, a suit of this 
fashion till Ms linings being so broken that he was fain, every 
night, when he put them off, to be a long time putting them in 
order, that he might find the way to put them on, in the morning. 

But in the morning, the Gentleman coming into the room, and 
taking up his breeches, threw them upon his bed, saying, " He was 
a slugger -bed I " 

" 0, Sir," said the scholar, "you have undone me ! for I was 
a great while setting my breeches the last night ; and now I shall 
not know how to get my legs into them ,'" 

The Gentleman fell into a laughter, and sent for a tailor to 
make him a new suit. 

This is as near the story as I can remember ; according to the 
scholar's own relation, about 1625. 1669.] 

There is much money to be saved in apparel, in choice of 


400 Godfrey Colton, the Cambridge tailor. ["• ^^^^"^^^ 

stuff for lasting and expense : and that you may not be de- 
ceived in the stuff or price, take the advice of some honest tailor, 
your friend ; as, no question, but everywhere there are many. 

I will instance one. In Cambridge, there dwelt, some 
twenty or thirty years ago [about 1620], one Godfrey 
Colton ; who was, by trade, a tailor : but a merry com- 
panion with his tabour and pipe, and for singing of all manner 
of Northern Songs before Nobles and Gentlemen, who much 
delighted in his company ; besides, he was Lord of Stour- 
bridge Fair and all the misorders there. 

On a time, an old Doctor of the University brought unto 
him five yards of pure fine scarlet, to make him a Doctor of 
Divinity's gown : and withal, desired him to save him the 
least shred, to mend a hole if a moth should eat it. 

Godfrey having measured it, and found there was enough, 
laid it by. 

"Nay," quoth the Doctor, "let me see it cut ere I go ! for 
though you can play the knave abroad, I think you are honest 
at home and at your work." 

" GOD forbid else 1 " quoth Godfrey, " and that you.shall 
find by me ! For give me but 20s. from you, and I will save 
you 40s. in the making of your gown." 

" That I will ! " said the Doctor, who was miser-able 
enough, " with all mine heart ! " 

With that, he gave him two old Harry Angels out of his 
velvet pouch : which Godfrey having put into his pocket, 
the Doctor desired him to tell him how he should savehim 40s. 

" Marry 1 will I," quoth Godfrey, " in good faith. Sir. 
Let some other tailor, in any case, make it ! For if I take 
it in hand, I shall utterly spoil it ! for I never, in all my life, 
made any of this fashion ! " 

I report this, for the credit of honest tailors ; who will ever 
tell their friends the truth. 

Of Recreations. 

F recreations, some are more expensive than others, 

as requiring more address and charge [outlay] ; as 

Fittings, Masques, Plays, and the like : which are 

^ proper to Princes' Courts. 

But I speak of those which are proper [appropriate] to private 

H. Peacham.-J £ jj (-, L I S H RECREATIONS IN 1641.401 

men. For such is our nature, that we cannot stand long 
bent ; but we must have our relaxations as well of mind, as oi 

For of Recreations, some are proper to the mind and 
speculation, as reading of delightful and pleasant books, the 
knowledge of the mathematical and other contemplative 
sciences ; which are the more pleasing and excellent, by how 
much the pleasure of the Mind excelleth that of the Body. 

Others belong to the body, as walking, riding upon pleasure, 
shooting, hunting, hawking, bowling, ringing, Paille Maille 
[Note the occurrence of this name 18 years before the Restoration, 
when Charles II. brought it into fashion], and the like; which 
are recreations without doors : others are within doors, as 
chess, tables, cards, dice, billiards, gioco d'oco, and the like. 

But the truth is, the most pleasing of all, is riding with 
a good horse and a good companion, in the spring \,That ncrea. 
or summer season, into the country, when the bios- ^IZltfuasant. 
soms are on the trees and flowers in the fields ; or ^^^^-^ 
when corn and fruit are ripe in autumn. What sweet and 
goodly prospects shall you have, on both sides of you, upon 
the way ! delicate green fields ! low meadows ! diversity of 
crystal streams ! woody hills ! parks with deer ! hedgerows ! 
orchards ! fruit trees ! churches ! villages ! the houses of 
gentlemen and husbandmen ! several habits [different clothes] 
and faces ! variety of country labours and exercises I 

And if you happen, as often it falleth out, to converse with 
countrymen of the place ; you shall find them, for the most 
part, understanding enough to give you satisfaction: and some- 
times country maids and market wenches will give as unhappy 
answers as they be asked knavish and uncivil questions. 

Others there be, who, out of their rustical simplicity, will 
afford you matter of mirth, if you stay to talk with them. I 
remember, once, by Horncastle, near to Stikeswold, in Lin- 
colnshire, in the heat of summer, I met with a swineherd 
keeping his hogs on a fallow field. 

" My friend," quoth I, " you keep here a company of unruly 
cattle ! " 

" I [Ay], poor souls, they are indeed," quoth he. 

" I believe," said I, "they have a language among them- 
selves, and can understand one another." 

" I, as well as you or I." 

2C ^ 

402 Recreation should re-create a man. ["' ^^'"'I'e^'?: 

•' Were they ever taught ? " 

" Alas, poor things, they know not one letter of the book ! 
I teach them all they have." 

" Why, what saith that great hog with red spots," quoth 
I, "that lies under another, in his grunting language ? " 

" Marry, he bids him that sleeps so heavy upon him, to lie 
farther off." 

But to our purpose. The most ordinary recreations in the 
country are foot-ball, skales or nine-pins, shooting at butts ; 
quoits, bowling, running at the base, stoolball, leaping, and 
the like : whereof some are too violent and dangerous. 

The safest recreations are within doors, but not in regard 
of cost and expense ; for thousands sometimes are lost at 
Ordinaries and Dicing-houses. Yea, I have known goodly 
Lordships to have been lost at a cast ! and. for the sport of one 
night, some have made themselves beggars all their lives after. 

Recreation is so called a recreando, that is, by a metaphor, 
from creating a Man anew, by putting life, spirit, and delight 
into him, after the powers of his mind and body have been 
decayed and weakened with over much contemplation, study, 
and labour : and therefore to be used only to that end. 

Some go for recreations which trouble and amuse the 
mind as much or more than the hardest study ; as chess, 
inBasiiicon which King James called therefore "over philo- 
doron. sophical a folly." 

And, indeed, such recreations should be so used that leave 
no sting of repentance for sin committed by them, or grief and 
sorrow, for loss of money and time, many days after. 

I could instance many of that nature, but I will only givt 
Excellent rules some cxcelleut rules to be observed in some of 

for recreation. .1 

1664.] them. 

If you have a mind to recreate yourself by Play, never 
adventure but a Third part of that money you have ! 
Let those you play withal, be of your acquaintance, and 
not strangers ; if you may avoid it. 

Never miss Time yourself, by sitting long at Play, as 
some will do three or four nights together ; and so make 
yourself unfit for any business in many days after. 

Never play until you be constrained to borrow, or 
pawn anything of your own ; which becometh a base 
groom better than a Gentleman. 

"■ ^^^''i64'^.'] Ways to get a living in 1641. 403 

Avoid quarrelling, blasphemous swearing ; and, in a 

word, never play for more than you are willing to lose, 

that you may find yourself, after your pastime, not the 

worse, but the better : which is the end of all recreations. 

There are some, I know, so base and penurious, who, for 

fear of losing a penny, will never play at anything: yet, 

rather than they should want their recreation, I would wish 

them to venture at Span-counter and Dust-point, with 

schoolboys, upon their ordinary play days, in a market-place 

or Church porch ! 

Of such Jionest zvays that men in wajit may 
take to live and get money. 

F A man hath fallen into poverty or distress, either 
by death of friends, some accident or other \a proper 
by sea or land, sickness, or the like ; let ^bTg"ingofa 
him not despair ! iorpaupertas non est vituim. ^H^"2V- "* 
And since the Common wealth is like unto a the Gentleman 
human Body, consisting of many members so use- '^tfd'him ""ft 
ful, each to either, as one cannot subsist without "'^'"««^'^" 

' .' . , , youth ana 

the other; as a Pnnce, his Council and Statesmen, tunbs 7mght be 
are as the Head; the Arms, are men-at-arms; the VegT'^where- 
Backthe commonality; Hands and Feet are country ^teg^arlaid, 
and mechanic trades, &c. : so, GOD hath ordained 'L^,%YeT unth 
that all men should have need one of another, that atad duease, 
none might live idly or want employment. Where- ^Z'^d^Lmedr 
fore Idleness as the bane of a Common wealth, The Centu- 

tnan giving 

hath a curse attending upon it ; it should be him 2d. (=6d. 
clothed with rags ! it should beg its bread ! &c. Hding/or- 

I remember I have read in an Italian history, of ZtanlTckto^ 
one so idle, that he was fain to have one to help ^^^-^/J^^'"* 
him to stir his chops, when he should eat his meat. ««j?" The 

Now, if you would ask me. What course he \ftMhi{n'but 
should take, or what he should do that wanteth ^'J//^^"'" 
money ? let him first bethink himself to what cudgeiud, lu 
profession or trade of life he hath been formerly ser-^ing-man 
brought up? _ lXtf"£-, 

If of the inferior rank of people, as a tradesman j'J'^'^^'^ 
[mechanic] or artificer; for those are the persons some»,en 
most concerned in this general complaint. Teet.]'"'^' 

404 Loss OF TIME IN COFFEE-HOUSES IN 1 676. ["' ^^^"jg^^. 

First, let them be diligent and industrious in their 
several trades and callings. 

Secondly, let them avoid all such idle society that 
squandered away a great deal of time at a cheap rate. 

[/ shall instance, in those sober and civil Conventions as at 
coffee-houses and clubs, where little Money is pretended to be 
spent, but a great deal of precious Time is lost : which the 
person never thinks of, but measures his expenses by what goes 
out of his pocket ; nor considers what he might have put in 
by his labour, and what he might have saved, being employed 
in a shop for example. 

A mechanic tradesman, it may be, goes to the coffee-house 
or ale-house, in the morning, to drink his morning's draught; 
where he spends twopence, and in smoking and talkijtg con- 
sumes at least an hour : in the evening, about six o'clock, he 
goes to his twopenny Club, and there stays for his twopence 
till nine or ten. Here are fourpence spent ; and four hours 
at least lost, which in most mechanic trades, cannot be 
reckoned at less than a shilling : and, if he keep servants, 
they may lose him nearly as much by idling and spoiling his 
goods, which his presence might have prevented. So that, 
upon these considerations, for this, his supposed Groat a day's 
expenses, he cannot reckon less than seven groats : which 
comes to 14s. [=425. now] a week, Sundays excepted ; this is 
£^d IDS. a year [=;£'io9 los. now], a great deal of money in 
a poor tradesman's pocket. 1676.] 
If brought up to no trade, to what his genius or natural 
disposition stands most affected unto. 

If he hath a mind to travel, he shall find entertain- 
\Thetimesin mcnt iu the Netherlands; who are the best 

Tohard"asto paymastcrs ; except the Emperor of Russia, 

deny hidnstry ^nd thc Venetians (I mean, for the most 

and Ingenuity . ' ' 

a livelihood. mcans) m Europe. 

mayiive'by If you list uot to follow thc wars, you may 

liis'swfrd,^ find entertainment among our new Planta- 

theSchohirby tions iu America I as New England, Virginia, 

the exercise of . " i 

his Pen: and thc Barbadocs, St. Christopher's, and the rest : 

*'mit'oThc!f' where with a great deal of delight, you may have 

Z'^eruandeth Variety of honest employment, as fishing with 

not. 1664.] the net or hook, planting, gardening, and the 

like ; which, besides your maintenance, you shall find it 

H. p«acham.-| Get, and keep a friend! 405 

a great content to your conscience to be in action, which 
GOD commands us all to be! vrherehno 

If you have been ever in Grammar School, *to"ke"want\f 
you may everywhere find children to teach ; '^uHZ'man 
so many, no doubt, as will keep you from "/"'nunuw/ui 

, . •" J-, 1 • /-T^i , and forbidden 

starvmg, and it ma}' be m a Gentleman s actions; and, 
house. Or if you get entertainment of any sfrlptdo, 
who followeth the Law or practiseth Physic ; %%1'f^^ij^ 
you may, with diligence and practice, prove a Mm an inch 
Clerk to himself or some Justice of the Peace. /'«^"/4. i664.] 
By the other, you may get the knowledge and nature of 
herbs and all foreign drugs from his apothecary ; and 
perhaps many good receipts for agues, wounds, and the 
like. I have known many, this way, to have proved in 
a country town, tolerable physicians, and have grown 
If being born a Gentleman, you scorn, as our Gentlemen do, 
to do any of these; you may get to be a Gentleman 
Usher to some Lady or other. They are not few that 
have thrived passing well this way. 
And, in a word, rather than be in miserable and pitiless 
want, let a man undertake any vocation and labour ! always 
remembering that homely, but true, distich of old Tusser's, 

Think no labour slavery, 
That brings in Penny saverly! 

And as a necessary rule hereto coincident, let every man 
endeavour, by a dutiful diligence, to get a friend ! and when 
he hath found him (neither are they so easily found in these 
days!) with an equal care to keep him 1 and to use him, as one 
would do a crystal or Venice glass, to take him up softly and 
use him tenderly; or as you would a sword of excellent 
temper and mettle, not to hack at every gate or cut every 
staple and post therewith, but to keep him to defend you in 
your extremest danger. 

False and seeming friends are infinite. Such be our 
ordinary acquaintance, with the compliment, " Glad to see 
you well I " " How have you done, this long time ? " &c. : 
and with these, we meet every day. 

In a word, for a conclusion, let every one be careful to get 

4o6 " We will want money, for no man ! " ["• 

? 1641. 

and keep money. Know the worth of a Penny ! [There is 
no companion like a Penny ! Be a good husband ! and thou 
wilt soon get a penny to spend, a penny to lend, and a penny for 
thy friend. 1667.] 

And since we are born, we must live. Vivons nous ! Let 

us live as well, as merrily, as we can, in these hardest 

Times 1 and say, every one of us, as Sir Roger Williams, 

that brave soldier, said to Queen Elizabeth, when he 

wanted pay for himself and his soldiers, " Madam, 

I tell you true ! we will be without money for 

no man's pleasure ! " 





Proceedings in the Draining of the 



Extending into the Counties of 

'Northampton^ Lincoln^ Norfolk^ Suffolk^ 

Cambridge, and Huntingdon; and the 


From the time of Queen ELIZABETH, 
until this present MAT, 1661. 

For the htformation of all concerned. 

BY N. N. 


Printed by A. W. for the use of the Author, 1 66i 



A Narrative of all the proceedings in the 
Draining of the Great Level^ &^c. 

N the 43rd year of Queen Elizabeth — an Act 
was made to encourage any that 43-£'^'2- 
would undertake the draining of the said Great 
Level : which was attempted in several parts ; 
by Carril for the draining of Thorn ey, by 
Cocking and others for Londoners' Fens — 
which were both gained, and lost again. 

In the third year of King James — the whole 
was attempted to be drained by Sir John Popham Knight, 
Chief Justice ; Sir Thomas Fleming, Chief Baron ; 3 y'^. 
Sir William Rumney, Knight and Alderman of London ; 
and John Eldred citizen of London ; who were to have had 
for their recompense 130,000 acres : who did proceed, but 
could not effect that work. 

In the i6th year of King James — Sir William Ayloffe 
Knight and Anthony Thomas Esquire became ^e 7^- 
Undertakers to drain the said Level, and were to have had 
two thirds of some, and one half of other grounds for their 
recompense : but this draining was without success. 

Afterwards — King James himself, by a Law of Sewers 
was declared Undertaker for the draining the Cambridge 
whole ; and was to have had for his recompense ^o'Feb. 
120,000 acres: but this attempt likewise failed. 19 y<^- 
In the 6th year of King Charles the First (of blessed 

4IO The Indenture of 27x11 February 1632. [May'iee.. 

memory) — the Commissioners of Sewers for the said Great 
Sept. 6. Level and parts adjacent; did agree with Sir 

c^""- '• Cornelius Vermuyden to undertake the draining 

the said Level ; who was to have had for his recompense 
95,000 acres : but nothing was done ; in respect of his being 
an alien. 

After in the said 6th year of King Charles — the then 
Commissioners of Sewers for the said Great Level and parts 
Jan. 6. adjacent; did make it their request to Francis, 

Car. I. then Earl of Bedford to undertake the said work: 

who was to have for his recompense 95,000 acres ; whereof 
the said King was to have 12,000 acres for his Royal assent 
to that law, and concurrence to an Act of Parliament. 

In pursuance whereof, the said Earl undertook this great 
and hazardous work : and for his assistance therein, and by 
an Indenture consisting of fourteen parts; Dated 27 February 
[1632] 7 Car. 1^ he took in divers Adventurers and Par- 
ticipants with him ; who adventured for these several shares 
following, viz. 

The said Francis, Earl of Bedford ; for three whole 
shares or lots, of 4,000 acres to each lot. 

Oliver, Earl of Bolingbroke; for one lot, of 4,000 

Edward, Lord Gorges ; for one. 

Sir Robert Heath Knight, for one. 

Sir Miles Sandys Knight and Baronet, for two. 

Sir William Russell Knight and Baronet, for two. 

Sir Robert Bevill Knight, for one. 

Sir Thomas Terringham Knight, for two. 

Sir Philibert Pernatt, for one. 

William Sams, Doctor at Law, for one. 

Anthony Hamond Esq., for two. 

Samuel Spalding Gent., for one. 

Andrew Burwell Gent., for one. 

Sir Robert Lovet Knight, for one. 

In all twenty lots, each of 4,000 acres, divided between the 
said fourteen parties. 

May'i66i.] ThE GrEAT LeVEL FIRST DRAINED IN 1 636. 4 II 

In and by which said Indenture, amongst other things, it 
is agreed as foUoweth. 

That if any one of the aforesaid parties or their assigns, 
after notice, should fail in the payment of such money as 
from time to time should he imposed on them in pursuance 
of the said Indenture for the carrying on the said work ; 
that then it should be lawful to and for the rest of the said 
parties or their assigns to supply the same, or to admit 
some other person or persons to have the share of such 
defaulture, paying the sum [then] imposed on the said 
share : and that all such parties as aforesaid by himself 
or his assigns so failing; shall be wholly excluded and for 
ever debarred from demanding or receiving all or any 
such sum or sums of money, as any such person or persons 
had formerly disbursed for and towards the said work. 
After the executing of the said fourteen-part Indenture ; 
divers of those Participants did assign and conveyed unto 
other persons several proportions of their Shares and Ad- 
ventures, by them undertaken by the said Indenture. 

By virtue of this Agreement, the said Adventurers and 
their assigns proceeded so far in this hazardous adventure ; 
that after an expense of 5^100,000 therein, it was ^^car. 
[in 1636] adjudged drained, at Peterborough. 

And in October [1637], in the 13th year of the said King 
Charles — by a Law of Sewers made at Saint Ives, 13 Car. 
the said 95,000 acres were set out by description and 
boundaries therein mentioned: where and how this 95,000 
acres should be taken out of each parish or landowner's land 
in the whole Level ; according to which setting forth, the 
whole 95,000 was thus divided and allotted. 

First, 12,000 acres thereof, for the said late King 

And 80,000 acres thereof, were divided into twenty lots, 
each lot containing 4,000 acres ; which were divided 
amongst the aforesaid parties to the fourteen-part 
Deed and their assigns, as aforesaid. 
And 3,000 acres did remain to be disposed of at the 
pleasure of the Adventurers. 

412 The Level again drowned in 1641. [May*i66i. 

In pursuance of this Law, a great part of the 95,000 acres 
was divided from the country : and some of the said 
Adventurers had possession of some parts of their several 
proportions ; but had no conveyances of the same and 
received but httle rent. 

For that by a Law of Sewers made at Huntingdon in [1638] 
14 Car. the 14th year of the said King Charles ; upon 
complaint that the said Level was not perfectly drained — 
The said King Charles (of happy memory) was declared 
Undertaker to drain the same, inter alia, and to have for his 
recompense, not only the 95,000 acres set out unto the said 
Earl, but also 57,000 acres more out of the same lands and 
parishes within the said Level : and the said Earl and his 
Participants were to have had 40,000 acres of the said 95,000 
acres freed from taxes for their charges expended ; which 
would have been of more advantage to them than the whole 
95,000 acres on the terms they have it. 

After which Law, the inhabitants of the country did 
re-enter upon the said 80,000 acres and 3,000 acres ; part of 
the said 95,000 acres : and the said King continued in the 
possession of the said 12,000 acres. 

But about the year 1641, his Majesty gave over his 
1641. Undertaking : and soon after the whole Level 

became drowned : and then the country entered upon the 
said 12,000 acres also, and kept the whole in their own 

In this condition, the said Level returned to be as badly 
drowned as ever before: with the loss of £100,000 to the said 
Earl and his Participants. 

Afterwards a Parliament having been called in the year 
1640 — the said Earl and his Participants or their Assigns did 
petition the said Parliament : that they would empower the 
said Earl to go on and perfect the aforesaid work ; and in 
1641, their case was committed [referred to a Committee]. 
But the said Earl dying about the said year, and the late 
unhappy wars being then begun; there was for some time a 
stop to the prosecution of the said Act, till about 1646. 
When William, now Earl of Bedford, son and heir of the 
said Francis; the Honourables John and Edward Russell, 
brothers to the said William, Earl of Bedford ; Sir Miles 
Sandys, Sir John Marsham ; Anthony Hamond ; and 

May^66I.] SeCOND DRAINING OF THE LeVEL, 1 649-5 3. 4^3 

Robert Henley Esquires, and others, in numbers and 
interest the greatest part concerned in the said 83,000 acres ; 
did address themselves to the Parliament then sitting, that 
they might be empowered by an Act to prosecute the said 
work of Draining, for the recovery of that vast and lost 
country : which Act — after several hearings of all parties 
before a Committee — was ready to be presented to the House 
of Lords ; but the late unhappy differences prevented for 
that time its further progress. 

Afterwards, about the year 1648— the said William, Earl 
of Bedford, by the assistance of Sir Miles Sandys, Robert 
Henley Esquire, and divers others his said Participants ; did 
prosecute the obtaining of an Act of that pretended Parlia- 
ment, in order to the draining of the aforesaid Level. And 
after several hearings of all parties both of the Country and 
Adventurers before the Committee; an Act passed in the 
said pretended Parliament in May 1649. 

By colour of which pretended Act, the said Earl and his 
Participants did meet together in the prosecution of the 
aforesaid fourteen-part Indenture. Accordingly the Earl of 
ARUNDEL,under whom Sir William Playter claims; Colonel 
John Russell and Edward Russell Esquires, brothers to 
the said Earl of Bedford ; Sir Miles Sandys, under whom 
Colonel Samuel Sandys claims ; Sir John Hewett ; Sir 
William Terringham ; William Dodson ; Sir John 
Marsham; Anthony Hamond and Robert HENLEYEsquires, 
and divers others interested in the said work of Draining; 
who had seven parts out of eight in the said 83,000 acres : 
finding themselves out of possession, did in June following 
resolve to raise money for carrying on the said work in 
prosecuting of the aforesaid fourteen-part Indenture; being 
enabled thereto — as the times then were — by the said 
pretended Act. 

But several persons failing in the due payment of their 
money, as aforesaid : the said Earl with the residue of his 
said Participants were necessitated about November [1649] 
following; either to admit some other persons in the room of 
those who failed to supply the payment of such money as 
was raised according to the said Agreement, or otherwise 
to lose the whole. 

By which means, money being raised, the said work was 

414 The nature of the Drainage works. [May\66i. 

carried on till Lady Day 1653 ; and then the whole Level 
being adjudged drained, possession of the said 95,000 acres 
was given to them accordingly : and by virtue of an Act 
made in the Parliament begun the 25th of April 1660, it still 

There are several banks, which together are above two 
hundred miles in length : seventy miles whereof are generally 
nine feet high and sixty feet wide at the seat or bottom; 
the rest generally five feet high and twenty-four feet wide at 
the seat. Besides, they have cut one navigable river twenty 
one miles long and one hundred feet broad : besides divers 
sewers and drains, altogether above four hundred miles in 
length, some forty feet, some thirty, some twenty, and none 
under twelve feet wide. Besides, they have made divers 
great and navigable sasses and sluices, and bridges. 

For the doing whereof, and in other expenses and build- 
ings, and improving the said Level ; the said Earl and his 
Participants have expended at least ^^500,000 ; and it will 
yearly cost great sums to maintain it. 

This being the true state of the Case — as indifferent to all 
interests, and as an affectionate friend to the whole — I 
heartily wish and advise that all parties herein concerned, 
would so far recede from their own opinions and private 
interests, and — for the preservation of the whole — unani- 
mously submit all differences to the determination of the 
Parliament, or to such persons as they, in their wisdom, shall 
think fit : whereby the whole may be preserved, and all 
particular interests may receive justice according to the 
equity of their cause. 


Edward Leigh, Esquire, M.A 

Hints for Travellers. 



Edward Leigh, Esquire, M. A. 

Hints for Travellers. 
1571-1671 A.D. 

[Three Diairihes &'c.'\ 

|N SUCH a one going to travel; there is required — 
First. A competent age. That he be above 
eighteen or twenty years old: although the years 
of fourteen or fifteen are more proper for learning 
the true accent of any language ; and all exercises 
belonging to the body. 

Secondly. That he hath the Latin tongue ; and some skill 
in the liberal sciences. 

Thirdly. That he be skilful in architecture : able so v^^ell 
to limn or paint, as to take in paper the situation of a castle 
or a city, or the platform [plan] of a fortification. 

Fourthly. That he be well grounded in the true religion : 
lest he be seduced and perverted. 

Fifthly. He should be first well acquainted with his own 
country, before he go abroad ; as to the places and govern- 
ment. If any came heretofore to the Lords of the Council 
for a license to travel : the old Lord Treasurer Burleigh 
would examine him of England. If he found him ignorant ; 
he would bid him stay at home, and know his own country 

Sixthly. It were of use to inform himself, before he 
undertakes his voyage, by the best chorographical and 
geographical map of the situation of the country he goes to; 
both in itself, and relatively to the universe : to compare the 
vetus et hodierna regio ; and to carry with him the republics 
[gover7inient] of the nations to which he goes ; and a map of 
every country he intends to travel through. 

E. Leigh, M^A.-| Hints for Travellers. 417 

Seventhly. Before his voyage, he should make his peace 
with GOD ; receive the Lord's Supper; satisfy his creditors, 
if he be in debt ; pray earnestly to GOD to prosper him in 
his voyage, and to keep him from danger : and— if he be siii 
juris — he should make his last will, and wisely order all his 
affairs ; since many that go far abroad, return not home. 

In the survey of a country, these things are observable. 

First. The Name and its derivation ; the Latitude and 
Longitude of the place. The temperature of the climate. 
The goodness or barrenness of the ground. The populousness 
or scarcity of the people. The limits of the country ; how it 
is bounded by sea or land, or both. The commodities, 
natural and artificial. The discommodities ; either imper- 
fections or wants. The manners, shape, language, and attire 
of the people. Their building ; their havens and harbours. 
The religion and government. The history of the country 
and families. 

Secondly. The Courts of Princes are to be seen and 
observed ; especially when they give audience to Ambas- 
sadors : the Courts of Justice, while they sit and hear 
causes; and so of Consistories Ecclesiastical. The churches 
and the monuments therein. The walls and fortifications of 
cities and towns; Antiquities and Ruins; Libraries, Colleges; 
Disputations and Lectures, where they are. Shipping and 
Navies ; Houses and Gardens of state and pleasure, near 
great cities; Armouries, Arsenals, Magazines, Exchanges, 
Bourses, Warehouses; Exercises of horsemanship; fencing; 
training of soldiers ; and the like. Treasuries of jewels and 
robes ; Cabinets ; and rare Inventions. 

AuBERTUS MiR^us, in the life of Lipsius, saith that when 
he came first to Rome, he spent all his time, when he was at 
leisure, in viewing the stones and ancient places, and other 
rarities there : and that he spent his time in the Pope's 
Vatican library, in comparing together the manuscripts of 
Seneca, Tacitus, Plautus, Propertius, and other ancients. 
He viewed also other famous libraries, public and private. 

Thirdly. The choice herbs and plants, beasts, birds, 
fishes and insects proper to that country ; are to be taken 
notice of: together with minerals, metals, stones, and earths. 

2D 6 

4i8 Hints f o r T r a v e l le r s. L^" ^"'^^' ^e^t 

Their proverbs also should be observed ; in which, much of 
the wisdom of a nation is found. 

Fourthly. Learned men, and such as have abilities of any- 
kind ; are worthy to be known : and the best books there, 
are to be inquired after. 

Men that travel must be very cautious both of speech and 
demeanour. The Italian proverb saith, " For a man to 
travel safely through the world ; it behoveth him to have a 
falcon's eye, an ass's ears, a monkey's face, a merchant's 
words, a camel's back, a hog's mouth, and a deer's feet." 

Sir Henry Wotton, in his Letters, mentions twice the 
answer that was given to him by Alberto Scipioni ; when 
he begged his advice, how he might carry himself securely 
at Rome. Signior Arrigomio, says he, pensieri stretti, e il viso 
sciolto. "Your thoughts close and your countenance loose 
[open'] will go safely over the world." 

Fifthly. Make choice of the best places for attaining of 
the language. As, Valladolid for the Spanish ; Orleans or 
Blois for the French ; Florence or Sienna for the Italian ; 
Leipsic or Heidelberg for the High-Dutch [German] tongues. 
In these places, the best language is spoken. 

What profit travelling brings to an architect, ViTRUVius 
shows. What, to a soldier, Vegetius. What, to a limner 
or statuary [sculptor], the horses of Phidias and Praxiteles 
made by art, witness : these, with other colossal statues 
and pictures are yet at Rome. Merchandise is almost 
maintained by travel. How much are cosmography, 
topography and astronomy improved and furthered by 
travel ! 

Change of air by travelling, after one is used to it, is good: 
and therefore great travellers have been long lived[!]. 

In the Philosophical Conferences of the Virtuosi of France, 
Conference 87, it is determined whether Travel be necessary 
to an ingenuous man. He saith there, if you except 
embassies — in which the good of the State drowns all other 
considerations — those that would travel must be young 
and strong, rich and well-born ; to get any good by their 

The French say Un honnete homme est un homme mile, " An 

E.Leigh,M.A.j Hints for Travellers. 419 

honest man is a mixed man ; " that is, one who has some- 
thing in him, in point of knowledge, of all nations. 

Charles V. made nine voyages into Germany ; six into 
Spain ; seven into Italy ; four into France ; ten into the Low 
Countries ; two into England ; as many into Africa. He 
also passed the Ocean and Mediterranean seas, eleven times. 

The Emperor Hadrian travelled over a great part of the 
world ; and with his head bare, though it were cold and wet : 
and so fell into a deadly disease. Whence the verses of 
Florus the poet. 

Ego nolo Cmsar esse, 
Ambulare per Britannos, 
Scythicas pati pruinas. 

I will in no wise C^sar be, 
To walk along in Britainie, 
The Scythic frost to feel and se?. 

To which the Emperor answered in like strain. 

Ego nolo Florus esse, 

Ambulare per tabernasy 
Latitare per popinas, 
Culices pati rotundos. 

And I will never Florus be, 

To walk from shop to shop, as he, 

To lurk in taverns secretly, 

And there to feel the Rome wine fly. 

Whoever, since the beginning of things and men, hath 
been so often, by royal employment, sent Ambassador; or to 
so many princes, so distant in place, so different in rites, as 
Sir Robert Shirley ? Two Emperors, Rondolph and 
Ferdinand; two Popes, Clement VII. and Paul; twice 
the King of Spain ; twice the Polonian ; the Muscovite also ; 
have given him audience : and twice also — though not the 

420 Hints for Travellers. [^' ^^'^''' Jg^'^, 

least, for a born subject to be Ambassador to his Sovereign — 
His Majesty hath heard his embassage from the remote 
Persian. Purchas, Pilgrims, ii. lib. lo. c. lo. 

Doctor Nicholas Wotton, uncle to Sir Henry Wotton, 
was Privy Councillor to four successive Sovereigns, viz. : 
King Henry VHI, King Edward VI, Queen Mary, and 
Queen Elizabeth. He was nine times Ambassador for 
the crown of England ; to the Emperor, the Kings of France 
and Spain, and other Princes. Camden, History of Queen 

Sir Thomas Roe, after many Embassies — to almost all 
the Princes and States in Christendom — all which were 
managed with admirable dexterity, success, and satisfaction ; 
was last of all, Ambassador Extraordinary to Ferdinand HI, 
Emperor of Germany : who gave him this character, " I 
have met with many gallant persons of many nations ; but I 
scarce ever met with an Ambassador till now." 

Paris, Rome and Constantinople are the Court of the 
world ; Venice, Genoa and Lisbon the City ; Provence, 
Andalusia and Italy, the Garden ; Africa and America, the 
Desert and Wilderness. Flecknoe's Relation [of ten years' 
travels, S-c] Letter xxii. 

Johnson in his Relation of the many famous Kingdoms, 
lib. i. Of Travel; adviseth a traveller to take heed of the 
pride of Spain, the poison of Italy, the treason of France, 
and the drink of Flanders. 

Sir Benjamin Rudyard — whose discourse and speeches 
were full of apothegms — was wont to say, " France is a good 
country to ride through, Italy a good country to look upon, 
Spain a good country to understand, but England a good 
country to live in." 

So wishing the traveller a prosperous voyage : I here cast 

James Wright. 

The Second Generation of English 
T^rofessional ^Actors. 



[James Wright.] 

The second generation of English profes- 
sional Actors^ 1625—1670 A.D. 

iHisloria Histrlonka. 1699.] 



Onest old Cavalier ! well met ! 'faith I 
am glad to see thee ! 

Truman. Have a care, what you call 
me ! Old is a word of disgrace among 
the ladies. To be honest is to be poor 
and foolish, as some think : and Cavalier is a word as much 
out of fashion as any of them. 

Lovewit. The more's the pity. But what said the Fortune 
Teller, in Ben Johnson's Masque of Gypsies, to the then Lord 
Privy Seal, 

Honest and old ! 

In those the good part of a fortune is told ! 

Truman. Ben Johnson ! How dare you name Ben 
Johnson in these times? when we have such a crowd of 
poets in a quite different genius : the least of which thinks 
himself as well able to correct Ben Johnson as he could a 
country schoolmistress that taught to spell. 

Lovewit. We have indeed poets of a different genius. 
So are the plays. But in my opinion there are all of them, 
some few excepted, as much inferior to those of former times ; 
as the actors now in being, generally speaking, are, compared 
to Hart, Mohun, Burt, Lacy, Clun, and Shatterel; for 
T can reach no further backward. 

•'■^ISG The Second Generation of our Actors. 423 

Truman. I can. And I dare assure you — if my fancy 
and memory are not partial, for men of my age are apt to be 
over indulgent to the thoughts of their youthful days — I say, 
the actors that I have seen, before the [Civil] Wars, Lowin, 
Taylor, Pollard, and some others, were almost as far 
beyond Hart and his company; as those were, beyond these 
now in being. 

Lovewit. I am willing to believe it, but cannot readily ; 
because I have been told that those whom I mentioned, were 
bred up under the others [i.e., actors] of your acquaintance ; and 
followed their manner of action : which is now lost. So far, 
that when the question has been asked, *' "Why these players 
do not receive the Silent Woman and some other of Johnson's 
plays, once of highest esteem?" They have answered truly, 
" Because there are none now living, who can rightly humour 
those parts : for all who [were] related to the ' Blackfriars ' 
(where they were acted in perfection) are now dead, and 
almost forgotten." 

Truman. 'Tis very true 1 Hart and Clun were bred up 
boys at the '' Blackfriars," and acted women's parts. Hart 
was Robinson's boy or apprentice. He acted the Duchess in 
the tragedy of the Cardinal ; which was the first part that gave 
him reputation. Cartwright and Wintershal belonged 
to the " Private House " in Salisbury Court. Burt was a 
boy, first under Shank at the " Blackfriars," then under 
Beeston at the ** Cockpit " : and Mohun and Shatterel 
were in the same condition with him, at the last place. 
There Burt used to play the principal women's parts, in 
particular CL^i?7^A^^ in Love's cruelty: and, at the same time, 
Mohun acted Bellamente, which part he retained after 
the Restoration. 

Lovewit. That I have seen, and can well remember. I 
wish they had printed in the last Age (for so I call the 
times before the Rebellion) the actors' names over against 
the parts they acted ; as they have done since the Restora- 
tion : and thus one might have guessed at the Action of the 
men, by the parts which we now read in the old plays. 

Truman. It was not the custom and usage of those days, 
as it hath been since. Yet some few old plays there are, that 
have the names set against the parts : as The Duchess of 
Malfy ; the Picture; the Roman Actor; the Deserving 

424 The London Theatres before the Wars. P'^'llgJ; 

Favourite ; the Wild Goose Chase, at the " Blackfriars " ; the 
Wedding; theRenegado; the Fair Maid of the West; Hannibal 
and SciPio ; King John and Matilda, at the "Cockpit"; 
and Holland's leaguer, at " Salisbury Court." 

Lovewit. These are but few indeed : but, pray, Sir, what 
master-parts can you remember the old " Blackfriars " men 
to act, in Johnson's, Shakespeare's, and Fletcher's 
plays ? 

Truman. What I can at present recollect I'll tell you. 
Shakespeare (who, as I have heard, was a much better 
Poet than Player), Burbage, Hemmings, and others of the 
older sort, were dead before I knew the Town. But, in my 
time, before the Wars ; Lowin used to act, with mighty 
applause, Falstaff ; MoROSE ; VuLPONE ; and Mammon 
in the Alchemist; Melancius in the Maid's tragedy. And at 
the same time, Amyntor was played by Stephen Hammer- 
ton : who was, at first, a most noted and beautiful Woman- 
Actor; but afterwards he acted, with equal grace and applause, 
a young lover's part. 

Taylor acted Hamlet incomparably well ; J ago [i.e., 
J ago in Othello]; Truewit, in the Silent Woman; and 
Face, in the Alchemist. 

Swanston used to play Othello. 

Pollard and Robinson were Comedians. So was Shank; 
who used to act Sir ROGER in the Scornful Lady. These were 
of the " Blackfriars." 

Those of principal note at the ** Cockpit " were Perkins, 
Michael Bowyer, Sumner, William Allen, and Bird, 
eminent Actors : and Robins a Comedian. 

Of the other Companies, I took little notice. 

Lovewit. Were there so many companies ? 
Truman. Before the Wars, there were in being, all these 
Play Houses at the same time. 

The " Blackfriars," and '' Globe " on the Bankside. A 
winter, and [a] summer house belonging to the same 
Company; called "The King's Servants." 
The "Cockpit" or "Phoenix" in DruryLane; called 

"The Queen's Servants." 
The Private House in Salisbury Court; called "The 
Prince's Servants." 


^■^lijj:] Our First Actors WERE THE Best. 425 

The " Fortune," near White Cross Street : and the 
" Red Bull " at the upper end of St. John's Street. 
The two last were mostly frequented by citizens, and 
the meaner sort of people. 

All these Companies got money, and lived in reputation : 
especially those of the " Blackfriars," who were men of grave 
and sober behaviour. 

Lovewit. Which I much admire [wonder] at. That the 
Town, [being] much less than at present, could then maintain 
Five Companies ; and yet now Two can hardly subsist. 

Truman. Do not wonder, but consider ! That though 
the Town was then, perhaps, not much more than half so 
populous as now ; yet then the prices [of admission] were 
small (there being no scenes), and better order kept among 
the company that came: which made very good people think 
a play an innocent diversion for an idle hour or two ; the 
plays being then, for the most part, more instructive and 
moral. Whereas of late, the Playhouses are so extremely 
with vizard-masks [spectators wearing masks] and their trade, 
occasioning continual quarrels and abuses; that many of the 
more civilized [refined] part of the Town are uneasy in the com- 
pany, and shun the theatre as they would a house of scandal. 

It is an argument of the worth of the Plays and Actors of 
the last Age, and easily inferred that they were much beyond 
ours in this, to consider that they could support themselves 
merely from their own merit, the weight of the matter, and 
goodness of the action ; without scenes and machines. 
Whereas the present plays, with all their show, can hardly 
draw an audience, unless there be the additional invitation 
of a Signior Fideli, a Monsieur L'Abbe, or some such 
foreign regale expressed in the bottom of the Bill. 

Lovewit. To waive this digression, I have read of one 
Edward Alleyn, a man so famed for excellent action that 
among Ben Johnson's Epigrams, I find one directed to him, 
full of encomium, and concluding thus — 

Wear this renown ! 'Tis just, that who did give 
So many poets life, by one should live. 

Was he one of the ** Blackfriars " ? 
Truman. Never, as I have heard ; for he was dead before 

426 The Private Houses were very small. [J ^'|g; 

my time. He was Master of a Company of his own ; fot 
whom he built the "Fortune" playhouse from the ground: 
a large round brick building. This is he that grew so rich, 
that he purchased a great estate in Surrey, and elsewhere ; 
and, having no issue, he built and largely endowed Dulwich 
College in the year 1619, for a Master, a Warden, four 
Fellows, twelve aged poor people, and twelve poor boys, &c. 
A noble charity ! 

Lovewit. What kind of Playhouses had they before the 
Wars ? 

Truman. The " Blackfriars," " Cockpit," and " Salisbury 
Court " were called Private Houses ; and were very small to 
what we see now. The " Cockpit " was standing since the Re- 
storation ; and Rhodes's Company acted there for some time. 

Lovewit. I have seen that. 

Truman. Then you have seen the other two, in effect ; 
for they were all three built almost exactly alike, for form 
and bigness. Here they had *' Pits " for the gentry, and 
acted by candlelight. 

The " Globe," " Fortune," and " Bull " were large houses, 
and lay partly open to the weather : and there they always 
acted by daylight. 

Lovewit. But prithee, Truman ; what became of these 
players when the Stage was put down, and the Rebellion 
raised [i.e., in the time of the Commonwealth]. 

Truman. Most of them (except LowiN, Taylor, and 
Pollard, who were superannuated) went into the King's 
army; and like good men and true, served their old master, 
though in a different, yet more honourable capacity. 

Robinson was killed at the taking of a place (I think 
Basing House) by Harrison, he that was after hanged at 
Charing Cross : who refused him quarter, and shot him in 
the head when he had laid down his arms; abusing Scripture 
at the same time, in saying " Cursed is he that doeth the 
work of the LORD negligently! " 

MoHUN was a Captain ; and, after the Wars were ended 
here, served in Flanders, where he received pay as a Major. 

Hart was a Lieutenant of horse under Sir Thomas 
Dallison, in Prince Rupert's Regiment. Burt was Cornet 
in the same troop ; and Shatterel, Quarter Master. 

'■^"i&l Secret Representations, 1648- 1660. 427 

Allen of the " Cockpit " was a Major, and Quarter Master 
General at Oxford. 

I have not heard of one of these players of any note that 
sided with the other party, but only Swanston ; and he 
professed himself a Presbyterian, took up the trade of a 
jeweller, and lived in Aldermanbury, within the territory of 
Father Calamy. The rest either lost, or exposed their lives 
for their King. 

When the Wars were over, and the Royalists totally 
subdued : most of them who were left alive gathered to 
London ; and for a subsistence, endeavoured to revive their 
old trade privately. They made up one Company out of all 
the scattered members of several ; and in the winter before 
the King's murder, [i.e.] 1648, they ventured to act some 
plays, with as much caution and privacy as could be, at the 
" Cockpit." They continued undisturbed for three or four 
days : but at last, as they were presenting the tragedy of 
the Bloody Brother — in which LowiN acted A ubrey ; Taylor, 
ROLLO ; Pollard, the Cook ; Burt, La Torche ; and, I 
think. Hart, Otto — a party of foot-soldiers beset the house, 
surprised them about the middle of the play, and carried them 
away, in their habits [dresses] not admitting them to shift 
[themselves], to Hatton House, then a prison: where having 
detained them some time, they plundered them of their 
clothes, and let them loose again. 

Afterwards, in Oliver's time, they used to act privately 
three or four miles or more out of town, now here, now 
there ; sometimes in noblemen's houses, in particular Holland 
House at Kensington: where the nobility and gentry who 
met, but in no great numbers, used to make a sum for them ; 
each giving a broad piece or the like. And Alexander 
GoFFE, the Woman Actor at " Blackfriars," who had made 
himself known to persons of Quality, used to be the jackal, 
and give notice of time and place. 

At Christmas and Bartholomew Fair, they used to bribe 
the Officer who commanded the guard at White Hall ; and 
were thereupon connived at to act for a few days, at the 
" Red Bull " : but were sometimes, notwithstanding, disturbed 
by soldiers. 

Some picked up a little money by publishing copies of 
plays never before printed, but kept in manuscript. For 

428 The Ends of some of these Actors. [■^•^''Ifgg- 

instance, in the year 1652, Beaumont and Fletcher's 
Wild Goose Chase was printed in folio, for the public use of all 
the ingenious, as the title page says : and private benefit of John 
LowiN and Joseph Taylor, Servants to his late Majesty : and 
by them dedicated To the honoured Few Lovers of Dramatic 
Poesy^ ; wherein they modestly intimate their wants. And 
that with sufficient cause: for whatever they were before the 
Wars ; they were after reduced to a necessitous condition. 

LowiN, in his latter days, kept an inn, The Three Pigeons 
at Brentford, where he died very old : for he was an Actor of 
eminent note in the reign of King James I., and his poverty 
was as great as his age. Taylor died at Richmond, and 
was there buried. Pollard, who lived single, and had a 
competent estate, retired to some relations he had in the 
country ; and there ended his life. Perkins and Sumner of 
the "Cockpit," kept house together at Clerkenwell, and were 
there buried. 

These all died some years before the Restoration. What 
followed after, I need not tell you 1 You can easily remem- 
ber ! 

Lovewit. Yes. Presently after the Restoration, the 
** King's Players " acted publicly at the " Red Bull" for some 
time ; and then removed to a new built Playhouse in Vere 
Street, by Clare Market. There they continued for a year 
or two ; and then removed to the Theatre Royal in Drury 
Lane, where they first made use of scenes [scenery] : which 
had been a little before introduced upon the public stage by 
Sir William D'Avenant at the Duke's old Theatre in Lin- 
coln's Inn Fields ; but afterwards very much improved, with 
the addition of curious machines, by Mr. Betterton at the 

= The Wild Goose Chase. A Comedy, as it hath been acted with 
singular applause at the " Blackfriars " ; being the noble, last, and only- 
remains of those incomparable Dramatists, Francis Beaumont and 
John Fletcher, gentlemen. Retrieved for the public delight of all the 
Ingenious ; and private benefit of John Lowin and JOSEPH Taylor 
Servants to his late Majesty ; by a Person of Honour. 

^ In this Dedication is mentiofied the following singular fact respecting 
Fletcher. The Play was of so general a received acceptance, that, he 
himself a spectator, we have known him unconcerned, and to have wished 
it to be none of his : he, as well as the thronged theatre (in despite of 
his innate modesty), applauding this rare issue of his brain. 

■'■^^'S'] Women and Scenery on the Stage. 429 

new Theatre in Dorset Garden — to the great expense, and 
continual charge of the players. This much impaired their 
profit over what it was before. For I have been informed 
by one of them, that for several years after the Restoration, 
every whole Sharer in Mr. Hart's Company, got ^1,000 per 

About the same time, that Scenes first entered upon the 
Stage at London, women were taught to act their own parts. 
Since when, we have seen, at both houses, several excellent 
actresses, justly famed as well for beauty as perfect good 
action. And some plays, in particular The Parson's Wedding, 
have been presented all by women ; as formerly all by men. 

Thus it continued for about twenty years, when Mr. Hart 
and some of the old men began to grow weary ; and were 
minded to leave off. Then the two Companies thought fit 
to unite : but of late, you see, they have thought it not less 
fit to divide again ; though both Companies keep the same 
name of " His Majesty's Servants." 

All this while, the Playhouse music improved yearly, and is 
now arrived to greater perfection than ever I knew it. 

Yet for these advantages, the reputation of the Stage and 
people's affection to it are much decayed. 

Truman. 1^^^^ I NCE the Reformation, in Queen Eliza- 
beth's time, plays were frequently acted 
by Choristers and Singing Boys ; and 
several of our old Comedies have printed 
in the title-page. Acted by the Children of Paul's (not the School, 
but the Church) ; others, By the Children of Her Majesty's 
Chapel. In particular, Cynthia's Revels, and the Poetaster 
were played by them ; who were, at that time, famous for 
good action. 

Among Ben Johnson's Epigrams, you may find An epitaph 
on S[AL] P[AVY], one of the Children of Queen Elizabeth's 
Chapel ; part of which runs thus : 

Years he counted scarce Thirteen 

When Fates turned cruel, 
Yet three filled zodiacs he had been 

The Stage's jewel. 

430 The Boy Actors of Elizabeth's time. P^'lf J,'; 

And did act (what now we moan) 

Old Man so duly, 
As, sooth, the Parcm thought him one, 

He played so truly I 

Some of the Chapel Boys, when they grew men, became 
Actors at the " Blackfriars." Such were Nathaniel Field 
and John Underwood. 


Ut can you inform me, Truman ! when 
pubHc theatres were first erected for this 
purpose in London. 

Truman. Not certainly : but i pre- 
sume about the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's reign. For 
Stow, in his Stirvey of London, which book was first printed 
in the year 1598, says : 

Of late years in place of these stage-plays {i.e., those of religious 
matters) have been used Comedies, Tragedies, Interludes, and 
Histories, both true and feigned : for the acting whereof, certain 
public places as the " Theatre," the "Curtain," 6-c., have been 

And [J. Howes] the Continuator of Stow's Annals, p. 
1004, says : 

That in sixty years before the publication of that book (which 
was Anno Domini 1629) no less than seventeen public Stages or 
common Playhouses had been built in and about London. In 
which number he reckons five Inns or common Holsteries to 
have been, in his time, turned into Playhouses ; one Cock- 
pit ; St. Paul's Singing School ; one in the Blackfriars ; one 
in the Whitefriars ; and one, in former time, at Newington 
Butts ; and adds, before the space of sixty years past, I never 
knew, heard or read of any such Theatres, set Stages, or 
Playhouses, as have been purposely built within man's 

Lovewit. After all, I have been told that stage plays are 
inconsistent with the laws of this kingdom; and Players 
made Rogues by statute. 

Truman. He that told you so, strained a point of truth. 
I never met with any law wholly to suppress them. Some- 

^■^ISg.] Enactments regulating Players. 431 

times, indeed, they have been prohibited for a season : as in 
times of Lent, general mourning, or public calamities ; or upon 
other occasions when the Government saw fit. Thus by 
Proclamation, 7th of April [1559], i Eliz., plays and interludes 
were forbidden till Allhallowtide [i November] next following. 
HOLINSHED, p. 1184. 

Some statutes have been made for their regulation or 
reformation, not general suppression. By the statute 39 
Eliz. c. 4, which was made for the suppression of Rogues, 
Vagabonds, and sturdy Beggars, it is enacted, s. 2 : 

That all persons that be, or utter themselves to be Proctors; 
Procurers ; Patent gatherers or Collectors for Coals, Prisons, or 
Hospitals ; or Fencers ; Bearwards ; common Players of Inter- 
ludes, and Minstrels wandering abroad {other than Players of 
Interludes belonging to any Baron of this realm or any other 
honourable Personage of greater degree, to be authorised to play 
under the hand and seal of arms of such Baron or Personage) ; 
all Jugglers, Tinkers, Pedlers, and Petty Chapmen wandering 
abroad ; &c., able in body, using loitering, and refusing to work 
for such reasonable wages as is commonly given, &c. These shall 
be adjudged and deemed Rogues, Vagabonds, and sturdy Beggars ; 
and punished as such. 

Lovewit. But this privilege of authorising or licensing is 
taken away by the statute i Jac. I. c. y s. 1 ; and therefore 
all of them (as Mr. [Jeremy] Collier says, p. 242) are 
expressly brought under the foresaid penalty, without distinc- 

Truman. If he means all Players without distinction, it 
is a great mistake. For the force of the Queen's statute 
extends only to ^^ wandering Players," and not to such as are 
the " King's " or ** Queen's Servants," established in settled 
Houses by Royal Authority. 

On such, the ill character of vagrant players or (as they 
are now called) Strollers, can cast no more aspersion than the 
" wandering Proctors," in the same statute mentioned, on 
those of Doctor's Commons. 

By a statute made 3 Jac. 7. c. 21, it was enacted That if 
any person shall in any Stage play, Interlude, Show, Maygame, or 
Pageantry jestingly or profanely speak or use the holy name of 
GOD, Jesus Christ, the HOLY GHOST, or of the Trinity, 
he shall forfeit for every such offence :^io. 

432 Plays put down by Long Parliament, [■^•^''igj; 

The statute of i Car. I. c. i enacts That no meetings, assem- 
blies, or concourse of people shall be out of their own parishes on 
the Lord^s Day, for any sports or pastimes whatsoever ; nor any 
bearbaiting, bullbaiting, interhtdes, common plays, or other unlaw- 
ful exercises and pastimes used by any person or persons within 
their own parishes. 

These are all the statutes that I can think of relating to 
the Stage and Players. But nothing to suppress them totally, 
till the two Ordinances of the Long Parliament ; one of the 
22nd of October 1647, the other of the nth of February 
i647[-8]. By which all Stage Plays and Interludes are abso- 
lutely forbidden; the stages, seats, galleries, &c., to be pulled 
down. All players, though calling themselves the " King's " 
or ** Queen's Servants," if convicted of acting within two 
months before such conviction, to be punished as Rogues, 
according to law. The money received by them, to go to the 
poor of the parish ; and every spectator to pay five shillings 
to the use of the poor. 

Also Cockfighting was prohibited by one of Oliver's Acts, 
of 31st March 1654 : but I suppose nobody pretends these 
things to be laws [!]. 

I could say more on this subject, but I must break off here, 
and leave you, Lovewit. My occasions require it. 

Lovewit. Farewell, old Cavalier ! 

Truman. 'Tis properly said ! We are almost all of us 
now, gone and forgotten. 








French Protestants 

endure aboard the 


By John Bion, heretofore Priest and Curate of the 
parish of Ursy, in the Province of Burgundy; and 
Chaplain to the Swperbe Galley, in the French 

L ON D O N, 
Printed for John Morphew, near 
Stationers' Hall. . 1708 

2 E (3 








'' ♦ Aid 














May it please your Majesty ! 
N GRATITUDE to those wretches, whose heroic 
constancy raised in me that admiration which 
was the first cause of my happy conversion ; 
I humbly lay at your Majesty's feet, an 
Account of their Sufferings. 

Their only hopes, under GOD, are in your Majesty ! 
the glorious defender and ornament of their faith. 
The charity by which you support such numbers of 
their brethren in your dominions, the concern you have 
expressed for the pressures the French churches labour 
under, and the zeal for their restoration to their ancient 
splendour, leave no room to doubt of your Majesty's 
generous intentions. And that Providence, which 
watches over your sacred person, and distinguishes 
your reign by so many exploits, both at home and 
abroad, from those of your most glorious ancestors, 
will, no doubt, reward your piety, and enable your 

436 The Dedication to Queen Anne. [^^''" -^^ ^j°8! 

Majesty to ease them of their chains, after having 
broken those of Europe. 

They would not thus presume to make their way 
through the crowd of your admirers, and disturb the 
acclamation that surrounds your august Person, with 
the doleful rehearsal of their misery, did not your 
Majesty's known goodness facilitate their access, and 
your love of justice, and proneness to redress griev- 
ances encourage their presumption. 

I am, in particular, happy in being so far instru- 
mental in their future deliverance, as to make their 
Case known to the best and greatest of Queens ; and I 
am proud that it furnishes me with an opportunity of 
letting the World know, that I am, 
May it please your Majesty ! 

Your Majesty's most faithful subject, 

and obedient humble servant, 

John B i o n , 

heretofore Chaplain to the Superbe Galley, in the 
French King's service. 


The Preface. 

15 / PURPOSED in this Work, only to make the sufferings 
of the Protestants condemned to the galleys for the sake 
of Religion, known to the World ; people will be apt to 
think that when I speak in general of the different sorts 
of forgats or slaves which are on them, I go beside the rules I 
prescribed to myself. But if it be considered that it is no little tor- 
ment to the Protestants to be amongst malefactors and lewd and 
profligate villains, whose continual blasphemies and cursings have 
no parallel but among the damned in hell ; it will not be thought 
beside my purpose, to have given to the World, a particular account 
of the various sorts of those men who live in the galleys. 

There is, besides, a block, those who never saw the galleys but in 
the port at Marseilles, will infallibly stumble at; if not removed. 
Which is, that whereas the galley slaves are not, during that time, 
in that wretched condition they are in whilst at sea, and tugging 
at the oar. Being allowed to keep shop about the Port, and there 
to work and sell all manner of commodities. And someti)nes 
having leave to walk in the town : giving only one penny to the 
Algousin, as much to the Turk with whom each of them must then 
he coupled, and five pence to the Pertuisenier or Partizan Bearer 
who guards them. There being some besides, that even have their 
wives at Marseilles. A nd all being permitted to hear from their 
friends, and receive money from their relations. All such com- 
forts and favours, as well as all manner of correspondence 
with friends, are utterly denied the Protestants ! 

/ have not descended to particulars, in what relateth to the 
usefulness of galleys in sea fights, for the keeping of the coasts or 
convoying of merchant sloops when there is [any] danger of their 
being taken or set upon by the brigantines the Duke of Savoy 
keeps commonly for that purpose, during the war, in Villa 
Franca, St. Hospitio, and Oneglia. 

438 The armament of a French galley. [^*''- ^- ^'^os! 

Nor did I take notice in this Work, how the galleys, in an 
engagement wherein there are Men-of-war, serve to keep ojf, and sink 
with their cannon shot out of the Coursier, a gun so called, the 
fire-ships the enemy sendeth to set the ship on fire ; and to tow 
away such as are disabled in the fight. 

I might also have observed how in every galley, there are five 
guns upon the for edeck, viz., four six or eight pounders, and a fifth 
called the Coursier, which carrieth a 36/6. ball. 

And herewith, when an enemy's ship is becalmed, a galley, 
which with her oars can do what she pleaseth, may attack that ship 
fore and aft, to avoid her broadsides; and ply her with the 
Coursier ; so that sometimes, if she happeneth to let [give] her a 
shot, which cometh between wind and water, she forceth her to 
surrender. Which however happeneth seldom enough : for a ship 
needs but a little wind to make nothing of overthrowing five or 
six galleys. 

I did not think fit either to give here, an account of the number 
of galleys in France ; which are twenty-four at Marseilles, and six 
upon the ocean. Not to speak of the six small rooms in every 
galley, under the deck, wherein ammunition and provisions are 
kept; and which they call the Gavon, the Scandclat, the 
Campaign, the Paillot, the Tavern, and the Fore-room. 

All these particulars woidd have carried me too far out of my 
way, and beside my purpose : which is only to give a plain and 
faithful Account, without amplifying, of the Sufferings of the 
Protestant galley slaves. 

If there be anything omitted in this Relation, it will not be 
found as to any material point. And as my sole aim in it, hath 
been to work a fellowing feeling in other men^s hearts, I shall net 
find myself at all disappointed, although their curiosity should not 
be fully satisfied. 

The LORD, in his mercy, pour out his blessings upon this 
Work ! and favourably hear our prayers and supplications, which 
we shall never cease to make unto his Divine Majesty, for the 
deliverance of our poor distressed brethren. 



Sufferings of the Protestants 

IN the 

He dismal accounts handed down to us by 
historians, of the torments afflicted on 
Christians by the heathen Emperors, in 
the first Ages of the Church, might justly 
be suspected, if the woful experience of our 
own, did not put the truth of them out of 
dispute. For though it be not easy to con- 
ceive how men can put off all that is tender 
and generous in their natures, and degenerate into the ferity 
[ferocity] of brutes ; yet it is but looking on the World around 
us, and being convinced that they can even outdo their fellow 
animals in cruelty to one another. Nay, we may see many 
professing Christianity, under the specious pretence of zeal 
for its Interest, commit such barbarities as exceed, 'or] at least 
equal, the rage of the persecutors of the primitive Christians. 
History abounds in instances that shew the nature of a 
spirit of persecution, and how boundless its rage and fury ! 
but the sad effects it hath, of late years, produced in France, 
as they are still fresh and but too obvious, are scarcely to be 
parallel in any Age or nation. 

All the World knows the Protestants there, lived under 
the protection of the Edict of Nantes ; a treaty as full and 
solemn as any ever was ! It was at first religiously observed ; 
but in time, several breaches were made in it. Many of its 

440 Monsieur Bion's honourable testimonials. [J- ^lll' 

branches were by degrees lopt off, till at last, under the 
present King [Louis XIV.], at the continual teasing and 
solicitation of the Jesuits, those restless and busy insects ! it 
was perfidiously broken, or, as they please to term it, 

But Religion and its propagation must be the cloak under 
which those crafty silversmiths intend to play their game. 
And therefore having first confidently taught that the King 
hath a Despotic Power over the Consciences as well as 
Estates ; and consequently his Will to be the Rule of their 
Religion : they, by several arts and methods, but chiefly by 
dreadful punishments, force weak people to play the hypo- 
crites, and embrace a Religion which in their hearts they 
. detest. Such as were too good Christians to prostitute their 
consciences to vile worldly interests, are denied the benefit 
of retiring into foreign countries; and punished, if discovered, 
often with death : or reserved for more cruel usage, and 
condemned to spin out their wretched lives in the galleys. 

Of these last, I design to give the public an Account, as 
being of all men the most miserable : the barbarities com- 
mitted in those horrid machines exceeding all that can 
possibly be imagined. The ingenuity of the famous Sicilian 
Tyrants in inventing torments deserves no longer to be 
proverbial : being far excelled in this pernicious art, by the 
modern enemies of Religion and Liberty. 

I shall endeavour to satisfy the curiosity of those who 
desire to be informed of the treatment, the slaves, and parti- 
cularly the Protestants, in the galleys meet with ; and to 
convince such, as are loth to harbour any hard thoughts of 
the French Court ; that justifies its proceedings, by pre- 
tending that what they suffer, is not on the account of 
Religion, but a just and lawful punishment for Rebellion and 

My being several campaigns [cruizes], Chaplain aboard 
one of the galleys, called La Superbe, gave me a sufficient 
opportunity of informing myself of the truth of the following 
Relation. And I hope my integrity will not be called in 
question by anybody that hears, that during my stay in that 
Service, I never received the least disgust or met with any 
disobligation. The certificates I have from Monsieur db 


^' ^JosJGeneral description of a French galley. 441 

MoNTOLiEU, Chief Flag Officer of the French galleys ; and 
Monsieur D'Autigny, Captain of the aforesaid galley, whose 
Chaplain I was ; a reward for my services conferred on me 
by the French King in the year 1704, at the recommenda- 
tion of Monsieur de Portchartrin ; several good offices 
done me by the General, and other officers who knew me : 
will I hope screen me from the suspicions or calumny of 
such, who, through malice, or perhaps Interest, might be 
inclined to misrepresent me. 

Neither shall a blind zeal for the Protestant Religion, 
which I have lately embraced, hurry me beyond the strict 
bounds of truth, or make me represent things in any colours 
but their own. I should be an unworthy professor of that 
holy Religion, if, on any consideration, I should in the least 
deviate from the strictest truth ; to which end, I shall relate 
nothing by hearsay, but, like the Apostle, confine myself to 
those things, my "eyes have seen." 

But before I proceed to shew the sufferings and misery, 
the wretches in the galleys, labour under, I shall give a short 
description of that vessel. 

A Galley is a long flat one-decked vessel, though it hath 
two masts. Yet they generally make use of oars, because 
they are built so as not to be able to endure a rough sea : 
and therefore their sails for the most part are useless, unless 
in cruising, when they are out of sight of land ; for then, for 
fear of being surprised by ill weather, they make the best of 
their way. 

There are five slaves to every oar ; one of them, a Turk ; 
who being generally stronger than Christians, is set at the 
upper end, to work it with more strength. 

There are in all 300 slaves ; and 150 men, either Officers, 
soldiers, seamen, or servants. 

There is at the stern of the galley, a chamber, shaped on 
the outside like a cradle, belonging to the Captain : and 
solely his, at night or in foul weather ; but in the daytime, 
common to the Officers and Chaplain. All the rest of the 
crew (the Under Officers excepted, who retire to other con- 
venient places) are exposed above deck, to the scorching licat 
of the sun by day, and the damps and inclemencies of the 

442 Fearful hardships of the slaves. P*'''" ^' ^^og; 

night. There is indeed a kind of a tent suspended by a cable 
from head to stern, that affords some little shelter : but the 
misfortune is, that this is only when they can best be without 
it, that is, in fair weather. For in the least wind or storm, 
it is taken down ; the galley not being able to endure it for 
fear of oversetting. 

The two winters (in anno 1703, and in 1704) we kept the 
coasts of Monaco, Nice, and Antibes ; those poor creatures, 
after hard rowing, could not enjoy the usual benefit of the 
night, which puts an end to the fatigues and labours of the 
day : but were exposed to the winds, snow, hail, and all other 
inconveniences of that season. The only comfort they wished 
for, was the liberty of smoking : but that, on pain of the 
bastinado, the usual punishment of the place, is forbidden. 

The vessel being but small for the number, the men con- 
sequently crowded, the continual sweat that streams down 
from their bodies whilst rowing, and the scanty allowance 
of linen ; one may easily imagine, breed abundance of vermin. 
So that, in spite of all the care that can be taken, the galleys 
swarm with lice, &c.; which nestling in the plaits and laps of 
their clothes, relieve by night, the executioners who beat and 
torment them by day. 

Their whole yearly allowance for clothes is two shirts 
made of the coarsest canvas ; and a little jerkin of red serge, 
slit on each side, up to their arm holes ; the sleeves are also 
open, and come not down so low as their elbows. And every 
three years, a kind of a coarse frock ; and a little cap to 
cover their heads, which they are obliged to keep close 
shaved, as a mark of infamy. 

Instead of a bed, they are allowed, sick or well, only a 
board a foot and a half broad. And those who have the 
unfortunate honour of lying near the Officers, dare not pre- 
sume, though tormented with vermin, to stir so much as a 
hand for their ease : for fear their chains should rattle, and 
awake any of them ; which would draw on them a punish- 
ment more severe than the biting of those insects. 

It is hard to give an exact description of the pains and 
labours the slaves undergo at sea, especially during a long 
campaign [cruize]. The fatigue of tugging at the oar is 
extraordinary. They must rise to draw their stroke, and 
fall back again almost on their backs : insomuch that, in all 



seasons, through the continual and violent motion of their 
bodies, the sweat trickles down their harassed limbs. 

And for fear they should fail, as they often do through 
faintness, there is a gang board, which runs through the 
middle of the ship, on which are constantly posted three 
Comites, an Officer somewhat like a Boatswain in Her 
Majesty's ships, who whenever they find or think that an 
oar does not keep touch with the rest, without ever examin- 
ing whether it proceeds from weakness or laziness, they 
unmercifully exercise a tough wand on the man they sus- 
pect : which being long is often felt by two or three of 
his innocent neighbours, who being naked when they row, 
each blow imprints evident marks of the inhumanity of the 

And that which adds to their misery, is that they are not 
allowed the least sign of discontent or complaint, that small 
and last comfort of the miserable ! but must, on the contrary, 
endeavour with all their might, to exert the little vigour that 
remains, and try by their submission, to pacify the rage of 
those relentless tigers ; whose strokes are commonly ushered 
in, and followed by a volley of oaths and horrid imprecations. 

No sooner are they arrived in any port, but their work, 
instead of being at an end, is increased ; several laborious 
things previous to casting anchor, being expected from them; 
which in a galley is harder than a ship. And as the Comite's 
chief skill is seen in dexterously casting anchor, and that 
they think Blows are the life and soul of Work ; nothing is 
heard for some time, but cries and lamentation : and as the 
poor slaves' arms are busy in the execution of his commands, 
his are as briskly exercised in lashing them. 

To support their strength under all these hardships ; 
during the campaign, every morning, at eight of the clock, 
they give each man, his proportion of biscuit; of which 
indeed, they have enough, and pretty good. At ten, a 
porringer made of oil, with peas or beans often rotten, and 
commonly musty. I call it soup, according to their use ; 
although it be nothing but a little hot water with about a 
dozen peas or beans floating on the top. And when on duty, 
a Pichone of wine, a m.easure containing about two-thirds of 
an English pint, morning and evening. 

When at anchor in any port, all who have any money are 

444 Employments of the slaves in port. [^^"^ ■'• jJos." 

allowed to buy meat ; and the Turk that commands the oar, 
and is not chained, is commonly the person employed for this 
purpose, as also to see it dressed in the Cook Room. But I 
have often seen the Captain's Cook, a brutal passionate man, 
take the poor men's pot, under pretence that it troubled him, 
and either break or throw it overboard : whilst the poor 
wretches were fainting for want of that little refreshment, 
without daring so much as to murmur or complain. This 
indeed is not usual, but where the Cook happens to be a 
villain : of which sort of men there are plenty in the galleys. 

The Officer's table is well furnished both for plenty and 
delicacy : but this gives slaves only a more exquisite sense 
of their misery, and seems to brave their poverty and 

We spent the Carnival of 1704, in the port of Monaco. 
Our Officers frequently treated the Prince of that place 
aboard the galley. Their entertainments were splendid. 
Music and all things that could promote Mirth were procured. 
But who can express the affliction of those poor creatures, 
who had only a prospect of pleasure, and whilst others 
revelled at their ease, were sinking under a load of chains, 
pinched with hunger in their stomachs, and nothing to 
support their dejected spirits. 

Nay, and what is worse, they are forced to add to the pomp 
and honour done to Great Men, who visit their Officers : but 
in such a manner as moves the compassion of all who are 
not used to such dismal solemnities. When a Person of 
Quality comes on board, the Comite gives twice notice with 
his whistle. The first time they are all attentive; and the 
second, the slaves are obliged to salute, as they call it, three 
times : not with a cheerful Huzza as in an English Man-of- 
war; but by howling in a piteous tone, making a lamentable 
complaining outcry. 

When the badness of the weather hinder the galleys from 
putting to sea; such as have trades work in the galley. 
Such as have none learn to knit coarse stockings ; the Coniiie, 
for whose profit they work, gives them 3'arn, and pays them 
about half the usual price ; and this not in money, but some 
little victuals, or wine which they are obliged to take out of 
the Ship's Cellar (of which the Comite is the keeper), though 
it be generally bad, and dashed with water. For though 


^■^los:] Walking in the Shades of Death. 445 

they had as much gold as they could carry, they durst not, 
on pain of a bastinado, send for any wine from the shore. 

The most moving spectacle of all, is to see the poor souls 
that have no trade. They clean their comrades' clothes, and 
destroy the vermin that torment their neighbours : who in 
return, give them some small share of that scanty pittance 
they purchase by working. 

One may imagine that such ill treatment, diet, and in- 
fection must needs occasion frequent sickness. In that case, 
the usage is thus : 

There is in the hold, a close dark room. The air is ad- 
mitted only by the scuttle two feet square ; which is the 
only passage into it. At each end of the said room, there is 
a sort of a scaffold called Taular ; on which the sick are laid 
promiscuously, without beds or anything under them. When 
these are full, if there be any more, they are stretched all 
along the cables : as I saw in the year 1703, when being on 
the coast of Italy, in winter time, we had above threescore 
sick men. 

In this horrid place, all kind of vermin rule with an 
arbitrary sway; gnawing the poor sick creatures without 

When the duties of my function called me in amongst 
them, to confess, advise, or administer some comfort ; which 
was constantly twice a day : I was in an instant covered all 
over with them, it being impossible to preserve one's self 
from their swarms. The only way was to go down in a 
night gown, which I stript off when I came out, and by that 
means rid myself of them, by putting on my clothes. 

But when I was in, methought I walked, in a literal 
sense, in the Shades of Death. I was obliged notwithstand- 
ing to make considerable stays in this gloomy mansion, to 
confess such who were ready to expire. And the whole 
space between the ceiling and the Taular being but three 
feet ; I was obliged to lie down, and stretch myself along 
their sides, to hear their confessions : and often, while I was 
confessing one, another expired just by my side. 

The stench is most intolerable, insomuch as that there is 
no slave, though ever so weak, but will rather choose to tug 
at his oar, and expire under his chain, than to retire to this 
loathsome hospital. 

446 How THE SICK SLAVES ARE ROBBED. [^^''' "^^ ^JoS.' 

There is a chirurgeon to take care of the sick. At the 
first setting out of the galley, the King lays in drugs for the 
use of the crew ; which are always very good : and therefore 
the chirurgeons make money of them, in the several places we 
arrive at ; so that the persons they are intended for, have the 
least benefit of them. 

During the sickness, the King orders each man in the room 
we have described, i lb. of fresh bread, and the same quantity 
of fresh meat, and 2 oz. of rice a day. This is the Steward's 
province : and he discharges his office in such a manner, that 
five or six campaigns make his fortune. We have frequently 
had in our galley, threescore and ten sick men ; and the 
quantity of flesh allowed for that number, never exceeded 
20 lbs. weight, and that bad meat too : though, as I have ob- 
served, the King's allowance is i lb. for every man ; the rest 
going into his own pocket. 

Once, out of curiosity, I tasted it ; and found it little better 
than hot water. I complained to the Chirurgeon and Steward : 
but being great [thick] and commensales, they connived at one 

I complained to the Officers also : but for what reason (I 
only guess !) they did not regard me. And I have too much 
respect for the Captain, to say that he had any reason or 
Interest to wink at so great a piece of injustice, though he 
could, by his own authority, do these wretches justice : who 
often refused that water, made only more loathsome by the 
little quantity of meat put into it, and the little care used 
about it. 

I enquired of other Chaplains, whether the same was 
practised aboard their galleys ? They frankly confessed it 
was ; but durst own no more. 

After the campaign of 1704, I, having occasion to go to 
Versailles, thought myself obliged, when there, to give an 
account to Monsieur DE Pontchartrin, one of the King's 
Ministers, whose particular province, the Sea Affairs are. 

I offered him a short Memorial, and some Advices which 
I thought most proper to prevent the like abuses for the 

He was pleased to be so well satisfied, and found them so 
agreeable to some intimations given him before ; that he 
regarded my advice, and offered me his Interest. The King 

Rev. J. Bion.-J 'J'jjg pjyj, CLASSES OF GALLEY SLAVES. 447 

was pleased to order me a gratuity. I left the Warrant with 
Monsieur Thome, Treasurer General of the Galleys, living 
at the Marias du Temple ; to serve as an acquittance for the 
several payments he has made me. 

This is a brief account of the Galley ; and the government 

Now proceed to shew what sort of people are con* 
demned there. 

There are in a galley, five several sorts of people, 
under the notion of slaves ; besides seamen and 
soldiers : viz., Turks, such as are called Faus- 
sioners, deserters, criminals, and Protestants. 

The King buys the Turks to manage the stroke of the oar, 
as I have already shewn, and they are called Vogucavants ; and 
they together with such as are on the seats called banc du 
quartier, de la Conille, and les espalliers, have the same allow- 
ance with the soldiers. They are generally lusty strong men, 
and the least unfortunate of the whole crew. They are not 
chained ; but only wear a ring on their foot, as a badge of 

When they arrive at any port, they have liberty to trade. 
Some of them are worth ;£"300 or £400 [ = £7So or £1,000 
now] . They frequently send money to their wives and fami- 
lies : and, to the shame of Christians be it spoken ! there is 
a great deal more charity amongst them, than is to be 
found amongst us. 

I had taken one, called Tripoli, for my servant. He was 
a most religious observer of his law. During the Ramadan, 
a feast kept by them, the first Moon of the year ; he never 
eat, nor drank, from sun rising to sun setting ; in spite of all 
the toil and fatigue of the oar; he never seemed uneasy, 
though ready to faint through weakness. 

I could never so much as persuade him, to take a little 
wine ; though I have often urged him, merely out of com- 

The Offitcers make use of no other servants ; and they are 
so trusty, that they are never found out in any theft or 

448 Monsieur Bion tries to convert a Turk, p*''- ^' ^\°^^_ 

If any, by chance, commit a fault ; all the Turks importune 
their respective masters, to intercede for him with the Cap- 
tain. If any be sick ; they are all busy about him, to do him 
all the kind offices in their power. They club to buy him 
meat, or to purchase anything that may refresh him, or do 
him good. In short, in the galleys, one would think that the 
Turks and the Christians had made an exchange of prin- 
ciples : and that the latter had abjured the Precepts of their 
Saviour, and that the others had taken them up. And ac- 
cordingly, preach up Christ to a Turk, in a galley ; and his 
answer presently is, that " he had rather be transformed to a 
dog, than be of a religion that countenances so much barbarity, 
and suffer so many crimes." 

I cannot omit one remarkable instance of their constancy, 
and firm adherence to their religion. One of them who spoke 
French, fell sick. I found him stretched on the cable, in the 
place I have already described. I had done him some services : 
and seeing me do the duties of my function to some of his 
neighbours, he called me to him, and bade me farewell; telling 
me that he found he could not possibly live four hours longer. 

I ventured to talk to him, of GOD, our Saviour Christ, and 
the principles of his religion ; and told him that " through him 
alone, he was to expect salvation." 

I found what I said made some impression. 

Whereupon I embraced him, and told him " I would answer 
for his soul, if he would renounce Mahomet, who was but an 
imposter; and believe in Jesus Christ, the only Redeemer 
and Saviour of Mankind, whose holy and excellent doctrine, 
he had heard me so often preach." 

He told me, he would do what I thought fit. 

I answered that all I desired was his consent to receive 
baptism : " without which," I told him, " he could expect no 
salvation." I explained in a few words, the nature and design 
of it : and having induced him to consent, I went for some 
water ; and secretly told the Captain what had happened. 

But unluckily, another Turk, a friend of his (who also 
understood French, and had heard all that had past), whilst 
I was away, said something to my proselyte in his own lan- 
guage : so that, by the time I came back, he had quite 
altered his resolution, in such wise that I could, by no means, 
persuade him to perform the promise he made me. 

^^^'^' 1708:] The hunger after Salt. 449 

Nay his friend threw himself over him, and exhorted him 
to continue true to the prophet Mahomet ; in spite of the 
Comite, who was present, and threatened severely to beat him, 
if he desisted not. He prevailed in despite of all, for the poor 
wretch died in my presence in his error. 

Had I understood religion as well as I do now, I should not 
in that extremity, have insisted so much on the absolute neces- 
sity of baptism : but having given him a general notion of the 
principles of the Christian religion, I should have admonished 
him to repentance, and to implore the Divine mercy for pardon 
of his sins through the merits of Christ ; and so in saving his 
soul from death, I should have hid a multitude of my own 
sins. The reader, I hope, will excuse my former error. 

Though, as appears from what hath been said, the Turks 
on the galleys are treated somewhat better than the Chris- 
tians ; and though they be in no wise molested on the score 
of religion, for whilst Mass is a saying, they are put into the 
caique or long-boat, where they divert themselves by smoking 
and talking : yet there is not one of them, but would give all 
the world to be at his liberty. For the very name of a Galley 
is terrible to them, because, notwithstanding their treatment 
is pretty easy, yet they are slaves during life : unless when 
they are very old and unserviceable, they meet with friends who 
are willing to lay out a large sum of money for their ransom. 
Which shews how little those persons are acquainted with 
the affairs of that nature, who say that " there are in the 
galleys, men who would not accept of their freedom ; though 
it were offered them." It is just like talking of a battle 
which one never saw, unless at a great distance ; or knows 
nothing of but by hearsay. 

Those who are called Faussoniers [deceivers] are generally 
poor peasants, who are found to buy salt in such provinces 
where it is cheap, such as the country of Burgundy, or the 
country of Dombe. In France, what they call a pint of salt, 
weighing four pounds, costs 3s. 6d. 

There are some poor peasants and their whole families, 
who, for want of salt, eat no soup sometimes in a whole 
week; though it be their common nourishment. A man in 
that case, grieved to see his wife and children in a starving, 

2F '•> 

450 The Criminal Classes in a galley. [^*''" ^- f Jo"; 

languishing condition, ventures to go abroad, to buy salt in 
the Provinces where it is three parts in four cheaper. If 
discovered, he is certainly sent to the galleys. It is a very 
melancholy sight, to see a wife and children lament their 
father, whom they see ladened with chains and irrevocably 
lost ; and that for no other crime but endeavouring to pro- 
cure subsistence for those to whom he gave birth. 

These, indeed, are condemned only for a time; perhaps 
five, six, or eight years : but the misfortune is, that having 
served out their time, if they outlive it, they are still unjustly 
detained. For Penance or Masses avail nothing in this 
Purgatory, Indulgences are excluded, especially if the man 
be unfortunately strong and robust, let his sentence be what 
it will. The King's orders are that when the time of the 
sentence is expired, they should be set at liberty, and sent 
home. But in this, as in many other cases, his orders are 
not duly put in execution : which indeed does not excuse 
him ! since a good Prince is obliged to have an eye on the 
administration of his Ministers and servants. 

As for Deserters, their sentence runs during life. Formerly, 
they used to cut off their nose and ears : but because they 
stank, and commonly infected the whole crew, they only 
now give them a little slit. 

Though these are inexcusable, because desertion is, upon 
several accounts, dangerous and base : yet it moves one's pity 
to see young men, who often happen to descend from good 
families, condemned to so wretched and so miserable a life. 

Such as are condemned for Crimes, are generally, filons 
[pickpockets], sharpers, rooks [cheats], or highwaymen. The 
most notorious villains are least daunted, and take heart 
soonest. They presently strike up a friendship with those of 
their own gang. They tell over their old rogueries, and 
boast of their crimes ; and the greatest villain passes for the 
greatest hero. 

The misery they have reduced themselves to, is so far from 
working any amendment, that it makes them more desperate 
and wicked : insomuch that if any stranger chances to come 



aboard, though it were but a handkerchief or some such 
trifle, they will certainly steal it, if they can. Their common 
employment is to forge titles, to engrave false seals, and to 
counterfeit handwriting; and these they sell to others as bad 
as themselves, that often come in, some time after, to bear 
them company. But though they feel no remorse, yet they 
feel the Comite; who, with a rope's end, often visits their 
shoulders : but then, instead of complaining, they vomit out 
oaths and blasphemies enough to make a man's hair stand 
on end. 

There was one, who, shewing me the mark the rope had 
made about his neck, bragged that though he had escaped 
the gallows, he was not thereby grown a coward : but that, 
as soon as ever he had been at liberty, he had robbed 
the first person he met with. And that having been taken, 
and brought before a judge who knew him not; he had 
been only condemned to the galleys ; where, he thanked 
GOD ! he was sure of bread and good company, the remain- 
der of his days. 

It is certain, that how terrible and hard soever the usage 
of such may be in the galleys ; yet it is too mild for them ! 
for in spite of all the misery they endure, they are guilty of 
crimes too abominable to be here related. 

Over which, we shall draw a veil ; and go on to the Pro- 
testants : who are there purely because they chose rather 
to obey GOD than man; and were not willing to exchange 
their souls for the gain of the World. It is not the least 
aggravating circumstance of their misery, to be condemned 
to such hellish company. They who have so great a value 
for the truth of religion as to prefer it to their worldly 
interest, must be supposed to be indued with too much 
virtue, not to be in pain and under concern, for the open 
breach of its rules, and the unworthiness of its professors. 

He Protestants, now on the galleys, have been 
condemned thither, at several times. 

The first were put in, after the Revocation of 
the Edict of Nantes [October 22, 1685]. The term 
prefixed for the fatal choice of either abjuring 
their religion, or leaving the Kingdom was a fortnight : and 

452 Great injustice of the French system. [R=^-J-^ 



that upon pain of being condemned to the galleys. But this 
liberty, by many base artifices and unjust methods was 
rendered useless, and of none effect. There were often 
secret orders, by the contrivance of the Clergy, to prevent 
their embarking, and to hinder the selling of their substance. 
Their debtors were absolved by their Confessors, when they 
denied [the payment of] a debt. Children were forced from 
their fathers' and mothers' arms, in hopes that the tender- 
ness of the Parent might prevail over the zeal of the Christian. 
They indeed were not massacred, as in Herod's time, but 
the blood of the Fathers was mingled with their tears. For 
many Ministers, who had zeal and constancy enough to 
brave the severest punishments, were broken alive upon 
wheels, without mercy, whenever surprised discharging the 
duties of their function. The Registers and Courts of Justice 
where the sentences were pronounced against them are re- 
corded, and the executioners of them are lasting monuments 
of the bloody temper and fury of Popery. 

The laity were forbidden, on pain of the galleys, leaving 
the kingdom, on any pretence whatsoever. But what 
posterity will scarcely believe! the Protestants of all sexes, 
ages, and conditions used to fly through deserts and wild 
impracticable ways, they committed their lives to the mercy 
of the seas, and ran innumerable hazards, to avoid either 
idolatry or martyrdom. Some escaped very happily [for- 
tunately] in spite of the vigilance of the dragoons and bailiffs : 
but a great many fell into their hands. The prisons were 
filled with Confessors. But the saddest spectacle of all, was 
to see 200 men at a time, chained together, going to the 
galleys ; and above 100 of that number Protestants. And 
what was barbarous and unjust to the last degree, was that 
they were obliged, when there, on pain of bastinado, to bow 
before the Host, and to hear Mass : and yet that was the only 
crime for which they had been condemned thither. 

For suppose they were in the wrong, in obstinately refusing 
to change their religion ; the galleys were the punishment ! 
Why then were they required to do that, which had been the 
cause of their condemnation ? Especially since there is a 
law in France, that positively forbids a double punishment 
for one and the same fault, viz., Non his punitur in idem. 
But in France, properly speaking, there is no Law where the 


King's commands are absolute and peremptory. I have seen 
a General Bastinado, on that account ; which I shall describe 
in its proper place 

It is certain, that though there were, at first, a very great 
number of Protestants condemned to the galleys, the bastinado 
and other torments hath destroyed [between 1685 and 1708] 
above three parts of four; and the most of those who are still 
alive are in dungeons, as Monsieurs Bansillion, De Serres, 
and Sabattier, who are confined to a dungeon, at Chateau 
d'lf, a fort built upon a rock in the sea, three miles from 

But the generous constancy of this last, about eight or ten 
months ago [or rather in 1689], deserves a place in this History, 
and challenges the admiration of all true Protestants. 

Monsieur [Franqois] Sabattier, whose charity and zeal 
equal those of the primitive Christians, having a little money, 
distributed it to his brethren and fellow sufferers in the 
galleys. But the Protestants being watched more narrowly 
than the rest ; he could not do it so secretly but he was 
discovered, and brought before Monsieur de Monmort, 
Intendant of the Galleys at Marseilles. 

Being asked, he did not deny the fact. 

Monsieur Monmort not only promised him his Pardon, but 
a reward if he would declare who it was that had given him 
that money ? 

Monsieur Sabattier modestly answered that, " he should 
be guilty of ingratitude before GOD and man, if, by any con- 
fession, he should bring them into trouble who had been so 
charitable to him": that "his person was at his disposal, 
but he desired to be excused, as to the secret expected from 

The Intendant replied he " had a way to make him tell, 
and that immediately." 

Whereupon, he sent for some Turks, who at his command 
stripped Sabattier stark naked ; and beat him, at several 
times, with rope ends and cudgels, during three days. And 
seeing this did not prevail over this generous Confessor, he 
himself, which never happened to an Intendant before, turned 
Executioner ! striking him with his cane ; and telling the by- 
standers, " See, what a devil of a religion this is ! " These 


454 The ferocity of the Abb^ du Chelas. p^"" J- fjos". 

were his own expressions, as is credibly reported by persons 
that were present. The Gazettes and Public Letters gave us 
an account of the same. 

At last, seeing he was ready to expire ; he commanded 
him into a dungeon : where, maugre all torments, Providence 
hath preserved him to this day [He was released in 1713]. 

But though most of the Protestants of the first date are 
destroyed : yet the Wars in the Cevennes [1702-1705] have 
furnished them with more than enough to fill the vacant 
places. These Wars may be properly called a Second Persecu- 
tion, because the cruelty and inveterate malice of a Popish 
priest was the occasion and first cause of them. 

One of the most bitter and passionate enemies of the Pro- 
testants was the Abbot DU Chelas, whose benefice was in 
the Cevennes. He kept an exact account of the Protestants 
in his district. Whenever he missed them at Mass, he used 
to send for them, under some pretence or other, to his house ; 
and used to make his servants tie them (whether men, women, 
or maidens) to a tree, stripped down to their waist : and then, 
with horsewhips, scourged them till the blood gushed out. 

This the Papists themselves do not deny, who own that this 
Du Chelas was an ill [bad] man : and yet this his proceeding 
against the Protestants, being meritorious at Court, he had 
encouragement to hope for a reward. 

But at last, his Protestant neighbours perceiving there 
were no hopes of pacifying this monster by submission and 
fair means, grew desperate : and one night invested his 
house. He leaped out of his window into his garden ; but 
not being able to get out, he begged Quarter : but as he had 
never granted any, they served him in his kind, by killing 

And because they were sure of being pursued, they kept 
the country : and by degrees their numbers increased. All 
that were tormented for not going to Mass, made a body and 
joined them. GOD blessed their arms with success for some 
time : but (for good reasons, no doubt, though unknown to 
us) he gave them up into the hands of their enemies ; and 
not only them, but the inhabitants of the neighbouring 
countries, as the Viverrois and Languedoc. And [onj the bare 
suspicion of being in their Interest, those with whom any 

Rev. J. Bionj MoNsiEUR AND Madame Salgas. 455 

arms were found, those who refused to frequent the Mass, 
were either hanged, or broken on the wheel. 

That pretended Rebellion was made use of, as a pretence to 
send to the galleys, several rich Protestant merchants. 

There is, since that time, a Gentleman, Monsieur Salgas 
by name, who before the Repealing of the Edict of Nantes, 
enjoyed a plentiful estate in the Cevennes. In order to keep 
it, he abjured his religion, and promised to go to Mass. His 
spouse, a worthy Lady (with whom I have often conversed 
at Geneva where she lives) refused ; and generously rejected 
all proposals on that subject. 

Seeing they threatened her, with a Cloister, she endeavoured 
to gain time : but, at last, her husband told her that there 
was a positive order from Court, to confine her, if she did not 
comply and go to Mass. 

This courageous Lady, who deserves to be a pattern of 
piety and zoal to posterity, having, by prayer and other acts 
of devotion, implored the Divine assistance, resolved to quit 
her country, her husband children and estate, and all that is 
dear and precious here below. 

She took her opportunity, one day, when her husband was 
gone a hunting ; without communicating anything of her 
design to anybody but to such as were instrumental in her 
escape. She retired to Geneva, where she might have liberty 
to make an open profession of her religion, and bemoan the 
misfortune of her family. 

Some time after, the Wars of the Cevennes broke out. 
Monsieur de Salgas was accused of assisting the Camisards 
with provisions : and, in spite of his hypocrisy and pretended 
zeal for his new religion, he was sent to the galleys. 

But here we must admire the wisdom of Providence, very 
remarkable in this dispensation. For this has proved the 
means to open his own eyes, and to let him see his error : as 
appears from the penitential letters he writes to his friends, 
his Christianlike behaviour under his sufferings, his exhorta- 
tions to his fellow sufferers, and the noble and pious example 
he shews them. 

He hath had frequent offers made him, of being restored 
to his estate, on the same conditions he had preserved it 
before : but he hath hitherto been proof against all their 


He was, some years ago, put into the Hospital General 
for the Galleys, at Marseilles. This is a kind of manufactory, 
where their treatment is somewhat easier than in the galleys. 
But at the siege of Toulon [1707J, he and all his brethren 
were taken out of that hospital, and reduced to their old 
station and former miserable condition ; besides losing 12 or 
14 Louis d'Or [about £12 or ^^14] which he had procured, to 
purchase such necessaries as might keep up and support his 
spirits, under the hardships he endured. This account came 
to his Lady, while I was there [therefore BiON was at 
Geneva in 1707] ; who is, as one may easily imagine, under 
an inexpressible concern for the miseries her husband groans 

But it is time to bring this sad Relation to a conclusion. 
In order whereunto, I shall according to my promise, give 
an account of the General Bastinado^ at which I was present : 
and it was not the least means of my conversion! GOD 
grant it may be effectual to my salvation ! 

In the year 1703, several Protestants out of Languedoc 
and the Cevennes, were put on board our galley. 

They were narrowly watched and observed. I was mightily 
surprised, one Sunday morning, after saying Mass on the 
Bancasse (a table so placed that all in the galley may see the 
priest when he elevates the Host), to hear the Comite say he 
was " going to give the Huguenots the bastinado because they 
did not kneel, nor shew any respect to the mysteries of the 
Mass," and that he was a going to acquaint the Captain 

The very name of Bastinado terrified me, and though I had 
never seen this fearful execution, I begged the Comite to for- 
bear till the next Sunday ; and that, in the mean time, I 
would endeavour to convince them of what I (then) thought 
their duty, and mine own. 

Accordingly I used all the means I could possibly think of, 
to that effect ; sometimes making use of fair means, giving 
them victuals and doing them other good offices ; sometimes 
using threats, and representing the torments that were 
designed them ; and often urging the King's command ; and 
quoting the passage of St. Paul, that/zf who resists the Higher 
Powers, resists GOD / 


Rev. J. Bion.-j jg PrqtESTANTS BASTINADOED AT ONCE. 457 

I had not, at that time, any design to oblige them to do 
anything against their consciences. I must confess that 
what I did at that time, chiefly proceeded from a motive of 
pity and tenderness. This was the cause of my 2eal ; 
which had been more fatal to thern, had not GOD endued 
them with resolution and virtue sufficient to bear up against 
my arguments and the terrible execution they had in view. 

I could not but admire, at once both the modesty of their 
answers and greatness of their courage. " The King," said 
they, ** is indeed master over our bodies, but not of our 

At last, the dreadful day being come, the Couiite narrowly 
observed them, to see the fruit of my labours. There were 
only two out of the twenty, that bowed their knee to Baal. 

The rest generously refused it, and were accordingly, by 
the Captain's command, served in the manner following : 

Here, like another ^Eneas (with regret, calling to mind 
the miseries and ruin of his own country ; the very memory 
whereof struck his soul with horror) ; I may truly say, 

Infandum Regina jubes renovare dolorem ! 

In order to the execution, every man's chains were taken 
off; and they were put into the hands of four Turks, who 
stripped them stark naked, and stretched them upon the 
Coursier, that great gun we have described in the Preface. 
There they are so held that they cannot so much as stir. 
During that time, there is a horrid silence throughout the 
whole galley. It is so cruel a scene that the most profligate 
obdurate wretches cannot bear the sight ; but are forced to 
turn away their eyes. 

The victim thus prepared, the Turk pitched upon to be 
the executioner, with a tough cudgel or knotty rope's end, 
unmercifully beats the poor wretch ; and that too the more 
willingly, because he thinks that it is acceptable to his 
prophet Mahomet. 

But the most barbarous thing of all is, that after the skin 
is flayed off their bones ; the only balsam they apply to their 
wounds is a mixture of vinegar and salt. 

After this, they are thrown into the hospital already 

I went thither, after the execution ; and could not refrain 

458 Punishment of Protestants for Religion. [J- ^^l] 

from tears at the sight of so much barbarity. They quickly 
perceived it, and though scarce able to speak, through pain 
and weakness ; they thanked me for the compassion I 
expressed, and the kindness I had always shewn them. 

I went with a design to administer some comfort ; but I 
was glad to find them less moved than I was myself. It was 
wonderful to see with what true Christian patience and 
constancy, they bore their torments : in the extremity of 
their pain, never expressing anything like rage ; but calling 
upon Almighty GOD, and imploring his assistance. 

I visited them, day by day ; and as often as I did, my 
conscience upbraided me for persisting so long in a religion, 
whose capital errors I had long before perceived, and above 
all, that inspired so much cruelty ; a temper directly opposite 
to the spirit of Christianity. At last, their wounds, like so 
many mouths, preached to me, made me sensible of my 
error, and experimentally taught me the excellency of the 
Protestant Religion. 

But it is high time to conclude, and draw a curtain over 
this horrid scene ; which presents us with none but ghastly 
sights, and transactions full of barbarity and injustice : but 
which all shew how false what they pretend in France, is, 
for detaining the Protestants in the galleys, viz., that they 
do not suffer there upon a religious, but a civil account : 
being condemned for rebellion and disobedience. The punish- 
ments inflicted on them, when they refuse to adore the Host; 
the rewards and advantages offered them on their compliance 
in that particular; area sufficient argument against them: 
there being no such offers made to such, who are condemned 
for crimes. It shews the World also, the almost incredible 
barbarity used against the French Protestants ; and, at the 
same time, sets off in a most glorious manner, their virtue, 
constancy, and zeal for their holy Religion. 





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