Full text of "An English garner; ingatherings from our history and literature"

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LIBRARY

THE UNIVERSITY

OF CALIFORNIA

SANTA BARBARA

PRESENTED BY

MRS. DONALD KELLOGG

SOCIAL ENGLAND ILLUSTRATED

-- Q^hefe are th^ Lines thatjjiew tlty'Face-flut thoji
'Jlia.tfhew tfiy Gi'dCC and Cflovy, hrujhter hec :
<T'hy FaVC-jDifcamries and. J'owlc-Ovcrtfirpwes
Of Salvages, muck Civillizd hy t/ici
Hcjljhcw thy Sfiribiand to it Glovj^ CWytt^i.
Sc,tkaii art B raise without, h tit C/olaZ Witliiii.

This is a fine example of the art of the famous engraver
Simon Passe, and was engraved in 1614 to illustrate
the Map of New England given in the Description of New
England, and some years later in the Generall Historic
of Virginia. The portrait occupies the left top corner of
the map. This is the only portrait of John Smith.

THE PENSHURST EDITION

an Cnjltsf) (garnet

INGATHERINGS FROM OUR
HISTORY AND LITERATURE

EDITED BY

PROFESSOR EDWARD ARBER

PENSJiUI2ST

LONDON

ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE AND CO. LTD.

1909

This Edition is limited to yt^o copies
for England and America

No...l.X..xX..

Edinburgh : T. and A Constable, Printers to His Majesty

CONTENTS

PAGE

Introduction vii

I. Of English Dogs, the diversities, the names, the natures

and the properties. A Short Treatise written in Latin

by Johannes Caius (1536) . . . and newly drawn

into English by Abraham Fleming, 1576 ... i

II. Dr. John Dee. The Petty Navy Royal. [Ap. The British

Monarchy, 1577] 45

III. Dean William Turner. Notes on Wines used in England.

[From a New Book of the Nature and properties of all
Wines, 1568] 55

IV. A Politic Plat for the honour of the Prince, the great profit

of the public state, relief of the poor, preservatioti of the
rich, reformation of rogues and idle persons, and the
wealth of thousands that know not how to live, by
Robert Hitchcock, Gentleman, 1580 .... 59

V. Elizabeth ar7ns Etigland, which Mary had left defenceless.
By the Rev. William Harrison, B.D. (from the ' Descrip-
tion of England' in Holinshed'sC^rd7;KV/^,Bk. Il.chap.i6) 96

VI. The most dangerous and tnemorable adventure of Richard
Ferris, one of the five ordinary Messengers of Her
Majesty's Chamber, who departed from Tower Wharff,
on Midsummer Day last . . . in a small wherry
boat to row, by sea, to the city of Bristow. By Richard

Ferris, 1590 loi

VII. The English Army Rations in the time of Queen Elizabeth.
By Captain Robert Hitchcock of Caversfield. (An
appendix to W. Garrard's The Art of War, 1591) . . 115
VIII. A brief note of the benefits that grow to this Realm, by the
observation of Fish Days : with a reasoji and cause
wherefore the law i?i that behalf made, is ordained. The
Privy Council. loth March 1594 I33

IX. Kemp's nine days' wonder. Performed in a dance from
London to Norwich. Containing the Pleasure, Pains
a?td Kind entertainment of William Kemp, between
Lo7idon a7id that city, in his late Morrice. Written by

himself to satisfy friends, 1600 139

X. The Great Frost. A familiar talk between a Coutitrytnan
and a Citizen touching this terrible Frost, and the Great
Lottery, a7id the effects of them, 160Z . . . .163

XI. The Secrets of A7tgli7ig : teachi7ig the choicest Tools, Baits,
a7id Seasons, for the taki7tg of a7iy Fish i7i Pond or River:

vi Social England in Seventeenth Century

PAGE

practised and familiarly opened in three books. By

J. D., Esquire 187

XII. Comments on the Secrets of Angling. By William Lauson.
(Second edition. Augmented with 7na?jy approved ex-
periments), 1653 237

XIII. England's Way to Win Wealth, and to employ Ships and
Mariners; or, A plain description what great profit it will
brijtg into the Cotnmon Wealth of Etiglaiid, by the erect-
ing, buildifig and adve?ituring of Busses to sea, a fishing.
By Tobias Gentleman, Fisherman and Mariner, 1614 . 245

XIV. Britain^ s Buss, or A computation as well of the Charge of
a Buss or Herring Fish Ship ; as also of the Gain and

Profit thereby. By E. S., 161 5 273

XV. The King^s Majestfs Delaration to his Subjects concerning

lawful Sports to be used. King James. 24th May 1618 313

XVI. The same with preface and conclusion by King Charles,

1633 31S

XVII. Leather : A discourse tendered to the High Court of

Parliament . . 317

XVIII. The Carrier's Cosmography ; or, a Brief Relation of the Inns,
Ordinaries, Hostelries, and other lodgifigs in and near
London; where the Carriers, Waggons, Foot-posts and
Higglers do tcsually come from any parts . . . With
7iomination of what days of the week they do come to
London . . . As also ivhere the Ships, Hoys, Barks,
Tiltboats, Barges and Wherries do usually attend. By
John Taylor, 1637 339

XIX. The Worth of a Penny ; or, a Caution to Keep Money.
With the causes of the scarcity and misery of the want
hereof in these hard and merciless Times. By H.

P[eacham], Master of Arts, 1647 363

XX. A Narrative of all the Proceedings ifi the Drainitig of the
Great Level of the Fe7is. Extending into the Counties of
Northampton, Lincoln, Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridge, and
Hu7itingdon, a7id the Isle of Ely ; fro7n the time of Quee7t
Elizabeth U7itil this present May, i66r. By N. N., 1661 407
XXI. Hi7its for Travellers, 1571-1671. By Edward Leigh,

Esquire, M. A. {From Three Diatribes, tic.) . .415

XXII. The Seco7id Ge7ieratio7i of E7iglish Professio7tal Actors,
1625-1670. By James Wright. (From Histotia His-
trio7iica, 1699) 421

XXIII. A71 account of the Tor77ients the French Protestants endure
aboard the Galleys. By John Bion . . . Chaplain
to the 5?^/<?r^^ Galley, in the French Service, 1708 . 433

INTRODUCTION

The reader of the various tracts here reprinted may find it
convenient to have a brief account of the authors. The
first pamphlet, ' Of English Dogs,' translated in 1576, was
published in Latin in 1570, by John Caius (15 10- 1573).
He is best remembered as the founder of Caius (* Keys ')
College in Cambridge, but in his time he was an eminent
physician and writer on medicine. He was a student at
Gonville Hall, Cambridge, which he practically refounded
as ' Caius,' and was one of the early Greek scholars of his
country, before the Revival of Letters, under Erasmus,
Collet, Cheke, and More, was delayed by the reforming zeal
of Henry VIII. The labours of that evangelist made Eng-
land an extremely unquiet place for men of learning, while
there is much reason to doubt whether Caius ever quite
shook off 'the rags of Rome.' In 1539, probably to avoid
the 'bustling of the university up and down' in matters of
religion, Caius migrated to the schools of Padua. This
was a tranquil home of letters and law, the mundane Re-
public of Venice discountenancing the persecutions which
raged among the godly, whether Lutheran, Calvinist, or
Anglican. The university had an Anglo-Scottish ' Nation,'
of which the registers have lately been published. The
celebrated Vesalius was here Caius's teacher in anatomy, a

viii Social England in Seventeenth Century

study for which the Church in the Middle Ages professed
no admiration. After taking his doctor's degree (1541),
Caius made a scientific tour among the libraries of Europe,
especially examining the MSS. of Galen, the Greek medical
writer. Returning to England shortly before the death of
Henry VIII., he was commanded by that prince to lecture
on anatomy. He also wrote a treatise, reckoned fine, on
the ' Sweating Sickness,' and was appointed to the post, no
sinecure, of physician to the ailing Edward VI. On the de-
cease of the young king, our English Josiah, Caius held the
same office in the household of Queen Mary, usually styled
by a vulgar sobriquet^ ' the Bloody.' The offices enjoyed
by Caius were lucrative, and he was not like the wealthy of
the Reformation, whom Latimer chides for their neglect of
scholars. He re-endowed Gonville, where he had been
educated, and became (1559) master of the College, without
salary. On Mary's death, Elizabeth maintained Caius in
his place of Royal physician, but, as Protestantism became
of a more persecuting temper, he retired (1568), or was
dismissed from his anxious post. After the affair of the
St. Bartholomew, the Protestants were full of nervous
suspicions, and Caius fell into trouble because he possessed
certain ' idolatrous ' objects and ecclesiastical vestments,
A bonfire of these was made in the College quadrangle,
but, on July 29, 1573, Caius escaped, by death, from
the tender mercies of Protestantism. Three years later,
Abraham Fleming translated the tract on Dogs, written for
Gesner the naturalist, whom Walton quotes so freely in the
Compleat A ngler.

The little tract by 'Dr.' Dee (he was only a Master of
Arts) is outside the lines of his ordinary work, which was
mathematical, astronomical, astrological, and concerned

Introduction ix

with 'crystal gazing.' John Dee (1547- 1608) was a fellow
of Trinity College, Cambridge. Like Caius he travelled
much in search of learning: unlike Caius his orthodoxy was
suspected under Mary Tudor. Elizabeth extended to him a
good deal of the favour which takes the shape of promises ;
but he ruined himself, under his servant, Kelly, in experi-
ments in ' crystal gazing,' or rather in gazing into a piece
of polished obsidian. A similar plaque, Aztec in origin, is
in the British Museum. He believed in the old magical
absurdities connected with this practice, was duped by
Kelly, and was regarded as a sorcerer, from which imputa-
tion James I. declined to let him clear himself He really
shone as a mathematician, but was an unpractical, flighty,
superstitious scholar. His tract here seems to be a piece of
hack work, done to advertise Robert Hitchcock's 'plat'
or scheme for encouraging fisheries. The best account
of Dee's transactions with the rogue Kelly, with foreign
princes interested in magic, and with 'scrying' in the 'show
stones,' is that of Miss Goodrich Freer (' Miss X.'), derived
from Original MSS. in the Proceedings of the Society
for Psychical Research. Perhaps Kelly was one of the
many people who can induce hallucinations by gazing into
any clear deep ; but his array of angels and spirits, and his
various traditional mummeries, and 'calls' to spirits, are
rejected by educated modern investigators. He gulled and
ruined Dee, a learned, dull, credulous student.

Of Robert Hitchcock, author of 'A Political Plat,' little
is known except from his published and unpublished works.
He held lands in Buckinghamshire, and in 1580 received a
commission to raise Buckingham volunteers to serve in the
Low Countries. He took much trouble with his ' Plat,' but
the dissolution of Parliament in 1576 prevented it from

X Social England in Seventeenth Century

being considered at that time, and Hitchcock's expenditure
in dinners to burgesses of seaport towns was wasted. He
had written a Memoir on National Defence in 1571, and
presented it to Elizabeth in 1580. Other tracts he wrote,
and, in 1590, translated, as 'The Quintessence of Wit,' a
selection of Italian maxims collected by Francesco San-
sovino. His 'Arte of Warre' was an edition and com-
pletion of a manuscript by William Garrard, an Englishman
in Spanish service, 1591 ; with this Hitchcock combined
the tract in the present volume.^

William Harrison (1534- 1593) was educated at St. Paul's,
Westminster, and Christ Church. He was in Anglican
orders, and is best known for his Description of England,
planned by the Queen's Printer, Reginald Wolfe (edited by
Dr. Merivale, 1877). He also wrote on Chronology and
on Weights and Measures.

Of John Dennis or Dennys, the author of The Secrets of
Angling, it is to be said that he pursued the fallentis seniita
vitcB as a contemplative man ought to do, as anglers love
to do, and as a minor poet often, reluctantly, does.

John Taylor, a worse poet, is more widely known (1580-
1653). Maimed as a pressed sailor in Elizabeth's navy, he
became a Thames waterman, but carriages and hackney
coaches injured his business ; he took to rhyming, went on
humoristic journeys, and turned his adventures into ' copy.*
His best-known journey (161 8) carried him as far north as
Braemar, in the train of James VI. and I., where he described a
Highland hunting-party. He was born to be a rather rowdy
pressman, to write buffooneries, and contribute to the press
eccentric narratives and picturesque adventures of the road.

1 See Mr. A. F. Pollard in Supplementary Volume (ii.) of the Dictionary of
National Biography.

Introduction xi

Henry Peacham (1576-1643) was a literary struggler of
a higher feather. A scholar of Trinity (Cambridge) and a
schoolmaster, he could sketch, write Latin verses, English
verses, and compose music to his own words. He produced
occasional loyal odes. He wandered on the Continent, some-
times as bear-leader to young men of rank, sons of Lord
Arundel, sometimes alone. He was the author of The
Coinpleat Gentleman^ a successful manual of accomplish-
ments ; he compiled anecdotes, wrote reminiscences, political
tracts (Royalist), and even books for children. In short
he was a literary hack of all work, and, of course, was
'reduced to poverty in his old age,' probably before he
received any royalties on 'The Worth of a Penny.'

The majority of the tracts in this volume represent
ancient journalism. To-day the authors would put them
forth as articles in newspapers, or perhaps in the more pon-
derous magazines. Before such vehicles existed, the essays,
as a rule, took the shape of pamphlets, in which the press,
through the reigns of Elizabeth and James i., was prolific.
The tractate on English Dogs, by Dr. Caius, is an exception
to the general rule : it merely contains materials for Gesner's
Natural History.^ The other tracts in the volume illustrate
not the political and religious conditions of the time, but
its social aspects, its peculiar political economy — then
universal — its miseries, and its sports. The grievances were
(as much earlier) the increase of grazing, the consequent
depression of agriculture, the absence of efficiency every-
where, the neglect of fisheries, the lack of employment, the

* Historic Animalium. Tiguri : Froschover. 1551-15S7.

xii Social England in Seventeenth Century

want of safe investments, the hoarding of bullion, and the
extremes of poverty and wealth. Of the ruinous system
of monopolies we hear little. The tract of Caius avoids
all these burning questions. The essay is of interest to us
mainly for the odd vivacity of the translator's English
style, like that of B.R.'s rendering of Herodotus, partly as
matter of natural history and the evolution of species of
dogs, and, again, because of the illustrations of sport. The
spelling and accenting of Greek words in the translator's
text is pleasantly fantastic. We leave them as we find
them. We learn that the same dogs, leverarii, were used
as harriers and as foxhounds. The actual foxhound is
mainly the result of specialised breeding in the eighteenth
century, during which hare-hunting (practised by Squire
Western) gradually went out of vogue, and fox-hunting
became fashionable, ' jelly dogs ' losing favour. Terriers,
as their name proves, were used against foxes and badgers
that had gone to earth. The * entering ' of terriers, their
education, is adequately described by Dandie Dinmont in
Guy Mannering, ' Beast or body, education should aye be
minded. I had them a' regularly entered, first wi' rottens,
then wi' stots or weasels, and then wi' the tods or brocks,
and now they fear naething that ever cam' wi' a hairy
skin on 't.' From rats to weasels, foxes, badgers, and
otters (of which Dandie makes no mention) is the cur-
riculum of a terrier's education. Dandie does not include
cats, the habitual prey of the well-trained dandie dinmont.
Not to assail cats ought to be part of his education; it is
often successfully undertaken by puss herself, Caius is brief
and unsympathetic in his section on terriers, and throws no
light on the breeding of our extant classes of that hound.
The dandie was fully developed at the close of the

Introduction xiii

eighteenth century, as may be seen in Gainsborough's
portrait of the young Duke of Buccleuch, in company with
a very fine dandie with a dome-like head. The present
fashion breeds dandies too small and neat, and of insufficient
strength, in the humble opinion of the present writer,^ The
Borders, the home of the dandie, were also naturally the
home of the bloodhound, so valuable for his use in
' pursuing pestilent persons who plant their pleasure in
practices of purloining' — everything that had legs. Such
persons were 111 Will Armstrong, Kinmont Willie, and
Dick o' the Cow. Among greyhounds both the rough and
smooth varieties are reckoned, the former used in stag-
hunting, the latter in coursing hares. The 'tumbler' and
'thievish dog' would now probably be spoken of as
' lurchers,' night-wandering poaching curs of low degree.
The spaniel and setter appear to be much what they were
in the time of Dr. Caius, though a comparison of pictures
of dogs in portraits, from Holbein's time downwards, is
necessary for precision. The Cams Piscaior of Hector
Boece (* Boethius '), which ' seeketh for fish by smelling
among rock and stone,' is probably one of the many myths
of that pillar of falsehood. At all events, though one has
known terriers to attack salmon in the water during the
spawning season, and though a collie, Jock by name, has
been trained to turn a hooked salmon when he tries to leave
the pool, one has never heard of a dog that traces fish by
the scent.

Of dogs, 'little, pretty, proper, and fine, sought for to
satisfy the delicateness of dainty dames,' we know that
Mary Stuart, in captivity, was very fond, and one such dog
was faithful to the end. ' She had a little dog with her

^ See Mr. Cook's The Dandie Dinmont Terrier.

xiv Social England in Seventeenth Century

upon the scaffold, who was sitting there during the whole
time, keeping very quiet and never stirring from her side,
but as soon as the head was stricken off, he began to
bestir himself and cry out. Afterwards he took up a position
between the body and the head, which he kept until some
one came and removed him, and this had to be done by
violence.' The dog of the Queen was more loyal than her
son. Henri III. of France, in his conscientious pursuit of
effeminacy, made much ado with tiny toy dogs : ' This
abuse,' says Caius, 'reigneth where there hath been long lack
of issue.' Henri had none. Caius, as a physician, says much
more of pet miniature spaniels than of terriers, because the
science of his age held that the malady of a sick person
might migrate into her lap-dog. This belief survives in
France, if we may trust Gyp in her Ces Bons Docteurs.
Caius's logic here shows a lack of scientific precision.
Witches used to cause the maladies of their patrons to shift
quarters into a beast, as the disease of Archbishop Adamson
of St. Andrews (1580) into a white pony. But I am apt
to regard this anecdote as a slanderous myth, invented by
the superstition of the prelate's Presbyterian enemies, the
Melvilles, Blacks, and Davidsons. The sheep-dog's per-
sonal appearance is not described ; and we know not
whether Caius refers to our collies, or to a tall, rough kind
of terrier most common in the north of England. Little
or nothing is said of the wonderful sagacity of the collie.
That Caius should regard mastiffs as descended from * the
violent lion ' shows a tendency rather erroneous to the
theory of evolution. Mastiffs were used as water dogs,
and for bear-baiting — Shallow's favourite sport. In an
England populated by tramps, thanks to the dissolution
of the monasteries and the wars, mastiffs had no sinecure.

Introduction xv

The British bull-dog (unless he is 'the butcher's dog')
seems to be ungraciously omitted. Probably he is the
result of breeding with an eye to pinning the bull, in the
humane sport of bull-baiting.

Dr. Dee's * Petty Navy Royal' seems to have been written
purely to back up Robert Hitchcock's ' Politick Plat.'
The English Navy, in Dee's opinion, was inadequate to
its many duties of patrolling the seas, protecting commerce
and fisheries, putting down pirates, watching for hostile
enterprises, spies, Catholic traffickers, and so forth. Eng-
land was then much exposed to the adventures of French,
Scottish, and Spanish agents of Mary Stuart and the
Catholic powers which, more or less, favoured her cause.
But great numbers of them were, as we know, actually
taken and tortured. As for pirates, the Dunkirkers and
others wrought much mischief, and were apt to be
harboured in Scotland, as the English envoy, Nicholson,
complained to James VI. But most of the pirates were
English. The state papers (1580- 1590) are full of
remonstrances from the Scottish Government against the
unspeakable cruelties and torments which English pirates
inflicted on Scots, subjects of a friendly nation. The
people of Anstruther, in Fife, manned a ship, pursued an
English pirate, ran him to earth in Sussex, slew some of
his men, seized others and hanged them at St. Andrews.^
Private enterprise to put down foreign pirates was offered,
for example, by Lord Willoughby, Governor of Berwick,
in 1601, but was discouraged by Elizabeth's parsimonious

* Memoirs of the Rev, James Melville.

xvi Social England in Seventeenth Century

government, and Willoughby sold a half share of his ship
to Logan of Restalrig, for purposes of adventure to
America. The pirates were excellent recruits for Drake,
and no doubt were useful in the resistance to the Spanish
Armada.

Dee recognises their valuable qualities both on sea and
land. Protection to fisheries from Dutch and other
poachers was especially needed, and the Petty Navy
would be a nursery for the official fleet. All this falls
into line with the plat or scheme, long fostered by Robert
Hitchcock, in Parliament, at public dinners, and in the
pamphlet press. He indicates the unprosperous condition
of England in the days of good Queen Bess ; her decaying
towns, her armies of the unemployed ; he looks to the
sea for the remedy, but his ' plat ' is sorely in need of
capital. The real question is, will moneyed men invest in
his scheme, and his replies to objections probably did not
persuade capitalists to risk their gold in a venture. Yet
in pirating, and voyages to America, men were adventurous
enough. The wealth of 'the Indies' was more alluring
than perishable cargoes of cod and herrings.

Ill

People followed their taste in speculation, just as, despite
Dr. William Turner, they woukd prefer strong French and
Spanish wines to the less inflammatory Rhenish which
he recommends in his letter to Cecil. They enjoyed
wines ' of grosser and thicker substance, and hotter of
complexion' ; while we know that many starveling literary
men died of a surfeit of Hitchcock and Turner's specifics,
Rhenish wine and pickled herrings.

Introduction xvii

Like Dr. Southey in Thackeray's ballad ' an LL.D. a
peaceful man,' the Rev. William Harrison, B.D., had a love
of military themes. He contrasts the unarmed state of
England under Mary Tudor with the armaments of her
sister Elizabeth. But against whom had England under
Mary to be armed ? She was the head of a Catholic state,
and as politics were then merged in religion, had no
quarrel with Catholic Spain, or Catholic France, or Scot-
land under the Catholic Mary of Guise. The disorders of
the reign of Edward VI. had left Mary without money
to pay the wages of her own household ; how then could
she arm, and against whom? Elizabeth, succeeding, and
appearing as head of the chief Protestant power, might
expect trouble from France, ultimately from Spain ; and
had at once to send men, money, artillery, and ammunition
to aid the Scottish Lords of the Congregation against the
Regent's Government and the French allies in Leith (1560).
No Catholic power was likely to invade Mary Tudor's
England ; while under Elizabeth, France and Spain had end-
less casus belli in the cause of Mary Stuart, in the hope of
placing her on Elizabeth's throne, and in revenge for
English piracies. In these dangers the old English long
bow was discarded and all the harquebuses and artillery
described by Harrison took their place. The villages had
armour and could turn out their tiny contingents. All
men, even clergymen, carried daggers (in Scotland they
occasionally used their whingers, as we know) ; many men
had sword and buckler; the gentry practised the Italian
school of fence, ' your passado, your punto reverso/ with
long rapiers. All which much delights Harrison, B.D.

b 6

xviii Social England in Sevententh Century

Yet we know that Elizabeth starved her fleet in the
manner of 'the beggar who kept the cordite down,' as
a recent balladmaker sings. The clutching avarice of
Elizabeth would have ruined England, but fate was kind.

Richard Ferris was one of the spiritual ancestors of the
people who now try to swim the Channel, or to cross the
Atlantic in a Canadian canoe. He enjoyed the advantage
of being an object of interest to a pirate, or so he says,
and there is no other circumstance to note in his silly
adventure.

Hitchcock's essay on army rations has some interest, as
he takes Berwick for his type of a garrison under Elizabeth.
As we learn from the Border Papers, Berwickshire and
the Lothians could have starved out the Berwick garrison
simply by boycotting it, so the commanding officer rather
nervously declared. How this could be, especially as
England commanded the rear, and as Northumberland is
not destitute of supplies, we find it difficult to conceive.
Hitchcock speaks of buying grain from Yorkshire, Notts,
and Lincolnshire, not from Scotland. The brew-house was
of high importance. Before Flodden, Surrey's army almost
mutinied for want of beer, and must have dispersed had
James IV. remained on the defensive at Flodden Edge. His
camp was very well seen in beer, which the victorious
English tried and found excellent, says the Bishop of
Durham. Much of the fish in Hitchcock's estimate comes
from Shetland ; whether taken by Scottish, Dutch, or

Introduction xix

English fishers we do not know, but probably by Dutchmen,
as a later tract indicates. With three common modern
wine-bottles of double beer a day, the soldiers had little
reason to grumble ; in fact the rations seemed to contrast
well with those of our own army. Lent, it will be seen,
was still observed (as even in Puritan Scotland), from
no religious motive, but (in Scotland) because beef and
mutton were regarded as bad and out of season. This
belief is repeatedly announced in the orders of the Scottish
Privy Council. The same view is not urged here, in the
English Privy Council's recommendation of fish days.
Here the benefit of the fishing trade, and the discourage-
ment of grazing, as against corn growing, are insisted on.
Can Lent itself be derived from economic ideas like those
of the Scots, christianised by the example of Our Lord's
forty days of fasting? Mr. J. G. Frazer offers another
suggestion : * If the Carnival is the direct descendant of
the Saturnalia, may not Lent in like manner be the con-
tinuation, under a thin disguise, of a period of temperance
which was annually observed, from superstitious motives,
by Italian farmers long before the Christian era.' ^ The
Scots, we see, assigned another reason, the badness of beef
and mutton in early spring. It seems desirable to collect
the views of practical butchers. It is clear from the terms of
the English proclamation that the Puritans objected to fish
days as ' rags of Rome,' They are warned that religion has
nothing to make in the matter ; but the Scottish Privy
Council, rather unexpectedly, allude to no Presbyterian
scruple about Lent.

^ The Golden Bough, iii. 145, 146.

XX Social England in Seventeenth Century

VII
Kemp's Dance to Norwich is much like Ferris's row to
Bristol (as far as taking the worst means of getting to his
destination is concerned), but Ferris was an amateur, Kemp
a professional, at one time a member of Shakespeare's
company. Kemp was derided in ballads, and, in revenge,
abuses the ' Shake-rag ' balladmakers who supplied pedlars,
like Shakespeare's Autolycus, with part of their wares.
Those ballads were the newspapers of the people. They
were political and sarcastic, as against Henry VIII. They
gave accounts of events such as the death of Darnley, or
they rhymed on Ferris, or on anything that attracted public
attention, using up mermaids and other prodigies, or, later,
the ghostly drummer of Tedworth, in the silly season.
Here is a sample on the death of Riccio :

' Some lords in Scotland waxed wondrous wroth,
And quarrelled with him for the nonce.
I shall you tell how it befell ;
Twelve daggers were in him all att once.'

As for Darnley,

* Through halls and towers this king they led,
Through castles and towers that were hye,
Through an arbour into an orchard,
And there hanged him on a peare tree.'

This ill-informed doggrel is clearly by one of Kemp's
foes, the dregs of Elizabethan Grub Street. The ballad
does not incriminate Darnley's wife, Queen Mary, for Queen
Elizabeth might have taken that ill. In 1567 princes were
not to be suspected by subjects. We have another ballad
on the murder, by Tom Truepenny, in which Queen Mary
is exculpated. This was written by some Catholic for
political ends, ballads being then a kind of ' leading articles.'

Introduction xxi

Of course we must not infer that the romantic ballads,
common in essentials of plot and incident to all Europe,
were composed by the dregs of the scribblers of the capitals,
the authors of rhymed ' leaders ' on current events. But
occasionally a good old folklore plot, like that of Burger's
Lenore, fell into the hands of a hack, who vamped it up for
the stalls or the pedlars. One example is * The Suffolk
Tragedy,' another is the street ballad of Lord Bateman,
illustrated by Cruikshank and Thackeray. Another stall
ballad by a Shakerags deals in the most mythopoeic style
with James Vl. and Andrew Brown, who saved gentle King
Jamie from the swords of 'Douglas' (Morton?), of the
sheriff of Carlisle's son, and from the poison of the Bishop.

* " I slew the Bishop of St. Andrews,"

Quoth he, " with a posset in his hand."'

Now, if we compare the Scottish contemporary ballad on the
slaying of the Earl of Murray ( 1 592) we are in another world.

Ye Hielands and ye Lowlands,

Oh, where hae ye been,
They have slain the Earl o' Murray,

And they laid him on the green.
Oh, lang will his lady

Look ower the Castle Doune,
E'er she see the Earl o' Murray

Come sounding through the toun.

Or take

'Yestreen the Queen had four Maries,

This night she '11 hae but three,
There was Mary Seton, and Mary Beaton,

And Mary Carmichael and me ! '

It appears to me that our Scottish ballads of the sixteenth
century were either not made by the wastrels of Edinburgh,
or that (7«r wastrels were vastly better poets than the Shake-
rags of Kemp. Perhaps Mr. Henderson, the recent editor

xxii Social England in Seventeenth Century

of the Border Minstrelsy, may say that the merits of our
ballads are due to Scott and others, who collected and
altered them. The student may consult the texts and
decide for himself.

Be this as it may, Kemp is a good fellow. Verily Eng-
land then was Merry England, with her jolly butchers and
brown maidens footing it along with Kemp and his taborer.
The roads were rough and wet, pickpockets were flogged on
the spot, no humanitarian was there to wince ; but a merry
heart goes all the way, and Kemp's was as merry as that of
England, with his host who remembered Pinkie fight, that
great slaughter of the Scots. He dedicates his adventure
to Anne Fitton, sister of Queen Elizabeth's maid-of-honour,
the famous Mary Fitton, dear to inquirers into the mystery
of Shakspeare's sonnets, wherewith she had no more con-
cern than jolly Kemp. He danced in April 1600, when
Essex was plotting, when Bothwell was lost from men's
eyes and ears — concerned in what conspiracy who knows? —
when the young Earl of Gowrie had just landed from
France, and was within three months of the mystery of his
end; when Cecil was suspecting the designs of the King
of Scots ; enfin, when much mischief was brewing. But it
is all one to Kemp, with 'his heart cork and his heels
feathers.* The Puritans were turning from him, no doubt,
with sour faces as he passed with his taborer and his brown
maid, the companion of a mile. But it was not yet the day
of the Puritans, not yet had the cloud fallen on England.^

' It appears from Kemp's remarks on ' Macdobeth ' or ' Mac Somewhat,'
that a play had been acted on Macbeth, and a ballad written on the ' stolen
story.' At what date was this? Collier says that the ballad was registered in
August 1596. We do not know whether the ballad-maker is accused of stealing
the story from the play, or the playwright from Holinshed and Wyntoun. As
it stands, Shakespeare's Macbeth is usually dated 1604- 1606. One of its points
is the rightfulness of the Stuart succession, through Banquo and Fleance, a

Introduction xxiii

VIII

The aged countryman in King James's fifth year (1607-
1608) durst and would go with King Harry to Boulogne, if
King Harry came again. We think Henry Vlll. ' a blotch
of blood and grease on the page of English history,' but
not so thought his people. On the frozen Thames they
played football and exercised themselves at archery. Once
in the crowd coming out of Lord's after an university
match, I heard a man of the people say, with a sneer, ' And
this is Merry England ! ' It did not seem so very gloomy ;
but at all events it was gay enough on the ice in 1608. The
countryman draws a pathetic picture of rural misery in the
frost, and the citizen proves that the Lottery, like the Turf
to-day, is ' a vast engine of national demoralisation.' Life
was not all beer and skittles even under gentle King Jamie.

Nothing seems to be known of John Dennys, author of
the poem on the ' Secrets of Angling,' which has been re-
claim purely mythical, the real ancestors of the Stewards or Seneschals of Scot-
land having been Alans, or Fitz Alans, seneschals of Dol, in Brittany, before
the Norman Conquest. Kemp's words, however, point to a play of Macbeth
before the accession of James I. If such a play existed, and contained reference
to the royalty derived through Fleance, it must have been a feeler in favour of
the succession of James vi. to Elizabeth. Now Essex, we know, before his
raid on the City, preparatory to a raid on the Court, induced Shakespeare's
company to play Richard II. , with its lesson of royal deposition. Essex was,
to an uncertain extent, intriguing with James vi. to support his claims. Kemp's
tract is of 1600, when these intrigues were active, and Elizabeth, after James's
escape from the Gowrie Conspiracy (August 5, 1600), hinted broadly that she
knew of schemes in his interest against herself {Letters of Elizabeth andja>nes,
pp. 132, 133. 1849). It may not be beyond the reach of conjecture that
Shakespeare's company, about 1600, had put a Macbeth on the stage as a feeler
in James's interests ; for Kemp's ' Shakerags ' is much in the style of Greene's
'Shakescene.' But this hint may too nearly approach the methods of Mrs.
Gallup.

xxiv Social England in Seventeenth Century

printed several times. Like the author of the old treatise
commonly attributed to Dame Juliana Berners, Dennys
was aware of the poetry of the waterside, though he never
heard its music, the ringing reel, for the reel was unknown
to Dennys, and unfamiliar to Walton. Dennys's defence of
the charm of the river, and the river flowers, and the free
air, is worthy of Walton, but as a practical angler, the poet
takes a low place. Even in the sixteenth century, and
perhaps much earlier, English anglers used the 'jury of
flies' (artificial flies), of which Dame Juliana speaks, and
which Walton borrows from her. Izaak was a bottom-
fisher, and I doubt that he used worms and paste on the
crystal Itchen, so Charles Cotton added to the resdly Inconi-
pleat Angler, his sequel on fly-fishing. In the same way
William Lauson or Lawson appends to the 'Secrets' a
few observations in prose ; his attempt to design an arti-
ficial May fly is absurd, but he knows how to dress one.
Of duns, spiders, gnats, and so forth, neither author has
anything to say, and Lawson appears to have 'chucked and
chanced it,' on standing water ruffled with a wind, where any
bungler can catch trout. Cotton and Richard Franck were
anglers who knew their business as well as we do, though
they had to use horse-hair in place of gut. Indeed horse-
hair was used as late as 1814, for the flies that Scott was
searching for, when he found the half-forgotten first
chapters of Waverley, were tied on two or three strands of
white horse-hair. But Dennys and Walton are full of the
poetry of the craft, for which Cotton and Franck had little
taste. Wordsworth, Matthew Arnold, Hogg, Christopher
North, and Thomas Tod Stoddart were i good anglers,
though great or estimable poets.

Introduction xxv

I am not disposed to linger over Thomas Gentleman's
economic tract on ' Adventuring of Busses to Sea,' a title
which sounds odd in modern ears. It is the old story of
Dutch organisation, in the fishing trade, and of happy-
go-lucky England. Shetland is the Dutchmen's fishing
grounds, plain poachers are they, but England is heedless.
It is the old problem of preserving our own waters, and
exploiting the markets of the Hollanders. 'E. S.' supports
Gentleman and Hitchcock with similar arguments, I am
unaware whether he produced any useful results.

King James's 'Book of Sports' is a famous document.
Before going ' with a salmon-like instinct,' to his native
Scotland, in 1617, there to harry the Kirk and sow the seeds
that ripened in the Great Rebellion, King James had advised
the people of Lancashire to play at honest games on Sunday,
after church. It was in all ways better than fuddling in
taverns, said the King, This was, and is, common sense,
and even Calvin is said to have played bowls on Sunday,
and John Knox looked on at a Sunday play, if I do not
greatly err. But Puritans and Presbyterians kept growing
more and more dour, putting down harmless amusements,
and leaving the young men to the lassies and the ale-
houses. These prohibitions King James resented and forbade
in Lancashire, and so was traduced by Papists, and Puritans
who much infested the country. The King even patronised
May-poles and May merriments, which Stubbes^ and other

^ See his Anatomie of Abuses.

xxvi Social England in Seventeenth Century

learned Puritans deemed to be relics of pagan agricultural
magic. If they were, the rustics knew nothing about that ;
but the Nonconformist conscience objected even to bear-
baiting, not because of the feelings of the bear, but because
the public enjoyed it. The decoration of the churches
with rushes was being put down, because churches ought
to be homes of gloom, and of ' the hairt convinced o' sin.'
The King's intervention did no good, but rather harm, as
was not unnatural in Scotland. He had hurt the Presby-
terian conscience to the quick, and now he laid a sacri-
legious hand on 'the Sabbath,' the very Ark of the
Covenant. So they accused James of poisoning his eldest
son. A man who would patronise athletic sports on the
Sabbath was capable de tout. Charles I. renewed his father's
guilt, and so he came to a bad end.

XII

* Suppose that we had no Leather ! ' cries the anonymous
pamphleteer on the leather trade, who declaims against
exporting that article. He also regrets a ' French proud
superfluity of galloshes,' and the wasteful ' immoderate tops
of boots.' One pair of boots eats up six pair of shoes,
at least 'of reasonable men's shoes.' Perhaps the shoes
of unreasonable men were less easily devoured. Sumptuary
laws and prohibition of exports are what the pamphleteer
desires : his is not reckoned good political economy, but that
is a perilous theme.

XIII

' The Carriers' Cosmography,' being a mere directory, and
to the last degree obsolete, requires no particular comment.
The post to Scotland went out once a week : how long

Introduction xxvH

it took to cross Tweed we are not informed, but late in
the eighteenth century it reached Edinburgh with only-
one letter from London.

XIV

Peacham's ' Worth of a Penny ' is a rambling, discursive
'pot-boiler' by an unlucky scholar. He has not succeeded
in keeping money himself: he finds it difficult or impossible
to borrow ; he is scurvily treated when he dines with ' his
friends the aristocracy,' so he sets about teaching to others
the thrift which he has not practised, the lucrative devices
which he cannot use. His is a weak, rambling, discursive
'pot-boiler': his anecdotes are pointless: we read and are
sorry for Mr. Peacham. He is said to have printed the
book to give away : probably in hopes of substantial
returns. That new editions, under the Restoration, were
popular, does not say much for public taste, but illustrates
the bad luck of Mr. Peacham. He was dead, and did not
get the ' copy money,' the price, the royalties, or the
glorious 'half-profits' to which modern authors, for some
reason, entertain a chill aversion. The tale of the con-
demned Scot and Hollander who preferred work to the
gallows, and of the Englishman who preferred the gallows
to work — 'his friends never brought him up to gather
hops' — is characteristic. The heart expands towards that
gentleman. The fact that, for a penny, ' you may have
all the news in England,' is like an anticipation of our
penny newspapers, though our witches do not occupy
much space in the police news. But Peacham refers to
Martin Parker's Ballads ' in the weekly news books,'
ballads like those condemned by Kemp, In 1664 the
penn'orth of coffee was added to the original text (1641 ?),

xxviii Social England in Seventeenth Century

coffee had come in since the wars. We find the old
reproach of rapid English changes in fashion, unlike the
stereotyped costume of your Hollander or Spaniard. We
followed the example of France, as our women still do,
'at least as far as they are able.' The learned are com-
mended for being slovens, and indeed, even now, men of
the pen are not conspicuously well dressed. You may go
to the most fashionable tailor, but, he says, ' What is the
use of dressing you, sir, when you will carry books in
your pockets? ' This course, to be sure, is not economical,
nor apt to be applauded by Peacham. He is an author
whose tract the world might willingly let die.

* The Draining of the Great Level,' a work begun under
James I., interrupted by the Great Rebellion, and resumed
at the Restoration, was a vast and beneficent enterprise,
and I hope that the Earl of Bedford got his money back.
But the later history of the ' Great Level ' is unfamiliar
to me, at present, and may be found, by curious persons
of leisure, among the MS. archives of the House of Russell,
to which I have not access.

XVI

Leigh's ' Hints for Travellers ' contains a point that
was made matter of an ordinance by the Scottish Privy
Council, ' that he be well grounded in the true religion ;
lest he be seduced and perverted.' He very often was, as
in the case of the famous, or infamous, Master of Gray.
The charms of 'Idolatry' were very attractive to young
Protestant tourists. Few, like the learned Lipsius, devoted

Introduction xxix

their days to ruins and manuscripts : most were inclined
to pleasurable vices.

'An Englishman that is Italianate
Doth quickly prove a devil incarnate,'

said the current saw. The present eprint contains the
gist of the first of Leigh's ' three Diatribes,' respectively on
Travel, Coin, and Measuring. This curious work is re-
printed in the tenth volume of the Harleian Miscellany.

XVII

Wright on ' The Second Generation of English Profes-
sional Actors' is so valuable for the history of the stage
that it needs a more expert commentator than I can
pretend to be. Our drama, setting aside mysteries,
moralities, and folk-mummeries, dates from the relatively
peaceful age of Elizabeth. The second generation (1625-
1670) was interrupted by the Great Rebellion, and the
Puritanic prohibitions, and the third generation ought to
reckon from the happy Restoration. Ben Jonson was out
of date. As we learn, there were scores of new dramatic
poets, known to Charles Lamb and Lord Macaulay.
These were 'bright little modern pieces,' the pace was
too good (according to the pamphlet) to inquire for the
ponderous Ben, who never was popular. Yet Mr. Pepys, in
the dawn of the Restoration, proclaims Ben's Alchemist to
be 'a most incomparable play.' Many of Jonson's dramas
were viewed by Mr, Pepys, so Wright must exaggerate his
want of vogue. The Silettt Woman, here said to have
been refused by the Restoration actors, was played, and
' pleased me,' says Mr. Pepys. In 1668, Knipp had a part —
Mr. Pepys's friend Mistress Knipp — and he calls it, 'the

XXX Social England in Seventeenth Century

best comedy, I think, that ever was wrote,' while he
mentions Henry IV. merely as ' a piece of Henry IV.'
Under Charles II. women took women's parts, which, in
Elizabethan times and later, were acted by men or
boys : Mohun acting ' Bellamente ' even after the Restora-
tion. The old Cavalier, in the tract, could not remember
Alleyne and the rest, and Shakspeare, 'who, as I have
heard, was a much better poet than player.' Such, indeed,
is the tradition assailed by the queer ' Baconian ' people.
Would that we could call up Taylor, who ' acted Hamlet
incomparably well.' I have never seen a player who
succeeded much better with the Prince of Denmark than
Mr. Wopsle in his ' massive and concrete ' rendering of
the part, for which consult Great Expectations^ by Charles
Dickens.

Five companies before the war — only two after Noll
went to his own place — surprise Lovewit, perhaps the
more as there used to be no ' scenes or machines.' How
could such things as The Tempesty or A Midsummer
Night's Dream, be played without machines, which the
art of the age, as displayed in the pageants, was very
capable of devising and constructing ? Women players
and scenes, it appears, came in with the Restoration, after
many of the old players had fallen, sword in hand, in
their master's cause. Truman successfully defends licensed
players, with regular theatres, from the aspersion of being,
legally, rogues and vagabonds. Only strollers came into
these unfriendly categories. It was in 1647 that the
godly, after breaking church windows and ornaments,
destroyed theatres, and suppressed actors. But brief was
the reign of the saints !

Introduction xxxi

XVIII

The most vividly and painfully interesting of these tracts
is Bion's ' Account of the Torments the French Protestants
endure aboard the Galleys.' Bion (the name is odd, that
of the Greek pastoral poet) was, it is true, a renegade. He
had been a Catholic priest, and a chaplain on board one
of the galleys of France. If the infernal cruelties which
he saw inflicted on Protestants, for reasons of religion, he
declares, and not because the victims were rebels from the
Cevennes, made him abjure his creed, he might have taken
up that of Islam. The Turks on the galleys were the best
Christians in conduct. To torture people for their faith is
an essential part of no religion, and we do not really know
why Bion gave up his post, went to Geneva and turned Pro-
testant. If he was moved by the constancy of the Huguenot
martyrs, for they deserve the name, he might in America
have seen no less courage among the Jesuits, then apt to
be tortured to death by the Iroquois. For whatever reason
he changed his creed, which implied leaving his country,
Bion's evidence does not, to me, seem to be invalidated by
his alteration in religious opinion. He asserts that he does
not speak with the bitterness of a renegade, and he may
be believed. His record is not overstrained. The govern-
ment of Louis XIV. was guilty of the crimes described.
Some Huguenot pastors were, as Bion says, in the prison
of our old friend the Comte de Monte Cristo, in the
Chateau d'lf Others shared the seclusion of the Man in
the Iron Mask, in the lie Sainte Marguerite, opposite
Cannes. They were kept au secret^ in a solitude that
drove some men mad. One of these pastors did write
on his pewter plate and on his shirt, and threw them

xxxii Social England in Seventeenth Century

out of window — the feats were falsely ascribed to the

Man in the Iron Mask (a valet, one Eustache Auger),

who was a prisoner at the time in the same fortress. The

governor threatened the pastor with the lash, but we do

not learn that it was inflicted. But, on the galley, Bion

saw the Huguenots lashed for their religion. In 1548

Knox was in the galleys, and threw a picture of the Virgin

overboard, at least he is thought to have been the hero

of his own anecdote. But whoever did the deed suffered

no penalty, and the brutes of the galleys of Louis xiv.

were more ferocious than the galley officers of Henri IL

At that earlier date the oarsmen were flogged, and it

is said that Mary Stuart interceded for them. But no

words can blacken the brutalities of the persecutions under

Louis XIV. deeper than they are branded by the simple

record of Bion. His account of the floating hells deserves

perpetual memory. Louis xiv., by the persecutions, and

by revoking the Edict of Nantes, 'broke his luck,' which

had been so splendid, and enriched England and Holland

with thousands of his most valuable subjects. The Ancien

Regime never rallied from the self-inflicted blow, the

suicidal policy. But the penalty fell late, and on guiltless

heads, in the Reign of Terror.

ANDREW LANG.

^(^:^

-:^

I of English Dogs, |

♦it . . ^

^ M^ diversities^ the names ^ ^
♦^ ^

^ tfie natureis, ann rbe properties. ^

A Short

Treatise written in Latin +
bp Johannes CAiusOf late

memory, Doctor of lP&j?0ic

in tbe Onit)er0itp

of Camtjringe.

^nd netol^ Draton mto Ctigli^Ij \

bp Abraham Fleming
©tuBent.

Natura etlam in brutis vim ostendit

^ Seen and allowed. •^

^ C Imprinted at London ^

J b^ EicbarH ^oljuecs, anti ace to be J

J 0olD oter ag;atn0t »>* »>epuU J

.^ c|)ce0 Cljuccf) tDitljout ^

^ ^etoffate* ^

I ^576. $

^. . c)j(j t)ra cjti cj» cfc c!jf» c)fe

CA Prosopopoical Speech
of the Book.

Ome tell of stars th'influence strange,

Some tell of birds which fly in th'air,
Some tell of beasts on land which range,
Some tell of fish in rivers fair,
Some tell of serpents sundry sorts,

Some tell of plants the full effect :
Of English Dogs, I sound reports ;

Their names and natures I detect.
My forehead is but bald and bare.

But yet my body 's beautiful :
For pleasant flowers in me there are,

And not so fine as plentiful.
And though my garden plot so green.
Of Dogs receive the trampling feet ;
Yet is it swept and kept full clean.
So that it yields a savour sweet.

Abraham Fleming

•^^^^^^^^^•^^^^i^^'^^^^^'i^^*!^^^^^^^^

To the well disposed
Reader.

S EVERY manifest effect proceedeth from some certain
cause, so the penning of this present Abridgment
(gentle and courteous Reader) issued from a special
occasion. For Conradus Genesrus, a man, whiles
he lived, of incomparable knowledge and manifold experience,
being never satisfied with the sweet sap of understanding ;
requested Johannes Caius, a profound clerk and a ravenous
devourer of learning (to his praise be it spoken, though the
language be somewhat homely) to write a Breviary or Short
Treatise of such dogs as were engendered within the borders
of England. To the contentation of whose mind and the utter
accomplishment of whose desire, Caius spared no study (for
the acquaintance, which was between them, as it was
confirmed by continuance, and established upon unfeigned-
ness ; so was it sealed with virtue and honesty) withdrew
himself from no labour, repined at no pains, forsook no
travail, refused no endeavour, finally, pretermitted no oppor-
tunity nor circumstance which seemed pertinent and requisite
to the performance of this little libel [tract].

In the whole Discourse whereof, the book, to consider the
substance, being but a pamphlet or scantling ; the argument
not so fine and affected, and yet the doctrine very profitable
and necessary, he useth such a smooth and comely style and
tieth his invention to such methodical and orderly proceed-

^^'Ts?!:] To THE WELL DISPOSED ReADER. 5

ings, as the elegantness and neatness of his Latin phrase
(being pure, perfect, and unmingled) maketh the matter, which
of itself is very base and clubbish, to appear, shall I say,
tolerable ; nay, rather commendable and effectual.

The sundry sorts of English dogs he discovereth so
evidently, their natures he rippeth up so apparently, their
manners he openeth so manifestly, their qualities he declareth
so skilfully, their proportions he painteth out so perfectly,
their colours he describeth so artificially ; and knitteth all
these in such shortness and brevity, that the mouth of the
adversary must needs confess and give sentence that commen-
dation ought to be his reward, and praise his deserved pension.

An ignorant man would never have been drawn into this
opinion, to think that there had been in England such
variety and choice of dogs ; in all respects (not only for name,
but also for quality) so diverse and unlike. But what cannot
learning attain ? what cannot the key of knowledge open ?
what cannot the lamp of understanding lighten ? what
secrets cannot discretion detect ? finally, what cannot expe-
rience comprehend ? what huge heaps of histories hath
Gesnerus hoarded up in volumes of large size ? Fishes in
floods, cattle on land, birds in the air ; how hath he sifted
them, by their natural difference ? how closely, and in how
narrow a compass, hath he couched mighty and monstrous
beasts, in bigness like mountains; the books themselves being
lesser than mole hills, [shew.] The life of this man was not so
great a restority of comfort, as his death was an ulcer or wound
of sorrow. The loss of whom, Caius lamented, not so much
as he was his faithful friend, as for that he was a famous
Philosopher; and yet the former reason (being, in very deed,
vehement and forcible) did sting him with more grief, than he,
peradventure, was willing to disclose. And though death be
counted terrible for the time, and consequently unhappy :
yet Caius avoucheth the death of Gesner most blessed,
lucky, and fortunate, as in this book, intituled De libris
propriis, appeareth.

6 To THE WELL DISPOSED ReADER. [^" "'"Jj"!:

But of these two Eagles sufficient is spoken, as I suppose ;
and yet little enough in consideration of their dignity and
worthiness. Nevertheless little or mickle, something or
nothing, substance or shadow, take all in good part! my
meaning is, by a few words to win credit to this work; not
so much for mine own English translation as for the singular
commendation of them, challenged of duty and desert.

Wherefore, gentle Reader ! I commit them to thy memory !
and their books, to thy courteous censure! They were both
learned men, and painful practitioners in their professions;
so much the more therefore are their works worthy estima-
tion. I would it were in me to advance them as I wish ; the
worst (and yet both, no doubt, excellent) hath deserved a
monument of immortality.

Well, there is no more to be added but this, that as
the translation of this book was attempted, finished, and
published of good will (not only to minister pleasure, as
to afford profit) ; so it is my desire and request that my
labour therein employed may be acceptable ; as I hope it
shall be to men of indifferent judgement. As for such as
shall snar and snatch at the English Abridgment, and tear
the Translator, being absent, with the teeth of spiteful envy ;
I conclude, in brevity, their eloquence is but currish, if I
serve in their meat with wrong sauce, ascribe it not to
unskilfulness in cookery, but to ignorance in their diet, for
as the poet saith —

Non satis est ars sola coqtco, servire palato :
Namque coquus domini debet habere gulam :

It is not enough that a cook understand ;
Except his Lord's stomach, he hold in his hand.

To wind up all in a watchword, I say no more, but " Do
well ! and fare well ! "

His and his friends 1

Abraham Fleming.

The first Section of this Discourse.

f[ The Preamble or Entrance into this Treatise,

Wrote unto you, well beloved friend Gesner!
not many years past, a manifold history : con-
taining the divers forms and figures of beasts,
birds, and fishes ; the sundry shapes of plants,
and the fashions of herbs.

I wrote moreover, unto you severally, a
certain Abridgment of Dogs, which, in your
Discourse upon " the forms of beasts in the second Order
of mild and tameable beasts," where you make mention
of Scottish dogs, and in the winding up of your letter
written and directed to Doctor Turner, comprehending
a catalogue or rehearsal of your books not yet extant, you
promised to set forth in print, and openly to publish in
the face of the world ; among such your works as are not
yet come abroad to light and sight. But because certain
circumstances were wanting in my Breviary of English
Dogs, as seemed unto me, I stayed the publication of the
same ; making promise to send another abroad, which might
be committed to the hands, the eyes, the ears, the minds, and
the judgements of the readers.

Wherefore, that I might perform that precisely, which I

8 Three Classes of English Dogs. [a-Iw^/is?*:

promised solemnly, accomplish my determination, and satisfy
your expectation ; which art a man desirous and capable of
all kinds of knowledge, and very earnest to be acquainted
with all experiments : I will express and declare, in due order,
the grand and general kind of English Dogs, the difference of
them, the use, the properties, and the divers natures of the
same ; making a tripartite division in this sort and manner.

'A gentle kind, serving the game.

A homely kind, apt for sundry neces-
sary uses.

A currish kind, meet for many toys.
Of these three sorts or kinds so mean I to intreat, that the
first in the first place, the last in the last room, and the middle
sort in the middle seat be handled.

All English Dogs
be either of

Call them, universally, all by the name of English
Dogs, as well because England only, as it hath in
it English dogs, so it is not without Scottish ; as
also for that we are more inclined and delighted
with the noble game of hunting; for we Englishmen
are addicted and given to that exercise, and painful pastime
of pleasure ; as well for the plenty of flesh which our parks
and forests do foster, as also for the opportunity and con-
venient leisure which we obtain. Both [of] which, the Scots
want. Wherefore seeing that the whole estate of kindly
hunting consisteth principally

In these ( In chasing the beast ] that f hunting )
two points \ In taking the bird j is in t fowling J

It is necessary and requisite to understand, that there are
two sorts of dogs; by whose means, the feats within specified
are wrought, and these practices of activity cunningly and
curiously compassed.

J. Cains. 1536. "I
A. Fleming. 1576.J

English Dogs — the Harrier.

/One which rouseth the beast, and continueth
Two kinds the chase.
of dogs I Another which springeth the bird, and
, bewrayeth the flight by pursuit.

Both which kinds are termed of the Latins, by one common
name, that is. Canes Venatici, "hunting dogs." But because
we English men make a difference between hunting and
fowHng : for that they are called by these several words,
Venatio et Aucupium, so they term the dogs whom they use
in these sundry games by divers names; as those which serve
for the beast, are called Venatici, the others which are used for
the fowl, are called Aucupatorii.

The first [ The first in perfect smelling
kind, called The second in quick spying
Venatici, I - The third in swiftness and quickness
divide into The fourth in smelling and nimbleness
five sorts. \ The fifth in subtilty and deceitfulness

excel-
leth.

Of the dogy called an Harrier; in Latin, Leverarius.

Hat kind of dog whom Nature hath endued with
the virtue of smelling, whose property it is to use
a lustiness, a readiness, and a courageousness in
hunting ; and draweth into his nostrils the air of
scent of the beast pursued and followed : we call by the
word Sagax [i.e., keen scented], the Grecians by this word
l')(yevTrj'i, of tracing or chasing by the foot, or plvrfKaTo<i, of
the nostrils, which be the instruments of smelling.

We may know this kind of dogs by their long, large, and
bagging lips ; by their hanging ears, reaching down both sides
of their chaps ; and by the indifferent and measurable pro-
portion of their making. This sort of dogs, we call Leverarius,
Harriers.

That I may comprise the whole number of them in certain
specialities, and apply to them their proper and peculiar
names ; for so much as they cannot all be reduced and
brought under one sort, considering both the sundry uses of
them, and the difference of their service whereto they be
appointed.

Some for one thing, and
some for another.

lo English Dogs — the Terrier. [AJiSgll^:

The hare.
The fox.
The wolf.
The hart.
The buck.
Some ioT< The badger.
The otter.
The polecat.
The lobster.
The weasel.
The cony, &c.

As for the cony [rabbit], whom we have lastly set down ; we
use not to hunt, but rather to take it, sometimes with the net,
sometimes with a ferret : and thus every several sort is notable
and excellent in his natural quality and appointed practice.

Among these sundry sorts, there be some which are apt to
hunt two divers beasts, as the foxe other-whiles, and other-
whiles the hare ; but they hunt not with such towardness,
and good luck after them, as they do that whereunto Nature
hath framed them, not only in external composition and
making, but also in inward faculties and conditions : for
they swerve oftentimes, and do otherwise then they should.

Of a dog, called a Terrier ; in Latin, Terrarius.

NoTHER sort there is, which hunteth the Fox and the
Badger or Grey only, whom we call Terriers ; because
they (after the manner and custom of ferrets, in search-
ing for Conies) creep into the ground, and by that
means make afraid, nip, and bite the fox and the badger in
such sort, that either they tear them in pieces with their teeth
being in the bosom of the earth, or else haul and pull them, per-
force, out of their lurking angles, dark dungeons, and close
caves, or at least through conceived fear, drive them out of
their hollow harbours : in so much that they are compelled to
prepare speedy flight, and being desirous of the next, albeit
not the safest refuge, are otherwise taken and entrapped
with snares and nets laid over their holes to the same
purpose. But these be the least in that kind, called Sagax.

A. Fiemiilfl English Dogs — THE Bloodhound, ii
0/ the dog, called a Bloodhound ; in Latin, Sanguinarius.

He greater sort which serve to hunt, having lips of a
large size, and ears of no small length, do not only
chase the beast whiles it liveth, as the others do of
whom mention is above made ; but, being dead also
by any manner of casualty, make recourse to the place where
it lieth : having in this point an assured and infallible guide,
namely, the scent and favour of the blood sprinkled here and
there upon the ground. For whether the beast being wounded,
doth notwithstanding enjoy life, and escapeth the hands of
the huntsman ; or whether the said beast being slain is
conveyed cleanly out of the park (so that there be some
signification of bloodshed) these dogs, with no less facility
and easiness than avidity and greediness, can disclose and
betray the same by smelling: applying to their pursuit, agility
and nimbleness, without tediousness. For which consideration,
of a singular specialty they deserve to be called Sanguinarii,
Blood-hounds.

And albeit peradventure it may chance (as whether it
chanceth seldom or sometimes, I am ignorant) that a piece
of flesh be subtilly stolen and cunningly conveyed away, with
such provisoes and pre-caveats as thereby all appearance of
blood is either prevented, excluded or concealed ; yet this
kind of dogs, by a certain direction of an inward assured
notice and privy mark, pursue the deed doers, through long
lanes, crooked reaches, and weary ways, without wandering
away out of the limits of the land whereon these desperate
purloiners prepared their speedy passage.

Yea, the natures of these dogs is such, and so effectual is
their foresight, that they can bewray, separate, and pick them
out from among an infinite multitude and an innumerable
company, creep they never as far into the thickest throng :
they will find him out, notwithstanding he lie hidden in
wild woods, in close and overgrown groves, and lurk in
hollow holes apt to harbour such ungracious guests. More-
over, although they should pass over the water, thinking
thereby to avoid the pursuit of the hounds ; yet will not these
dogs give over their attempt, but presuming to swim through
the stream, persevere in their pursuit : and when they be
arrived and gotten [on] the further bank, they hunt up and

12 English Dogs — the Bloodhound, [a. k^fe l"':

down ; to and fro run they ; from place to place, shift they ;
until they have attained to that plot of ground, where they
passed over. And this is their practice, if, perdie, they cannot
at first time, smelling, find out the way which the deed doers
took to escape. So, at length, get they that by art, cunning,
and diligent endeavour ; which by fortune and luck, they can-
not otherwise overcome. Insomuch as it seemeth worthily
and wisely written by ^lianus in his First Book, and
thirty-ninth Chapter, To evOvfiariKov koI SiaXeKTLKov, to be as it
were naturally instilled and poured into this kind of dogs.
For they will not pause or breathe from their pursuit until
such time as they be apprehended and taken, which
committed the fact.

The owners of such hounds use [are accustomed] to keep
them in close and dark channels in the daytime, and let them
loose at liberty in the night season : to the intent that they
might, with more courage and boldness, practise to follow the
felon in the evening and solitary hours of darkness, when
such ill-disposed varlets are principally purposed to play
their impudent pageants and imprudent pranks. These
hounds, upon whom this present portion of our treatise
runneth, when they are to follow such fellows as we have
before rehearsed, use not that liberty to range at will, which
they have otherwise when they are in game, (except upon
necessary occasion, whereon dependeth an urgent and
effectual persuaison) when such purloiners make speedy waj'
in flight ; but being restrained and drawn back from running
at random with the leasse [leash], the end whereof the owner
holding in his hand, is led, guided and directed with such
swiftness and slowness (whether he go on foot, or whether
he ride on horseback) as he himself in heart would wish, for
the more easy apprehension of these venturous varlets.

In the borders of England and Scotland (the often and
accustomed stealing of cattle so procuring) this kind of dogs
is very much used ; and they are taught and trained up, first
of all to hunt cattle, as well of the smaller as of the greater
growth; and afterwards (that quality relinquished and left)
they are learned to pursue such pestilent persons as plant
their pleasure in such practices of purloining, as we have
already declared.

Of this kind there is none that taketh the water naturally ;

A Jie^S I "H English Dogs — the Gazehound. 13

except it please you so to suppose of them which follow
the Otter ; which sometimes haunt the land, and sometime
useth the water. And yet, nevertheless, all the kind of them
boiling and broiling with greedy desire of the prey, which
by swimming passeth through river and flood ; plunge
amidst the water, and pass the stream with their paws :
But this property proceedeth from an earnest desire where-
with they be inflamed ; rather than from any inclination
issuing from the ordinance and appointment of Nature.
And albeit some of this sort in English be called Brache,
in Scottish Rache : the cause hereof resteth in the she sex,
and not in the general kind. For we Englishmen call
bitches, belonging to the hunting kind of dogs, by the term
above mentioned.

To be short, it is proper to the nature of hounds, some to
keep silence in hunting until such time as there is game
offered. Other some, so soon as they smell out the place
where the beast lurketh, to bewray it immediately by their
importunate barking ; notwithstanding it be far off many
furlongs, couching close in its cabin. And these dogs, the
younger they be, the more wantonly bark they; and the more
liberally, yet ofttimes without necessity : so that in them, by
reason of their young years and want of practice, small
certainty is to be reposed. For continuance of time, and
experience in game, ministreth to these hounds not only
cunning in running, but also, as in the rest, an assured
foresight what is to be done ; principally, being acquainted
with their master's watchwords, either in revoking or
emboldening them to serve the game.

Of the dog, called Gazehound ; in Latin, Agaseus.

His kind of dog, which pursueth by the eye, prevaileth
little, or never a whit, by any benefit of the nose,
that is by smelling ; but excelleth in perspicuity and
sharpness of sight altogether: by the virtue whereof,
being singular and notable, it hunteth the fox and the hare.
This dog will choose and separate any beast from among a
great ilock or herd, and such a one will it take by election as
is not lank, lean, and hollow, but well spread, smooth, full, fat,
and round. It follows by the direction of the eyesight which

14 English Dogs — the Greyhound, [a. FieSS: I"*:

indeed is clear, constant, and not uncertain. If a beast be
wounded and gone astray ; this dog seeketh after it by the
steadfastness of the eye. If it chance peradventure to
return bemingled with the residue of the flock; this dog
spyeth it out by the virtue of his eye, leaving the rest of the
cattle untouched, and after he hath set sure sight upon it he
separateth it from the company and having so done never
ceaseth until he hath wearied the beast to death. Our
countrymen call this dog AgascBum, a Gaze Hound : be-
cause the beams of his sight are so steadfastly settled and
unmovably fastened.

These dogs are much and usually occupied in the Northern
parts of England more than in the Southern parts ; and in
fieldy lands rather than in bushy and woody places.
Horsemen use them more than footmen, in the intent that
they might provoke their horses to a swift gallop (wherewith
they are more delighted than with the prey itself) and that they
might accustom their horse to leap over hedges and ditches,
without stop or stumble, without harm or hazard, without
doubt or danger, and so escape with safeguard of life.

And to the end that the riders themselves (when necessity so
constrained, and the fear of further mischief enforced) might
save themselves undamnified [unhanned] and prevent each
perilous tempest by preparing speedy flight, or else by swift
pursuit made upon their enemies, might both overtake
them, encounter with them, and make a slaughter of them
accordingly. But if it fortune so at any time that this
dog take wrong way, the master making some usual sign and
familiar token, he returneth forthwith, and taketh the right
and ready trace ; beginning his chase afresh, and with a
clear voice and a swift foot followeth the game, with as
much courage and nimbleness as he did at the first.

Ofthedogy called the Greyhound ; in Latin^ Leporarius.

Here is another kind of dog which, for his incredible
swiftness, is called Leporarius, a Greyhound ; because
the principal service of them dependeth and con-
sisteth in starting and hunting the hare : which dogs
likewise are endued with no less strength than lightness in
maintenance of the game, in serving the chase, in taking the

A. LSig- iIts.] English Dogs — the Leviner. 15

buck, the hart, the doe, the fox, and other beasts of semblable
kind ordained for the game of hunting. But more or less, each
one according to the measure and proportion of their desire;
and as might and hability of their bodies will permit and
suffer. For it is a spare and bare kind of dog (of fiesh, but
not of bone) : some are of a greater sort and some lesser ;
some are smooth skinned, and some are curled. The bigger
therefore are appointed to hunt the bigger beasts, and the
smaller serve to hunt the smaller accordingly.

The nature of these dogs I find to be wonderful by the
testimonial of histories. For as Jean Froissart the Historio-
grapher in his 4. lib. reporteth. A Greyhound of King
Richard the Second, that wore the crown, and bare the
sceptre of the Realm of England ; never knowing any man,
beside the King's person; when Henry, Duke of Lancaster
came to the castle of Flint to take King Richard : the dog
forsaking his former lord and master, came to Duke Henry,
- fawned upon him with such resemblances of goodwill and
conceived affection, as he favoured King Richard before : he
followed the Duke, and utterly left the King. So that by
these manifest circumstances a man might judge this dog to
have been lightened with the lamp of foreknowledge and
understanding, touching his old master's miseries to come,
and unhappiness nigh at hand: which King Richard himself
evidently perceived ; accounting this deed of his dog, a
prophecy of his overthrow.

Of the dogy called Leviner or Lyemmer ;

in Latiuy Lorarius.

Nother sort of dogs be there, in smelling singular,
and in swiftness incomparable. This is, as it were,
a middle kind betwixt the Harrier and the Grey-
hound ; as well for his kind, as for the frame of his
body. And it is called in Latin, Lovinarius, '* a Levitate," of
lightness ; and therefore may well be called a Lighthound.
It is also called by this word Lorarius, a Loro [a thong], where-
with it is led. This dog for the excellency of his conditions ;
namely smelling and swift running, doth follow the game with
more eagerness, and taketh the prey with a jolly quickness.

i6 English Dogs — the Tumbler, [a. FSg: 1"^

Of the dog, called a Tumbler ; In Latin, Vertagus.

His sort of dogs, which compasseth all by crafts,
frauds, subtilties 'and deceits, we Englishmen call
" Tumblers ; " because, in hunting, they turn and
tumble, winding their bodies about in circle wise,
and then fiercely and violently venturing upon the beast, doth
suddenly gripe it, at the very entrance and mouth of their
receptacles or closets, before they can recover means to save
and succour themselves.

This dog useth another craft and subtilty, namely, when
he runneth into a warren, or fetteth a course about a cony
[rabbit]hurrow, he hunts not after them, he [afjfrays them
not by barking, he makes no countenance or shadow of
hatred against them : but dissembling friendship and pre-
tending favour, passeth by, with silence and quietness,
marking and noting their holes diligently ; wherein, I warrant
you 1 he will not be overshot nor deceived.

When he cometh to the place where conies be of a cer-
tainty, he coucheth down close with his belly to the ground ;
providing always by his skill and policy, that the wind be
never with him but against him in such an enterprise ; and
that the conies spy him not, where he lurketh. By which
means he obtaineth the scent and savour of the conies, carried
towards him with the wind and the air, either going to their
holes, or coming out, either passing this way, or running that
way : and so provideth by his circumspection, that the silly
simple cony is debarred quite from his hole (which is the haven
of their hope and the harbour of their health); and fraudulently
circumvented and taken, before they can get the advantage
of their hole. Thus having caught his prey he carrieth it
speedily to his master, waiting his dog's return in some
convenient lurking corner.

These dogs are somewhat lesser than the hounds, and
they be lanker and leaner ; besides that, they be somewhat
prick eared. A man that shall mark the form and fashion of
their bodies, may well call them mongrel Greyhounds, if
they were somewhat bigger. But notwithstanding they
countervail not the Greyhound in greatness; yet will he take

A.liS.ls76:] English Dogs— the Thievish. 17

in one day's space as many conies as shall arise to as big a
burden and as heavy a load as a horse can carry : for deceit
up and guile is the instrument whereby he maketh this spoil ;
which pernicious properties supply the place of more
commendable qualities.

Of the dog, called the Thievish dog ; in Latin,
Canis furax.

He like to that whom we have rehearsed, is the
Thievish Dog, which at the mandate and bidding of
his master fleereth and leereth about in the night :
hunting conies by the air, which is leavened with
their savour ; and conveyed to the sense of smelling by the
means of the wind blowing towards him. During all which
space of his hunting he will not bark, lest he should be prejudi-
cial to his own advantage. And thus watching and snatching
up in course as many conies as his master will suffer him ; and
beareth them to his master's standing. The farmers of the
country, and uplandish dwellers, call this kind of dog a Night
Cur ; because he hunteth in the dark.

But let thus much seem sufficient for dogs which serve the
game and sport of hunting.

CA Dial pertaining to the First Section.
\

Dogs

serving as
pastime of
hunting
beasts.

are divided
into

/ Harriers.

Terriers.

Bloodhounds.

Gazehounds.

Leviners or

Lyemmers.

Tumblers.
^ Stealers,

In Latin,
) called
Vcnatici,

The Second Section of this Discourse.

Of gentle dogs serving the Hawk : and first

of the Spaniel ; called in Latin,

Hispaniolus.

UcH dogs as serve for Fowling, I think convenient
and requisite to place in this Second Section of this
Treatise. These are also to be reckoned and
accounted in the number of the dogs which come of
a gentle kind ; and of those which serve for fowling.

There be two sorts

The first findeth game on the land.
The other findeth game on the water.

Such as delight on the land, play their parts, either by swift-
ness of foot, or by often questing, to search out and to spring
the bird for further hope of advantage ; or else by some secret
sign and privy token bewray the place where they fall.

The first kind of such serve
The second

The Hawk.
The net, or train.

The first kind have no peculiar names assigned unto them,
save only that they be denominated after the bird which, by
natural appointment, he is allotted to take, for the which
consideration.

Some be called Dogs-

For the Falcon
The Pheasant
The Partridge

and such like.

The common sort of people call them by one general word,
namely, Spaniels. As though this kind of dogs came

A.FieSg.lsS English Dogs — the Setter. 19

originally, and first of all, out of Spain. The most part of
their skins is white, and if they be marked with any spots,
they are commonly red, and somewhat great therewithal, the
hairs not growing in such thickness but that the mixture of
them may easily be perceived. Other some of them be reddish
and blackish ; but of that sort there be but a very few.

There is also, at this day among us, a new kind of dog
brought out of France (for we Englishmen are marvellously
greedy gaping gluttons after novelties, and covetous cormo-
rants of things that be seldom, rare, strange, and hard to get),
and they be speckled all over with white and black, which
mingled colours incline to a marble blue ; which beautifieth
their skins, and affordeth a seemly show of comeliness. These
are called French dogs, as is above declared already.

The dog, called the Setter ; in Latin, Index.

NoTHER sort of dogs be there, serviceable for Fowl-
ing, making no noise either with foot or with tongue
whiles they follow the game. They attend diligently
upon their master, and frame their conditions to such
becks, motions, and gestures, as it shall please him to exhibit
and make ; either going forward, drawing backward, inclining
to the right hand, or yielding toward the left. In making
mention of fowls ; my meaning is, of the partridge and the
quail. When he hath found the bird, he keepeth sure and
fast silence, he stayeth his steps and will proceed no further ;
and with a close, covert, watching eye, layeth his belly to the
ground, and so creepeth forward like a worm. When he
approacheth near to the place where the bird is, he lays him
down, and with a mark of his paws betrayeth the place of
the bird's last abode ; whereby it is supposed that this kind of
dog is called Index, " Setter," being indeed a name most
consonant and agreeable to his quality.

The place being known by the means of the dog, the fowler
immediately openeth and spreadeth his net, intending to take
them ; which being done, the dog at the accustomed beck or
usual sign of his master riseth up by and by, and draweth
nearer to the fowl that by his presence they might be the
authors of their own ensnaring, and be ready entangled in

20 English Dogs— the Water Spaniel, [a. LSg! ll^t

the prepared net. Which cunning and artificial endeavour
in a dog (being a creature domestical, or household servant ;
brought up at home with offals of the trencher and fragments
of victuals) is not much to be marvelled at, seeing that a
hare — being a wild and skippish beast — was seen in England
to the astonishment of the beholders, in the year of our Lord
GOD 1564, not only dancing in measure, but playing with his
former feet upon a tabaret, and observing a just number of
strokes, as a practitioner in that art ; beside that, nipping
and pinching a dog with his teeth and claws, and cruelly
thumping him with the force of his feet.

This is no trumpery tale nor trifling toy as I imagine and
therefore not unworthy to be reported, for I reckon it a
requital of my travail, not to drown in the seas of silence any
special thing, wherein the providence and effectual working
of Nature is to be pondered.

Of the dog, called the Water Spaniel, or Finder ;
in Latin, Aquaticus, seu Inquisitor.

Hat kind of dog whose service is required in fowling
upon the water, partly through a natural towardness,
and partly by diligent teaching, is endued with that
property. This sort is somewhat big, and of a measur-
ablegreatness ; having long, rough, and curled hair, not obtained
by extraordinary trades, but given by Nature's appointment :
yet nevertheless, friend Gesner ! I have described and set him
out in this manner, namely, pulled and knotted from the
shoulders to the hindermost legs, and to the end of his tail,
which I did for use and custom's cause; that being as it were
made somewhat bare and naked, by shearing of such super-
fluity of hair, they might achieve more lightness and swiftness,
and be less hindered in swimming, so troublesome and
needless a burden being shaken ofi".

This kind of dog is properly called Aquaticus, a "Water
Spaniel " because he frequenteth and hath usual recourse to
the water, where all his game and exercise lieth ; namely,
waterfowls, which are taken by the help and service of them,
in their kind. And principally ducks and drakes, whereupon
he is likewise named " a Dog for the Duck," because in that
quality he is excellent. With these dogs also, we fetch out of the

A. F-iS' XS76:] English Dog s — t he Fisher. 21

water such fowl as be stung to death by any venomous worm.
We use them also to bring us our bolts and arrows out of the
water, missing our mark whereat we directed our level ; which
otherwise we should hardly recover : and oftentimes they
restore to us our shafts, which we thought never to see, touch
or handle again, after they were lost ; for which circumstances
they are called Inquisitores, " Searchers," and ** Finders."

Although the duck other whiles notably deceiveth both the
dog and the master, by diving under the water : and also by
natural subtilty ; for if any man shall approach to the place
where they build, breed, and sit, the hens go out of their nest,
offering themselves voluntarily to the hands, as it were, of
such as draw nigh their nests. And a certain weakness of
their wings pretended, and infirmity of their feet dissembled,
they go so slowly and so leisurely, that to a man's thinking it
were no masteries to take them. By which deceitful trick, they
do, as it were, entice and allure men to follow them, till they
be drawn a long distance from their nests : which being
compassed by their provident cunning, or cunning providence,
they cut off all inconveniences which might grow of their
return, by using many careful and curious caveats ; lest their
often haunting bewray the place, where the young ducklings
be hatched. Great therefore is their desire, and earnest is
their study to take heed, not only to their brood, but also to
themselves. For when they have an inkling that they are
espied, they hide themselves under turfs and sedges,
wherewith they cover and shrowd themselves so closely and so
craftily, that (notwithstanding the place where they lurk be
found and perfectly perceived) there they will harbour without
harm ; except the Water Spaniel, by quick smelling, discover
their deceits.

Of the dog, called the Fisher ; in Latin,
Canis Piscator.

|He Dog called the Fisher, whereof Hector Boetheus
writeth, which seeketh for fish by smelling among
rock and stone ; assuredly, I know none of that kind in
England, neither have I received by report that there
is any such: albeit I have been diligent and busy in demanding
the question, as well of fishermen, as also of huntsmen in that

22 English Dog s — t he Fisher, [a. tiem'inl; x^e!

behalf, being careful and earnest to learn and understand of
them if any such were : except that you hold opinion that the
Beaver or Otter is a fish, as many have believed, and according
to their belief affirmed ; and as the bird Pupine [? Puffin] is
thought to be a fish, and so accounted.

But that kind of dog which followeth the fish, to apprehend
and take it ; if there be any of that disposition and property,
whether they do this for the game of hunting, or for the heat
of hunger, as other dogs do (which rather than they will be
famished for want of food, covet the carcases of carrion and
putrifying flesh) : when I am fully resolved and disburdened
of this doubt, I will send you certificate in writing.

In the mean season, I am not ignorant of that both
^LIANUS and iELius, call the Beaver, KvvairoTd/jbiov, a Water
Dog, or a Dog Fish. I know likewise thus much more, that the
Beaver [Otter] both participate this property with the dog,
namely, that when fish be scarce they leave the water and
range up and down the land ; making an insatiable slaughter
of young lambs until their paunches be replenished : and when
they have fed themselves full of flesh ; then return they to the
water, from whence they came. But albeit so much be granted
that this Beaver is a dog ; yet it is to be noted that we reckon
it not in the beadrow of English Dogs, as we have done the rest.

The Sea Calf, in like manner, which our countrymen, for
brevity sake, called a Seal, others, more largely, name a Sea
Veal, maketh a spoil of fish between rocks and banks : but it
is not accounted in the catalogue or number of our English
Dogs; notwithstanding we call it by the name of Sea Dog, or
a Sea Calf.

And thus much for our dogs of the Second Sort, called in
Latin Aucupatorii, serving to take Fowl, either by land or
water.

K A Dial pertaining to the Second Section,
Dogs
serving

the dis-
port of
Fowling.

Land Spaniels. | called in
,1 Setters. J Latin

. ' I Water Spaniels Canes Au-
or Finders. \cupatorii. ^

The Fisher
is notof their
number;
but several.

Fi^ing.life'^ English Dogs — the Spaniel gentle. 23

The Third Section of this Abridgment.

Ow followeth, in due order and convenient place,
our English dogs of the third Gentle Kind, what
they are called, to what use they serve, and what
sort of people plant their pleasure in them : which
because they need no curious canvassing and nigh
sifting, we mean to be much the briefer.

Of the delicate i neat^ and pretty kind of dogs ^ called the

Spaniel gentle, or the Comforter ; in Latin,

Melitaeus or Fotor.

Here is, besides those which we have already de-
livered, another sort of Gentle Dogs in this our
English soil, but exempted from the order of the
residue. The dogs of this kind, doth Callimachus
call Melitceos, of the island Melita, in the sea of Sicily (which
at this day is named Malta ; an island, indeed, famous and
renowned, with courageous and puissant soldiers valiantly
fighting under the banner of Christ, their unconquerable
Captain), where this kind of dog had their principal beginning.
These dogs are little, pretty proper, and fine ; and sought
for to satisfy the delicateness of dainty dames, and wanton
women's wills, instruments of folly for them to play and
dally withal, to trifle away the treasure of time, to withdraw
their minds from more commendable exercises, and to content
their corrupted concupiscences with vain desport. A silly shift,
to shirk irksome idleness ! These puppies the smaller they
be, the more pleasure they provoke, as more meet playfellows

24 English Dogs — the Spaniel gentle, [a. LSing: i|S

for mincing mistresses to bear in their bosoms, to keep
company withal in their chambers, to succour with sleep in
bed, and nourish with meat at board, to lay in their laps, and
lick their lips as they ride in their waggons : and good reason
it should be so, for coarseness with fineness hath no friendship;
but featness with neatness hath neighbourhood enough. That
plausible proverb verified upon a tyrant, namely *' that he
loved his sow, better than his son," may well be applied to
this kind of people; who delight more in dogs, that are
deprived of all possibility of reason, than they do in children
that be capable of wisdom and judgement. But this abuse,
peradventure, reigneth where there hath been long lack of
issue ; or else, where barrenness is the best blossom of beauty.

The virtue which remaineth in the Spaniel gentle,
otherwise called the Comforter.

Otwithstanding, many make much of those pretty
puppies called " Spaniels gentle " ; yet if the question
were demanded what property in them they spy,
which should make them so acceptable and precious in their
sight ? I doubt their answer would be long a coining. But
seeing it was our intent to travail in this Treatise, so that
the reader might reap some benefit by his reading, we will
communicate unto you such conjectures as are grounded
upon reason. And though some suppose that such dogs are
fit for no service, I dare say, by their leaves ! they be in a
wrong box.

Among all other qualities, therefore, of Nature, which be
known (for some conditions are covered with continual and
thick clouds, that the eye of our capacities cannot pierce
through them) we find that these little dogs are good to assuage
the sickness of the stomach, being often times thereunto
applied as a plaster preservative [I] or borne in the bosom of
the diseased and weak person [!] which effect is performed
by their moderate heat. Moreover, the disease and sickness
changeth his place and entereth — though it be not precisely
marked — into the dog [!] which to be no untruth. Experience
can testify. For this kind of dogs sometimes fall sick, and
sometimes die, without any harm outwardly enforced ; which

A.k^.i576:] English Dogs — the Spaniel gentle. 25

is an argument that the disease of the gentleman or gentle-
woman or owner whatsoever, entereth into the dog by the
operation of heat intermingled and infected.

And thus have I hitherto handled dogs of a Gentle Kind,
whom I have comprehended in a triple division. Now it
remaineth that I annex, in due order, such dogs as be of a
more homely kind.

A Dial pertaining to the Third Section.

/A chamber com-\ gen-

In the Third
Section is con
tained one kind-
of dog, which is
called the

/Spaniel \
gentle It is
or the I also

panion, rally

- A pleasant play- 1 called
** Com- I called fellow, Cams

^forter." / VA pretty worm, ^ delicaius.

^skIa mS^ «ik)^ n\&n Asi^
^p ^p ^p ^p ^^ O^ O^ -X» Sp *^ •^p -X- *^ "X* *X- "X- *X- «X- -X* "^

*^ •'4* -^ -^ -^ -T» -T- -ds -dt" -dS -d^ •jRr ^ "S^ _^C- -^C. 'aS . _^IS .^IS .^Is

The Fourth Section of this Discourse.

Dogs of a coarse kind^ serving for many necessary

uses called in Latin Canes rustici ; and first

of the Shepherds Dog ; called in

Lafiny Canis Pastoralis.

Dogs of the (The Shepherd's Dog ) These two are

coarser sort are (The Mastiff or Bandog] the principal.

He first kind, namely, the Shepherd's Hound, is very
necessary and profitable for the avoiding of harms
and inconveniences which may come to men, by
the means of beasts. The second sort serve to
succour against the snares and attempts of mis-
chievous men.

Our Shepherd's Dog is not huge, vast, and big ; but of an
indifferent stature and growth, because it hath not to deal
with the bloodthirsty wolf; sithence [since] there be none in
England ; which happy and fortunate benefit is to be
ascribed to the puissant Prince Edgar ; who (to the intent
that the whole country might be evacuated and quite cleared
from wolves) charged and commanded the Welshmen, who
were pestered with these butcherly beasts above measure, to
pay him yearly tribute : which was (note the wisdom of the
King ! ) three hundred wolves. Some there be, which write

A. Fie^ng.' 1576:] Englisii Dogs — THE Shepherd's Dog. 27

that LuDWALL Prince of Wales paid yearly to King Edgar
three hundred wolves in the name of an exaction, as we
have said before : And that by the means hereof, within the
compass and term of four years, none of those noisome and
pestilent beasts were left in the coasts of England and
Wales. This Edgar wore the royal crown, and bare the
imperial sceptre of this kingdom, about the year of our Lord,
nine hundred and fifty nine. Since which time, we read that
no wolf hath been seen in England, bred within the bounds
bounds and borders of this country.

Marry, there have been divers brought over from beyond
the seas, for greediness of gain and to make money, for
gazing and gaping, staring and standing to see them ; being
a strange beast, rare, and seldom seen in England.

But to return to our Shepherd's Dog. This dog either at
the hearing of his master's voice, or at the wagging and
whistling in his fist, or at his shrill and hoarse hissing,
bringeth the wandering wethers and straying sheep into the
selfsame place where his master's will and wish is to have
them : whereby the shepherd reapeth this benefit, namely,
that with little labour and no toil or moving of his feet, he
may rule and guide his flock, according to his own desire ;
either to have them go forward, or stand still, or to draw
backward, or to turn this way, or to take that way. For it
is not in England, as it is in France, as it is in Flanders,
as it is in Syria, as it is in Tartaria, where the sheep follow
the shepherd : for here, in our country, the shepherd follows
the sheep. And sometimes the straying sheep, when no
dog runneth before them, nor goeth about or beside them,
gather themselves together in a flock, when they hear the
shepherd whistle in his fist, for fear of the dog (as I imagine) :
remembering this (if unreasonable creatures may be reported
to have memory) that the dog commonly runneth out at his
master's warrant, which is his whistle. This have we
oftentimes diligently marked, in taking our journey from
town to town. When we have heard a shepherd whistle, we
have reined in our horse and stood still a space, to see the
proof and trial of this matter. Furthermore with this dog
doth the shepherd take sheep for the slaughter, and to be
healed if they be sick ; no hurt nor harm in the world, done
to the simple creature.

2S English Dogs — the Mastiff, [a. kSl: ^"e:

Of the Mastiff or Bandog ; called, in Latin,
Villaticus or Cathenarius.

His kind of dog, called a Mastiff or Bandog, is vast,
huge, stubborn, ugly, and eager; of a heavy and
burdenous body, and therefore but of little swiftness;
terrible, and frightful to behold ; and more fierce and
fell than any Arcadian cur, notwithstanding, they are said to
have their generation of the violent lion.

They are called FtV/a^za, because they are appointed to watch
and keep farm places and country cottages sequestered from
common recourse, and not abutting upon other houses by
reason of distance ; when there is any fear conceived of thieves,
robbers, spoilers, and nightwanderers. They are serviceable
against the fox, and the badger ; to drive wild and tame swine
out of meadows, pastures, glebelands, and places planted with
fruit ; to bait and take the bull by the ear, when occasion so
requireth. One dog, or two at the uttermost, are sufficient
for that purpose, be bull never so monstrous, never so
fierce, never so furious, never so stern, never so untameable.
For it is a kind of dog capable of courage, violent and
valiant, striking cold fear into the hearts of men : but
standing in fear of no man ; in so much that no weapons will
make him shrink, or abridge his boldness.

Our Englishmen (to the intent that their dogs might be
the more fell and fierce) assist nature with art, use, and
custom. For, they teach their dogs to bait the bear; to bait the
bull, and other such like cruel and bloody beasts (appointing
an overseer of the game) without any collar to defend their
throats : and oftentimes they train them up in fighting and
wrestling with a man, having (for the safeguard of his life)
either a pikestaff, a club, or a sword. And by using [accustom-
ing] them to exercise as these, their dogs become more sturdy
and strong.

The force which is in them surmounteth all belief; the fast
hold which they take with their teeth exceedeth all credit.
Three of them against a bear, four against a lion are sufficient,
both to try masteries with them, and utterly to overmatch them.

Which thing, Henry the Seventh of that name, King of
England (a Prince both politic and warlike) perceiving on a
certain time, as the report runneth ; commanded all such

A. -Fleming. 1576^] EnGLISH DoGS — THE MaSTIFF. 29

dogs (how many soever they were in number) should be
hanged ; being deeply displeased, and conceiving great disdain,
than an ill favoured rascal cur should, with such violent
villainy, assault the valiant lion king of beasts. An example
for all subjects worthy remembrance, to admonish them that
it is no advantage to them to rebel against the regiment of
their ruler ; but to keep them within the limits of loyalty.

I read an history answerable to this, of the selfsame
Henry, who having a notable and an excellent fair falcon,
it fortuned that the King's Falconers, in the presence and
hearing of His Grace, highly commended his Majesty's Falcon,
saying, ** that it feared not to intermeddle with an eagle, it
was so venturous and so mighty a bird" ; which when the
King heard, he charged that the falcon should be killed
without delay : for the selfsame reason, as it may seem,
which was rehearsed in the conclusion of the former history
concerning the same King.

This dog is called, in like manner, Cathenarius, a Cathena,
of the chain wherewith he is tied at the gates, in the day
time ; lest being loose, he should do much mischief: and yet
might give occasion of fear and terror, by his big barking.
And albeit Cicero, in his oration Pro S. Ross had been of this
opinion, that such dogs as bark in the broad daylight should
have their legs broken ; yet our countrymen on this side of the
seas, for their carelessness of life, " setting all at cinque and
sice," are of a contrary judgement. For the thieves rogue
up and down in every corner, no place is free from them; no,
not the Prince's Palace, nor the countryman's cottage. In
the day time, they practise pilfering, picking, open robbing,
and privy stealing ; and what legerdemain lack they ? not
fearing the shameful and horrible death of hanging. The
cause of which inconvenience doth not only issue from
nipping need and wringing want ; for all that steal are not
pinched with poverty : but some steal to maintain their
excessive and prodigal expenses in apparel ; their lewdness of
life, their haughtiness of heart, their wantonness of manner,
their wilful idleness, their ambitious bravery, and the pride
of the saucy Salacones fxeydXopp'QVTayv vain glorious and
arrogant in behaviour, whose delight dependeth wholly to
mount nimbly on horseback, to make them leap lustily,
spring and prance, gallop and amble, to run a race, to wind

30 English Dogs — the Keeper Dog. [a. kS^; i"!

in compass, and so forth ; living altogether upon the fatness
of the spoil. Othersome there be which steal, being thereto
provoked by penury and need, like masterless men applying
themselves to no honest trade, but ranging up and down,
impudently begging ; and complaining of bodily weakness,
where is no want of ability.

But valiant Valentine the Emperor, by wholesome laws
provided, that such as having no corporal sickness, sold
themselves to begging, pleaded poverty with pretended
infirmity, cloaked their idle and slothful life with colourable
shifts and cloudy cossening, [cozening] should be a perpetual
slave and drudge to him, by whom their impudent idleness
was bewrayed and laid against them in public place ; lest
the insufferable slothfulness of such vagabonds, should be
burdenous to the people ; or, being so hateful and odious,
should grow into an example.

Alfred, likewise, in the government of his commonwealth,
procured such increase of credit to justice and upright dealing
by his prudent acts and statutes, that if a man travelling by
the highway of the country under his dominion, chanced to
lose a budget full of gold, or his capcase farced [sttiffed] with
things of great value, late in the evening ; he should find it
where he lost it, safe, sound, and untouched the next morning;
yea, which is a wonder, at any time for a whole month's space
if he sought for it, as Ingulphus Croyladensis^ in his History,
recordeth. But in this our unhappy age ; in these I say, our
devilish days, nothing can escape the claws of the spoilers ;
though it be kept never so sure within the house ; albeit the
doors be locked and bolted round about.

This dog, in like manner, of Grecians is called oiKovpo^.

Of the latinists, Canis Custos ; in Eyiglishy
the Dog Keeper,

Orrowing his name of his service : for he doth not
only keep farmers' houses ; but also merchants'
mansions, wherein great wealth, riches, substance,
and costly stuff is reposed. And therefore were
certain dogs found and maintained at the common costs
and charges of the citizens of Rome in the place called
Capitolium, to give warning of thieves' coming.

J. Caitu. 1536."!
A. Fleming. 1S76J

English Dogs — the Mooner

This kind of dog is also called, in Latin, Can is
Laniarius; in English, the Butcher Dog.

O CALLED for the necessity of his use, for his service
affordeth great benefit to the Butcher; as well in
following as in taking his cattle, when need con-
straineth, urgeth, and requireth.

This kind of dog is likewise called, in Latin,
Molossicus or Molossus.

Fter the name of a country in Epirus, called

Molossia, which harboureth many stout, strong,

and sturdy dogs of this sort : for the dogs of that

country are good indeed, or else there is no trust

to be had in the testimonies of writers.

This dog is also called, in Latin, Canis Mandatarius ;
a Dog Messenger or Carrier,

PoN substantial consideration, because, at his master's
voice and commandment, he carrieth letters from
place to place ; wrapped up cunningly in his leather
collar, fastened thereto, or sewed close therein :
who, lest he should be hindered in his passage, useth these
helps very skilfully ; namely, resistance in fighting if he be not
overmatched, or else swiftness and readiness in running away,
if he be unable to buckle with the dog that would fain have a
snatch at his skin.

This kind of dog likewise called, in Latin, Canis
Lunarius ; in English, the Mooner.

EcAUSE he doth nothing else but watch and ward at
an ynche, wasting the wearisome night season with-
out slumbering or sleeping ; bawing and wawing at
the moon (that I may use the word of Nonius) ; a
quality in mine opinion strange to consider.

32 English Dogs— the Tinker's Cur. [a. kSl." Issg!

Thts kind of dog is also called^ in Latin, Aquarius ;
in English, a Water Drawer,

Nd these be of the greater and the weightier sort,
drawing water out of wells and deep pits, by a wheel
which they turn round about, by the moving of their
burthenous bodies.

This kind of dog is called, in like manner,

Canis Sarcinarius ; in Latin, and may

aptly be Englished, a Tinker's Cur.

EcAUSE, with marvellous patience, they bear big
budgets fraught with tinker's tools and metal meet
to mend kettles, porridge-pots, skillets, and chafers,
and other such like trumpery; requisite for their
occupation and loitering trade : easing him of great burden,
which otherwise he himself should carry upon his shoulders ;
which condition hath challenged unto them the foresaid name.
Besides the qualities which we have already recounted,
this kind of dogs hath this principal property ingrafted in
them, that they love their masters liberally and hate
strangers despitefully ; whereupon it followeth that they are
to their masters, in travelling, a singular safeguard : defend-
ing them forcibly from the invasion of villains and thieves,
preserving their lives from loss, and their health from hazard,
their flesh from hacking and hewing, with such like desperate
dangers. For which consideration they are meritoriously
termed

In Latin, Canes defensores ; Defending Dogs,
in our mother tongue.

jF IT chance that the master be oppressed, either by a
multitude, or by the greater violence and so be beaten
down that he lie grovelling on the ground : it is
proved true by experience, that this dog forsaketh
not his master ; no, not when he is stark dead. But, enduring
the force of famishment and the outrageous tempests of the
weather, most vigilantly watch eth and carefully keepeth the

A kmi^: '1576:] English Dogs — the Defending Dog. 33

dead carcase many days ; endeavouring, furthermore, to kill
the murderers of his master, if he may get any advantage.
Or else by barking, by howling, by furious jarring, snarring,
and such like means betrayeth the malefactor; as desirous to
have the death of his aforesaid master vigorously revenged.

An example hereof, fortuned within the compass of my
memory. The dog of a certain wayfaring man travelling from
the city of London directly to the town of Kingston (most
famous and renowned by reason of the triumphant coronation
of eight several Kings), passing over a good portion of his
journey, was assaulted and set upon by certain confederate
thieves laying in wait for the spoil in Come Park; a perilous
bottom, compassed about with woods too well known for the
manifold murders and mischievous robberies there com-
mitted. Into whose hands, this passenger chanced to fall ;
so that his ill luck cost him the price of his life.

And that dog, whose sire was English (which Blondus
registereth to have been within the banks of his remembrance)
manifestly perceiving that his master was murdered (this
chanced not far from Paris) by the hands of one which was
a suitor to the same woman, whom he was a wooer unto ; did
both bewray the bloody butcher, and attempted to tear out
the villain's throat, if he had not sought means to avoid the
revenging rage of the dog.

In fires also, which fortune in the silence and dead time of
the night, or in stormy weather of the said season, the
older dogs, bark, bawl, howl, and yell, yea, notwithstanding
they be roughly rated : neither will they stay their tongues
till the household servants awake, rise, search, and see the
burning of the fire; which being perceived they use voluntary
silence, and cease from yolping. This hath been, and is
found true by trial, in sundry parts of England.

There was no fainting faith in that dog, which when his
master, by a mischance in hunting stumbled and fell, toppling
down a deep ditch, being unable to recover of himself; the
dog signifying his master's mishap, rescue came, and he was
hauled up by a rope : whom the dog seeing, almost drawn up
to the edge of the ditch, cheerfully saluted, leaping and
skipping upon his master, as though he would have embraced
him ; being glad of his presence, whose longer absence he
was loath to lack.

34 English Dogs— the Defending Dog. [a. kSl^: lit

Some dogs there be, which will not suffer fiery coals to lie
scattered about the hearth, but with their paws will rake up
the burning coals ; musing and studying first with themselves
how it might conveniently be done. And if so be, that the
coals cast too great a heat, then will they bury them in
ashes ; and so remove them forward to a fit place with their
noses.

Other dogs be there, which execute the office of a farmer
in the night time. For when his master goeth to bed to
take a natural sleep, And when

A hundred bars of brass and iron bolts
Make all things safe from starts and from revolts.
When Janus keeps the gate with Argus eye,
That dangers none approach, ne mischiefs nigh.

As Virgil vaunteth in his verses. Then if his master
biddeth him go abroad, he lingereth not, but rangeth over all
his lands himself, lying there about, more diligently, I wis
[think], than any farmer himself. And if he find anything
there, that is strange and pertaineth to other persons besides
his master ; whether it be man, woman, or beast, he driveth
them out of the ground : not meddling with anything, which
doth belong to the use and possession and use of his master.
But how much faithfulness, so much diversity there is in
their natures.

' Which bark only with free and open throat, but

For there will not bite.

be some Which do both bark and bite.

^ Which bite bitterly before they bark.

The first are not greatly to be feared, Because they
themselves are fearful; and fearful dogs (as the proverb
importeth) bark most vehemently.

The second are dangerous. It is wisdom to take heed of
them, because they sound, as it were, an Alarum of an
Afterclap ; and these dogs must not be over much moved or
provoked, for then they take on outrageously as if they were
mad, watching to set the print of their teeth in the flesh.
And these kind of dogs are fierce and eager by nature.

The third are deadly. For they fly upon a man, without

iiSi^llS] English Dogs — the Defending Dog. 35

utterance of voice, snatch at him, and catch him by the
throat, and most cruelly bite out collops of flesh. Fear
these kind of curs ! if thou be wise and circumspect about
thine own safety ! for they be stout and stubborn dogs, and
set upon a man, at a sudden, unawares.

By these signs and tokens, by these notes and arguments,
our men discern the cowardly cur from the courageous dog ;
the bold from the fearful, the butcherly from the gentle and
tractable. Moreover they conjecture that a whelp of an
ill kind is not worth the keeping ; and that no dog can serve
the sundry uses of men so aptly and so conveniently as this
sort of whom we have so largely written already.

For if any be disposed to draw the above-named services
into a table, what man more clearly and with more vehemency
of voice giveth warning, either of a wasteful beast or of a
spoiling thief, than this ? who by his barking, as good as a
burning beacon, foreshoweth hazards at hand. What manner
of beast, stronger ? what servant to his master, more loving ?
what companion, more trusty ? what Watchman, more
vigilant? what Revenger, more constant? what Messenger,
more speedy? what Water Bearer, more painful? finally
what Pack Horse, more patient ?

And thus much concerning English dogs, first of the
Gentle Kind, secondly to the Coarser Kind. Now it remaineth
that we deliver unto you the dogs of a mongrel or currish
kind, and then will we have performed our task.

TA Dial pertain in g to th e Fou rth Section.

Dogs

compre-
hended

in the

Fourth

Section

are

these

The Shep-
herd's dog

The Mastiff
or Bandog

which /The Keeper or \

hath Watchman,
sundry The Butcher dog.
names, The Messenger
derived / or Carrier.

from \The Mooner.
sundry The Water
circum- Drawer,
stances. The Tinker's Cur.
as \The Fencer. /

Called

Latin

Canes

Rus-

tici.

The Fifth Section of this Treatise.

Containing curs of the mongrel and rascal sort ;

and first of the dogy c ailed y in Latin,

Admonitor; and of us in English,

Wap or Warner.

F SUCH dogs, as keep not their kind ; of such as
are mingled out of sundry sorts not imitating the
conditions of some one certain species, because
they resemble no notable shape, nor exercise any
worthy property of the true perfect and gentle
kind ; it is not necessary that I write any more of them : but
to banish them as unprofitable implements, out of the bounds
of my book : unprofitable I say for any use that is commend-
able, except in entertaining strangers with their barking in the
daytime, giving warning to them of the house, that such and
such be newly come. Whereupon, we call them Admonishing
Dogs ; because, in that point, they perform their office.

Of the dog, called Turnspit ; in Latin, Veruversator.

Here is comprehended under the curs of the coarsest
kind, a certain dog excellent in kitchen service. For
when any meat is to be roasted, they go into a wheel ;
which they turning round with the weight of their
bodies ; and so diligently look to their business, that no drudge
nor scullion can do the feat more cunningly. Whom the
popular sort hereupon call, Turnspits ; being the last of all
those which we have first mentioned.

A. LSnl: Isyl] English Dogs— the Dancer. -i.^

Of the dog, called the 'Dancer ; in Latin^
Saltator or Tympanista.

Here be also dogs among us, of a mongrel kind,
which are taught and exercised to dance in measure
at the musical sound of an instrument ; as, at the
just stroke of the drum, at the sweet accent of the
cithern, and tuned strings of the harmonious harp : showing'
many pretty tricks by the gesture of their bodies. As, to stand
bolt upright, to lie flat upon the ground, to turn round as a
ring holding their tails in their teeth, to beg for their meat ;
and sundry such properties, which they learn of their vaga-
bondical masters, whose instruments they are to gather gain
withal in city, country, town, and village. As some which
carry old apes on their shoulders in coloured jackets, to move
men to laughter ; for a little lucre.

A start to outlandish dogs ; in this conclusion not
impertinent to the Author s purpose.

Se and custom hath entertained other dogs of an out-
landish kind, but a few and the same being of a pretty
bigness, I mean Iceland dogs, curled and rough all
over ; which by reason of the length of their hair
make show, neither of face nor of body. And yet these curs,
forsooth, because they are so strange are greatly set by,
esteemed, taken up, and made of, many times in the room of
the Spaniel Gentle or " Comforter."

The natures of men are so moved, nay rather married to
novelties; without all reason, wit, judgement or perseverance,

Epfafiev aWorpi&v, irapopojfiev <iv<yy€vel^.

Outlandish toys we take with delight;

Things of our own nature we have in despite :

"Which fault remaineth not in us concerning dogs only, but
for artificers also. And why ? It is too manifest that we
disdain and contemn our own workmen, be they never so
skilful, be they never so cunning, be they never so excellent.
A beggarly beast brought out of barbarous borders, from
the uttermost countries northward, &c, ; we stare at, we

38 Iceland, and outlandish Dogs. [a. k^n|; Isye!

gaze at, we muse, we marvel at ; like an Ass of Cumanum,
like Thales with the brazen shanks, like the Man in the
Moon. The which default, Hippocrates, marked when he
was alive, as evidently appeareth in the beginning of his
book Tlepl ar/ficov, so intituled and named. And we, in our
work, entitled De Ephemera Britannica; to the people of
England, have more plentifully expressed.

In this kind, look which is most blockish, and yet most
waspish, the same is most esteemed ; and not among citizens
only, and jolly gentlemen ; but among lusty lords also, and
noblemen, and dainty courtiers ruffling in their riotous rags.

Further, I am not to wade in the ford of this Discourse ;
because it was my purpose to satisfy your expectations with a
short Treatise, most learned Conrad ! not wearisome for me
to write, nor tedious for you to peruse.

Among other things, which you have received at my hands
heretofore, I remember that I wrote a several description of
the Getulian dog ; because there are but a few of them, and
therefore very seldom seen. As touching dogs of other kinds,
you yourself have taken earnest pain, in writing of them both
lively, learnedly, and largely. But because we have drawn this
Libel more at length, than the former which I sent you; and
yet briefer than the nature of the thing might well bear, re-
garding your more earnest and necessary studies ; I will con-
clude ; making a rehearsal notwithstanding (for memory's
sake) of certain specialities contained in the whole body of
this my Breviary.

And because you participate principal pleasure in the
knowledge of the common and usual Names of Dogs, as I
gather by the course of your letters : I suppose it not amiss
to deliver unto you a short table containing, as well the Latin
as the English names; and to render a reason of every
particular appellation, to the intent that no scruple may
remain in this point, but that everything may be sifted to the
bare bottom.

A Dial pertaining to the Fifth Section.

Dogs contained in

this last Dial

or Table are

The Wap or Warner
The Turnspit
.The Dancer

called in Latin
Canes Rustici.

A Supplement or Addition, containing a

demonstration of Dogs' Names, how

they had their original.

Ie names contained in the General Table,
forsomuch as they signify nothing to you,
being a stranger, and ignorant of the
English tongue, except they be interpreted :
as we have given a reason before of it in
Latin w^ords, so mean we to do no less of
the English; that everything may be mani-
fest unto your understanding. Wherein I intend to observe
the same order, which I have followed before.

T^he Names of such Dogs as be contained
in the First Section,

Agax, in English, Hound, is derived of our English
word *' hunt." One letter changed into another^
namely, T into D, as " hunt," " hund" : whom, if
you conjecture to be so named of your country
word Hunde which signifieth the general name
" Dog," because of the similitude and likeness of the words; I
will not stand in contradiction, friend Gesner ! for so much

40 The Names of English Dogs. [a. k^n"^: '."e"

as we retain among us at this day many Dutch [German]
words which the Saxons left at such time as they occupied
this country of Britain. Thus much also understand ! that
as in your language hunde is the common word, so in our
natural tongue dog is the universal ; but hound is particular
and a special ; for it signifieth such a dog only as serveth to
hunt, and therefore it is called a hound.

Of the Gaze Hound.

He Gaze Hound, called, in Latin, Agasatis, hath his
name of the sharpness and stedfastness of his eye-
sight. By which virtue, he compasseth that which
otherwise he cannot by smelling attain. As we have
made former relation, for to gaze is earnestly to view and behold,
from whence floweth the derivation of this dog's name.

Of the Grey Hound.

He Greyhound, called Leporarius, hath his name of
this word G>'(2, which word soundeth, Gradus in Latin,
in English degree. Because among all dogs they are
the most principal occupying the chiefest place ;

and being simply and absolutely, the best of the gentle kind

of hounds.

Of the Levyner or the Lyemmer.

His dog is called a Levyner, for his lightness, which in
Latin, soundeth Levitas. Or a Lyemmer, which word
is borrowed of Lyemme, which the Latinists name
Lorum : and wherefore we call him a Levyner of this
word Levitas ; as we do many things besides. Why, we derive
draw a thousand of our terms out of the Greek, the Latin, and
the Italian, the Dutch, the French, and the Spanish tongue?
Out of which fountains indeed, they had their original issue.
How many words are buried in the grave of forgetfulness,
grown out of use, wrested awry, and perversely corrupted,
by divers defaults ; we will declare at large, in our book
intituled, Symphonia vocum Britannicarum.

^.iiS^lsrS The Names of English Dogs. 41

Of the Tumbler,

MoNG hounds, the Tumbler, called, in Latin, Veriagui^
is the last, which cometh of this word "Tumbler";
flowing first of all out of the French fountain. For
as we say Tumble, so they, Tumhier ; reserving one
sense and signification: which the Latinist comprehend under
this word Vertere. So that we see thus much, that Tumbler
cometh of Ttimbier, the vowel, I, changed into the liquid L,
after the manner of our speech ; contrary to the French and
Italian tongue. In which two languages, a liquid before a
vowel, for the most part is turned into another vowel; as, may
be perceived in the example of these two words implere and
piano, for impiere and piano. L before E, changed into I ; and
L before A, turned into I, also. This I thought convenient,
for a taste I

The Names of such Dogs as be contained
in the Second Section.

Fter such as serve for hunting, orderly, do follow
such as serve for hawking and fowling. Among
which the principal and chiefest is the Spaniel,
called in Latin Hispaniolus, borrowing his name of
Hispania, Spain ; wherein we Englishmen not pro-
nouncing the aspiration H, nor the vowel I, for quickness
and readiness of speech say, roundly, A Spaniel.

Of the Setter.

He second sort of this Second Division and second
section : is called a Setter, in Latin Index. Of the
word Set, which signifieth in English that which the
Latinists mean by this word Locum designate, the

reason is rehearsed before more largely [p. 243] ; it shall not

need to make a new repetition.

42 The Names of English Dogs. [a. {-i^ng: Is^

Of the Water Spaniel or Finder.

He Water Spaniel consequently followeth, called in
latin Aquatictis, in English a Water Spaniel; which
name is compound of two simple words, namely,
Water, which in Latin soundeth Aqua, wherein he
swimmeth; And SpsLin, Hispania, the country from whence they
came. Not that England wanteth such kind of dogs ; for they
are naturally bred and ingendered in this country : but because
they bear the general and common name of these dogs, since
the time they were first brought over out of Spain. And we
make a certain difference in this sort of dogs, either for
something which in their voice is to be marked, or for
something which in their qualities is to be considered. As
for an example, in this kind called the Spaniel, by the
apposition and putting to of this word Water; which two
coupled together sound Water Spaniel.

He is also called a Finder, in Latin Inquisitor, because
that by serious and secure seeking, he findeth such things as
be lost ; which, word Find, in English, is that, which the
Latin mean by the verb Invenire. This dog hath this name
of his property, because the principal point of his service
consisteth in the premises.

T/ie Names of such Dogs as be contained

in the Third Section.

Ow leaving the surview of hunting and hawking
dogs; it remaineth that we run over the residue,
whereof some be called, fine dogs, some coarse,
other some mongrels or rascals. The first is the
Spaniel gentle called Canis Melitceus, because it is
a kind of dog accepted among gentles, nobles, lords, ladies,
&c., who make much of them vouchsafing to admit them so
far into their company, that they will not only lull them in
their laps, but kiss them with their lips, and make them
their pretty playfellows.

Such a one was Gorgon's little puppy, mentioned by Theo-
critus in Siracusis,yfho taking his journey, straightly charged

A-k^n^Jsre.] The Names of English Dogs. 43

and commanded his maid to see to his dog as charily and
warily as to his child ; to call him in always, that he wandered
not abroad, as well as to rock the babe asleep, crying in the
cradle. This puppitly and peasantly cur (which some,
frumpingly, term Fisting Hounds) serve in a manner to no
good use ; except, as we have made former relation, to
succour and strengthen quailing and qualming stomachs, to
bewray baudery and filthy abominable lewdness. Which a
little dog of this kind did in Sicilia, as -(Elianus in his
7th book Of beasts, and 27th chapter recordeth.

The Names of such Dogs as be contained

in the Fourth Section.

|F DOGS, under the coarser kind, we will deal first
with the Shepherd's Dog, whom we call the Ban-
dog, the Tydog, or the Mastiff. The first name is
imputed to him for service quoniam pastori famula-
tur ; because he is at the Shepherd his master's
commandment. The second, a Ligamcnto, of the Band or
chain wherewith he is tied. The third, a Sagina, of the fatness
of his body. For this kind of dog which is usually tied, is
mighty gross, and fat fed. I know this, that Augustinus
NiPHUS, calleth this Mastinus, which we call Mastivus. And
that Albertus writeth how the Lyciscus is engendered by a
bear and a wolf. Notwithstanding that, the selfsame author
taketh it, for the most part, pro Molosso. A dog of such a
[that] country.

The Names of such Dogs as be contained
in the Fifth Section.

F MONGRELS and rascals somewhat is to be spoken.
And among these of the Wapp or Turnspit : which
name is made of two simple words, that is, of Turn,
which in Latin soundeth F'(?r/er5; and oispii which
is vcru, or ^pcdc. For the English word inclineth

44 The Names of English Dogs. [a. L*Si^: Js't

closer to the Italian imitation : Veruversator, Turnspit. He
is called also Waupe, of the natural noise of his voice, Wau,
which he maketh in barking.

But for the better and the readier sound, the vowel «, is
changed into the consonant,/*; so that for Waup we say Wapp.
And yet I wot well that Nonius borroweth his Baubari of the
natural voice Bau, as the Grecians do their Bav^eiv of Wan.

Now when you understand this, that Saltare in Latin
signifieth Dansare, in English ; and that our dog thereupon
is called a Dancer, and in the Latin Saltator : you are as far
taught, as you were desirous to learn.

And now suppose I, there remaineth nothing, but that your
request is fully accomplished.

The winding up of this work called the
Supplement, &c.

jHus, friend Gesner ! you have, not only the kinds
of our country dogs, but their names also ; as well
in Latin as in English ; their offices, services, diver-
sities, natures, and properties : that you can
demand no more of me in this matter. And albeit I have
not satisfied your mind peradventure (who suspectest all
speed in the performance of your request employed, to be
mere delays), because I stayed the setting forth of that imper-
fect pamphlet which, five years ago [1531], I sent to you as to
a private friend for your own reading, and not to be printed,
and so made common : yet I hope, having, like the bear,
licked over my young, I have waded in this work to your
contentation ; which delay hath made somewhat better and
Bevrepai (f>povTi8e<: " after wit " more meet to be perused.

The End of this Treatise.

FINIS.

Doctor John Dee.
Tie Petty Navy RoyaL

{General and rare Menwria 's, <5r»r.,
better known from its headline as
The British Monarchy. 1577.]

HOM also I have heard often and most heartily wish,
That all manner of persons passing or frequent-
ing our seas appropriate, and many ways next
environing England, Ireland, and Scotland, might
be in convenient and honourable sort, at all times
at the commandment and order, by beck or check, of a
Petty Naval Royal of three-score tall ships or more, but in
no case fewer; and they to be very well appointed,
thoroughly manned, and sufficiently victualled.

The public commodities whereof ensuing are, or would be
so great and many, as the whole commons, and all the
subjects of this noble Kingdom would for ever bless the day
and hour wherein such good and politic order was, in so good
time and opportunity, taken and established : and esteem
them not only most worthy and royal Councillors, but also
heroical Magistrates, who have had so fatherly care for the
commonalty ; and most wisely procured so general British
security,

1. That, henceforth, neither France, Denmark, Scotland,
Spain, nor any other country can have such liberty for
invasion, or their mutual conspiracies or aids, any way
transporting, to annoy the blessed state of our tranquillity ;
as either they have in times past had, or else may have,
whensoever they will forget or contemn the observing of
their sworn or pretended amity.

2. Besides that, I report me to all English merchants,
said he, of how great value to them, and consequently to the

46 Privy Sounders, and Corn Stealers. [x^;j:,^^

public weal of this Kingdom, such a security were ? (a)
Whereby, both outward and homeward, continually their
merchantlike ships, many or few, great or small, may in our
seas and somewhat further, pass quietly unpilled, unspoiled,
and untaken by pirates or others in time of peace, (b) What
abundance of money now lost by assurance [marine insurance]
given or taken, would by this means also, be greatly out of
danger ?

3. And thirdly, (a) how many men, before time of urgent
need, would thus be made very skilful in all the foresaid
seas and sea coasts; in their channels knowing, in soundings
all over, in good marks taking for avoiding dangers, in good
harbours trying out, in good landings essaying, in the order
of ebbs and floods observing, and all other points advisedly
learning, which to the perfect Art of Navigation are very
necessary : whereby they may be the better able to be
divided and distributed in a greater Navy, with charge of
Mastership or Pilotage, in time of great need, (b) They of
this Navy should oftentimes espy or meet the privy
sounders and searchers of our channels, flats, banks, pits,
&c. ; and so very diligently deciphering our sea coasts, yea,
in the river of Thames also ; otherwhile up to the station of
the Grand Navy Royal, (c) And likewise, very often meet
with the abominable thieves that steal our corn and victuals
from sundry our coasts, to the great hindraince of the public
plenty of England. And these thieves are both subjects and
foreigners ; and very often and to to [far to] evidently seen,
and generally murmured at, but as yet not redressed; for all
the good and wise order by the most honourable Senate of
the Privy Council taken therein.

4. Fourthly, how many thousands of soldiers of all
degrees, and apt ages of men, would be, by this means, not
only hardened well to brook all rage and disturbance of sea,
and endure healthfully all hardness of lodging and diet
there ; but also would be well practised and easily trained
up to great perfection of understanding all manner of fight
and service at sea ? so that, in time of great need, that
expert and hardy crew of some thousands of sea soldiers
[Marines] would be to this realm a treasure incomparable.
And who knoweth not, what danger it is, in time of great
need, either to use all fresh water soldiers; or to be a fortnight

fii.^J No SMALL NUMBER OF ENGLISH PiRATES. 47

in providing a little company of omni-gatharums, taken up on
the sudden to serve at sea ? For our ordinary Land Musters
are generally intended, or now may be spared to be employed
otherwise, if need be.

5. How many hundreds of lusty and handsome men would
be, this way, well occupied, and have needful maintenance,
which now are either idle, or want sustenance, or both ; in
too many places of this renowned Monarchy ?

6. Moreover, what a comfort and safeguard will it, or may
it be to the whole Realm, to have the great advantage of so
many warlike ships, so well manned and appointed for all
assays, at all hours, ready to affront straightway, set on and
overthrow, any sudden or privy foreign treachery by sea,
directly or indirectly, attempted against this Empire, in any
coast or part thereof. For sudden foreign attempts (that is
to say, unknown or unheard of to us, before their readiness)
cannot be done with great power. For great navies most
commonly are espied or heard somewhat of, and that very
certainly, while they are in preparing ; though in the mean-
while, politicly, in divers places, they distribute their ships
and their preparations appertaining.

7. And by reason of the foresaid Petty Navy Royal, it
shall at all times, not only lie in our hands greatly to
displease and pinch the petty foreign offender at sea ; but
also, if just occasion be given, on land to do very valiant
service, and that speedily: as well against any of the foresaid
foreign possible offenders, as also against such of Ireland or
England, who shall or will traitorously, rebelliously, or
seditiously assemble in troops or bands within the territories
of Ireland or England ; while greater armies, on our behalf,
shall be in preparing against them, if further need be. For
skilful sea soldiers are also on land far more trainable to all
martial exploits executing ; and therein to be more quick-
eyed and nimble at handstrokes or scaling; better to
endure all hardness of lodging or diet ; and less to fear all
danger near or far : than the land soldier can be brought to
the perfection of a sea soldier.

8. By this Navy also, all pirates — our own countrymen,
and they be no small number — would be called, or constrained
to come home. And then (upon good assurance taken of
the reformable and men of choice, for their good abearing

48 Foreign gains in English seas. [,^ui:^^.

from henceforth) all such to be bestowed here and there in
the foresaid Navy. For good account is to be made of their
bodies, already hardened to the seas; and chiefly of their
courage and skill for good service to be done at the sea.

9. Ninthly, Princes and potentates, our foreign friends or
privy foes, the one for love and the other for fear, would not
suffer any merchant or others, subjects of the Queen's
Majesty, either to have speedy wrong in their Courts ; or by
unreasonable delays or trifling shifts to be made weary and
unable to follow their rights. And notwithstanding such our
friends or privy foes, their subjects would be glad most
reverently to become suitors and petitioners to the royal
State of this Kingdom for just redress, if, any kind of way,
they could truly prove themselves by any subject of this
realm injuried ; and they would never be so stout, rude, and
dishonourably injurious to the Crown and Dignity of this
most sacred Monarchy as, in such cases, to be their own
judges, or to use against this Kingdom and the royal chief
Council thereof, such abominable terms of dishonour as our
to to great lenity and their to to barbarous impudency might
in a manner induce them to do. And all this would come to
pass through the Royalty and Sovereignty of the seas adjacent
or environing this Monarchy of England, Ireland, and (by
right) Scotland and the Orkneys also, very princely,
prudently, and valiantly recovered (that is to say, by the
said Petty Navy Royal); duly and justly limited; discreetly
possessed ; and triumphantly enjoyed.

10. Should not Foreign Fishermen (overboldly now, and
to to injuriously abusing our rich fishings about England,
Wales, and Ireland) by the presence, oversight, power, and
industry of this Petty Navy Royal be made content ; and
judge themselves well apaid to enjoy, by our leave, some
great portion of revenue to enrich themselves and their
countries by, with fishing within the seas appertaining to our
ancient bounds and limits ? Where now, to our great shame
and reproach, some of them do come in a manner home to
our doors; and among them all, deprive us yearly of many
hundred thousand pounds, which by our fishermen using the
said fishings as chief, we might enjoy; and at length, by little
and little, bring them (if we would deal so rigorously with
them) to have as little portion of our peculiar commodity (to

?Aut?576l Robert Hitchcock's Poz/r/c /'z^r. 4^

our Islandish Monarchy, by GOD and Nature assigned) as
now they force our fishermen to be contented with : and
yearly notwithstanding, do at their fishing openly and
ragingly use such words of reproach to our Prince and
realm, as no true subject's heart can quietly digest. And
besides that, offer such shameful wrongs to the good labour-
some people of this land, as is not by any reason to be
borne withal, or endured any longer: destroying their nets ;
cutting their cables to the loss of their anchors, yea, and often-
times of barks, men and all.

And this sort of people they be, which otherwhile by colour
and pretence of coming about their feat of fishing, do subtilly
and secretly use soundings and searchings of our channels,
deeps, shoals, banks, or bars along the sea coasts, and in our
haven mouths also, and up in our creeks, sometimes in our
bays, and sometimes in our roads, &c. ; taking good marks,
for avoiding of the dangers, and also trying good landings.
And so, making perfect charts of all our coasts round about
England and Ireland, are become almost perfecter in
them, than the most part of our Masters, Leadsmen, or Pilots
are. To the double danger of mischief in times of war ; and
also to no little hazard of the State Royal, if, maliciously
bent, they should purpose to land any puissant army, in time
to come.

And as concerning those fishings of England, Wales, and
Ireland, of their places, yearly seasons, the many hundreds
of foreign fisherboats yearly resorting, the divers sorts of fish
there taken, with the appurtenances: I know right well that
long ago* all such matter concerning these fishings was
declared unto some of the higher powers of this Kingdom,
and made manifest by R[obert]. H[itchcock]. another
honest gentleman of the Middle Temple, who very discreetly
and faithfully hath dealt therein ; and still travaileth, and by
divers other ways also, to further the weal public of England
so much as in him lieth.

But note, I pray you, this point very advisedly. That as
by this Plat* of our said fishing commodities, many a
hundred thousand pounds of yearly revenue might grow to the
Crown of England more than now doth, and much more to

• This work was put into its final shape in 1577, and first printed in
1580.

D 6

50 Treasure, Enjoyment, Fame. [j^'^J; ,^^

the commons of this Monarchy also : besides the inestimable
benefit of plentiful victualling and relieving of both England
and Ireland ; the increasing of many thousands of expert,
hard, and hardy mariners; the abating of the sea forces of our
foreign neighbours and unconstant friends ; and contrariwise,
the increasing of our own power and force at sea ; so it is
most evident and certain that principium in this case is, Plus
quam dimidiiiin totius, as I have heard it verified proverbially
in many other affairs.

Wherefore the very entrance and beginning towards our
Sea Right recovering, and the foresaid commodities enjoying
at length ; yea, and the only means of our countinuance
therewith, can be no other ; but by the dreadful presence
and power, with discreet oversight and due order, of the said
Petty Navy Royal ; being — wholly sometimes, sometimes a
part thereof — at all the chief places of our fishings ; as if
they were Public Officers, Commissioners, and Justiciers, by
the supreme authority royal of our most renowned Queen
Elizabeth, rightfully and prudently thereto assigned.

So that this Petty Navy Royal is thought to be the only
Master Key wherewith to open all locks that keep out or
hinder this incomparable British Empire from enjoying, by
many means, such a yearly Revenue of Treasure, both to the
Supreme Head and the subjects thereof — as no plat [tract] of
ground or sea in the whole world else, being of no greater
quantity — can with more right, greater honour, with so great
ease and so little charges, so near at hand, in so short time,
and in so little danger, any kind of way, yield the like to
either King or other potentate and absolute Governor thereof
whosoever. Besides, the Peaceable Enjoyment, to enjoy all
the same, for ever ; yea, yearly and yearly, by our wisdom
and valiantness duly used, all manner of our commodities to
arise greater and greater ; as well in wealth and strength as of
foreign love and fear, where it is most requisite to be : and
also of Triumphant Fame the whole world over, undoubtedly.

Also, this Petty Navy Royal will be the perfect means of
very many other and exceeding great commodities redounding
to this Monarchy; which our fishermen and their fisher-boats
only, can never be able to compass or bring to pass : and

PAug-^'ye.] An a. B. C. of national prosperity. 51

those being such as are more necessary to be cared for
presently [instantly] than wealth.

Therefore, the premises well weighed, above and before all
other, this Plat [plan] of a Petty Navy Royal will, by GOD's
grace, be found the plain and perfect A. B. C, most necessary
for the commons and every subject in his calling to be
carefully and diligently musing upon, or exercising himself
therein; till, shortly, they maybe able in effect to read before
their eyes, the most joyful and pleasant British histories (by
that Alphabet only deciphered, and so brought to their
understanding and knowledge) that ever to this or any
kingdom in the whole world else, was known or perceived.

11. Furthermore, how acceptable a thing may this be to
the Ragusyes [Argosies], Hulks, Caravels, and other foreign rich
laden ships, passing within or by any of the sea limits of Her
Majesty's royalty ; even there to be now in most security
where only, heretofore, they have been in most jeopardy : as
well by the ravin of the pirate, as the rage of the sea
distressing them, for lack of succour, or good and ready
pilotage ! What great friendship in heart of foreign Prince
and subject ! And what liberal presents and foreign con-
tributions in hand will duly follow thereof, who cannot
imagine ?

12. Moreover, such a Petty Navy Royal, said he, would be
in such stead, as though (a) one [fleet] were appointed to
consider and listen to the doings of Ireland; and (b) another
to have as good an eye, and ready hand for Scottish dealings;
(c) another to intercept or understand all privy conspiracies,
by sea to be communicated; and privy aids of men, munition,
or money by sea to be transported; to the endamaging of this
kingdom, any way intended : (d) another against all sudden
foreign attempts : (e) another to oversee the foreign fisher-
men : (f) another against all pirates haunting our seas : and
therewith as well to waft and guard our own merchant fleets
as they shall pass and repass between this realm, and
wheresoever else they may best be planted for their ordinary
marts' keeping ; if England may not best serve that turn.
And also to defend, help, and direct many of our foreign
friends, who must needs pass by or frequent any of those seas,
whose principal royalty, undoubtedly, is to the Imperial
Crown of these British Islands appropriate.

52 Four times stronger than Calais. Kui.'i^:

One such Navy, said he, by royal direction, excellently well
manned, and te all purposes aptly and plentifully furnished
and appointed ; and now, in time of our peace and quiet
every where, yet beforehand set forth to the foresaid seas with their
charges and commissions (most secretly to be kept from all
foes and foreigners) would stand this common wealth in as
great stead as four times so many ships would or could do ;
if, upon the sudden and all at once, we should be forced to
deal for removing the foresaid sundry principal matters of
annoyance : we being then utterly unready thereto, and the
enemy's attempt requiring speedy, and admitting of no
successive, defeating.

13. To conclude herein. This Petty Navy Royal un-
doubtedly will stand the realm in better stead than the
enjoying of four such forts or towns as Calais and Boulogne
only could do. For this will be as great strength, and to as
good purpose in any coast of England, Ireland, or Scotland,
between us and the foreign foe, as ever Calais was for that
only one place that it is situated in; and will help to enjoy
the Royalty and Sovereignty of the Narrow Seas throughout,
and of other our seas also, more serviceable than Calais or
Boulogne ever did or could do : if all the provisos hereto
appertaining be duly observed. Forasmuch as we intend now
peace only preserving, and no invasion of France or any enemy
on that main inhabiting; toward whom by Calais or Boulogne
we need to let in our land forces, &c. Much I know may be
here said, Pro et Contra, in this case: but GOD hath suffered
such matters to fall so out ; and all to us for the best, if it be
so, thankfully construed and duly considered.

For when all foreign Princes, our neighbours, doubtful
friends, or undutiful people, subjects or vassals to our
Sovereign, perceive such a Petty Navy Royal hovering
purposely here and there, ever ready and able to overthrow
any of their malicious and subtle secret attempts intended
against the weal public of this noble Kingdom in any part or
coast thereof: then, every one of them will or may think
that, of purpose, that Navy was made out only to prevent
them, and none other; and for their destruction, being
bewrayed [betrayed] as they would deem. So that not one
such foreign enemy would adventure, first, to break out into
any notable disorder against us ; nor homish subject oi

uiigJ^iljJ The Dutch came first about 1540 a.d. 53

wavering vassal, for like respects, durst, then, privily muster
to rebellion, or make harmful rodes [inroads] or dangerous
riots in any English or Irish Marches.

But such matter as this, I judge you have, or might have
heard of, ere now, by worshipful Master Dyer; and that
abundantly : seeing Synopsis ReipubliccB BritaniccB, was, at his
request, six years past [i.e., in 1570] contrived ; as by the
methodical author thereof, I understand. Whose policy for
the partings, meetings, followings, circuits, &c., of the ships
(to the foresaid Petty Navy Royal belonging) with the
alterations both of times, places, and numbers, &c., is very
strange to hear.

So that, in total sum of all the foresaid considerations
united in one, it seemeth to be almost a mathematical
demonstration, next under the merciful and mighty protection
of GOD, for a feasible poHcy to bring and preserve this
victorious British Monarchy in a marvellous security.
Whereupon, the revenue of the Crown of England and wealth
public will wonderfully increase and flourish ; and then,
thereupon, sea forces anew to be increased proportionally, &c.
And so the Fame, Renown, Estimation, and Love or Fear of
this British Microcosmus, all the whole and great World over,
will be speedily be spread, and surely be settled, &c.

T IS most earnestly and carefully to be considered that
our herring fishings, [over] against Yarmouth chiefly,
have not (so notably, to our great injury and loss and
the great and incredible gain of the Low Countries)
been traded, but from Thirty-six years ago hitherward. [This
fixes the commencement of the Dutch herring fishery on the English
coasts about 1540.] In which time, as they have in Though of latc
wealth, and numbers of boats and men, by little and LnK"'*"'""
little increased, and are now become very rich, F°""f'T''^

' . •' P troublesome

strong, proud, and violent; so, m the race [course] 01 disorders,
the selfsame time running, the coasts of Norfolk and It^mgove^^
Suffolk next to those fishing-places adjacent, are o/^f^^ff^
decayed in their navy to the number of 140 Sail, and ^°'^ f^l"^
they [of] from threescore to a hundred tons and up- thk lon^'Sn.
wards [each] ; besides Crayers and others. Where- ^^'fthenv'
upon, besides many other damages thereby sustained selves privately

11-11 11 1T11 rich ; and so

publicly, these coasts are not able to trade to Iceland, abie to $«

54 Foreign Fisheries on our coasts, [j^ij;,^:
forth to Ice- j^g ijj times past they have done; to no little loss

land a ship or r ,i"^it- ri-i- i

two: who, yearly to the wealth public oi this kingdom,
farunabie"' But the Hemng Busses hither yearly restoring
u.e'rown^ out of the Low Countries, under King Philip his
ilt^uh^de dominion, are above 500.
of dealing. Besides 100 or such a thing, of Frenchmen.

The North Seas fishing, within the English limits, are yearly
possessed of 300 or 400 Sail of Flemings [Dutch] ; so accounted.

The Western fishings of Hake and Pilchards are yearly pos-
sessed by a great navy of Frenchmen; who yearly do great in-
juries to our poor countrymen, Her Majesty's faithful subjects.

Strangers also enjoy at their pleasure the Herring fishing
of AUonby, Workington, and Whitehaven on the coast of
Lancashire.

And in Wales, about Dyfi [the Dovey] and Aberystwith, the
plentiful Herring fishing is enjoyed by 300 Sail of strangers.

But in Ireland, Baltimore [near Cape Clear] is possessed
yearly, from July to Michaelmas most commonly, with 300
Sail of Spaniards, entering there into the fishing at a Strait
[passage] not so broad as half the breadth of the Thames [over]
against Whitehall. Where, our late good King Edv^^ard VI. 's
most honourable Privy Council was of the mind once to have
planted a strong bulwark [fort] ; for other weighty reasons,
as well as His Majesty to be Sovereign Lord of the fishing
of Millwin and Cod there.

Black Rock [? co. Cork] is yearly fished by 300 or sometimes
400 Sail of Spaniards and Frenchmen.

But to reckon all, I should be too tedious to you ; and
make my heart to ache for sorrow, &c.

Yet surely I think it necessary to leave to our posterity
some remembrance of the places where our rich fishings else
are, about Ireland. As at Kinsale, Cork, Carlingford,
Saltesses, Dungarven, Youghal, Waterford, La Foy, The
Band, Calibeg [Killibegs], &c. And all chiefly enjoyed, as
securely and freely from us by strangers, as if they were
within their own Kings' peculiar sea limits : nay, rather as
if those coasts, seas, and bays, &c., were of their private and
several purchases. To our unspeakable loss, discredit, and
discomfort ; and to no small further danger in these
perilous times, of most subtle treacheries and fickle fidelity.
Dictum, Sapienti sat esto.

Dean William Turner,
Doctor of Physic.

Notes on Wines used in England,

[A New Book of the Nature and
properties of all IVines, &"(.

1568.]

To the Right Honourable
Sir WILLLIAM CECIL, Knight, Chief
Secretary unto the Queen's Majesty ; and Master
of Her Highness's Court of Wards and
Liveries &c., and sometime his co-
student in the University of
Cambridge :
William Turner wisheth all prosperity, both of
body and soul, through Jesus Christ

our Saviour.
Sir,

Fter that I perceived that my age, joined with
continual sickness, would suffer me no more to
be profitable to Christ's Church and common
wealth by my voice, words, and going abroad :
I thought it meet by such members and means as GOD
hath left in me as yet unhurt and untouched, for that
portion of living [life] that I have, to profit the Church of
GOD as much as I could. And therefore, within these
twelve months, I have translated one book out of Latin into

56 Working at the end of a good life, [^"'^m.'

English ; and have written one Homily against Gluttony
and Drunkenness and other vices annexed thereto ; and
have set them abroad for the promoting and increasing the
Kingdom of GOD.

I thought also, seeing that GOD hath also endued me
with the knowledge of bodily physic ; after that I had
sought to promote the Kingdom of GOD, to communicate
some part of my knowledge that GOD hath given unto me
in natural knowledge unto my brethren that had need
thereof.

But when as I perceived that there was so much use of
Wine in all countries [counties] of England ; and so many
errors committed in the abusing of it, both of the most part
of the laity, and also of some of the learned that profess
natural knowledge, I thought I should do no small benefit
unto the Church and common wealth of England, if that I
should set out a book of the Nature of Wines ; and confute
the errors and ill opinions that all men have concerning the
natures and properties of them.

And this book have I now ended, and dedicate unto your
Honour, for a token of the good will that I bear unto you ;
desiring you also to be a Patron of it, against all such
babbling and unlearned Sophisters as will speak against it ;
not being armed with learning, authority, and reason, but
only with their old sophistry, which they learned in the time
of ignorance and darkness. If these will be too busy in
defending their errors, and will go about to defend them and
confute the truth that I have taught in this book : if that
I can have, by the help of GOD, granted unto me any truce
between me and my disease, I intend to put you to small
pain in the defending of my book; for I have been matched
with as big men as these be, I thank GOD ! and well have
escaped without dishonour. But if my sickness will not
suffer me to do it that I would otherwise do, then I must
desire you and others of my friends to defend me, so far forth
as I defend the truth.

W. Turner."!
1568.J

Different Wines drunk in England. 57

The following few Notes are extracted from many quotations of the
medical opinions of the Ancients, to show the kinds of Wine in use in
England in 1568.

Ines may be numbered and divided either by the
country and places that they grow in ; or by their
colours; or by their youth or age; or by their
taste, smell, and property that they have ; and
some of the manner of making. Every one of

these kinds may be divided again into certain other special

sorts or under-kinds.

Some wine is called Creticum from Creta, which is named

in English, Candy. Some is called Grecium from Greet a.

Some Rhenish, because it groweth besides the Rhine. Some

Gailicum, that is French Wine, because it groweth in

France. And some Rhceticum because it groweth in Rhcetia.

And so a great sort of other wines have their names of the

countries or places where as they grow.

Ow SOME men that read this book, acknowledging
themselves to be my scholars, would learn of me,
because I teach Englishmen in this English book,
what kinds of wines are of this sort ?
I answer, that neither Sack, Malmsey, Muscadel, neither
Glared [Claret], French nor Gascony wine — though they be
most used here in England at this time — are such wines as
Galen speaketh of here ; but Rhenish wine that is racket
[racked] and clear, and Rochelle and Sebes and other small
[thin] white wines that are clear from their grounds. There-
fore to them that are disposed unto the headache, amongst
all new wines, these above-named small wines are least
hurtful, and may be taken with less jeopardy.

If any contend that French, Glared and Gascony wines,
and other wines as strong as Gascony is, do as little hurt to
the head as these wines do ; I answer that the French,
Glared and Gascony wines are not thin and subtle, but
strong, thick, and hot.

0th French, Glared and Gascony Glared wines are

of grosser and thicker substance, and hotter of

complexion than white Rhenish wine and white

French wines be of : therefore they breed the stone

more than white Rhenish and white French wines do.

58 Wines bad for the Stone. [^- '^'^•

The Rhenish wine that is commonly drunken in gentle-
men's houses and citizens' houses is commonly a year old at
the least, before it be drunken : and therefore it is older than
the common Glared wine, which dureth not commonly above
one year ; and if Rhenish wine be drunken within the year,
it is commonly racked before it is drunken : therefore for two
causes it hath fewer dregs and less terresity or gross earthli-
ness than the Glared wine hath, and therefore breedeth the
stone less than the Glared wine that is commonly drunk in
gentlemen's houses doth.

Itherto Dioscorides, whose words when he
speaketh of the wholesomeness of wines against
poisons, and the bitings and stingings of vene-
mous beasts, must be understanded of Muscadine,
Sack, Malmsey, and Bastard, and such hot wines : which,
by reason of their heat, enter further into the body, and
more speedily ; and are better against cold poisons than
colder wines be.

Ow, GOOD reader ! seeing that Almighty GOD,
our heavenly Father, hath given thee this noble
creature of Wine, so many ways profitable for
our bodies and minds, thank Him with all thy
heart ! not only for it, but also for that He hath sent learned
physicians to tell thee how, in what measure, and in what
time thou shouldest use them, and not use them ; and for
what complexions and ages they are good, and for what
complexions and ages they are evil.

If thou take any harm in misusing this noble creature of
GOD ; blame not Him! but thine own self that hast abused
it ; contrary to His will, and to the learning of His officers
and servants that taught thee the right use of it.
Honour be given to GOD for ever I Amen.

:a j^oUtit i^lat for

the honour of the Princey the

great profit of the public Statey

relief of x\z poor, pregfertation of

tlje ri'clj, reformation of ro0we0

and iDle per^onsJ, anU tlje toealtlj

of tt)oui3(antJ0 t!)at fenoto not l)oto

to libe* Written for a iv^w Tear'i

Gift to cBnglanD, anti tlje inljabi^

tants thereof i lip Robert

Hitchcock^ late of Cater0s

fiela in tlje Count?

of Buckingl)am,

(Bentleman.

fmprinted at London, by

lohn Kyngston,

I January,

1580.

^^cfe^;^s^;^^M^^^M^^^^M^^^M^'

^(g?m^^(^^si^^m^^^m^9c^

m€~i^ ^cMi^ 'Jid^€i^ ^t?A*m K^tc-a ^mi^ ^mm^ m^t:^ ^^^m m^t^i

To the friendly Reader.

Orasmuch as the Almighty GOD hath htes^ed and
enriched this noble Kingdom with the sweet dew of His
heavenly goodness; and stored therein many hidden rich
and pleasant treasures for our benefits, to reveal unto us
when His good pleasure is : I think therefore, every man is rather
born to profit his native soil and common weal in revealing the same
secrets and hidden treasure to his country, if they be showed [to]
him ; than to seek after his own private gain and glory thereby.
So I have taken upon me, good gentle Reader, to unfold some oj
the same hidden treasures to my country ; which I suppose is mani-
fested unto me. Albeit there be a great number that can more
sweetly, and with pleasanter words and sugared style, than I, set out
the matter to thee, if they knew it, in far better method and order;
yet the zeal and duty I bear to my country, being partly fed with
hope of thy good patience, gentle Reader, and partly emboldened with
the forewarning that Ecclesiastes c. ii. giveth, which is, That no
man shall be condemned before his tale be told, and inquisition
thereof made : whereby righteous judgement may thereof follow
lest he, as SOLOMON sayeth, Procure to himself folly and
shame, in giving sentence of a matter before he hear it :

These things, I say, have moved me to put forth my simple mind
in writing to my country ; and praying thee, of thy good courtesy,
to peruse it, and to thoroughly weigh the depths thereof in the

62 The Preface. [fj^SS"'"

balance of thy grave judgement : and if thou find the pith and
carnel [kernel] of my labour fruitful to thee and thy country, as I
doubt nothing thereof but thou shalt ; then may it be, that it hath
pleased GOD to pour out His knowledge as well upon a soldier as
upon a great clerk, for now and then wisdom may be shrouded under
an unclean cloak. And I doubt not also, but the same reasons and
duty that bound me these many years to travail in this action, to my
great cost and charge, to find out the way and perfection thereof,
shall also bind thee and move thee effectually to favour it; to further
it in the Parliament House ; and to defend my imperfection against
a sort of MoMUSsect and ZoiLUS' band, that can rather find fault
with the man than with the matter, be it never so well, or any way
put to their helping hands to amend the same {if it be not orderly).
My care hath been to please my country, and the honest and grave
sort thereof ; which if this my travail shall do and content, I have
cause to thank Almighty GOD for it, and think my time well
spent.

For in this little book, gentle Reader, thou shalt find (if the
same be executed according to law) it importeth much matter,
bringing great plenty and much wealth and benefit to all the inhabi-
tants of this realm ; it provideth for the poor in honest and decent
manner, bringing them to a good and a godly vocation of life : with
many other special benefits to this kingdom and commonwealth ;
which for tediousness' sake, lest I weary thee, I refer thee to the
book itself, where they mayest at large see them with the eye, judge
them by thy good discretion, wisdom and favour, and further
them by thy good help and assistance at convenient time.

So fare thee heartily well,

Robert H i tchcocke.

The Epistle to England,

Or me, O noble and renowned England ! to write
to Thee, that hath bred and brought forth so many
famous, honourable, wise, and learned men ; who
be not only most expert in all politic government,
but also most happily furnished each way with all manner of
knowledge, cunning, and wisdom, thoroughly seen in all the
noble sciences and arts liberal: both Thou and they may
think, and think truly, overmuch boldness and mere arrogancy
in me, that neither am furnished of good letters, knowledge,
histories, or other means to make a plausible way of that, or
for that I wish should have good success at Thy hands, or of
good opinion at theirs. Much more I am afraid lest Thou
hold it outrage and presumption for me to dedicate unto Thee,
and trouble Thee with the patronage and defence of this my
device ; a fruitless thing, as some may deem it, before it be
thoroughly considered of them.

But since I am void of presumption, all manner of ways
(GOD be my record), and am one of Thine own brood,
fostered up with the fat of Thy loins ; and take not upon me
to discourse of vanities, but of the setting out of part of Thy
flowing goodness that hath so embalmed this thy region with
secret riches : though a world of eyes be poring in my face, I
trust in Thy own cause and for Thine own sake, and [thcj
goodness of the matter itself, and for such reasons and
arguments as I have set down, to find a great number of
willing hearts, and well disposed minds — that with open
mouth will confess the invention sound and good ; and the
means to bringing it to pass, both easy and profitable — to

64 The Epistle to England. [^- "»„

R. Hitchcock

1580,

further their native soil and the benefit thereof, with this
my simple action I take in hand of displaying part of Thy
riches.

And, therefore, the grave and wise men of this land, of
their good grace and favour, I trust undoubtedly will accept,
and take in good part, this my good will and long travail, and
shroud and defend me and my book, under the wings of their
wisdom, as under a sure anchor-hold, against the rash opinions
of those that rather wilfully than wisely will imagine no
politic provision can come from the sconse [btdwark] of a
soldier that hath trailed the pike.

But as GOD raiseth instruments to set out His glory in
divers ways, and by divers degrees ; so let it not be grievous
to Thee, O England ! nor to the better sort of men, that one
of Thine own, though not so finely as others, do set abroad
part of Thy riches, wealth, and glory to enrich Thy own
peculiar people withal ; and hath opened the golden stream
of Thy secret storehouse to the inhabitants of the same. But
likewise, open Thou 1 by Thy divine providence the hearts of
the wise, grave, and rich of this land that they will affect it,
embrace it, put their helping hands to it, and willingly
further it by all possible means they can, for the common
profit of the inhabitants. Inasmuch as, by GOD's means,
so great a benefit is offered with small care, little toil, and no
cost ; to make all this land blessed, the people thereof happy,
strong, and invincible.

If I should particularly discourse the several commodities
that flow from it, in particularity, and the number of all sorts
of people within this land, that shall be maintained thereby;
I should but weary you with a long tale, and keep you from
the matter I desire you should know.

Therefore commending the goodness thereof to your wisdom,
and me [myself] to your favourable exposition, I end.
Yours humbly, in all that I may, at commandment
during life, for the honour of Prince and country,
Robert Hitchcocke.

F Hitchcock

1579

;] Recommendatory Poem.

CFrancis Hitchcock.
To the readers of this^ his brother s book.

S THEY of all most praise deserve,

That first with pen did show ;
To us the sacred Word of God,
Whereby His will we know :
So many thanks are due to those.

That beat their restless brain,
To profit all both old and young,

That in this land remain.
Amongst the rest that well deserve.

Account the Author one:
Who by his toil hath here offered

To all, excepting none,
A banquet great, that savoureth sweet.

To such as hungry be ;
Withouten cost, for aye to last,

To people of each degree.
Shake now the tree ! and taste the fruit !

Of this his New Year's Gift :
Till purse be full, and strings do brake

With gold and groats of thrift.
Prepare thee then a grateful heart,

And sound the trump of fame :
In recompense of his good will

That Hitchcock hath to name.
Thus loth to keep thee from thy meat,

Wherewith I wish thee fed :
I stay my pen, and so farewell !

The table now is spread.

Vale.
E

Hitchcock's New Tears Gift to E?2gland.

He great care that the Queen's Majesty
and her noble progenitors have taken to
banish and root out of their dominions
that loathsome monster Idleness (the
mother and breeder of vagabonds) is most
apparent by their wholesome laws and pro-
visions, made from time to time; beginning
at the worthy reign of King Edward III.,
King Richard II., and so descending to Her Majesty's most
prudent and virtuous government : wherein as well public
provisions hath been to help the common weal, as some sharp
and severe punishment provided, if common policy would not
serve. Yet, nevertheless, all these laws, so circumspectly
made, could not, nor cannot banish that pestilent canker
out of this common weal by any degree ; but that the same
increaseth daily more and more : to the great hurt and
impoverishing of this realm.

For remedy whereof. Almighty GOD, by the most
commodious situation of this Island, and His blessings, both
of the land thereof, and of the sea wherewith it is environed,
hath provided a most convenient mean[s] ; both for labour for
the idle, and for food, benefit, and riches for the inhabitants.
Whereby, the lusty vagabonds and idle persons (the roots,
buds, and seeds of idleness) shall at all hands and in all
places be set on work, and labour willingly, and thereby prove
good subjects, and profitable members of this common weal.
This realm and the inhabitants bordering as well upon the sea
as upon the land throughout the same, in short time to be marvel-
lously enriched. Nine thousand mariners more than now pre-

68 Results proposed in this Design. p"'''''^^J:

sently there is, to serve in Her Majesty's ships at all times,
if need be. The coins of gold and silver that issue Read the
plentifully out of this realm, to stay and abide within ^pthe^'^
this land: for restraint whereof both Her Highness ^^;^|33
and her noble progenitors have made divers laws vin. c. 2.
and statutes, but yet never could do the same. A ready
means to cause foreign wares to be brought hither. Her
Majesty's custom and subsidies greatly augmented. Her navi-
gation [shipping] greatly increased. The towns bordering on
the sea coasts, now in ruins and void of EngHsh inhabitants, to
be peopled and inhabited by Her Majesty's own peculiar sub-
jects; to the great strength of this realm, and terror of the enemy.

Besides the help that shall be ministered to two hundred
[and] twenty and five decayed towns [ ? villages] in England
and Wales ; with a stock [capital] of two hundred pounds to every
decayed town to set the poor on work. And to eight principal
Port towns within this land, appointed for sundry causes
appertaining to this Plat eight thousand pounds; which is to
every principal Port town one thousand pounds, to be a stock
for ever. Besides four hundred fishing ships to continue for
ever. And two good Ships of War, furnished warlike, to defend
the fishing ships. All which things, GOD willing, may be
performed within three years, without cost or charge to any
man, as by this Plat shall appear. And also an infinite
number of people, as well rich and poor, set to work by divers
means and degrees ; which things will relieve many a
poor man, and save many a tall fellow from the gallows.

For performance whereof. First, there must be made four
hundred fishing ships, after the manner of Flemish Busses, of
the burden of three score and ten tons the ship, or more, but
none under : which will cost two hundred pounds the ship,
with the furniture ; if it be ready furnished to the sea in all
things necessary. Every ship requireth one skilful Master to
govern it, twelve mariners or fishermen, and twelve of the
strong lusty beggars or poor men taken up through this land.

Which in the whole, amounteth to the number of ten
thousand persons, at the first manning of the ships. So that
with a little experience, this realm hath clearly increased
nine thousand mariners more than were in this land before.

These ships so made, furnished, and manned must be ap-
pointed to such roads and haven towns as border upon the sea

^' ?"^^i379'] Proposed Method OF Fishing. 69

coasts compassingthis realm round about ; beginning at London,
and so orderly proceeding, according to the Table hereunto
annexed. And being thus placed, having with them to the
seas for their victuals, sufficient bread, beer, butter, and cheese ;
with barrels (empty), caske, and salt ; with order also not to
return until they be fully ladened : shall go yearly a fishing and
kill herrings upon the coasts of England and Ireland, presently
and always as they kill them, to gill them, salt, pickle, and
barrel them, after the Flemish manner, with "salt upon salt,"^
which is the best kind of salt. And shall fish for herrings yearly
during the time of herring fishery, which is fourteen or fifteen
weeks. In which time, by GOD's grace, every ship will
kill, at the least, fifty last of the best sort of herrings ;
amounting in the whole to twenty thousand last. Every
last, being sold but for ;^io, which is i6s. 8d. the barrel,
draweth to ^f 200,000 yearly for the best herrings only. Per-
haps they may laden their ships twice yearly with herrings ;
and then this sum is doubled in that time of herring fishing.
And to the end that the herrings shall be wholesome for
the subject, stranger, or for whomsoever shall buy them, and
that the good usage thereof may gain credit where they shall
happen to be uttered, they shall account in making of their
herrings upon the sea, so as sixteen barrels made there, make
but twelve barrels at their home coming to their several
ports ; when they shall be new sorted, severed, couched, and
truly and justly packed by such honest and substantial men
as shall be sworn and purposely chosen for that intent, and
they to have two pence of every barrel, according to the
statute for that purpose provided : dividing the full herrings
into two several sorts, marking the biggest and best herrings
with this several mark B : the second, with the second mark
M : also the shotten herrings [empty herrings, that have cast

' John Collins in Salt and Fishery S^c, 1682, j!^. 13, thus describes
Sa/i tcpon Salt, or Salt made by refining of foreign Salt.

The Dutch, above fifty years since (finding the ill quantities and efTects
of French salt, both as to fishery uses and for curing of flesh for long
voyages ; besides the discolouring of butter and cheese) prohibited the
use thereof by law : and being at war with Spain, traded to Portugal, St.
Tubas, and the Isle of May for salt, granulated or kemelled merely by
the heat and vigour of the sun ; and fell to the refining thereof at home
by boiling it up v/ith sea water, and thereby cleansing it of three ill qualities,
to wit, dirt, sand, and bitterness.

70 120,000 Barrels will serve England, p-

Hitchcock.
? 1579-

their spawn] with this proper mark, S. To the end, no man
may be abused. Every barrel containing two and thirty
gallons, according to the statute made 22 Edward IV. c. 2,
which twelve barrels make a last.

Out of which said number of 20,000 last of herrings, nine or
ten thousand last, will be a sufficient rate or portion to satisfy
this whole realm. The residue, being 10,000 or 11,000 last,
drawing to jTioOjOOO, being ordered as aforesaid, will be of as
great estimation in France, as the Flemish herrings be : and
will be sold and uttered in divers parts of that region ; as in
Normandy, in Nantes, in Bordeaux, and in Rochelle. And the
further south that the countries do lie, the better utterance for
fish. For these herrings, return will be made of all such
necessaries as we want in this realm, viz., wine and woods
(for which is always paid ready gold). Salt, Canvas, Vitere [glass],
Dowlais, and divers other things. The custom also for the
Queen's Majesty, being paid upon every last of that [which]
shall be transported and sold beyond the sea, cometh to ;£'5,ooo,
after the rate of poundage, for this number of herrings only.

The other part of this great blessing of GOD may aptly be
taken and applied, viz., these 400 Busses or fishing ships,
may take cod and ling and New[found]land fish : the ad-
vantage and profit whereof, this realm and subjects, of late
years, for the most part, have lost, and suffered strangers
(the Flemings and other nations) to take. Who, seeing our
careless dealing, have not only taken this beneficial fishing
from us, but very warily doth sell the same commodity
unto us ; and thereby carrieth out of this land both gold and
silver and a marvellous quantity of double double beer, and
other things : satisfying us with these fishes, which through
our own sloth, we lose ; which being taken by ourselves, as a
special blessing of GOD appointed unto us, and so sold to
them and others, it must needs follow that we should save a
a great mass of gold within this land. And for that fish they
now utter unto us, we should receive of them the commodities
of the Low Countries, viz., Holland cloth, rape oil, hops,
madder, all sorts of wire, and divers other merchandise ; or
else their ready gold and money, whereby this realm and
subjects should be mightily enriched.

This great benefit is no less to be valued for the profit of
this realm and subjects, than the benefit [only] of the herrings.

^"'""^isS"] Fishing Voyages to Newfoundland, yi

For every ship, being but of the burden of 70 tons, if GOD bless
it with safe return from Newfoundland, will bring home to his
port in August, 20,000 of the best and middle sort of wet [fresh]
fish (at the least) called blank fish, and 10,000 dry fish ; which
being sold on the ship's return, as it may be, at Newhaven
[Havre] in France but for forty shillings the hundred of wet
fish (which is not four pence the fish), and twenty shillings
the hundred of dry fish (which is not two pence the fish),
amounteth to ;^500 at the least.

Likewise any other of the ships, but of the like burden,
going a fishing to the Ward House [near North Cape], to Ice-
land, to the North seas of England and Scotland, or to Ireland,
Cometh home, at the same time, laden with 15,000 cod, and
10,000 ling : which being sold but for forty shillings the
hundred, ona with another, amounteth to ;£"500.

And besides that, every ship will bring home to his port,
four or five tun of oil made of the fish livers, worth to be sold
for ^12 the tun.

The way how this Plat shall be brought to pass and per-
formed, without cost or charges to any man, is by borrowing
of £80,000 for three years ; which forty men in a shire will
and may easily accomplish, if every man lend but 5^50, upon
good assurance, after the rate of ten pounds yearly upon
eveiy j^ioo lent : which sums shall be repaid again within
three years, at two payments.

In what sort this money shall be levied is set down in the
first Table following.

The second Table doth declare to whom, and to what principal
Port towns the money shall be delivered, how it shall be used,
who shall give assurance for the same, and therewith provide
the foresaid ships.

The third Table doth show to what haven towns these fishing
ships shall be placed ; and how the money shall be levied to make
payment of the money borrowed, and to answer all charges.

And in the fourth Table is set down, how many decayed
towns, in every shire, shall have a continual stock [capital]
of £200 a piece, to set the poor on work for ever. Also how
every man shall be pleased and liberally considered, that shall
be appointed to the execution of this Plat. And how the pay-
ments of the money borrowed, with the interest money for the
time of forbearance, shall be made and paid at two payments.

THE FIRST TABLE.

The order of borrowing ;i^8o,ooo for
three years, not charging above 40
persons in any one shire to lend ;i^So a
man, of the Lords, Bishops, Knights,
Gentlemen, Merchants, and other rich
men spiritual and temporal, in these
shires following : accounting London
for a shire ; all South Wales for a
shire ; and all North Wales for a shire.
And for that it is for the commonweal,
the two Parliament Knights and two
Justices of the Peace of every shire to
name the parties in every their shires
that shall lend the money ; and appoint
one sufficient man of good credit in
every shire to collect the same money,
and then to deliver it to the Chief
Officers of every the eight principal
Port towns in the next Table.

THE SECOND TABLE.

The Chief Officers of every of these eight
principal Port towns hereunder written,
shall give the seal of every Port town,
for the assurance of every several sum
borrowed ; to be repaid within three
years, at two payments. And with the
said money to them delivered, shall pro-
vide fifty ships ready furnished to the
sea, according to the true meaning
hereof: and deliver them to the haven
towns in the next Table, as they be there
appointed, taking bonds of every the
same haven towns or fishing towns
within their charge, for the payment of
;^I50 for every ship yearly, during three
years ; with which payment this Plat
shall be performed, and every man well
pleased, that shall take pains in the
execution of the same Plat.

The Money to be Levied.

I London
Middlesex
Hertfordshire
Cambridgeshire
Huntingdonshire

/ Essex
Suffolk
Norfolk
Bedfordshire
Buckinghamshire

i Yorkshire
Richmondshire
Lincolnshire
Rutlandshire
Leicestershire

(Northumberland \
Cumberland
Westmoreland
[The] Bishopric [of
Durham]
Derbyshire
Nottinghamshire
Warwickshire
\ Northamptonshire

The Principal Ports.

/London, whose\
seal, as above writ-
ten, must be given
Iby the said Chief Of-
ficers for the repay-
ment of the said sum
to them delirered,
which sum is )

\£^

Yarmouth, whoseX
seal, as above writ- I
ten, must be given
by the Chief Officers, 1 /•
for the repayment of f
the money to them
delivered, which
\sum is

Hull, whose seal.i
as above written,
must be given in by
the Chief Officers, for h^ 10, 000
the repayment of the
money to them deli-
vered, which sum is/

/Newcastle, whose^
seal, as above writ-

I ten, must be given
Jin by the Chief Of-l /-,£,
ficers, for the repay- ' •*
ment of the money
to them delivered,

Vwhich sum is

wherewith \
the said
Chief Offi-
cers must
provide 50
fishing
ships of 70
tons the
ship, and
^place them
wherewith \
the said
Chief Offi-
cers must
000 J provide 50

If i s h i ng
ships of 70
tons the
ship, and
place them

/wherewith'^
the said
Chief Offi-
cers must
provide 50!
fishing/"
ships of 70
tons the 1
ship, and I

Vplace them'
wherewith
the said
Chief Of-
ficers must
provide 50
f i s h ing r
ships of 70
tons the I
ship, and I
place them '

{jConchtded on

THE THIRD TABLE. "] '^^ THE FOURTH TABLE.

The Chief Officers of the said eight
principal Port towns, at May Day next
after their First Year's receipt, shall
yearly pay and discharge all fees and
wages, with other payments in the
Orders more at large mentioned, both
of the money borrowed with the
interest money ; and for making of
two Ships of War, with their wages, as
also to the said Port towns ;i{^8,ooo, to
be a stock for ever. And to the end
the poor people in all places may be
speedily relieved ; they shall, out of
the First Year's receipt, pay to the
Governors of five decayed towns in
every shire following ;[f i,ooo, to be a
stock of ;^200 to cvcry town for ever,
to set the poor on work. Sum,
;f 45,000 for 225 decayed towns,
according to this Table.
Roads. Ships. Payments. Payments by the Chief Officers.

These ships must be placed within the
roads and fishing towns, all along the
sea coasts, beginning at London, and
compassing this land by sea, according
to this Table. The Governors of every
fishing town must provide one skilful
Master, twelve fishermen or mariners,
and twelve poor men to serve in every
ship, with all needful things ; and then
set them to the sea to take fish, for the
profit of their town and the common
weal. At whose returns, the Governors
aforesaid shall see that the fish of every
ship be used, as is declared in the Orders
of this PlaL Out of which, they shall pay
for every ship yearly, during three years,
;^I50 to the Chief Officers of that prin-
cipal Port town, that placed the said
ships to these roads following.

/London S

I Stepney_ parish 5

Greenwich 5

Woolwich 5

) Arithe [£rrV/r] 5

(Gravesend 5

Quinborough 5

Rochester 5

Lee 5

\Malden ».... 5

/Colchester 5

Harwich S

Ipswich 5

Dunwich 5

,j Yarmouth 5

' lOrford 5

Alborough S

I Blakeney 5

VBurnham 5

/Wells 5

Lynn S

Saltfleet 5

Wainfleet 5

,, J Boston 5

*'] Grimsby s'

Barton 5

Hull 5

Beverley S

Work 5

fBridlington S

Whitby 5

Scarborough 5

Flamborough 5

^jj Hartlepool 5

I Durham c»»t Shields... 5'

Newcastle 5

Tynemouth 5

Holy Island 5

^Berwick S

next two pages.)

f Every town to\
[ pay for every
ship yearly,
I during three
years, £,\^o to
the Chief Offi-
cers of Lon-
don.
Sum

£,-],Zaa of-

/London, for fees i^^ao ; and^
to the decayed towns in
Middlesex {,1,000 ; in Essex
;{Ji,ooo ; In Suffolk, ;£i,ooo ;
in Hertfordshire, ;Ci,ooo ;
in Cambridgeshire, ;^i,ooo ;
in Huntingdonshire, ;^i,ooo;

Vin Norfolk, £,\,ooo.

- ;C7>5oo

^ Every town to\
pay for every
ship yearly,
during three
\ years, £\^o to \Cl,
the Chief Offi- '
cers of Yar-
mouth.

V Sum

/Yarmouth, for fees ;^5oo,'\
I and for wages to two Ships )

of War for the First Year
of ^ ;^4,ooo, and for the making

and furnishing of two Ships

of War to the sea, warUke, [

£,Zfx>o.

£7,Soo

^ Every town to
pay for every
ship yearly,
during three
years, £i$o to
the Chief Offi
cers of Hull.

V SUM

/Every town to\
pay for every
ship yearly,
during these

■( three years,
;^i5o to the
Chief Officers
of Newcastlf.

Sum

/■Hull, for fees £soo\ to\
the decayed towns in York-
shire, ;^i, 000; in Richmond-
shire, ;{Ji,ooo ; in Lincoln-
^7,500 of.^ shire, ;£i,ooo ; in Rutland- f ;C7,50o
shire, if 1,000 ; in Leicester-
shire, ;£i,ooo ; in North-
amptonshire ;{Ji,ooo; and in

V Warwickshire £1,000.

'£7,5°° of'

/■Newcastle, for fees ;t5oo ;\
to the decayed towns in
Northumberland. ;<Ji,ooo;
in Cumberland, ;Ci,ooo ; in
Westmoreland, ;iCi,ooo ; in
[the] Bishopric, ;(|i,ooo ; in
Nottinghamshire, ;£i,ooo ;
in Derbyshire, ;Ci,ooo ; and
in Lancashire, >f 1,000.

Cl.soo

THE FIRST TABLE.

The Money to be Levied.

/Lancashire
Cheshire
Staffordshire
Shropshire
Worcestershire
The six shires in
North Wales /

■;^IO,0OO

which said\
sum, under
assurance,
must be

(delivered
unto the
Chief Offi-
cers /

74 THE SECOND TABLE.

( Continued from

The Principal Ports.

/West Chesteri
{Chester's whose seal,
as above written,
must be given by
of-( the Chief Ofiicers, ^^10,000
for the repayment of
the money to them
delivered, which
Vsum is

(Somersetshire
Herefordshire
Gloucestershire
Monmouthshire
The six shires in
South Wales ■

f which said

sum, under

assurance,

/• J must be

■^'°'°°°1 delivered

I unto the

I Chief Offi-

Vcers

/Bristow [BristolY
I whose seal, as above
I written, must be
I given in by the
of- Chief Officers, for }-^i 0,000 -

the repajTnent of

the money to them
. delivered, which
'■sum is

wherewith "
the said
Chief Offi-
cers must
provide 50
fishing'
ships of 70
tons the
ship, and
. place them.

;^io,ooo

/which said
I sum, under
I assurance,
I must be
delivered
unto the
Chief Offi-
cers

/Exeter whose seal,

I as above written,

I must be given in by

r J the Chief Officers,

° \ for the repayment

of the money to

I them delivered,

Vwhich sum is

'wherewith "
the said
Chief Offi-
cers must

f J provide 50

r^'°'°°°i fishing
ships of 70
tons the
ship, and

> place them J

In-^Su

ampshire
Berkshire

(Surrey
Sussex
Kent

I which sald\
sum, under
assurance,
must be
delivered
unto the
Chief Offi-
cers

I of

Shires... 44. Sum Collected. ..;^8o,ooo.

/Southamptom.k
whose seal, as above
written, must be
given in by the
Chief Officers, for
the repajTnent of
the money to them
delivered, which
sum is '

'wherewith "
the said
Chief Offi-
cers must

;^io,o^ -] Pr°^i'^.^ SO

^ ' fishing

ships, of 70
tons the
ship, and
^ place them.

Posts ..8.

Ships to be made. ..40a

With the Second Year's receipt the Chief Officers of the said eight principal Port

for the Second Year, which is

And also shall make payment of the one half of the money borrowed, which is

And for the Interest money of the whole sum borrowed for two years

Sum of the payments the Second Year

And the said Chief Officers, with the Third Year's receipt in like manner aforesaid,

which is

And the wages of the two Ships of War for the same year, which is also

And likewise they shall pay the other half of the money borrowed, which is

And for the Interest of that Third Year

And also ;^ 1,000 to every one of the eight principal Port towns, to be a Stock
SVM of the Third Year's payments

THE THIRD TABLE.

THE FOURTH TABLE.

tivo previous pages.)

Roads.

Ships. Payments. Payments by the Chief pficbrs.

I Carlisle 5 fEvery town to\
Workington 5 pay for every)
Isleof Man 5 ship yearly,
Lyrpoole [Liverpool] . 5 during these |
West Chester Sj 'hree years,
• \ Beaumaris 5 1 -£^5° to Ae

Bangor 5 Chief Officers |

Holyhead 5 ofWESTCnES-

Camarvon 5 ter.

VPunthelle [Pwll/ieli]... 5 I -^-i/.l/

/West Chester, for fees

I .^500 • to the decayed towns

in Cheshire, ;£i,ooo; in

. , I North Wales, ;£2,ooo ; in

^7,500 ot g^mjj Wales, £2,000; in

Monmouthshire, ;{Ii,ooo ;

and in Herefordshire, 1

i;^I,000. /

£7,Soc

Gloucester 5

Bristow 5

Newport 5

Bridgewater 5

Chepstow 5

■^ CardifiF 5

Pembroke 5

Hartforde [ ? ] 5

Carmarthen 5

.Padstow 5

Every town to\
pay for every)
ship, during I
these three
years, ;{;i5o to y;£7,Soo o" \
the Chief Offi-
cers of Bris- 1

TOWE. I

SUJI '

/Bristowe, for fees ;^5oo A
and to the decayed towns)
in Somersetshire ;£i,ooo :
in Shropshire, £1,000 ; in \ r ,^
Staffordshire £1,000. And/ ''"■'
for the wages of two Ships
of War for the Second Year's

Vservice, £41000. /

at-

^Yoy lF(rjjey\ 5 .Every town to

Xmro 5 nav for every

Melbroke[nr Plymouth] 5 • ■ • •

Saltash 5

Penryn 5-;

Sawkom [Salcomie] ... 5 '

EXETEK 5

Plymouth 5

Dartmouth S V

LPoole 5

I Exeter, for fees £300 ;
and to the decayed towns
in Cornwall £1,000 ;i" De-
vonshire £1,000 ; in Wilt-
shire, ;^^.°°°i.'" 0'^°^f
shire, £1.000 ; in Glouces-
tershire., £1,000; in Wo-;
cestershire, £1,000; and in
Dorsetshire, £1,000.

£7,500

'Lynn 5

Weymouth 5

Newport [I. of W.] ... 5

Southampton 5

Portsmouth ... 5

Chichester S

Rye 5

Dover 5

Faversham 5

[Sandwich 5

Roads... 80.

Every town tO\
pay for every
ship during
these three
years, £150 'o
the Chief Offi-
cers of South-
ampton.
• Sc/M

Southampton, for fees
£500 ; [and] to the decayed
towns in Hampshire

, £1,000 ; in Susse.x, £1,000;
£7.500 of' in Kent, £1,000; in Surrey,

I £1,000 ; in Berkshire,
£1,000; in Buckingham-

\ shire, £1,000 ; and in Bed-
fordshire, £1,000. SU^f

£7.500

Sum Yearly. ..£60,000.

Sum paid by the Chief
Officers, the First Year, ;^6o,ooo

towns shall discharge and pay all fees and wages, as beforesaid,

^^40,000
;^ 1 6, 000

;/, 60,000

ihall discharge and pay all fees and wages of the Third Year, ^^^^^

;^4,ooo

(All which in the OliDERS more at large doth appear.) ^4 CCo

, ;^8,000

for ever ^ ;{;6o,ooo

^*TJfl Hi'

76 Two Chief Officers in each Port. p™*;"^^.

Borders.

N PRiMis. Every one of these eight principal Port
towns, London, Yarmouth, Hull, Newcastle,
Chester, Bristol, Exeter, and Southampton, must
have two honest and substantial men of credit, to
be Chief and Principal Officers of every [of] these
said ports ; who shall, as Treasurers and Purveyors, jointly
deal together in all causes to this Plat appertaining.

First, in receiving all sums of money that be appointed to
every the said ports, laying it up safely with their town's
treasure. And therewith to provide fifty fishing ships with
all things needful for them, ready to the seas, with such
careful consideration as [if] the money were their own. And
that every ship be both strong and good, and not under the
burden of three score and ten tons. And then for to appoint
them to the roads and haven towns in the third Table of this
Plat specified ; that is to say, five ships to every fishing town.
Taking order also that every of these ships may have one
skilful Master to govern it, twelve mariners coast men or
fishermen, and twelve poor men taken up to serve in every
of them. And to take bonds of every town, whereunto the
said five ships shall be delivered, for the payment of ;^i5o out of
every ship yearly, during three years. This being done, the
said five ships shall be given to the fishing town for ever.
With proviso, that if any ship or ships of the whole number
miscarry or be lost by any kind of chance or degree : then
all the rest [of the 400 Busses], viz., every ship of the number
remaining, shall pa}' Ten Shillings towards the new making of
every ship so wanting, to the Chief Officers where the ship
is lacking : with which money they shall provide again one
other new ship, furnished with all things, as aforesaid. Which
law shall be kept inviolate amongst them for ever, upon pain
[of] every ship that shall be found in fault at any time, to
forfeit for every offence Five Pounds : and the same to be
levied and received by the order of statute law; but the whole
benefit to the same town or towns where the ship or ships
be wanting.

And the same sixteen Chief Officers shall have allowed
them for their fees yearly, during the said three years, £"1,600,

R. Hitchcock.-| Governors of each Fishing Village, "j^j

that is to every Officer ;^ioo yearly. Also in the end of the
third year, there shall be given in recompense to every of the
said eight principal Port towns ;^i,ooo to be a stock, to
remain in the same towns for ever, as hereafter shall be
declared.

These Busses or fishing ships, thus placed in four score
fishing towns, as live ships to every fishing town, shall be
set forth to the seas by the Governors of every several fishing
town to take fish, as the times and seasons of the year do serve.

First, in March, having victuals for five months with hooks,
lines, and salt (provided by the said Governors and their assis-
tants) they shall be set out to fish for cod and ling, where
the said Governors by the consent of the town, liketh best ;
or else to Newfoundland for Newland fish [N ewfowidland
cod] : and, by the grace of GOD, in August at the furthest,
they shall come home to their several ports ; ladened with fish
and train oil made of fish livers. Which fish shall forthwith
be divided into three equal parts. The first part to the Master
and fishermen for their pains. The second part to them
that were at the charges of victuals, salt, lines, and hooks.
The third part to be laid up under safe keeping, until time
serve best to sell the same, or to be vented where most profit
may be made.

Then again, with all speed, presently after the fish is
divided, every ship being victualled for six weeks with nets,
caske, and salt, they must be set out to fish for herrings,
tarrying upon the seas, until they be fully ladened. Then
they return again to their several ports, if GOD bless them
with good luck and a safe return, ladened with fifty last
of the best herrings. Every ship, if wind and weather serve,
may return twice ladened with herrings, in that time of
herring fishing. And always, as the ships with herrings do
come to their several ports, the said Governors shall cause
the said herrings to be divided into four equal parts. The
first part, to the Master and the mariners for their pains.
The second part, to them that provide the salt and victuals.
The third part, to them that find the caske and nets. And
the fourth part, to be laid up under safe keeping until it may
be vented. Out of the which portion of herrings and of the
other fish aforesaid shall be paid on the first day of April
yearly (next after the First Year, that the ships of this Plat

yS The Auditor for the Accounts, p-"'

tchcock.
1579'

begin to fish) ^^150 for every ship yearly during three years,
by the Governors of every fishing town that so shall have
regard of their returns and use of the goods, where the ships
be placed. Which payment shall be paid to the Chief
Officers of that principal Port that did place the said five
ships to the same town.

And then after the three years be expired, the third part of
great fish and the fourth part of herrings shall be and remain
for ever to every fishing town where the fishing ships be at
the day of the last payment. Out of which, the five ships
shall yearly be repaired and maintained by every fishing town,
for the profit of the same town and the benefit of the
common weal.

When the herring fishing is past, then, with all convenient
speed, the Governors aforesaid shall appoint some of their
ships to take fish upon the coasts of England, Scotland, or
Ireland : and send other some into France or elsewhere with
cod, ling, herrings, and Newland fish, there to utter them,
making return with such commodities as will be best uttered
here, or else with salt and money. By which return it will
be time to make ready for the fishing in March, as before.
Thus the whole year is spent in fishing.

There must be an Auditor for receiving all accounts that
shall appertain and depend upon the execution of this Plat :
such as it shall please the Parliament House to nominate
and appoint. Who shall receive of the sixteen Chief Officers
aforesaid ^^800 yearly, during three years, viz., of the Chief
Officers of every principal Port upon his quittance [of the
accounts], ;£"ioo for his fee. Which said Auditor must ride
from every principal Port to other, to see and to provide that
all and every of the five decayed towns, within every shire in
England and also twenty decayed towns in Wales have the
stock of j^200 truly paid to every one of them, according to
this Plat, and that it be used accordingly, viz., that the
Governor of every the decayed towns with the said stock of
5^200 shall diligently and carefully provide yearly such com-
modities to set the poor on work, as the nature of the country
doth yield for most profit. And that the poor people that
laboureth be paid weekly their wages : converting the benefit
of their travail into the increase of the same stock. And that
the said Auditor take knowledge how many there be at work

R. HitchTOck.-| 'Phe Controller, and Preachers. 79

in every place by that means : and with what commodities
the said poor people are set to work in every shire. And for
that there shall be no partiality in naming of the decayed
towns, the two Parliament Knights, with two Justices of [the]
Peace in every their shire, to name and appoint the ancient
decayed towns in every shire, for to have the said stock of
3^200, according to the fourth Table of this Plat. And being
subscribed under their hands, to deliver it to the said Auditor
in the First Year that the fishing ships aforesaid be set to the
sea to fish.

There must also be a Comptroller joined in commission
with the Chief Officers of every principal Port town, for the
providing of all things needful at the best hand. Who must
ride to every Port and fishing town, and to all other places
where these ships be either made, bought, or placed ; to see
that all things maybe justly performed, according to the true
meaning of this Plat, and to be done with all expedition.
Who may by this order, and without grief to this Plat,
receive for his fee £800 yearly during three years, viz. : of
the Chief Officers of every principal Port town, jTioo upon
his quittance, for his pains and charges, and for the charges
of his servants and ministers that must be and remain in
many several ports and places, to see to the due execution
of the Plat in all points. Which said Comptroller, the
author wisheth should be such a man as would bend his wits
for the common weal, and could so well execute the same as
for himself. For then he should be able to declare in all
places what is to be done, and what should be done at every
extremity to avoid any danger.

The Officers of every the said eight principal Port towns
shall appoint one honest, virtuous, discreet, and learned
man to preach GOD's Word; which Preachers shall travel
continually, as the Apostles did, from place to place, preach-
ing in all the fishing towns and decayed towns appointed to
every several port : and every Preacher shall receive for his
maintenance ;£'ioo yearly, during three years, of the Chief
Officers of that same principal Port town, whereunto he is
appointed.

And also that order may be had from the Queen's Majesty,
that two of Her Grace's Ships of War, such as yearly be
appointed to waft [convoy] the merchants, may continue upon

8o A COMPLETE Annual Report to be made. [^- "'

itchcock.
1579-

Her Majesty's seas from the first of March until the last of
November yearly, for two years, for the defence of these
fishing ships. And towards the charges of the same two
Ships of War, the Chief Officers appointed for Yarmouth and
Bristol, shall pay yearly, during two years, ^4,000. Which
ships if they cannot be had, then the said Auditor and
Comptroller shall with that money provide two other Ships of
War for the same cause. Also the said Auditor and Comp-
troller who ride all the whole circuit of this land for the
performance of this Plat, shall make a declaration once a
year to the Right Honourable Lords, the Lord Chancellor, the
Lord Treasurer, the Lord Admiral of England, and Lord Privy
Seal of the whole state cause, and proceedings of this Plat.
To be the end, that their Lordships may use their honourable
considerations for, and in redress of things needful.

Provided always, that if the Chief Officers of any of the
said eight principal Port towns do find just cause that there
is some insufficiency either in any of the fishing towns where
the five ships are placed ; or else in the Governors of the
same town such negligence that this fishing cannot prove
profitable ; or that it is not used according to the effect or
true meaning of this Plat : then, upon just proof or infor-
mation made to the Lords aforesaid, the same Officers of that
principal Port, by consent of the Comptroller and Auditor,
with others from the said Lords, may remove the same ships
from any such fishing town and appoint them elsewhere
within their several charge, where they may be both better
placed, and for the common weal more profitable.

The same sixteen Chief Officers of the said eight principal
Port towns for the time being, after their first year's receipt,
which amounteth to ;^6o,ooo, shall at May Day next following,
deduct of the same receipt 5/^4,000 for fees and wages due,
and to be paid to themselves, to the Auditor, to the Comp-
troller, and to the eight Preachers, as before is appointed for
that First Year. Likewise out of the same receipt, they shall
pay 3^45,000 to the Governors of 225 decayed towns, viz., to
every decayed town ;^200 to be a stock for ever to set the
poor people on work, as it is appointeth in the fourth Table of
this Plat. Also the Officers of Yarmouth, out of the said
receipt, shall pay to two Ships of War ^4,000 for their wages
at the First Year. All payments paid for the First Year.

R. Hitchcock.j jjjg Method of the Disbursements. 8i

There remaineth of the said receipt ^^7,000, whereof the
Officers of Bristol hath in their hands ^4,000, ashy their pay-
ments appeareth, which is for to pay the Second Year's wages
to the two Ships of War for defending the fishermen the Second
Year: the other ^3,000 is in the hands of the Officers of
Yarmouth aforesaid, as by their payments Hkewise appeareth,
which shall be by them bestowed upon making of two Ships of
War of the burden of 160 tons the ship, after the best and
strongest manner, in warlike sort ; and to furnish them with
store of all needful things to the sea, as appertaineth to Ships
of War; and also with ordnance, powder, shot, armour, -
weapons, and all other provision necessary. These several
sums of money amounteth to ;£"6o,ooo ; which is the First
Year's receipt.

The Second Year's receipt of ^^60,000 being received by the
said sixteen Chief Officers, of the aforesaid eight principal
Ports : they shall deduct out of the same, ,^4,000 for fees
and wages to content and pay themselves, the Auditor, the
Comptroller, and the eight Preachers for the Second Year, in
like manner as aforesaid. Also they shall pay to the lenders
of the money, the one half of the money borrowed, which is
£40,000, and the interest money of the whole sum borrowed
for two years, which is £16,000. Which payments amount
to £60,000. And that is the just receipt and payment of and
for the Second Year.

The Third Year's receipt of £60,000 being received in like
manner by the aforesaid Chief Officers of the said eight
principal Ports : they shall deduct out of the same, £4,000
for fees and wages to be paid as aforesaid unto themselves,
the Auditor, the Comptroller, and the eight Preachers for
the same Third Year. And likewise £4,000 for wages to two
Ships of War for the same Third Year, as by the Officers of
every principal port town £500. Then they shall pay to the
lenders of the money, the other half of the money borrowed,
which is £40,000, and the interest money for that third and
last year, which is £4,000. All which payments amount to
£52,000.

This fishing Plat thus being performed, all payments paid,
and every man that hath taken pains in the execution of the
same very well pleased and contented, there doth remain £8,000
in the hands of the Chief Officers of the said principal Ports,

F 6

82 Wages on board Ships of War. [^•^"'''fsJ

viz. : 5^1,000 with the Chief Officers of every principal Port,
as appeareth by their receipts and payments, which shall be
allowed unto the same eight principal Port towns amongst
them, viz.: to every principal Port town jfi,ooo, to be a
stock for ever for the profit and benefit of the same town :
and yearly to be used for profit to such fisher towns and
fishermen, as upon good assurance will use any part thereof
in the trade or craft of fishing.

And when this is done and brought to pass I will declare a
device appertaining to this Plat, that shall, if it please GOD,
be worth ^£'10,000 yearly for ever, without cost or charges to
any man, neither offending nor encroaching upon any person
with the same device : which is to maintain the aforesaid Ships
of War, warlike, yearly for ever, with wages, victuals, soldiers,
and mariners, and all other kind of charges; and also to
maintain all the aforesaid Officers and Preachers their j^early
fees for ever.

Unto either of the same two Ships of War, there
must be appointed one skilful and valiant Master, the
Master's Mate, four Quarter-masters, a Purser, a Master
Gunner, and 120 soldiers and mariners. The Master to
have for wages. Four Shillings a day ; every other Officer Two
Shillings a day ; and every soldier or mariner Twelve Pence
the day for wages. The order for their diet of victuals all
the whole year ; and what money is to be allowed for the yearly
reparations of the said two Ships of War; and how all this
shall be maintained for ever: I have set down in writing.
And after this Plat, with the great benefits growing univer-
sally to this realm, shall be thoroughly considered, drawn
into perfect form, and put in execution by authority of
Parliament (which is the power of the whole Commonalty of
England), I will deliver the same where it shall be thought meet.

The times and places of the yearly fishing for
Cod and Ling.

Irst for cod : upon the coast of Lancashire ;
beginning at Easter, and continueth until Mid-
summer.

For Hake : in the deeps betwixt Wales and
Ireland; from Whitsuntide until Saint James'tide.

R. Hitchcock. j Best places for Cod, Hake, and Ling. 83

For cod and ling : about Padstow, within the Land's End
and the Severn, is good fishing from Christmas until Mid-
Lent [March].

There is an excellent good fishing for cod about Ireland,
where doth come yearly come to fish 300 or 400 sail of ships
and barks out of Biscay, Galicia, and Portugal, about the
south-west parts, near to Mackertymors country [ ? Balti-
more, see p. ] ; and do continue April, May, June, and July.

Also for cod and ling : on the west and north-west of
Ireland ; beginning at Christmas, and continueth until March.

And there is one other excellent good fishing upon the
north of Ireland.

Also for Newland fish, upon the banks of Newfoundland.
The ships go forth from England and Ireland in March, and
come home laden in August.

There is an excellent good fishing for them that will go
further for cod and ling in the rivers of Backlasse [ ? ] :
continuing April, May, June, and July.

Also for cod and ling: upon the north coasts of England
and upon the coasts of Scotland and the northern Isles of
Scotland ; continuing from Easter until Midsummer.

The like for cod : upon the east coast of Friesland,
Norway, and Shetland; from Easter until Midsummer.

To fish for cod and ling in Iceland ; the ships commonly
must go forth in March, and return ladened in August.

The like manner and time is used for cod and ling from
England to the Ward House [near North Cape] ; where is
excellent good fishing, April, May, and June.

T/ie times aftd places for the yearly fishing for
Herrings.

He herrings shoot out of the deeps on both sides
of Scotland and England, and beginneth upon the
Scots coast at Midsummer, and be not merchant-
able (but yet vendible) because they be so fat, by
reason whereof they will grow reasty [rancid] if they be kept :
and therefore they be presently [immediately] sold.

The second and best fishing beginneth at Bartholomewtide
[24 August] at Scarborough, and so proceedeth along the
coast, until they come to the Thames' mouth, continuing very

84 Places FOR Fishing FOR Herring. [^ T"^x^7$:

good until Hollentide [i November]. All which time they be
very good and merchantable, and will abide the salting very
well.

The third fishing is from the Thames' mouth through the
Narrow Seas : yet not certain, for after that time, they shoot
suddenly through the same seas, upon any extreme weather,
on both sides of Ireland. Which fishing doth continue until
the feast of Saint Andrew [30 November].

Also upon the coast of Ireland is very good fishing from
Michaelmas until Christmas. For there, is great plenty of
herrings.

Also upon the north-west seas of England, over against
Carlisle in Cumberland, about Workington, is good fishing for
herrings, from Bartholomewtide until fourteen days after
Michaelmas.

Also from Hollentide [i November] till Christmas, upon the
coast of Norway (that serves all the East [Baltic] Countries)
called the Mull sand [ ? ] where all strangers do fish,
paying their custom, a youghendale [ ? a thaler] upon every
last, to the King of Denmark. But sometimes the frosts be
so great there, that the herrings will not take salt.

[TAe Hunting of the Whale."]

Here is another exercise to breed profit, called the
hunting of the whale, which continueth all the
summer. The whale is [found] upon the coasts of
Russia, towards Moscovy and Saint Nicholas [^rc/i-
angel]. The killing of the whale is both pleasant and profit-
able, and without great charges, yielding great plenty of
[train] oil, the tun whereof is worth ^10. One of the ships
may bring home to his port 50 tuns, the which is worth
£500-

R. Hitchcock.-| Tj^e Poor can indicate the Rich! 85

OBJECTIONS;

and the
ANSWERS of the Author.

% First, What moves you to think that there will be found forty
men in every Shire of England, that will lend £^0 a man, for
three y ears y in this covetous time, when every man is for himself?

His realm of England and Wales is very popu-
lous, and the most part be the poorer sort of
people, who daily do harken [look] when the world
should amend with them. They are indifferent in
what sort, so that their state were relieved ; and so
perhaps apt to assist rebellion, or to join with whomsoever
dare invade this noble Island, if any such attempt should be
made. Then are they meet guides to bring the soldiers or
men of war to the rich men's wealth. For they can point
with their finger, *' There it is!" "Yonder it is!" "Here
it is ! " " And he hath it ! " and, " She hath it that will do
us much good ! " and so procure martyrdom with murder to
many wealthy persons, for their wealth. Therefore the wise
and wealthy men of this land had need, by great discretion, to
devise some speedy help therein ; that this poorer sort of people
may be set to some good arts, science, occupations, crafts,
and labours, by which means they might be able to relieve
themselves of their great need and want. And being brought
to such vocation of life, having some good trade to live upon,
there is no doubt but that they will prove good and profit-
able subjects ; and be careful to see this common wealth
flourish ; and will spend their lives and blood to defend the
same, and their little wealth, their liberties, their wives, and
children. For having nothing, they are desperate ; but having
some little goods, they will die before they lose it. Where-
fore if this matter be looked into with eyes of judgement, there
is no doubt of borrowing the money upon the assurance and
interest. For I do know in some Shires four men that will
gladly lend so much money as the whole shire is appointed
to lend. In Holland and Zealand the rich men make so sure
account of their fishing, that they appoint their children's
portions to be increased by that use.

86 6 Seamen can rule i 2 Landsmen afloat, p- ^J'

tchcoclc.
1579-

H / pray you, show me by what occasion or means this huge
nttmber of beggars and vagabonds do breed here in England ;
and why you appoint twelve of them to every ship ? I think
they may carry the ship away and become pirates.

JF YOU consider the poverty that is, and doth remain
in the shire towns and market towns, within this
realm of England and Wales ; which towns being
inhabited with great store of poor householders,
who by their poverty are driven to bring up their
youth idly, and if they live until they come to man's [e] state,
then are they past all remedy to be brought to w^ork. There-
fore at such time as their parents fail them, they begin to shift,
and acquaint themselves with some one like brought up, that
hath made his shift with dicing, cosening, picking or cutting of
purses: or else, if he be of courage, plain robbing by the way-
side, which they count an honest shift for the time, and so
come they daily to the gallows.

Hereby grows the great and huge number of beggars and
vagabonds which, by no reasonable means or laws, could yet
be brought to work, being thus idly brought up. Which
perilous state and imminent danger that they now stand in,
I thought it good to avoid by placing twelve of these poor
people into every fishing ship ; according to this Plat.

Who when they shall find and perceive that their diet for
all the whole year is provided, and that two voyages every
year will yield to every man for his pains £20 clear, and for
ever to continue ; by which honest trade they shall be able to
live in estimation amongst men ; whereas before they were
hated, whipped, almost starved, poor and naked, imprisoned,
and in danger daily to be marked with a burning iron for a
rogue, and to be hanged for a vagabond. When they shall
find these dangers to be avoided by their travail, and thereby
an increase of wealth to ensue : they will be glad to continue
this good and profitable vocation, and shun the other. Be-
sides that it is well known that six mariners or seafaring
men are able to rule and govern twelve land men that be not
acquainted with the sea : and therefore [it is] to be doubted
that this kind of people will prove pirates ; they be so base-
minded. For the heart, mind, and value of a man is such,
and his spirit is so great, that he will travel all the kingdoms

R.Hitchcock.j f fjE Dutch must buy everything. 87

of Princes to seek entertainment ; rattier than he will show his
face to beg or crave relief of thousands of people, that be
unworthy to unbuckle his shoes : and in his great want, will
take with force and courage from them that hath, to serve his
necessity ; thinking it more happy to die speedily, than to
live defamed and miserably. Of which sort of people, at the
breaking up of wars, there are a great number of worthy and
valiant soldiers, that have served in the wars with invincible
minds: who, through want of living, either depart as aforesaid;
or else, if they tarry in England, hanging is the end of the
most part of them.

H How may so many ships be provided, for want of timber, masts,
cables, pitch, and iron ? A nd where shall Masters and mariners
he had ; with other needful things, as salt, nets, and caske ?

THAT, I must put you in mind of Holland, Zealand,
and Friesland, that of late years, have flourished
with ships, mariners, and fishermen; and thereby
proved of marvellous wealth. No country more [so].
And all the timber they used for their ships came
from the dominions of other Princes. Their cables, masts,
pitch and tar came from the countries under the King of
Denmark ; the sails for their ships, the thread for their nets
came from Normandy and Brittany ; their salt came from
France, Portugal, and Spain ; and their iron came from the
countries of other Princes.

We need not doubt of these things. For there are ships
presently to be bought (for the sums of money appointed for
every ship) both here in this realm, and in Holland, France,
and in other places. And if there were not, I could name the
places in this realm where there is plenty of timber. If you do
remember the great and wonderful woods of timber trees that
are in Ireland, you will shake off that doubt. And for iron ;
that there is great plenty made within this land, I may call to
witness the inhabitants of the Forest of Dean, the county of
Sussex, with other places. And for all other needful things ;
the havens, ports, and realm of England lieth nearer to those
countries where plenty is, than those of the Flemings do.

And for Masters; there are plently of coast men, which will
gladly serve that place, that be sufficient men. And for

88 Many Fishermen are out of work, [^""^^xsyg:

mariners ; there is great store of poor fishermen all along the
coast of England and Wales, that will willingly serve in these
fishing ships, and use the craft of fishing : their gain will be
so great. And for salt ; there is great plenty made at the
Witchs [Droitwich, Nantwich, Norihwich] in Cheshire, and in
divers other places ; besides many salt houses standing upon
the coast of England, that make salt by seething of salt sea
water. And besides there is the great store of salt that will be
brought yearly into England by the merchants and others, to
make " salt upon salt." Also for caske ; there is a great store of
oak, ash, and beech growing in many places of England ; so
that there can be no want of caske if there be use to use it; nor
yet of any other thing aforesaid, if good consideration be had.
This Plat, being put into execution, will breed such store
of mariners that whensoever the noble Navy of England shall
be set to the seas for the safeguard of this land ; there shall
be no want of mariners to serve in the same : whereas now
they be both scant and hard to be found. Look back into
Holland! where practice is used; and see what store is there!

IT You appoint ten thousand last of herrings to be sold in France.
How can that he, so long as the Flemings, the Frenchmen,
and other nations do fish ; who have already won the credit
of their fish ? They shall sell, when we cannot ; then where
shall the fish taken by us be uttered ?

Here is no doubt but there will be ten thousand
last of herrings to spare, this realm being served,
if these four hundred fishing ships with these
fishermen be appointed to the seas : for they will
take their place to fish within the Queen's Majesty's
seas ; and so shall serve both England and France plenti-
fully, and also better cheap than the Flemings are able to do.
And the herrings, cod, and Newland fish, being used in such
sort as the Flemings do, will be of as great estimation as
theirs be, and may yearly be sold and uttered in France ; as at
Dieppe that serves and victuals all Picardy; at Newhaven
[Havre] that serves all base [lower] Normandy; and at the
town of Rouen, that serves all the high countries of France ;
for thither cometh yearly three hundred lighters, called
Gabers, with wines, of ten or twelve hundred tuns a Gaber ;

R. Hitchcockj We, GROWING ALL THINGS, CAN SELL LOWER. 89

and their best return is fish and salt. And for the other
parts of France, as Rochelle and Bourdeaux ; also the
merchants that travel into Spain, Portugal, Italy, Barbary,
and Africa, carrying fish : the further south and south-west
that the fish, well used, is carried ; the dearer it is, and greatly
desired. Wherefore let all men fish that will, of what country
soever, for there is fish in plenty in these northern seas for
them all, if there were a thousand sail of fishing ships more
than there is ; and the English nation shall and may weary
them out for their travail and labour : where they fish is not
far ; their ports, harbours, and roads be at hand ; their ships
cost the fishermen nothing. Therefore the Englishmen
shall better be able to sell good cheap [cheaper] than any
other nation ; by means whereof they shall sell when others
cannot. And so the Flemings being put from uttering their
herrings in France, shall be driven to leave their great ships;
and to fish in smaller vessels near the shore to serve their own
turns : as heretofore they have caused us to do, for fear of them
and every tempest ; triumphing at our folly, for not taking
this great benefit and blessing of GOD poured into our laps.

II How do you know that nine or ten thousand last of herrings will
serve all England? And when wars shall happen between
England and France, where shall we sell the rest of our
herrings and other fish ; the Flemings being provided for by
their own people ?

Y ESTIMATION, five thousand last of herrings do
serve London; out of which portion, all the shires
about London are served. And by the like esti-
mation, five thousand last more will serve all
England.

And if wars should happen between France and England ;
then the Italians, Spaniards, Flemings, and other nations do
bring into England all sorts of French commodities, as wines,
woad, lockromes [lockrams, a kind of linen], and canvas of all
sorts. These merchants will daily look for profit : and in time
of wars nothing doth pass with less danger, sooner is vented
and made ready money, than these herrings, cod, ling, and
Newland fish. So there is no doubt of utterance for fish,
either in wars or in peace.

90 Prices OF H ER RINGS IN France. [^•^"^''^,5^75:

Let experience of other countries serve for this wholly.
And I think it good to let you understand how herrings were
sold in France, anno 1577.

The best Flemish herrings were sold for ;;^24 los. the
last. Yarmouth herrings (who, of late, do use and order
their herrings as the Flemings do) were sold for ^^20 12s.
the last. Irish herrings, for ^18 the last. Coast herrings
and Scotch herrings, for j^ii the last.

These differences be in herrings, which being used as is
set down in this Plat, will be in all places (within a little
time) equal in goodness with the Flemish herrings.

1[ In what order do the Flemings, the Frenchmen, and others fish
for herrings, cod, and Newlandfish ?

Irst behold this sea Plat or proportiture here set
down showing how the same strangers do fish in
their great ships upon the English coast : and how
our English men, for fear of them and of every
tempest, as aforesaid, do fish in small vessels near
the shore.

[Here follows in the original work a large half geographical, and half
emblematic map of the German Ocean, in which main sea are great ships
marked " Flemish Busses," and by the English coast, smaller vessels
marked " The English Fishermen."

On this map, is the following inscription.

Anno Domini. 1553. Serving the Emperor Charles V. in
his wars [also at Berwick, see p. 215.] ; looking into the state
of Holland and Zealand, I saw that their wealth and great
increase of mariners grew by fishing. For at that time, there
went yearly out of these twelve towns, Dunkirk, Nieuport,
Ostend, Sluys, Flushing, Middleburg, Camfere, Setikseas,
[? Zieriksee] Rotterdam, Amsterdam, Delf Haven, and Brill,
above 400 Busses or great ships to fish for herrings upon the
East Coast of England. A similitude thereof, is here set down
in this proportiture.]

The Flemings set out of Flanders, Holland, and Zealand
yearly at Bartholowmewtide [24 August] four or five hundred
Busses, to fish for herrings upon the East Coast of England;

R. Hitchcock.j f^Q^v Money is advanced in the West. 91

where before they fish, they ask leave at Scarborough, as
evermore they have done : with which honour (and no profit)
this realm and subjects hath hitherto been vainly fed. And
amongst them, this is the order. One man provides the ship,
another the victuals and salt, the third the caske, the fourth
the nets: and when the ships come home they divide the fish.

There goeth out of France commonly five hundred sail of
ships yearly in March to Newfoundland, to fish for Newland
fish, and come home again in August. Amongst many of
them, this is the order. Ten or twelve mariners do confer
with a money [monied] man, who furnisheth them with money
to buy ships, victuals, salt, lines, and hooks, to be paid his
money [back] at the ship's return, either in fish or money,
with ^35 upon the ;£'ioo in money lent.

Likewise here in England, in the West Country, the like
order is used. The fishermen confer with the money [monied]
man, who furnisheth them with money to provide victuals,
salt, and all other needful things; to be paid £2^ at the ship's
return, upon the ;^ioo in money lent. And for some of the
same mone}', men do borrow money upon 5^10 in the ;;^ioo,
and put it forth in this order to the fishermen. And for to be
assured of the money ventured, they will have it assured
[insiired]; giving £6 for the assuring of every ;£'ioo to him that
abides the venture of the ship's return : as thus. A ship of
Exeter is gone to the Ward House, to fish for cod and ling.
The venture of the ship, salt, and victuals is £'^00. For;£'i8
all is assured. So that if the ship never return, yet the money
[monied] man gaineth declare [clear] ^^48 [? £57], and his
principal again.

So by these reasons there seemeth great good to be done
by fishing when other men being at such charges do prove
rich by using this trade. Shall not the English nation that
thus shall fish (the greatest charges cut off) be more able to
sell good cheap than any others may: and so weary them
out, as aforesaid.

IT You say that much gold goeth forth of this land for wines and
other French commodities : I pray you, to what value in the
year doth the wines of France brought into England amount
unto? And what several sorts of English wares be sold in
France to buy the same ?

92 England's Continental Traffic. [^•"""''',5^

Do ESTEEM to come into England, every year, ten
thousand tuns of Gascony and Rochelle wines,
which at twenty crowns the tun, amounteth in
English payment, to ;^6o,ooo. The fleet that goeth
from London to Bourdeaux, carrieth commonly
victuals, ballast, and some cloth. For the money is always
made over by exchange out of London, out of Flanders, and out
of Spain. And the ships that go from other places of this
realm, as from Bristol, Wales, Westchester, Newcastle,
Hull, and elsewhere to the Vintage, carrieth (contrary to the
law) leather, calves' skins, butter and tallow, with ready gold,
as they may provide it all the whole year before.

At Rouen in France, which is the chiefest yent [mart], be
sold our English wares, as Welsh and Manchester cottons,
Northern Kerseys, Whites, lead, and tin : which money is
commonly employed in Normandy and Brittany in all sorts
of canvas with other small wares, and in lockromes, viteric,
and dowlass [coarse linen], Pouldavis, Olyraunce [ ? ], and
Myndernex [ ? ] ; part[ly] for ready money, partly for com-
moditie[s]. And woad is commonly ladened at Bourdeaux
and uttered there to our nation and others for money or
cloth, or else not [sold at all]. These sorts of wares
bought in France, besides the wine, amounts by estimation
to six times as much as all the English wares that be sold
for in France every year. And for a truth this trade of
fishing is the best, and of lightest cost that can be found,
to counteract the values of the French commodities. Ex-
perience doth show the same by the Flemings, who with
their green [undried] fish, barrelled cod, and herrings, carry
out of England for the same, yearly, both gold and silver and
other commodities, and at the least ten thousand tuns of
Double Double Beer, and hath also all kinds of French
commodities continually, both in time of wars and peace, by
their trade only of fishing. Thus the great sums of gold
that are carried yearly out of this land to the Vintage, as
appeareth by this * Plat following, will stay : and wines,
nevertheless, and other French wares of all sorts will be had
and obtained for herrings and fish.

* Another curious emblematical design occurs here : with No wt'mi
from Bordeaux, but for gold, and I bring gold from England for Wines,

R. Hitchc^^kj Hitchcock's Parliamentary Dinner. 93

% When you put your fishing Plat into the Parliament house,
what did you conceive by the speech of such burgesses as you
conferred with of the same ?

N THE eighteenth year of the Queen's Majesty's
reign, five or six days before the Parliament house
brake up [i.e., March 1576], I had the Burgesses of
almost all the stately Port towns of England and
Wales at dinner with me at Westminster: amongst
whom the substance of my Plat was read, and of every man
well liked ; so that some were desirous to have a copy of
the same, and said that '* they would, of their own cost and
charges, set so many ships to the sea as was to their towns
appointed, without the assistance of any other." Of the like
mind, were the Burgesses of Rye ; and some said it were good
to levy a subsidy of two shillings [in the pound] on land, and
sixteen pence [in the pound on] goods, for the making of these
fishing ships. Of which mind the Speaker, Master Bell,
was; saying, "A Parliament hath been called for a less cause."
Other some said, "It were good to give a subsidy for this
purpose to ship these kind of people in this sort ; for if they
should never return, and so avoided [got rid of], the land
were happy : for it is but the riddance of a number of idle
and evil disposed people." But these men that so do think,
will be of another mind within two years next after this Plat
takes effect, as when they shall see, by this occasion only; such
a number of carpenters and shipwrights set on work ; such a
number of coopers employed ; such numbers of people making
lines, ropes, and cables; dressers of hemp, spinners of thread,
and makers of nets ; so many salt houses set up to make
salt, and " salt upon salt." And what a number of mariners
are made of poor men ; and what a number of poor men are
set on work in those shires all along upon the sea coast in
England and Wales in splitting of fish, washing of fish, packing
of fish, salting of fish, carrying and recarrying of fish, and
serving all the countries [counties] in England with fish. And
to serve all those occupations aforesaid, there must depend
an infinite number of servants, boys, and day labourers, for
the use of things needful. And withal to remember how that
about England and Wales, there is established in four score
haven towns, five fishing ships to every town to continue for

94 The Plat growing since 1573. [

K. Hitchcock.
1579-

ever, which will breed plenty of fish in every market; and that
will make flesh [butcher's meat] good cheap. And that by the
only help of GOD and these fishermen, there shall be
established within England and Wales, to 225 decayed towns;
a stock of £200 to every decayed town, which shall continue
for ever to set the poor people on work. And to conclude, I
do carry that mind, that within few years there will be of
these fishing towns of such wealth, that they will cast ditches
about their towns, and wall the same defensively against the
enemy to guard them and their wealth in more safety. What
Englishman is he, think you ! that will not rejoice to see
these things come to pass. And, for my part, I perceive
nothing but good success is likely to come of this Plat.

To further the same, I gave a copy hereof to my Lord of
Leicester six years past [1573], another copy to the Queen's
Majesty four years past [1575]. Also to sundry of her Majesty's
Privy Council, certain copies. And in the end [March 1576J of
the last Parliament, holden in the said eighteenth year of her
Majesty's reign, I gave twelve copies to Councillors of the
law, and other men of great credit [See Dr. Dee's notice on
I August 1576, at p. 65]; hoping that GOD would stir
up some good man to set out this work, which the Author
(being a soldier, trained up in the wars and not in the schools,
with great charges and travail of mind, for his country's sake)
hath devised and laid as a foundation for them that hath
judgement to build upon.

Amongst whom. Master Leonard Digges, a proper
gentleman and a wise, had one copy, who, being a Burgess
of the house, took occasion thereupon to desire licence to
speak his mind concerning this Plat, saying that he spake
for the common wealth of all England and for no private
cause. He (by report) did so worthily frame his speech for
the common weal of his country ; that he hath gained
thereby both fame and great good liking of all the hearers ;
and so concluded, desiring that this device might be read :
which, for want of time, was deferred until their next
assembly in Parliament.

FINIS,

Rev. William Harrison, B.D,

Canon of Windsor, and Rector

of Radwinter.

EuzABErH arms England^ which
M ART had left defenceless.

Rev. William Harrison, B.D.

Canon of Windsor, and Rector of

Radwinter.

Elizabeth ar7ns England^ which Marv
had left defenceless,

[Pook II., Oiap. i6 o{ Description of England, in Holinshed's Chronicle. Ed. isSyE-S].
Reprinted by F. J. Furnivall, M.A., for New Shakspere Society, p. 278, Ed. 1877.]

Ow well, and how strongly our country hath been
furnished, in times past, with armour and artil-
lery, it lieth not in me, as of myself to make
rehearsal.
Yet that it lacked both, in the late time of
Queen Mary ; not only the experience of mine elders, but
also the talk of certain Spaniards, not yet forgotten, did
leave some manifest notice.

Upon the first, I need not stand : for few will deny it.
For the second, I have heard that when one of the greatest
Peers of Spain [evidently in Queen Mary's reign] espied our
nakedness in this behalf, and did solemnly utter in no
obscure place, that " It should be an easy matter, in short
time, to conquer England; because it wanted armour ! " his
words were then not so rashly uttered, as they were politicly
noted.

For, albeit, that, for the present time, their efficacy was
dissembled; and semblance made as though he spake but
merrily : yet at the very Entrance of this our gracious Queen
unto the possession of the Crown, they were so providently
called to remembrance, and such speedy reformation sought,
of all hands, for the redress of this inconveniency, that our
country was sooner furnished with armour and munition
from divers parts of the main [the Continent], besides great

Rev. W. Harrison, B.D.-| Dgc^Y OF THE EnGLISH LONG BOW. 97

plenty that was forged here at home, than our enemies could
get understanding of any such provision to be made.

By this policy also, was the no small hope conceived by
Spaniards utterly cut off ; who (of open friends, being now
become our secret enemies ; and thereto watching a time
wherein to achieve some heavy exploit against us and our
country) did thereupon change their purposes : whereby
England obtained rest ; that otherwise might have been
sure of sharp and cruel wars.

Thus a Spanish word uttered by one man at one time,
overthrew, or, at the least, hindered sundry privy practices
of many at another time.

In times past, the chief force of England consisted in their
long bows. But now we have in manner generally given over
that kind of artillery, and for long bows indeed, do practice
to shoot compass for our pastime ; which kind of shooting
can never yield any smart stroke, nor beat down our enemies,
as our countrymen were wont to do, at every time of need.
Certes, the Frenchmen and Reitters [i.e.y Reiters, the German
or Ste^iss Lance-knights] deriding our new archery, in respect
of their corslets, will not let, in open skirmish, if any leisure
serve, to turn up their tails, and cry, *' Shoot, English !"
and all because our strong shooting is decayed, and laid in
bed.

But if some of our Englishmen now lived, that served
King Edward III. in his wars with France : the breech of
such a varlet had been nailed to his back with one arrow;
and another feathered in his bowels, before he should have
turned about to see who shot the first.

But as our shooting is thus, in manner, utterly decayed
among us one way : so our countrymen wax skilful in sundry
other points; as in shooting in small pieces, the caliver,
and handling of the pike ; in the several uses whereof, they
are become very expert.

Our armour differeth not from that of other nations ; and
therefore consisteth of corslets, almain rivets, shirts of
mail, jacks quilted and covered with leather, fustian, or
canvas over thick plates of iron that are sewed in the same.
Of which, there is no town or village that hath not her
convenient furniture. The said armour and munition like-

G 6

98 1,172,674 FIGHTING Englishmen. [R^v. w. Hamson, b.d.

wise is kept in one several place of every town, appointed
by the consent of the whole parish ; where it is always
ready to be had and worn within an hour's warning.

Sometimes also it is occupied [used], when it pleaseth the
magistrate, either to view the able men and take note of the
well keeping of the same ; or finally to see those that are en-
rolled, to exercise each one his several weapon : at the charge
of the townsmen of each parish, according to his appoint-
ment. Certes there is almost no village so poor in England,
be it never so small, that hath not sufficient furniture in
a readiness to set forth three or four soldiers (as, one archer,
one gunner, one pike, and a bill-man), at the least. No,
there is not so much wanting as their very liveries [uniforms]
and caps ; which are least to be accounted of, if any haste
required. So that if this good order continue, it shall be
impossible for the sudden enemy to find us unprovided.

As for able men for service, thanked be GOD ! we are
not without good store. For by the Musters taken in 1574
and 1575, our number amounted to 1,172,674; and yet they
were not so narrowly taken, but that a third part of this
like multitude was left unbilled and uncalled.

What store of munition and armour, the Queen's Majesty
hath in her storehouses, it lieth not in me to yield account ;
sith I suppose the same to be infinite. And whereas it was
commonly said, after the loss of Calais, that England would
never recover the store of ordnance there left and lost ; the
same is proved false : since some of the same persons do
now confess that this land was never better furnished with
these things in any King's days, since the Conquest.

The names of our greatest ordnance are commonly
these :

Rohinet, whose weight is 200 lbs.; and it hath i^ inches

within the mouth.
Falconet, weighing 500 lbs., and his wideness is 2 inches

within the mouth.
Falcon hath 800 lbs., and 25- inches within the mouth.
Minion poiseth [weigheth] 1,100 lbs., and hath 3^ inches

within the mouth.
Sacre hath 1,500 lbs., and is 3J inches wide in the

mouth.

Rey. W. Harrison, B.D.-| S I Z E S, & C, OF A R T I L L E R Y. QQ

Demi-Cidverin weigheth 3,000 lbs., and hath 4^ inches

within the mouth.
Culverin hath 4,000 lbs., and 5^ inches within the

mouth.
Demi-Cannon, 6,000 lbs., and 6h inches within the

mouth.
Cannon, 7,000 lbs., and 8 inches within the mouth.
E. Cannon, 8,000 lbs., and 7 inches within the mouth.
Basilisk, 9,000 lbs., and 8f inches within the mouth.

By which proportions, also, it is easy to come by the
weight of every shot, how many scores [i.e., of yards] it doth
fly at point blank, how much powder is to be had to the
same, and finally how many inches in height, each bullet
ought to carry.

The names of the . j. Weight of Scores [of yards] Pounds of Height of

Great Ordnance the Shot. lbs. of carriage. Powder. Bullet. Inches.

Robinet I o \ i

Falconet 2 14 2 i^

Falcon 2i 16 2\ 2^

Minion 4^^ 17 4^ 3

Sacre 5 18 5 ik

Demi-Culver in 9 20 9 4

Culverin 18 25 18 5I

Demi-Cannon 30 38 28 6f

Cannon 60 20 44 7J

E. Cannon 42 20 20 6J

Basilisk 60 21 60 8:^

As for the Armouries of some of the Nobility (whereof I
also have seen a part), they are so well furnished, that within
some one Baron's custody, I have seen three score or a
hundred corslets at once ; besides calivers, hand-guns, bows,
sheafs of arrows, pikes, bills, pole-axes, flasks, touch-boxes,
targets, &c. : the very sight whereof appalled my courage.

Seldom shall you see any of my countrymen, above
eighteen or twenty years old, to go without a dagger at the
least, at his back or by his side ; although they be aged

loo Every one usually carries arms. P^"- ^^- J^^-^'^""- J^-g

533,

burgesses or magistrates of any city who, in appearance, are
most exempt from brabling and contention.

Our Nobility commonly wear swords or rapiers, with their
daggers ; as doth every common serving man also that fol-
loweth his lord and master.

Finally, no man travelleth by the way, without his sword
or some such weapon, with us ; except the Minister, who
commonly weareth none at all, unless it be a dagger or
hanger at his side.

The most dangerous

and memorable adventure

of Richard Ferris, one of the five

ordinary Messengers of Her Majesty's Chamber :

who departed from Tower Wharf, on Midsummer

Day last past, with Andrew Hill and William Thomas ;

who undertook, in a small wherry boat,

to row, by sea, to the city of Bristow j

and are now safely returned.

Wherein is particularly expressed their perils
sustained in the said Voyage: and the great entertain-
ment they had at several places upon the coast of
England^ as they ^wentj but especially at the
said city of Brist(nv.

Published by the said Richard Ferris.

LONDON

Printed by John Wolfe for Edward White, and

are to be sold at his shop, being at the Little North Door of

Paul's, at the sign of the Gun. 1590.

lO'

To the Right Honourable Sir Thomas
H E N E A G E Knight, one of Her
Majesty's honourable Privy Council,
Vice- Chamberlain to Her High-
ness, and Treasurer of Her
Majesty's Chamber ;
prosperous health ! long life ! and much increase

of honour !

Right Honourable,

He late dangerous attempt, rashly by me under-
taken, to row in a small boat to the city of
Bristow [Bristol], along the perilous rocks,
breaches, races, shelves, quicksands, and very
unlikely places for passage with such small boats, along the
coast of England, is now, by the assistance of Almighty
GOD, truly performed : as appeareth by our several certifi-
cates ready to be seen ; with our safe return, contrary to
the expectation of sundiy persons. Which being truly and
particularly discoursed, I have presumed to dedicate unto your
Honour; wherein may plainly be seen, how we adventured
to pass the force of dangerous flaws and rough seas, which
we found in our voyage ; and proveth the attempt the more

I04 Dedication to Sir T. Heneage. [Aug^^s^:

strange in respect that I was never trained up on the water.
Not doubting but the same may be a just occasion to prick
forward others of my native countrymen, to practise an
ordinary passage through the Hke dangers, in such small
wherry boats ; especially when necessary occasion shall serve,
the better to daunt the enemies [the Spaniards] of this nation ;
who in such flaws and frets at sea, dare not hazard their
galleys to go forth, though they be of far greater force to brook
the seas.

Thus humbly desiring your Honour's favourable accept-
tance hereof, I end : beseeching GOD to send health and
long life to Her Majesty, my dread Sovereign and most
gracious Mistress ! peace to this land 1 and to your Honour,
even your heart's desire !

Your Honour's

Most humble to command,

Richard Ferris.

•v.j>^

I05

Richard Ferris, his travels
to Bristow.

B^^Oi

Fter that I had rashly determined to pass
the seas in a wherry, and to row myself in
the same to the city of Bristow, though
with the evil will of sundry my good
friends; and especially full sore against my
aged father's consent, now dwelling in the
city of Westminster, where I was born : I
thought it convenient to seek out some one
expert pilot, to direct me and my companion by his skill, the
better to pass the perils and dangers, whereof I was foretold.
Whereupon, I took unto me one W. Thomas, a man of
sufficient skill and approved experience ; by whom I was still
content to be advised, even from my first going forth, until
my last coming home.

The boat wherein I determined to perform my promise
was new built ; which I procured to be painted with green,
and the oars and sail of the same colour, with the Red Cross
for England, and Her Majesty's arms, with a vane [pennon]
standing fast to the stern of the said boat : which being in
full readiness, upon Midsummer Day last [jfune 24, 1590],
myself, with my companions, Andrew Hill and William
Thomas, with a great many of our friends and well-willers
accompanying us to the Tower Wharf of London, there we
entered our boat : and so, with a great many of our friends in
other like boats, rowed to the Court at Greenwich : where
before the Court Gate, we gave a volley of shot.

Then we landed and went into the Court, where we had
great entertainment at every Office; and many of our friends
were full sorry for our departing.

io6 The track of the Voyage. Kg^'"^;

And having obtained leave before, of the Right Honourable
the Lord Chamberlain [Lord Hunsdon], the Lord Admiral
[Earl of Nottingham], and Master Vice-Chamberlain [Sir
Thomas Heme age] for my departure : I took my leave, and so
departed. Setting up our sails, and taking to our oars, we
departed towards this our doubtful course.

And first we took our way to Gravesend ; and from thence,
to these places hereafter mentioned, namely :

To Margate.

To Dover.

To Newhaven, in Sussex.

To Portsmouth.

To Sandwich [? Swanage] in

Dorsetshire.
To Abbotsbury.
To Lyme.
To Seaton.
To Teignmouth.
To Dartmouth.
To Salcombe.
To Plymouth.

To Low [Looe], in Cornwall.
To St. Mawes, in Falmouth.

To the great bay at Pen-
zance, called Mounts Bay.

To St. Ives, at the further
side of Land's End.

To Godrevy.

To Padstow.

To Bottrick's Castle, which
is in the race of Hart-
land alias Harty Point.

To Clevelley [Clovelly].

To Ilford Coume [Ilfracombe].

To Mynett [? Minehead] high
cliffs.

And, lastly, to the City of
Bristow.

At these places before recited, we stayed and refreshed
ourselves. Sometimes we were constrained to put into these
places for want of victuals ; sometimes, for to have their
certificates to testify of our being there ; sometimes, we were
weather bound ; and sundry accidents worth the noting,
happened unto us in many of these places : and our welcome
in all places deserveth due commendations, the particulars
whereof hereafter followeth.

After we had passed Gravesend as is aforesaid, we came to
the land's end ; then we bent our course to Margate ; which
place having passed, we wan the Foreland, with some high
billows.

From thence, to the South Foreland : and soon after, we
put in at Dover ; where we stayed about six hours, and where
we were greatly entertained.

From thence, we took to the Camber nestes [?] which

aL/iSo.] Along the South Coast of England. 107

is between Rye and Dover; and so along the main sea towards
fair Lee [? Fairlight] .

Then we rowed or sailed along the coast, until we came to
Beachy [Head], and passing by it, we harboured at Newhaven,
in Sussex.

Where we had reasonable good weather, till we came
between the Isle of Wight and Portsmouth. There, we had a
great storm ; and were in such sort, overpressed with weather
that we were constrained to make towards a castle called
Hurst Castle : from whence, at the fall of wind and tide, we
put forth again to sea, and recovered Sandwich [? Swanage] in
Dorsetshire.

From thence, we passed through a race called St. Albans,
which is a headland ; where we were in a great fret by reason
of the race ; and so continued hazarding our lives by means
of that fret, to the great and dangerous race of Portland :
where, by the good direction of our pilot and master, we sought
and strove by great labour, to take the advantage of the tide
and weather ; whereby we passed through it in one hour.
Here did the billows rise very high, so that we were in great
danger : yet, GOD be thanked ! we escaped them without
any damage.

From thence, we passed to Lyme Bay, where we stayed
but one night : and from thence to Seaton.

At which place, we were compelled to carry and lift up our
boat on shore, by extremity of foul weather ; for we were
there in great danger, by reason of frets, sands, and foul
weather, which greatly troubled us.

From thence, we went to Teignmouth ; and so to Dart-
mouth. There we remained two days, and had good enter-
tainment and great courtesy offered us by the inhabitants
thereof.

And upon the next day morning, being Sunday, we put to
sea again. There being a fair wind and tide, we came to the
Start, where the wind rose and hemmed us in round about
into a very dangerous race (this was on the 15th of July) ;
where we were in such an extremity that we had like to have
been drowned : yet it pleased GOD so far to work for us, that
we escaped the danger thereof.

Which done, we went to the Westward, to Salcombe.
There, we were constrained to haul up our boat in a cove

io8 Kindly treated by H.M.S. at Plymouth. [Au'/tsS:

called Sower Mill, behind a rock, near to Sir William
Courtney's, a very bountiful Knight; at whose house we lay
all that night, and he would have had us to have stayed
longer.

But from thence, having fair weather, we came to
Plymouth.

Here we met with Her Majesty's ships, where Master
Captain Fenner and Master Captain Wilkinson gave us
great entertainment, especially for that they saw we had
leave given us from the Right Honourable Her Majesty's
Council, for our quiet and safe passage. And for that I was
Her Majesty's Messenger, they gave us the greater entertain-
ment. We stayed there one night.

From thence, we went to Lowe [Looe], and there stayed
one night.

And from thence, to St. Maws, with very calm and good
weather, until we came to the Lizard, being a place well
known to be most dangerous, and full of rocks and races :
where, GOD be thanked! we passed in the current of the
tide, with great swiftness but with wonderful danger ; where,
had it not been well looked unto, of the Master, we had been
all cast away.

Then we did cut over the Mouse Bay to Mouse hole; which
is four miles beyond the Mount : where we were constrained
for want of necessary victuals, to come back again to
Penzance ; where we lodged all night.

The next morning [July 20th], we set out to go for Land's
End ; where setting from Penzance with our half tide, to
recover the first of the tide at Land's End, we being in our
boat a great way from the shore : our Master descried a pirate,
having a vessel of four tons ; who made towards us amain,
meaning doubtless to have robbed us. But doubting [fearing]
such a matter, we rowed so near the shore as we might.
And by that time as he was almost come at us, we were near
to a rock standing in the sea ; where this pirate thought to
have taken us at an advantage. For being come close to the
outside of the said rock, called Raynalde stones [? Rundlestone] ;
he was becalmed, and could make no way, and so were we.
But GOD (who never faileth those that put their trust in
Him !) sent us a comfort unlocked for. For as we rowed to
come about by this rock, suddenly we espied a plain and ^ery

A^i/iS.] Narrow escape from a Pi rate. 109

easy way to pass on the inner side of the said rock ; where
we went through very pleasantly ; and by reason thereof, he
could not follow us. Thus we escaped safely ; but he was
soon after taken, and brought in at Bristow.

Here we found great breaches, races, and rocks ; the wind
being then northerly and altogether against us : which was
wonderfull[y] painful, troublesome, and dangerous to us.
Nevertheless, GOD be thanked ! we escaped in safety ; and
recovered St. Ives : where we were well entertained.

The next day, we put to sea again : but being within five
miles of St. Ives, we were constrained to seek for a cove ;
which we found called St. Dryvey, in Cornwall.

Here, for that we wanted victuals, our Master was con-
strained to go climb the great cliff at Godrevy, which is at
least forty fathoms high and wonderfull[y] steep ; which none
of us durst venture to do: and GOD be blessed for it!
he had no harm at all ; but surely, to all likelihoods, had his
foot once slipped, there could have been no recovery to have
saved him, but that he would have been bruised to pieces.
At this place we stayed two days, at Master Arundel's
house ; where we were greatly welcomed.

And from thence, we went to Bottrick's Castle, where
dwelleth a Gentleman called Master Hynder. There we
were weatherbound, and constrained to stay full seventeen
days ; where we had great entertainment : he himself offer-
ing us "if we would stay a whole year, we should be wel-
come !" and the rather, for that I was one of Her Majesty's
servants.

But upon the eighteenth day, the foul weather ceasing,
we did again put to sea, through the race of Hartland alias
Harty Point ; which is as ill as the race at Portland : which
we escaped, and recovered to Clevelley [Clovelly] ; where we
were entertained by a very courteous Gentleman, called
Carey.

And from thence, we came to Ilford Coume [Ilfracomhe] ;
which was on Saturday at night, the ist of August last
past.

Whereupon for that we were so near Bristow, I desired
my company, that we might put to sea that night ; which
they were loth to do ; yet, at my importunate suit, they
granted thereto. But being at sea, the wind arose very sore

I lo Grand reception by the Bristol people. [^./^^^

from the land ; which put us all in great fear : whereby I
myself was constrained to row four hours alone, on the
larboard side ; and my fellow rower was compelled to lade
forth water (so fast as it came into the boat) which beat
upon me and over me very sore, the wind then being East-
and-by-South.

Thus was I constrained to labour for life, and yet had
almost killed myself through the heat I took, in that time :
rowing, as is aforesaid, until we came to Mynette [Minehead],
This done, we went from Mynette ; and so, between the two
homes [?] came to Bristow, in one tide : and arrived at the
back of Bristow, about six of the clock at night.

But it was wonderful to see and hear what rejoicing there
was, on all sides, at our coming ! The Mayor of Bristow,
with his brethren the Aldermen, came to the water side, and
welcomed us most lovingly ; and the people came in great
multitudes to see us ; insomuch as, by the consent of the
Magistrates, they took our boat from us, not suffering us
once to meddle with it, in that we were extremely weary :
and carried our said boat to the High Cross in the city.
From thence, it was conveyed to the Town House, and there
locked safe all night.

And on the next morning, the people gathered themselves
together, and had prepared trumpets, drums, fifes, and
ensigns [flags] to go before the boat; which was carried
upon men's shoulders round about the city, with the Waits
of the said city playing orderly, in honour of our rare and
dangerous attempt achieved.

Afterwards, we were had to Master Mayor's, to the
Aldermen's and Sheriffs' houses; where we were feasted most
royally, and spared for no cost, all the time that we remained
there.

Thus having a while refreshed ourselves after our so
tedious labours; we came to London, on Saturday, being
the 8th of August, 1590 : where, to speak our truth with-
out dissembling, our entertainment at our coming was great
and honourable ; especially at the Court, and in the cities of
London and Westminster. And generally, I found that the
people greatly rejoiced to see us in all places.

aIsI'S Triumph of the boat in London, hi

To conclude. I have given order that the said boat shall
be brought by land from Bristow to London ; where the
watermen and sundry others have promised to grace the
said boat with great melody and sundry volleys of shot ;
which is very shortly intended to be performed.

Here is to be remembered that between Harty Point and
Clevelley, the wind being very strong, my companion and
oar-fellow, Andrew Hill, in taking down our sail, fell over-
board into the sea : where, by great goodhap, and by means
that he held fast to a piece of our sail, we recovered him
and got him up again, although he were a very weighty
man ; which if we had not done, I could not have gotten any
man to have supplied his room. But when we saw that he
was amended ; we gave GOD thanks for his recovery.

Thus to GOD, I, with my fellow mates, give most hearty
prayers and thanks for our safe deliverance from so imminent
dangers as we have been in, since our departure from the
Court at Greenwich : being still defended by the mighty and
handy work of Almighty GOD. To whom, we, in all
obedience and duty, daily pray for the prosperous health of
Her Majesty and her honourable Council, whose lives and wel-
fare are the strength and maintenance of this land; and
whom Almighty GOD prosper and preserve, now and ever '
Amen.

Richard Ferris.
FINIS.

112

A new Sonnet made upon the arrival

and brave entertainment of R i c h a r d

Ferris with his boat ; who

arrived at the city of Bristow,

the 3rd day of August 1590.

Ome, old and young ! behold and view I
A thing most rare is to be seen !
A silly wherry, it is most true !
Is come to town, with sail of green ;
With oars, colour of the same :
To happy Ferris' worthy fame .'

From London city, this wager sure,
Was for to bring his wherry small,
On surging seas if life endure,
From port to port, hap what hap will !
To Bristow city of worthy name.
Where Ferris now hath spread his fame.

His boat not bulged, but at High Cross,
Was seen the third of August, sure ;
Whereby the man hath had no loss,
But did each willing heart procure
For to be ready there in haste,
To see the boat that there was placed.

mighty Jove ! thou guide of guides !

Which brought this boat from surging seas

Clean from the rage of furious tides ;

No doubt, Ferris ! GOD thou didst please !
Both thou and thine which were with thee,
You served GOD ! He set you free !

Aul!"f59o.'] Song on Ferris's voyage to Bristol, i i 3

Good Andrew Hill, thy pains were great !
And William Thomas', in this wherry !
And honour, Ferris, sure, doth get !
He doubtless means to make you merry !

Your fame is such, through travail's toil,

You win the spur within our soil.

Shall I prefer this to your skill :
No, no ! 'twas GOD that did you guide !
For this, be sure ! without His will
You could not pass each bitter tide.

But, pray ! you did no doubt, each hour,
Whereby GOD blest you, by His power.

O gallant minds and venturous bold !

That took in hand, a thing most rare.

'Twill make the Spaniards' hearts wax cold

If that this news to them repair,

That three men hath this voyage done,
And thereby wagers great have won.

But now we may behold and view
That English hearts are not afraid,
Their Sovereign's foes for to subdue :
No tempest can make us dismayed !

Let monstrous Papists spit their fill !

Their force is full against GOD's will.

Hath silly wherry done the deed,
That galleys great dare not to try I
And hath she had such happy speed,
That now in rest on shore she lie !

Doubtless the LORD, her pilot was !

It could not else been brought to pass.

H 6

114 Song on Ferris's voyage to Bristol. [LI?'?!^"

Well, Ferris, now, the game is thine !
No loss thou hast ! (thank Him above !)
From thy two mates, do not decline ;
But still in heart, do thou them love !

So shall thy store increase, no doubt ;

Through Him that brought thy boat about.

I end with prayers to the LORD,

To save and keep our royal Queen !

Let all true hearts, with one accord, •

Say, " LORD, preserve Her Grace from teen !

Bless, LORD ! her friends ! confound her foes!

For aye, LORD save our royal Rose ! "

James Sargent.
FINIS.

1^5

Captain Robert Hitchcock
of Caversfield.

The English Army Rations in the
time of ^^ee?t Elizabeth,

[An Appendix to W. Garrard s
J'he Art of War. 1591.]

Captain Hitchcock served under the Emperor Charles V. in
1553 ; he must have been an old and experienced Officer, when
drawing up this Proportion. Berwick-upon-Tweed was the
principal Fortress, the Portsmouth of England, down to the
accession of James I. Hitchcock tells us that he was also
there in 1551, in command of 200 Pioneers.

Or that there hath somewhat been said touching Towns
of War and fortifications, soldiers of judgement do
know that a place besieged by the power of a mighty
Prince, cannot long endure, without there be within the
same, a sufficient number of men, munition, and victuals. When any
of these three things lack, the enemy will soon have the place besieged.
Therefore the said Captain HiTCHCOCK, who hath been the cause
of printing this book, Of War, doth think it good, to join to the
same work, this short Discourse, which declareth what Proportion
of victuals will serve 1,000 soldiers in a garrison, where the victuals
must be provided by Her Majesty's Victualler. As for example,
we will make our Proportion for Berwick ; wherein I will show

ii6 Preface to the General Proportion. P"'

tchcoclc,
159I.

how the Chief Victualler's and the Petty Victuallers* gains and profits
shall rise; that men may look therein, whereby all doubts and
questions that may grow for that service shall be avoided : and the
garrison, at all times, well furnished with things necessary and
needful for victualling of one thousand soldiers; and after thai
proportion, as the number shall fall out, more or less.

Within this General Proportion hereafter, I do declare first for
bread and beer, the bakehouse and brewhouse ; the grayners [gran-
aries] for store ; the windmills, the horse mills, with their imple-
ments ; the caske, and other necessary things ; the charges of men,
horses, and carriages to the same belonging ; with their wages and
allowance for their travail and service. How this Proportion is to
be provided, used, delivered, and spent ? in reading over this little
work following t you shall find very short and plain.

Robert Hitchcock.

[All the prices in the following General Proportion should be multiplied by 5 01
6, to give present value.]

117

A General Proportion and order of provision for a year oj
three hundred, three score and five days, to victual a
Garrison of one thousand soldiers.

The Order for the Bakehouse.

He soldiers having one pound and a half
of good wheaten bread for one penny, or
one pound and a half of good white bread
for one penny halfpenny ; the Bakers to
answer for every Quarter of wheat (being
sweet, good, and merchantable, delivered
at Berwick) at 20s. a quarter. Clear of all
charges and waste, which happeneth after-
wards by keeping the grayners [granaries] ; or any other
(except casualty of the enemy) after the delivery thereof.

Necessaries and implements, wood, wages of clerks, bakers,
millers, carters, labourers, or any other, for the bakehouses ;
windmills, grayners, or carriage of provision, and for horse
and carts for the same are to be found by this rate and
[as]size of bread, without any other allowance to be demanded :
saving for waste, and charges of as much wheat as the use of
baking shall be otherwise employed, than to be delivered in
bread by them, who were charged with the receipt from the
ships and keeping the grayners of the same.

The bakehouses, windmills, and grayners being furnished
with implements and necessaries at the entrance into service ;
and in good order of reparation, are so to be maintained and
kept, in and by all things, except casualty of the enemy. And
are to be delivered at the departure from service, in as good
order and furniture of all things as they were first received.

And considering the charge to maintain the bakehouse,
with the appurtenances and allowance to the Petty Victuallers
of the Garrison, after 21 loaves of bread for 20. A Quarter of
good wheat will make in good bread (by order of this book),
25s.; so have ye of every Quarter for charges 5s., and after
four quarters the day, for the whole year ^S^S

ii8 Wheat, by Contract, 13s. 4D. the Qr. [^•"''

tchcock.
1591.

That is to say, for wood to bake a Quarter of meal in loaf
bread i6d., and after four Quarters the day for a year.

Sum £g7 6s.8d.

And for this reparation of the bakehouse and the appurten-
ances yearly ... ^^50

Wages and victuals of two clerks, two millers, four bakers,

and four labourers yearly £150

Maintenance of horse for carriage in this charge yearly,

[is] _ 5^72 13s. 4d.

All these allowances are found in the [asjsize of bread,
besides the bran.

The whole Garrison, being as before 1,000 soldiers, will
spend four Quarters of wheat a day ; and for the whole year
1,460 Quarters. Although, by order, this number will serve,
yet Provision to be at the least in wheat for bread 2,000
Quarters for the provision.

I account that good wheat may be bought, with ready
money, by former bargains [contracts] for seven years to-
gether, for 13s. 4d. the Quarter in Yorkshire, Nottingham-
shire, and Lincolnshire. To account the charges of a
Quarter, from the place where it was bought to Berwick, at
3s. 4d. : that is to say, where they send it down in keels [barges]
to give for keeling [barging] of a Quarter 4d. ; for freight of a
Quarter to Berwick, i6d. ; and for the Purveyor's charges for
mats, or any other outlay of a Quarter 2od.

And in other meet places, where the freight is greater ; the
other charges are the less; so as [that] it may be done for the
price.

I have made no mention of waste, which is to be borne by
the over measure : being bought for ready money, by former
bargains ; except shipwreck and casualty of the enemy.

So I account wheat to be delivered at Berwick, clear of all
charges and freight, at i6s. 8d. the Quarter, one time with
another, as before.

And where the baker alloweth to deliver in bread for every
quarter of good wheat, 20s. clear of all charges and waste,
after the delivery thereof at Berwick: by this order of pro-
vision, the waste, freight, and all other charges allowed,
except casualty of the enemy and shipwreck; there re-
maineth profit in every Quarter, 3s. 4d.

Sum £"243 6s. 8d,

K. tlitchcock

isJJ 7 LBS. OF Wheat Meal = 9 lbs. of Bread, i i 9

These may suffice for the order of the bakehouse for bread,
and provision of corn for the same : saving there is to be
considered to have in store, at all times, in wood 200 load,
every three months to be renewed ; to every mill, a pair of
spare stones; and timber for reparation. All implements and
necessaries to be double furnished for the said charge ; and
for the horses and carts of the same.

Certain notes for Wheat Meal and Bread.

Bushel of good Wheat Meal, as it cometh from the
mill, and weighing 56 lbs., will make in Household
Bread 72 lbs. ; so that it will take in liquor (beside
that which is dried in [the] baking), being weighed
within twenty-four hours after the baking, 16 lbs. : that is,
for 7 lbs. of Meal, g lbs. of Bread.

Take 7 lbs. of bran out of a bushel of good Meal, weighing
56 lbs., and the 49 lbs. remaining will make in good Wheaten
Bread 63 lbs. ; and that paste will make in Ordinary Biscuit,
being converted to that use, 42 lbs. And taking 3|- lbs.
more of bran from the said Meal ; the 45^ lbs. remaining will
make in White Bread 42 lbs., or in White Biscuits 28 lbs.

A bushel of wheat, weighing but 52 lbs. to the mill ; if you
will make it equal with good Meal, take out of the same
10 lbs. of bran ; and the 42 lbs. remaining will make in
Wheaten Bread 54 lbs., or in Ordinary Biscuit 36 lbs.; that is,
of a Quarter of such wheat 202 lbs.[!] (8 lbs. taken out of the
same for grinding), and it will make but 200^ lbs. [!] Ordinary
Biscuit ; except you take out less bran, and make coarser
bread than the ordinary use of the same.

The lighter wheat, the coarser, and more bran ; and
there is worse wheat than here is mentioned : the heavier
wheat, the finer meal and less bran : and there is better also
than is here declared.

Some wheat will weigh more than the above weight in a
Quarter, 14 lbs., and some 28 lbs. So of light wheat the
baker maketh coarse bread, and to small profit ; and of good
weighty wheat, fair bread, to the baker's honesty and profit.

Because diversity of measures should be avoided, there
is considered for waste in provision [ing], the over measure :
and for waste in the graynars, the mills to be a parcel of

I20 Prices of Double, and Strong Beer, p-

Hitchcock.
1591.

the bakehouse, so that the baker to answer that waste as
before.

Thus much is declared for wheat, and the bakers in their
charge.

The order for the Brewhouse.

He Brewer delivering Double Beer at thirty
shilHngs the tun, the soldier to have a Wine Quart
for a halfpenny : and delivering Strong Beer at
forty-eight shillings the tun, the soldier to have a
Wine Quart for three farthings. And the brewers to
allow the Officers for every Quarter of malt 13s. 4d., and for
every Quarter of wheat 20s. Clear of all charges and waste
in the garners {granaries^ after the delivery of the same at
Berwick from aboard the ships, except casualty of the enemy.
Necessaries and implements, wood and coal, wages of
clerks, brewers, millers, coopers, carters, and labourers for
the brewhouse, the appurtenances and carriage of provision
with horses and carts for the same, hops and beercorn,
caske and hoops, or any other necessaries, are to be found
by this rate and price of beer, without any other allowance :
saving waste and charges of as much malt, wheat, beercorn,
or caske, as shall be otherwise employed than with beer ; to
be delivered by those which were charged with the receipt
and carriage from the ships, and keeping the garners of the
same.

The brewhouses, horse mills, garners, and storehouses for
this charge, being furnished with implements and necessaries,
and in good order of reparation at the entrance into service;
are so to be maintained and kept in and by all things,
except casualty of the enemy: and to be delivered at the
departure from service in as good order and furniture of all
things, as they were received, without any other allowance
than [i6i. the, tun, see p. 214.] for carriage of beer to the Petty
Victuallers, as hath been, and is at Berwick accustomed.

If there should be demanded any greater price for malt,
then must the beer be smaller [weaker], and the water, the
brewer's friend for gain, to maintain his charge.

And for that I have considered the great charges of the
appurtenances before declared, I have rated both kinds ot

R. Hitchcock

\°^^;] Detailed Cost of the same. 121

beer by the tun in proportion ; and how allowance is found
for the maintenance of the same.

Double Beer, in proportion by the Ttm.

EVERY tun in malt, 10 bushels ; and
half a bushel allowance for waste in the

garners ; at 13s. 4d. the Quarter

In wheat, i bushel

In oats, half a bushel

In hops, 7 lbs., at 20s. a hundred [weight]

Wood and coals, to every tun

Reparation of the houses ; implements, neces-
saries, and waste of caske o 2 2

Maintenance of men for the said charge, allowed

of [on] every tun 034

Maintenance of horses to the mills, and carts
for carriage of provision 012

So have ye the Tun of Double Beer at ^^i 10 o

Strong Beer, in proportion by the Ttm.

EVERY tun in malt, two quarters ; and
three pecks allowance for waste in the £ s. d.

garners;

In wheat, two bushels

In oats, one bushel

In hops, 7^ lbs

Wood and coal, to every ton

Reparations of the houses, implements, neces-
saries, and waste of casks

Maintenance of men for the said charge, allowed

of every tun

Maintenance of horses to the mills, and carts
for carriage of provision

So ye have the Tun of Strong Beer, as
appeareth at

The proportion for 600 common soldiers a year in Double
Beer, after the order of this book, 456 tuns, in hogsheads.

£2

1 2 2 Supplies of Malt, Wheat, Oats, & Hops. [^ H^'chc^^i;-

The proportion for 400 of greater allowance a year in
Strong Beer, after the order of this book, 304 tuns, in
barrels. Summa, 760 tuns, in hogsheads and barrels.

By these proportions of Beer, there is considered £ s. d.

for wood and coal 76 o 10

Reparation of the appurtenances, and the waste

of the caske 100 2 4^

For maintenance of two clerks, four brewers, one

miller, two coopers, and four labourers 152 i 8

Maintenance of horses to the mills, and carts

for carriage of provision ; besides the Yeast and

Grains 54 9 7^

So have ye for maintenance of the said charge
found in the Rate and Price of Beer 382 14 6

And more by the Petty Victuallers, for carriage

of beer, i6d. the tun; used of custom 50 13 10

Summa for maintenance of the brewhouses and
the appurtenances, as appeareth ;^433

And there appeareth also by the said Proportions, wheat,
store of corn and hops, will serve the same, as foUoweth.

In Malt for Double Beer, at ten bushels to the tun, 570
Quarters 2^ bushels. Allowance for waste, 28^ Quarters.

In Malt for Strong Beer, at two Quarters to the tun, 608
qrs. 2^ bushels. Allowance for waste, 30 qrs. 3 bushels.
Summa in malt, 1,237^ quarters.

In Wheat to both proportions, as appeareth, 133 Quarters and
half a bushel.

In Oats, 66 Quarters 4 bushels.

In Hops, 5,472 lbs. ; besides the weight of the hop sacks.

And notwithstanding this Proportion of malt, wheat, and
hops will serve the like garrison : yet, considering the place,
the Provision to be yearly in malt 2,000 Quarters, in wheat
for beer, 250 Quarters, in oats, 150 Quarters; and in good
hops 8,000 lbs. in weight.

In Coal[s], as a continual store, every three months to be
renewed 200 chaldron.

R. Hitchcockj Malt, under Contract, 6s. Sd. a Qr. 123

Spare stones to the horse mills.

Double furniture of necessaries for the brewhouses, horse

mills, and garners.
Double furniture of necessaries for the horses and carts.
To have in store of good caske, serviceable for beer, besides

that which is daily occupied 100 tun.

In good clapboard two great hundred [? 240]

In wainscots 200

In spruce deals 200

In seasoned tun-staves 200

In hoops, as a continual store to be renewed, 30,000 or

40,000.
In good iron four tons-

Although some of these are of small value, yet are they
not to be spared, nor easily to be had in time of service ; and
therefore to be considered.

All such provision, with Brewhouse, Bakehouse, and
Graneries, I have seen in the palace at Berwick, the fifth
year of King Edward VI. [155 1]. I then having the charge
of 200 Pioneers, in the fortifications there See Vol. III. p. 76.]

J^or Provision.

Count good malt may be bought in Cambridge-
shire, and such parts of Norfolk where the malt
is very good, and in Lincolnshire ; for seven years
together, by former bargains, for ready money, at
6s. 8d. the Quarter.

As for wheat for this charge, [it] is to be had in all places ;
and oats also. Coarse wheat will serve for beer, so that the
best be reserved for bread. And wheat that hath taken heat
in the carriage, not being wet with salt water, will serve for
this charge to be occupied [employed'] with other that is good.
I rate the charges of provision, freight, waste, and all others,
except casualty of the enemy, at 3s. 4d. the Quarter, as
before in the charge of the Bakehouse : so that malt may be
delivered at Berwick, clear of all charges, one time with
another, at los. the Quarter.

There appeareth to be allowed by the brewer for every
Quarter of malt, 13s. 4d. ; and for every Quarter of wheat 20s.,
clear of all charges and waste, after the delivery thereof from

124 Oxen had at Berwick, for ^3 each ; [^■

Hitchcock.
IS9I'

aboard the ships at Berwick, except casualty of the enemy,
being employed for beer, delivered in service.

And by the order of provision, the freight, waste, and all
other charges cleared, to be profit in every Quarter of malt
and wheat employed as before, except casualty of the enemy
and shipwreck, 3s. ^d Sum ... ;£"228 8s. ^d.

As I have declared great difference in the goodness of
wheat, so is there in malt much more. For the common malt
of Norfolk is not to be compared to good malt, by four
Quarters in every twenty Quarters. And malt that is full of
weevils, and wood-dried malt will make unsavoury drink to
those that are used to drink beer or ale made with straw
dried malt. Yet in time of great service [exigency] both
Norfolk malt and wood-dried malt will serve with other good
malt ; and make good drink also to serve the time.

Thus for causes of service of Bread and Beer, I have
sufficiently proved, in these few lines declared, and the
charges of the same in all points considered. Adding
thereunto, a Proportion for the rest of the victualling of such
a Garrison.

Provision of Beef ^ by proportion.

Hat is to say, the whole Garrison, by this order,
will spend in beef 12 cwt. a day for 100 days =
300 oxen containing 4 cwt. every ox.

And for the said service there, they may be

bought in Yorkshire, Derbyshire, Lancashire, the

Bishopric of Durham, and delivered at Berwick alive, clear of

all charges, for £-3^ every ox, those that are good, fat, and so

large that the carcases do weigh every quarter round, 15

stone, at 8 lbs. to the stone [120 lhs.\ the one with the other.

Whereof to be allowed for the hide, offal, and tallow, 15s ;

and so of all other oxen, after the rate the fourth part the

same did cost alive, either of small or great ; having license

to transport the hides over sea, to be sold to most advantage.

And rating allowance for looking to the pastures, for

killing, dressing, and cutting out of every such ox, 23d.

yet remaineth profit in the ox by this order, 6s. 8d. a piece.

Sum for the whole proportion ;^ioo.

»^LM

R.Hitchcock,j Sheep for 6s. 8d.; & Hogs for 8s. 4D. 125

Provision of Mutton, by proportion,

N Mutton also, for fifty days, 12 cwt. a day, rating
the carcase of a sheep about 45 lbs., the one with
the other ; that is 30 sheep a day, in all 1,500
sheep.

Such sheep, being fat and good, are to be bought
in Lincolnshire, Yorkshire, and Derbyshire ; and delivered at
Berwick alive for 6s. 8d. a sheep ; clear of all charges.

Whereof to be allowed 2od. for the skin, offal, and tallow :
having licence to transport the fells \skins\ to be sold, as
before, to most advantage. And rating allowance for looking
to the pastures, killing and dressing of every such sheep, 4d. ;
and yet remaineth profit in every of the like sheep i6d.

Sum for the whole proportion ;^ioo

•

Provision of Pork , by proportion.

N Pork also, for thirty-two days, 15 cwt. a day, the
which I rate at 15 hogs, and in all 480 hogs :
whereof the two sides of every hog to weigh,
besides the offal, i cwt.

Such hogs are to be bought in Nottinghamshire,
Derbyshire, and Yorkshire, and delivered at Berwick alive,
being good, clean, and fat, for 8s. 4d. a hog ; clear of all
charges.

Whereof to be allowed for the offal of every such hog,
I2d. And rating allowance for looking to them, killing,
scalding, and dressing of every hog, 8d., and yet remaineth
profit in every such hog, 2s.

Sum for the whole proportion ^^48

Notwithstanding this Proportion, yet the store of oxen to
be 400 ; with 2,000 sheep ; and 800 hogs, whereof 300 to be
made into bacon, as parcel of a good store. And always to
have at Berwick 100 oxen and 500 sheep ; and the rest in
good pasture within thirty or forty miles, ready to serve at
all times : and the hogs also in convenient place for the
same.

126 Prices of Stock Fish, Ling, & Cod. [^•

Hitchcock.
1591.

Pi'ovision of Fish, by proportion.

N Stock Fish for 52 Wednesdays, two meals, and
half service ; for 52 Fridays, one meal, and whole
service : 300 stockfishes a day. In all the whole,
26 lasts, 1,200, after five score the hundred to
every last.

The same are to be delivered at Berwick, clear of all charges,
for £13 6s. 8d. the last. And rating allowance for beating,
and keeping the store of every last, 30s. ; and yet remaineth
profit in every last (by order of this book), as in a Proportion
for the Twentieth part of the Garrison hereafter following may
appear \seep. 223], £^ 3s. 4d.

Sum for the whole Proportion jf^SS 3S» 4d.

In Shetland Ling, every ling to be rated at two stockfishes;
for 26 Saturdays, thirteen days in Lent, and one day in
Rogation week, half service, forty days; 150 a day, which
maketh, after six score to the hundred, and 4 lings to the
pay, 5,000 ling: which are to be delivered at Berwick, clear
of all charges, for 50s. the 100 ; and rating allowance to the
keepers of the store, of every 100, three shillings and four
pence ; and yet remains profit of every 100 (by order of this
book), as in the Soldiers' Proportion at large appeareth,
i6s. 8d.

Sum for the whole Proportion ;^4i 13s. 4d.

In Shetland Cod, rated at a stockfish and a half, for 26
Saturdays, 12 days in Lent, and one day in Rogation week,
half service, 39 days, 225 fishes a day; which maketh, after
six score to the hundred : and 4 pay fishes, 7,315 fishes :
which are to be delivered at Berwick, clear of all charges, for
30s. the hundred. And rating allowance to the keepers of the
store, of every hundred, two shillings; and yet remaineth
profit in every hundred, by this order, 8s.

Sum for the whole Proportion ^^29 4s. \\^.

And where these Porportions of fish (by the order of this
book), allowed to the soldiers, will serve: yet the yearly
provision, with the remainder to be, in Stock Fish, 40 last ;
7,500 Ling, and 10,000 Cod.

R:Hitchcockj Prices of Butter and Cheese.. 127

Provision of Butter and Cheese.
N Butter, for 52 Wednesdays, half service, 300
lbs. a day ; 52 Saturdays, 25 days in Lent, and two
days in Rogation week, quarter service, 79 days,
150 lbs. a day, in all 27,350 lbs.; which maketh in
barrels, after 525- lbs. to every firkin, 130 barrels.
The same may be bought in Holderness, in Yorkshire and
in Suffolk, once a year, for 40s. the barrel [ = about 2^d. alb.] :
and rating the charges of provision and carriage to the
water at 2od. the barrel ; for freight to Berwick, every barrel
2od.; and rating allowance to the keepers of the store of every
barrel 2od. : and yet remaineth profit of every barrel, 25s.

Sum for the whole proportion 3^162 i6s. 3d.

In Cheese, for 52 Saturdays, 25 days in Lent, and two days
in Rogation week, quarter service, 300 lbs. a day ; in all
23,700 lbs. and maketh in weys, considering the allowance of
16 lbs. [m the Suffolk Wey of 256 lbs.] to the Petty Victuallers
for the soldiers, pSf weys : and rating allowance for waste,
one wey in every load, that is for waste, 15 wey and two odd
quarters and to go in allowance of waste with the rest, which
I am sure is sufficient : so that the provision to be by this
order 113 weys of cheese, with the waste.

The same may be bought in Suffolk, once a year, for 20s.
the wey [= about 2d. a lb.], and rating the provision and
carriage to the waterside of a wey 2od., for freight to Berwick
of a wey 2od., and yet remains profit of this order of a wey
(allowing other 2od. to the keepers of the store) 9s. y^d.

And in the whole ;£"54 5s.

Notwithstanding that the said Proportion of Butter and
Cheese will serve, according to the order of this book : yet the
yearly provision to be with the remains, in butter 200 barrels,
and in cheese 200 weys. And to have in store of bay salt,
upon consideration of service, if it should so happen to occupy
the same, 100 weys.

By this General Proportion of provision, appeareth to be
maintained sufficient number of men, and also the reparation
of the houses, necessaries, and all other charges for the said
service at Berwick, without the Queen's Highness's charge,
and also for the provision and charges of freight and other
[matters] before it come to Berwick.

128 Provision made for all Charges. p«i'chcock.

1591.

And to stop the mouths of those who dehght to find fault
in that they understand not ; here followeth how the allow-
ance is found to maintain the same. That is to say : —

For reparation of the bakehouses, brewhouses,
windmills, horse mills, garners ; with the
appurtenances, and waste of caske in the said £ s. d.
charge, by this proportion 150 3 4

Wood and coal to bake and brew the said propor-
tion 174 7 6

For horses and carts for the mills and carrying
of provision, with the allowance by the Petty
Victuallers, for carrying of their beer, as is
accustomed 172 16 9

For maintenance of twenty-five men for the bake-
houses, brewhouses, windmills, horse mills,
garners, and carrying of provisions in the said
charge 302 i 8

For maintenance of men in charge of the beef,

mutton, and pork 69 16 o

[Do.] in the charge of stockfish, ling, and cod ... 54 12 11

[Do.] in charge of butter and cheese, as appeareth 20 5 o

Sum £943 9 o

All these are found, beside the provision and freight before
it come to Berwick, as by the same may appear.

And the better to maintain the Chief Officer of trust, the
charges before rehearsed and other unknown charges, which
happeneth oftentimes in service : as also that all his said
ministers and servants be not any of the number allowed for
soldiers : there is considered for profit : —

In wheat for bread, as in the charge of the bake-
house appeareth

In malt and wheat for beer, as in the charge of
the brewhouse appeareth

In beef, mutton, and pork

In stockfish, ling, and cod

In butter and cheese

Sum ;^i>i4i o 4

243

228

248

204

217

R. Hitchcock.j Soldiers' Allowances of Bread & Beer. 129

All these allowances are found, besides maintenance of the
Petty Victuallers and their charge, as appeareth by Propor-
tion hereafter following. And for the sum of ;^8,342 los. the
Officer's fee and the Soldiers' scores paid every six months,
this service is to be done in every point of the same.

He garrison, being one thousand soldiers,
as aforesaid, whereof account six hundred
common soldiers and four hundred more of
greater pay, or such as make more account
of themselves : and for [in order] that the
soldiers shall not be troubled with dressing
of their victuals ; neither the Captain in
delivering the Proportion appointed within

the town of garrison: I do appoint twenty Petty Victuallers ;

and to every Petty Victualler, thirty common soldiers and

twenty more of bigger pay, whose Proportion of victuals for

a year shall hereafter appear.

The common soldier shall pay 2s. 8d. by the week, for his
diet, lodging and washing; the soldier of bigger pay, at 4s.
the week for his diet, lodging and washing, as hereafter
followeth : wherein it doth also appear how the Petty
Victuallers are considered for their charges and travail in
the same, for a year of 365 days.

[Of 2s. 8d., each Common Soldier paid about 3j4d. a day or 2s. a week
for food ; with 8d. a week for lodging and washing.

Similarly, of 4s., each Superior Soldier paid about 5f/d. a day, or 3s. 4d.
a week for food ; with 8d. a week for lodging and washing.]

The 30 common soldiers, to have every man a day, in
wheaten bread, one pound and a half, rated at a penny : and
the 20 of greater allowance, in white bread, every man a
day one pound and a half, rated at three half-pence. And in
in allowance to the Petty Victuallers, twenty-one loaves for
twenty. These 50 soldiers' charge SuMMA...^gi 5s.

The Petty Victuallers' Allowance found in the same, in
vantage bread Sum. ..£4 iis. 3d.

The thirty common soldiers, to every man a Wine Pottle
^half a gallon = Three ordinary modern wine bottles] of Double

I 6

130 Allowances OF Beef, Mutton, & Pork, p-

Hitchcock.
1591.

Beer a day, rated at a penny. Their Proportion for a year,
22 tuns, 3 hogsh., 15 galls., delivered to the Petty Victuallers
at 30s. the tun.

The twenty of greater allowance, every man a Wine
Pottle of Strong Beer a day, rated at i^d. Their Proportion
for a year, 15 tuns, i barrel, 10 gallons ; delivered to the
Petty Victuallers at 48s. the tun.

These 50 soldiers' charge £"91 5s.

The Petty Victuallers' sum ,^20 los. i|d.

The thirty common soldiers, in Beef, every man one pound
a day, rated at i^d. For 100 days, 3,000 lbs.; and the Petty
Victuallers' allowance of every 100, twelve pounds. So is
the proportion 3,000 lbs. in weight, at 12s. 6d. the hundred,

in charge SuMMA...;fi8 15s.

The twenty [of] greater allowance, every man i^ lbs. a
day, rated as before, with like allowance. To the Petty
Victuallers the proportion is 30 cwt., at 12s. 6d. the hundred.

SuMMA £iS 15s.

The Petty Victuallers' Allowance in both... £4 os. 4d.

The thirty common soldiers, in Mutton, every man one
pound a day, rated at two pence the lb. For 50 days, 1500
lbs. in weight ; and the Petty Victuallers' allowance, of every
hundredweight, twelve pounds. So is the Proportion 15
cwt., at i6s. 8d. the hundred in charge. Summa ...£12 los.
The twenty of greater allowance, every man i^ lbs. a day,
rated as before, with like allowance to the Petty Victuallers.
The Proportion is 1500 at i6s. 8d. the hundred in charge.

Sum £12 IDS.

The Petty Victuallers' Allowance in both ... ^2 13s. 8d.

The thirty common soldiers in Pork, every man i;^ lbs. a day,
rated at i^d. For 32 days, 1200; and the Petty Victuallers,
of every hundred, 12 lbs. The Proportion is 1200 weight, at
los. the hundred Summa. ..,^6

The twenty [of] greater allowance, every man 1^ lbs. a day,
rated as before after the rate, with the like Allowance to the
Petty Victuallers. The proportion is 12 hundredweight, at
IDS. the hundred in charge ■. Sum. ..£6

The Petty Victuallers' Allowance £1 5s. Qci.

R. Hitchcodc. J Allowances of Stock Fish, Ling, Cod. i 3 1

The thirty common soldiers in Stock Fish, to every four men
one stockfish a day for 52 Wednesdays, two meals a day, half
service; and the like allowance to every four men of one
stockfish for a meal for 52 Fridays, whole service : in all y^
fishes a day, 104 days = 780 fishes, rated at /\.d. the fish in
charge Sum. ..3^13

The twenty of greater allowance to have, for the like
days, to every four men one stockfish and a half a day; as well
for the half as the whole service, every day 7^ fishes = 780
fishes at 4d. the fish in charge Summa...^I3

The thirty common soldiers to have in Shetland Ling for
26 Saturdays, 13 days in Lent, and i day in Rogation week ;
in all forty days : to every eight men, one ling a day, half
service; rated at 7d. the ling. Sum. 150: and the Allowance
for pay fish to the Petty Victuallers of 5 ling.

Sum ;£'4 7s. 6d.

The twenty of greater allowance for the like days, to every

eight men, one ling and a half, rated as before, at 7d. the ling

= 150, and to the Petty Victuallers, 5 ling. [Sum] £^ 7s. 6d.

The Petty Victuallers' Allowance 5s. lod.

The 30 common soldiers to have in Shetland Cod for 26
Saturdays, 12 days in Lent, and one day in Rogation week, to
every eight men, 1^ fish a day, half service, at 4d. the fish :
and the Petty Victuallers in Allowance, as before in ling.
The proportion 219! fishes. The Petty Victuallers' Allowance
7|- fishes in charge for the same. ... Summa...;£'3 13s. i|d.

The twenty of greater allowance for the like days, to
every eight men 25- fishes a day, for half service, with like
allowance to the Petty Victuallers, as before at 4d. the fish.
The proportion is 219! fishes. The Petty Victuallers'
allowance 75 fishes, in charge for the same.

Sum ;^3 13s. i^d.

The Petty Victuallers' allowance 4s. lod.

The thirty common soldiers to have in Butter, to every four
men one pound a day, half service, for 52 Wednesdays, two
meals a day ; and to every eight men one pound a day,
quarter service for 52 Saturdays, 25 days in Lent, and two
days in Rogation week at 4d. the lb. = 686^ lbs., and is in
charge Summa...£ii 8s. gd.

132 Allowances of Butter and Cheese. [

R. Hitchcock.

The twenty of greater allowance, for the like 52 Wed-
nesdays, half service, to every four men 1^ lbs. a day ; and
to every eight men i^ lbs. a day for 52 Saturdays, 25 days in
Lent, and two days in Rogation week, quarter service: at
4d. the lb. = 686j lbs., and is in charge.

SuMMA jTii 8s. gd.

The thirty common soldiers, in Cheese, for 52 Saturdays,
25 days in Lent, and 2 days in Rogation week, to every four
men one pound a day, quarter service ; and allowance to the
Petty Victuallers, 16 lbs. of a Wey, at 2d. the lb. Sum 592^^ lbs.
in charge Summa...;£"4 iSs. gd.

The Petty Victuallers' allowance, 3q|- lbs.

The twenty of greater allowance, for the like Saturdays,
the like days in Lent and Rogation week ; to every four men
ij lbs. a day, quarter service : Sum 592|-lbs. at 2d. the lb., in
charge Sum...;£*4 iSs. gd.

The Petty Victuallers' allowance ^g^ lbs.

In money for both the parcels 13s. 2d.

Sum ;^4i7 2s. 6d.

Every Petty Victuallers' allowance, that men may be well
ordered SiJU...£iig iis. 3d.

The whole Garrison, at twenty Petty Victuallers a year in
charge -£"8,342 los.

The twenty Petty Victuallers' Allowance, besides that in the
General Proportion found out of the same, Sum, ^£"2,391 6s. 8d.

Some soldiers there are who are married and keep house ;
whose Proportion of victuals must be to them delivered
accordingly ; with the like Allowance as to the Petty
Victuallers, in every thing.

To Captains and Gentlemen, with their ordinary servants,
keeping house of themselves, no Proportion is delivered but
with like Allowance.

FINIS.

133

The Privy Council.

A brief note of the be?tefits that grow to

this Realm^hy the observation of Fish

Days : with a reason and cause

wherefore the law in that

behalf made^ is ordained.

Very necessary to be placed iii the houses of all
men, especially com77ton Victuallers.

Here heretofore, by the Queen's most excellent
Majesty, of her clemency and care conceived, for
divers private benefits that might grow to her
loving subjects, specially for the better maintenance
of the Navy of this land ; hath with the consent
of the whole state of her realm, caused to be made and
published sundry statute laws and proclamations for the
expense [constmiptioii] of fish and observation of Fish Days,
with great penalties to be laid on the offenders ; that by the
certain observation thereof, fishermen, the chiefest nurse for
mariners, might the more be increased and maintained.

The common sort of people contemning this Observation, to
avoid the ceremony in times past therein used, and not
certainly knowing the benefits thereby growing to the realm,
nor remembering the penalties by the same laws appointed :
do not only fall into the danger of the said laws : but the same
hath caused a great decay to fishing; whereby groweth many
other great detriments to the commonwealth of this realm.
For the better instruction therefore of such persons as for the
benefit of their country will be persuaded; in this brief Table

134 Penalties for not keeping Fish Days. KYiariTi

is set down the punishment appointed for the offenders, the
discommodities that happen to the realm by the said contempt,
and the great benefit that might grow to the people by the
observation hereof; with the opinion that oughtto be conceived
in the eating of fish at the days and times prescribed : being
briefly set down as hereafter folio weth.

^he Branches of the Statute.

N the fifth year of Her Majesty's most gracious
reign, it was ordained that it should not be lawful
for any person within this realm to eat any flesh
upon any days then usually observed as Fish Days ;
upon pain to forfeit ;£"3 [ = £"30 of present money] for every time
he offended, or suffer three months of imprisonment without
bail or mainprize.

And every person within whose house any such offence
shall be done, being privy and knowing thereof and not
effectually punishing or disclosing the same to some public
officer having authority to punish the same ; to forfeit for
every such offence forty shillings.

The said penalty being great, and many of the poor estate
favoured by reason thereof; but the offence thought necessary
not to be left unpunished : the Queen's Majesty, of her great
clemency, in the Parliament holden in the 34th year of her
most gracious reign, hath caused the forfeiture for the eater
to be but twenty shiUings; and for him in whose house it is
eaten, but 13s. 4d. — which being executed, will prove very
damageable to the offenders.

In the 27th year of Her Highness's reign, it was further
ordained and remaineth still in force; that no innholder,
vintner, alehouse-keeper, common victualler, common cook,
or common table-keeper shall utter or put to sale upon any
Friday, Saturday or other days appointed to be Fish Days,
or any day in time of Lent, any kind of flesh victuals; upon
pain of forfeiture of ^^5 ; and shall suffer ten days' imprisonment
without bail, mainprize, or remove, for every time so offending.

^.oYlarTsgij The REASONS FOR THESE PENALTIES I35

The Cause and Reason.

Irst forasmuch as our country is for the most part,
compassed with the seas; and the greatest force for
defence thereof, under GOD, is the Queen Majesty's
Navy of ships : for maintenance and increase of the
said Navy, this law for abstinence hath been most carefully
ordained, that by the certain expense [consumption] of fish,
fishing and fishermen might be the more increased and the
better maintained ; for that the said trade is the chiefest
nurse not only for the bringing up of youth for shipping ;
but great numbers of ships therein are used, furnished with
sufficient mariners, men at all times in a readiness for Her
Majesty's service in those affairs.

The second cause is, for that many towns and villages
upon the sea coasts are, of late years, wonderfully decayed,
and some wonderfully depopulated ; which in times past, were
replenishednot only with fishermen andgreat store of shipping,
but sundry other artificers, as shipwrights, smiths, rope-
makers, net-makers, sail-makers, weavers, dressers, carriers,
and utterers of fish, maintained chiefly by fishing : that they
hereby again might be renewed, the want whereof is and hath
been the cause of great numbers of idle persons, with whom
the realm is greatly damaged ; and this happeneth by reason
of the uncertainty of the sale of fish and the contempt which
in the eating of fish is conceived.

Furthermore, it is considered that the trade for grazing
of cattle through the unlawful expense of flesh, is so much
increased ; that many farmhouses and villages wherein were
maintained great numbers of people, and by them the markets
plentifully served with corn and other victuals : are now
utterly decayed and put down: for the feeding or grassing
[grazing] of beefs [oxeti] and muttons [sheep] only. By means
whereof the people which in such places were maintained,
are not only made vagrant ; but also calves, hogs, pigs, geese,
hens, chickens, capons, eggs, butter, cheese, and such like
things, do become exceedingly scarce and dear ; by want of

136 The reasons enforced by Scripture. [^r^STsS'

their increase in those places, so that the markets are not,
nor cannot be served, as in times past it hath been done.

Many other things for confirmation hereof might be spoken,
as the great number of ships decayed which have been
maintained by fishing; the wealth and commodity that
fishing bringeth to this realm ; the cause that certain days
and times for expense of fish must of necessity be observed,
grown by reason of the provision of flesh for the people's
diet must be certainly provided: whereof the gentle reader
shall be more at large instructed in a little book published
to that effect, with sundiy other arguments which for brevity
are omitted. In hope the consideration hereof will be sufficient
to persuade such persons as esteem more the benefit of their
country than their own lust or appetite ; setting before
their eyes the fear of GOD in obedience to the Prince's
commandment : especially in such things as concern the
benefit of a commonwealth, considering Saint Paul saith,
"There is no power but of GOD. The powers," saith he,
" that be, are ordained of GOD : and those that resist
these powers, resist the ordinance of GOD."

It is further to be considered that there is no conscience
to be made in the kind or nature of the meat being flesh or
fish, as in times past a feigned ceremony therein was used;
neither is the meat concerning itself unlawful to be eaten at
any time : but the use thereof is unlawful, being forbidden to
eat by the Prince having power and authority from GOD, and
done by the consent of the whole estate for a commonwealth;
wherein obedience ought to be showed, not for fear of
punishment only, as Saint Paul saith, but for conscience'
sake, not esteeming the meat or the day but obedience
to the law and benefit to our country and poor brethren.
Remembering that the magistrate beareth not the sword
for nought, but to take vengeance upon them that do evil.
For Saint Paul saith further, "He that will live without fear
of punishment must do well, and so shall he have praise for
the same."

And although fear of punishment will not reform such
persons, as by affection conceived hath been addicted from
the expense of fish and the observation of fish days : yet
the foresaid things considered, let obedience to their Prince
and benefit to their country persuade them to bridle their

^lol^iS-Tsgij Oxen killed yearly in London. 137

affectioned lust for a small time ; so shall they both see
and feel the great benefits thereby growing, and escape the
punishment for the offence appointed.

And for that the commodities may in some part more
plainly appear, hereafter follovveth an estimate of the beefs
[oxen] that were killed and uttered in the City of London
and its suburbs for a year; and what number of them
might be spared in the said year, by one day's abstinence
[from flesh] in a week : by which also may be conjectured,
what may be spared in the whole realm.

j4n estimate of what beejs [oxen] might
he spared in a year^ in the City of
London^ by one day s abstinence
\_from fleshy in a week,

Irst. In the year are 52 weeks, for every week,
seven days : in all, 365. The Lent, with Friday and
Saturday in every week, and the other accustomed
Fish Days, being collected together, extend to 153.
So in the year there are 153 fish days and 211 flesh days,
that is 58 flesh days more than fish days.

So the year, being 52 weeks ; abate 7 for the time of Lent,
wherein no beefs {oxen] ought to be killed : and there
remaineth but 45 weeks.

Then let us say there be threescore Butchers, that be
freemen within the City ; and every Butcher to kill weekly,
the one with the other, five beefs [oxen] apiece : the same
amounteth to 13,500 beefs.

The foreigners in the suburbs, and such as come out of
the country to serve the markets in the City; as it is credibly
affirmed, kill and utter [s^//] in the City weekly, four times so
many as the freemen : which amounteth to 54,000.

So joining the beefs uttered by the freemen and foreigners
&c. together ; they extend to 67,500.

138 Advantages of observing Fish Days. K'SiSfsg"-

If we will now know what number of beefs might be spared
in a year, by one day's abstinence in a week: let us say that
in the week are five days accustomably served with flesh —
for that Friday and Saturday by the law are days of abstinence
— whereof one being taken away, the rest are but four. In
like case, divide the said 67,500 into five parts ; and the fifth
part spared by the fifth day's abstinence is 13,500.

By this it is not meant that any more fish days should
be ordained than there already are ; but that Friday and
Saturday might in better sort be observed : for that flesh victuals
on those days, in most places, are as commonly spent as on
flesh days ; and therefore may well be accounted for the
expense of one flesh day. The due observation whereof
would spare the number of beefs aforesaid or more ; besides
those things sold by the Poulterers; and other small cattle,
as calves, sheep and lambs innumerable, killed by the
Butcher.

Seen and allowed by the most Honourable Privy
Council in the year of our Lord GOD
1593 [i.e. 1594]. The 20th of March.

AT LONDON.

Printed for Henry Gosson and Francis Coules.

Kemp's nine days' wonder.

Performed in a dance from
London to Norwich.

Containing the Pleasure ^ Pains, and kind Entertainment

of William Kemp, between London and that city,

in his late Morrice.

Wherein is somewhat set down worth note, to re-
prove the slanders spread of him ; many things merry,
nothing hurtful.

Written by himself, to satisfy his friends.

LONDON:

Printed by E. A. for Nicholas Ling, and are to be

sold at his shop, at the West Door of Saint

Paul's Church. 1600.

To the true ennobled Lady, and his most

bountiful Mistress, Mistress Anne

F I T T o N, Maid of Honour to

the most sacred Maid Royal,

Queen Elizabeth.

Honourable Mistress,

N THE wane of my little wit, I am forced to desire
your protection ; else every ballad singer will
proclaim me bankrupt of honesty ! A sort of mad
fellows, seeing me merrily disposed in a Morrice,
have so bepainted me in print, since my gambols began from
London to Norwich, that (having but an ill face before) I shall
appear to the world without a face, if your fair hand wipe
not away their foul colours.

One hath written Kemp's fare^^jelly to the tune of Kery,
mery, hujfe ; another, his desperate dangers in his late travail ;
the third, his entertainment to Newmarket, which town I came
never near, by the length of half the heath. Some swear in
a trenchmore, I have trod a good way to win the world ; others
that guess lighter, affirm, " I have without good help, danced
myself out of the world ! " Many say many things that were
never thought.

But, in a word, your poor Servant offers the truth of his
Progress and profit, to your honourable view ! receive it, I
beseech you ! such as it is, rude and plain : for I know your

142 The Epistle Dedicatory. [ApriueSS:

pure judgement looks as soon to see beauty in a blackamoor,
or hear smooth speech from a stammerer, as to find anything
but blunt mirth in a Morrice dancer ! especially such a one
as Will. Kemp, that hath spent his life in mad jigs and
merry jests.

Three reasons move me to make public this journey. One,
to reprove lying fools I never knew. The other, to commend
loving friends, which, by the way, I daily found. The third,
to show my duty to your honourable self. Whose favours,
among other bountiful friends, make me, despite of this sad
world, judge my heart Cork, and my heels Feathers: so that,
methinks, I could fly to Rome (at least, hop to Rome, as the
old proverb is) with a mortar on my head.

In which light conceit, I lowly beg pardon and leave : for
my tabourer strikes his Hunfs up ! I must to Norwich 1

Imagine, noble Mistress ! I am now setting from my Lord
Mayor's ! the hour, about seven ! the morning, gloomy ! the
company, many ! my heart, merry !

Your worthy Ladyship's

Most unworthy servant,

William Kemp.

143

Kb MP'S nine days* wonder.

Performed in a Morrice from
London to Norwich.

Wherein every day's journey is pleasantly

set down, to satisfy his friends [as to]

the truth ; against all lying ballad.

makers : what he did, how

he was welcome, and by

whom entertained.

The First Day's journey, being the first Monday

in clean Lent ; from the Right Honourable

the Lord Mayor's, of London.

He first Monday in Lent [Feb. ii, 1600],
the close morning promising a clear day ;
attended on byTnoMAsSLYE, myTabourer;
William Bee, my servant ; and George
Sprat appointed for my Overseer, that I
should take no other ease, but my pre-
scribed order : myself, that's I (otherwise
called Cavaliero Kemp, Head Master of
Morrice dancers, High Headborough of heighs, and only
tricker of your Trill-lilles, and best bell-shangles, ^°^^[^f^^^l.
between Sion and Mount Surrey) began frolicly to and Mount
foot it, from the Right Honourable the Lord NoTwTcir'"'
Mayor's, of London, towards the Right Worshipful and truly
bountiful Master Mayor's at Norwich.

My setting forward was somewhat before seven in the
morning, my Tabourer struck up merrily, and as fast as kind
people thronging together would give me leave, through
London, I leapt I

1 44 Through Whitechapel and Stratford. [l^pVifi^e"^;

By the way, many good old people, and divers others of
younger years, of mere kindness, give me bowed [bent] six-
pences and groats ; blessing me with their hearty prayers
and " God speeds 1"

Being past Whitechapel, and having left fair London,
with all that north-east suburb before named, multitudes of
Londoners left not me ! but either to keep a custom that
many hold, that " Mile End is no walk, without a recreation
at Stratford [at] Bow, with cream and cakes," or else for love
they bear towards me, or perhaps to make themselves merry
if I should chance, as many thought, to give over my
Morrice within a mile of Mile End.

However, many a thousand brought me to Bow; where I
rested a while from dancing : but had small rest with those,
that would have urged me to drinking. But, I warrant you !
Will. Kemp was wise enough ! To their full cups, " kind
thanks ! " was my return ; with gentlemanlike protestations,
as " Truly, Sir, I dare not ! It stands not with the congruity
of my health ! "

" Congruity," said I ! but how came that strange language
in my mouth ? I think scarcely that it is any Christian
word : and yet it may be a good word, for ought I know ;
though I never made it, nor do very well understand it !
Yet I am sure, I have bought it at the wordmongers, at as
dear a rate as I could have had a whole hundred of bavins
[logs] from the woodmongers.

Farewell " Congruity ! " for I mean now to be more con-
cise, and stand upon evener bases ! but I must neither stand
nor sit, the Tabourer strikes alarum. " Tickle it, good Tom !
I'll follow thee ! Farewell Bow ! Have over the Bridge,
where, I heard say, ' Honest Conscience was once drowned.'
It is pitj' if it were so ! but that is no matter belonging to
our Morrice ; let us now along to Stratford Langton 1"

Many good fellows being there met, and knowing how well
I loved the sport, had prepared a Bear baiting : but so
unreasonable were the multitudes of people, that I could
only hear the bear roar and the dogs howl.
A great spoon Therefore forward I went, with my hey de gaies [hey-
hoid[ng'''above dcgives] to Ilford,where I again rested; and was by
a quart. the people of the town and country thereabouts,

very well welcomed : being offered carouses in the great spoon,

Airifre^J Through Romford to Burnt Wood. 145

one whole draught [of it] being able at that time to have
drawn my little wit dry ; but being afraid of the old proverb,
He had need of a long spoon that eats with the Devil, I soberly
gave my boon companions the slip.

From Ilford, by moonshine, I set forward, dancing within
a quarter of a mile of Romford : where in the highway, two
strong jades, having belike some quarrel to me unknown,
were beating and biting of each other ; and such, through
GOD's help, was my good hap that I escaped their hoofs,
both being raised with their forefeet above my head, like two
smiths over one anvil.

There, being an end of my First Day's Morrice, a kind
gentleman of London [a]lighting from his horse, would have
no " Nay ! " but I should leap into his saddle. To be plain
with ye ! I was not proud ; but took kindly his kindlier offer,
chiefly thereto urged by my weariness. So I rode to my inn
at Romford.

In that town, to give rest to my well laboured limbs, I
continued two days : being much beholden to the towns-
men for their love ; but more to the Londoners, that came
hourly thither in great numbers, to visit me, offering much
more kindness than I was willing to accept.

The Second Day's journey, being Thursday of the First week.

HuRSDAY [Feb. 14, 1600], being market day at Burnt
Wood, Tom Slye was earlier up than the lark, and
sounded merrily the Morrice. I roused myself, and
returned from Romford to the place where I took
horse the first night ; dancing that quarter of a mile back
again, through Romford, and so merrily to Burnt Wood.

Yet now I remember it well, I had no great cause of
mirth ! For at Romford town's end, I strained my hip; and,
for a time, endured exceeding pain : but being loth to
trouble a surgeon, I held on, finding remedy by labour that
had hurt me. For it came in a turn ; and so, in my dance,
I turned it out of my service again.

The multitudes were so great, at my coming to Burnt
Wood, that I had much ado (though I made many entreaties
and stays) to get passage to my inn.

K 6

146 Through Ingerstone to Chelmsford. [5^'^.

In this town, two cut-purses [pickpockets] were taken,
that with other two of their companions followed me from
London ; as many better disposed people did. But these
two dy-doppers gave out, when they were apprehended,
that " they had laid wagers, and betted about my journey."

Whereupon the Officers bringing them to my inn, I justly
denied their acquaintance ; saving that '* I remembered one
of them to be a noted cut-purse:" such a one as we tie to
a post on our Stage, for all people to wonder at; when at
a Play, they are taken pilfering.

This fellow and his half-brother being found with the deed,
were sent to gaol : their other two consorts had the charity
of the town 1 and, after a dance of Trenchmore at the whipping
cross, they were sent back to London ; where, I am afraid,
there are too many of their occupation. To be short, I
thought myself well rid of four such followers ; and I wish
heartily, that the whole world were clear of such companions !

Having rested well at Burnt Wood, the moon shining
clearly and the weather being calm, in the evening, I tripped
it to Ingerstone ; stealing away from those numbers of
people that followed me : yet, do what I could, I had above
fifty in the company, some of London, the others of the
country thereabouts ; that would needs, when they heard my
taber, trudge after me through thick and thin.

The Third Day*s journey, being Friday of the First week.

N Friday morning [Feb. 15, 1600], I set forward
towards Chelmsford, not having past two hundred ;
being the least company that I had in the day time
between London and that place.
Onward I went, thus easily followed, till I came to Wit-
ford Bridge : where a number of country [county] gentlemen
and gentlewomen were gathered together to see me. Sir
Thomas Mildmay standing at his park pale [palings], received
gently a pair of garters of me : gloves, points, and garters
being my ordinary merchandise, that I put to venture for
performance of my merry voyage.

So much ado I had to pass by the people at Chelmsford,
that it was more than an hour ere I could recover my inn

AprifXo:] The state of Elizabethan highways. 147

gate ; where I was fain to lock myself in my chamber, and
pacify them with words out of a window instead of deeds.
To deal plainly, I was so weary that I could dance no more.

The next morning, I footed it three miles of my way
towards Braintree : but returned back again to Chelmsford ;
where I lay that Saturday and the next Sunday,

The good cheer and kind welcome I had at Chelmsford
was much more than I was willing to entertain : for my only
desire was to refrain from drink, and [to] be temperate in my
diet.

At Chelmsford, a maid not passing fourteen years of age,
dwelling with one Sudley my kind friend, made request to
her Master and Dame, that she might dance the Morrice with
me, in a great large room. They being intreated, I was
soon won to fit her with bells; besides [which], she would
have the old fashion, with napkin on [each of] her arms: and
to our jumps, we fell !

A whole hour, she held out ! but then, being ready to lie
down, I left her off: but thus much in her praise, I would
have challenged the strongest man in Chelmsford ; and
amongst many, I think few would have done so much.

The Fourth Day's journey, being Monday of the Second week.

N Monday morning [Feb. 18], very early, I rode the

three miles I danced the Saturday before ; where,

alighting, my Tabourer struck up, and lightly I

tripped forward : but I had the heaviest way [road]

that ever mad Morrice dancer trod : yet

With hey and ho ! through thick and thin;

The hobby horse quite forgotten,
I followed as I did begin !

Although the way were rotten.

This foul way I could find no ease in, thick woods being on
either side the lane ; the lane likewise being full of deep holes,
sometimes I skipped up to the waist ! But it is an old
proverb, that it is a little comfort to the miserable, to have com-
panions : and amidst this miry way, I had some mirth, by an
unlocked for accident.

148T HROUGH Braintree TO Sudbury. [ApViu^S:

It was the custom of honest country fellows, my unknown
friends, upon hearing of my pipe (which might well be heard,
in a still morning or evening, a mile), to get up and bear me
company a little way.

In this foul way, two pretty plain youths watched me ; and
with their kindness somewhat hindered me. One, a fine
light fellow, would be still before me ; the other, ever at my
heels !

At length, coming to a broad plash of water and mud,
which could not be avoided ; I fetched a rise, yet fell in over
the ankles at the further end. My youth that followed me,
took his jump, and stuck fast in the midst, crying out to his
companion, " Come, George ! call ye this dancing ! I'll go
no further!" for, indeed, he could go no further, till his
fellow was fain to wade and help him out. I could not
choose but laugh, to see how, like two frogs, they laboured !

A hearty farewell, I gave them ! And they faintly bade
" God speed me I " saying if I danced that dirty way, this
seven years' again, they would never dance after me !

Well, with much ado, I got unto Braintree, by noon, and
tarried there Monday night and the next day ; only I danced
three miles on Tuesday, to ease my Wednesday's journey.

If I should deny that I was welcome at Braintree, I should
slander an honest crew of kind men ; among whom, I fared
well, slept well, and was every way well used.

The Fifth Day's journey, being Wednesday of the Second week.

Aking advantage of my three miles that I had danced
the day before ; this Wednesday morning [Feb. 20], I
tripped it to Sudbury ; whither came to see me, a
very kind Gentleman, Master Foskew, that had, be-
fore, travelled afoot from London to Berwick : who, giving me
good counsel to observe temperate diet for my health, and
other advice to be careful of my company, besides his liberal
entertainment, departed ; leaving me much indebted to his
love.

In this town of Sudbury, there came a lusty tall fellow, a
butcher by his profession, that would, in a Morrice, keep me
company to Bury. I being glad of his friendly offer, gave

AprifiSS:] Poem on Kemp's Ma id Ma r ia n. 149

him thanks : and forward we did set ! But ere ever we had
measured half a mile of our way, he gave me over in the plain
field: protesting that "if he might get a hundred pounds,
he would not hold out with me!" For, indeed, my pace in
dancing is not ordinary.

As he and I were parting, a lusty country lass being among
the people, called him " Faint-hearted lout!" saying, " If I
had begun to dance, I would have held out one mile, though
it had cost my life !"

At which words, many laughed.

" Nay," saith she, " if the Dancer will lend me a leash of
his bells, I'll venture to tread one mile with him, myself!"

I looked upon her, saw mirth in her eyes, heard boldness
in her words, and beheld her ready to tuck up her russet
petticoat. I fitted her with bells, which she, merrily taking,
garnished her thick short legs : and with a smooth brow,
bade the Tabourer begin.

The drum struck, forward march I, with my merry Maid
Marian : who shook her fat sides, and footed it merrily to
Melford ; being a long mile.

There parting with her, I gave her, besides her skin full
of drink, an English crown to buy more drink : for, good
wench ! she was in a piteous heat !

My kindness she requited with dropping some dozen
of short courtsies \cuYhies\^ and bidding " GOD bless the
Dancer !"

I bad her "Adieu!" and to give her her due, she had a
good ear, danced truly : and we parted friendly.

But ere I part with her, a good fellow, my friend, having
writ an odd rhyme of her, I will set it down.

A country lass (brown as a berry.

Blithe of blee, in heart as merry;

Cheeks well fed, and sides well larded ;

Every bone, with fat flesh guarded)

Meeting merry Kemp by chance,

Was Marian in his Morrice dance.

Her stump legs, with bells were garnished :

Her brown brows, with sweating varnished ;

Her brown hips, when she was lag,

To win her ground, went swig-a-swag:

150 Through Clare to Bury St. Edmunds. [Jprif'^

Which to see, all that came after
Were replete with mirthful laughter.
Yet she thumped it on her way
With a sportly hey de gay !
At a mile, her dance she ended ;
Kindly paid, and well commended.

At Melford, divers Gentlemen met me, who brought me to
one Master Colts, a very kind and worshipful Gentleman :
where I had unexpected entertainment till the Saturday.

From whose house, having hope somewhat to amend my
way to Bury, I determined to go by Clare : but I found it
both further and fouler.

The Sixth Day's journey, being Saturday of the Second week.

Rom Wednesday night till Saturday, having been
troublesome, but much more welcome to Master
Colts; in the morning [Feb. 23], I took my leave, and
was accompanied with many Gentlemen, a mile of my
way. Which mile, Master Colts's Fool would needs dance
with me, and had his desire ; where leaving me, two fools
parted fair in a foul way : I keeping on my course to Clare,
where I a while rested ; and then cheerfully set forward to
Bury [St. Edmunds].

Passing from Clare, towards Bury, I was invited to the
house of a very bountiful widow, whose husband, during his
life, was a yeoman of that country [county], dying rich, no
doubt ! as might well appear by the riches and plenty that
abounded in every corner of the house. She is called the

Widow EVERET.

At her house were met above thirty Gentlemen. Such,
and so plentiful variety of good fare, I have very seldom seen
in any Commoner's house. Her behaviour being very modest
and friendly, argued her bringing up not to be rude. She
was a woman of good presence ; and, if a Fool may judge ! of
no small discretion.

From this widow's, I danced to Bury ; coming in on
the Saturday, in the afternoon : at what time, the Right
Honourable [Sir John Popham Kt.] the Lord Chief Justice

Ap'rifiZ:] Through Thetford to Rockland. 151

entered at another gate of the town. The wondering and
regardless multitude making his Honour clear way, left the
streets where he passed, to gape at me : the throng of them
being so great, that poor Will. Kemp was seven times
stayed, ere he could recover his inn.

By reason of the great snow that then fell, I stayed at
Bury from Saturday in the Second week of my setting forth,
till Thursday night, the next week following.

The Seventh Day's journey, being Friday of the Third week.

PoN Friday morning [Feb. 29] I set on towards Thet-
ford, dancing that ten miles in three hours : for I left
Bury somewhat after seven in the morning, and
was at Thetford somewhat after ten that same
forenoon.

But, indeed, considering how I had been booted [his
buskins covered with mire] before, and that all this way, or
the most of it, was over a heath ; it was no great wonder. For
I fared like one that had escaped the stocks, and tried the
use of his legs to outrun the Constable ; so light were my
heels, that I counted the ten miles no better than a leap.

At my entrance into Thetford, the people came in great
numbers to see me : for there were many there, it being
[As] size time.

The noble Gentleman, Sir Edwin Rich, gave me enter-
tainment in such bountiful and liberal sort during my con-
tinuance there Saturday and Sunday, that I want fit words
to express the least part of his worthy usage of my unworthi-
ness: and to conclude liberally, as he had begun and con-
tinued ; at my departure on Monday, his Worship gave me
five pounds [ = 3^25 now].

The Eighth Day's journey, being Monday of the Fourth week.

y^^yjlN Monday morning [March 3] I danced to Rockland
ere I rested ; and coming to my inn, where the host
was a very boon companion, I desired to see him :
but in no case, he would be spoken with, till he
had shifted himself from his working days' suit.

152 Poem on the mad Host of Rockland. [A^nte:

Being armed at all points, from the cap to the foot, his black
shoes shining and made straight with copper buckles of the
best, his garters in the fashion, and every garment fitting
corremsqiiandam, to use his own word ; he enters the hall,
with his bonnet in his hand, and began to cry out, "O
Kemp! dear Master Kemp! You are even as welcome as,
as, as," and so stammering he began to study for a fit
comparison (and I thank him, at last he fitted me !) for,
saith he, " thou art even as welcome as the Queen's best
greyhound ! "

After this dogged yet well-meaning salutation, the carouses
were called in ; and my friendly host of Rockland began with,
" All this I " blessing the hour upon his knees, that " any of
the Queen's Majesty's well-willers or friends would vouchsafe
to come within his house ! " as if never any such had been
within his doors before.

I took his good meaning, and gave him great thanks for
his kindness.

And having rested me well, I began to take my course for
Hingham, whither my honest host of Rockland would needs
be my guide : but, good true fat-belly I he had not followed
me two fields, but he lay along and cried after me, to come
back and speak with him.

I fulfilled his request, and coming to him, *' Dancer !"
quoth he, " if thou dance, a God's name! GOD speed thee!
I cannot follow thee a foot further ! but adieu, good Dancer !
GOD speed thee, if thou dance a God's name 1 "

I having haste of my way, and he being able to keep no
way, we parted. Farewell, he ! He was a kind good fellow,
a true Troyan ! and [if] it ever be my luck to meet him at
more leisure, I'll make him full amends with a cupful of
Canary.

But now I am a little better advised, we must not thus let
my mad host pass I For m}'' friend, late mentioned before,
that made the odd rhyme on my Maid Marian, would needs
remember my Host ! Such as it is, Fll bluntly set down I

He was a man not over spare,

In his eyeballs dwelt no care :

"Anon, anon ! " and "Welcome, friend ! "

Were the most words he used to spend.

J^^J^;] From Rockland to Hingham. 153

Save, sometimes, he would sit and tell

What wonders once in Boulogne fell 1

Closing each period of his tale,

With a full cup of nutbrown ale.

Tourwin and Tournay's sieges were hot,

Yet all my host remembers not.

Rett's Field and Musselborough fray

Were battles fought but yesterday.

" O 'twas a goodly matter then

To see your sword and buckler men !

There would lie here ! and here ! and there !

But I would meet them everywhere.

And now a man is but a prick.

A boy armed with a poating stick

Will dare to challenge Cutting Dick.

O 'tis a world ! the world to see ;

But 'twill not mend for thee or me! "

By this, some guest cries, "Ho! the house ! "

A fresh friend hath a fresh carouse !

Still he will drink, and still be dry :

And quaff with every company.

Saint Martin send him merry mates

To enter at his hostree [hostelry] gates 1

For a blither lad than he

Cannot an Innkeeper be.

Well, once again, farewell, my host at Rockland !

After all these farewells, I am sure, to Hingham I found a
foul way; as before I had done from Thetford to Rockland.

Yet, besides the deep way, I was much hindered by the
desire people had to see me.

For even as our shopkeepers will haul, and pull a man,
with, " Lack ye ! What do you lack, Gentlemen ? " " My
ware is best ! " cries one. " Mine [the] best in England I "
says another. " Here, you shall have choice 1 " saith the
third : so were the divers voices of the young men and
maidens which I should meet at every mile's end; thronging
by twenty, and sometimes forty, yea, hundreds in a company.
One cried " the fairest way was through their village ! "
another, "This is the nearest and fairest way, when you have
passed but a mile and a half ! " another sort cry, " Turn on

1 54 By Barford Bridgeto Norwich. [AprifieSS:

the left hand ! " some " on the right hand ! " that I was so
amazed, I knew not sometimes which way I might hest take
but haphazard, the people still accompanying me, whereat I
was much comforted, though the ways were bad. But, as I
said before, at last I overtook it.

The Ninth Day's journey, being Wednesday of the Fourth week.

He next morning [March 5] I left Hingham, not stay-
ing till I came to Barford Bridge, five young men
running all the way with me; for otherwise my
pace was not for footmen.
From Barford Bridge, I danced to Norwich [eight miles].
But coming within sight of the city, perceiving so great a
multitude and throng of people still crowding more and more
about me : mistrusting it would be a let [hindrance] to my
determined expedition and pleasurable humour, which I, long
before, conceived, to delight this city with (so far as my best
skill and industry of my long travelled sinews could afford
them) : I was advised, and so took ease by that advice, to
stay my Morrice a little above St. Giles his Gate; where I took
my gelding, and so rode into the city, procrastinating my
merry Morrice dance through the city till better opportunity.
Being come within the city. Master Roger Weild the
Mayor, and sundry others of his worshipful Brethren, sent
for me. Who perceiving how I intended not to dance into
the city that night, and being well satisfied with the reasons;
they allotted me time enough not to dance until Saturday
after: to the end, that divers Knights and Gentlemen, together
with their wives and children, who had been many days
before deceived with expectation of my coming, might now,
have sufficient warning accordingly, by Saturday following.

In the mean space, and during my still continuance in the
city afterwards, they not only very courteously offered to
bear mine own charges and my followers ; but very bounti-
fully performed it at the common charges. The Mayor and
many of the Aldermen, oftentimes besides, invited us privately
to their several houses.

To make a short end of this tedious description of my
entertainment.

ApriS.] T. Gilbert's acrostic Welcome to Kemp. 155

Saturday [MarcA 8] no sooner came, but I returned without
the city, through St. Giles his Gate ; and began my Morrice
where I left, at that Gate. But I entered in at St. Stephen's
Gate, where one Thomas Gilbert, in name of all the rest of
the city, gave me a friendly and exceeding kind welcome : which
I have no reason to omit, unless I would condemn myself of
ingratitude ; partly for the private affection of the writer
towards me, as also for the general love and favour I found
in them, from the highest to the lowest, the richest as the
poorest.

It follows in these few lines.

Master Kemp his welcome to Norwich.

W With heart and hand, among the rest,

E Especially you welcome are !

L Long looked for, as welcome guest :

C Come, now at last ! you be from far.

Of most within the city, sure,

M Many good wishes you have had !
E Each one did pray, you might endure

W With courage good, the match you made !

1 Intend they did, with gladsome hearts,
L Like your well-willers, you to meet !

K Know you also, they'll do their parts,
E Either in field or house, to greet
M More you, than any with you came,
P Procured thereto, with trump and fame.

Your well-wilier,

T. G.

Passing the gate, there were Whifflers, such Officers as
were appointed by the Mayor, to make me way through the
throng of the people which pressed so mightily upon me.
With great labour, I got through that narrow press, into the
open Market Place.

Where, on the Cross, ready prepared, stood the City Waits,
which not a little refreshed my weariness, with toiling through
so narrow a lane as the people left me. Such Waits (under

1 56 Kemp's great leap over churchyard wALL.[Apriff^:

Benedicite be it spoken) few cities in our realm have the like,
none better ! Who, besides their excellency in wind instru-
ments, and their rare cunning on the viol and violin : their
voices are admirable ! every one of them able to serve in any
Cathedral church in Christendom for choristers.

Passing by the Market Place, the press still increasing by
the number of boys, girls, men, and women, thronging more
and more before me, to see the end ; it was the mischance
of a homely maid (that, belike, was but newly crept into the
fashion of long-waisted petticoats tied with points [laces or
tags] ; and had, as it seemed, but one point tied before) that
coming unluckily in my way, as I was fetching a leap, it fell
out, that I set my foot on her skirts. The point either
breaking or stretching, off fell her petticoat from her waist !
but, as chance was, though her smock was coarse, it was
cleanly.

Yet the poor wench was so ashamed, the rather for that
she could hardly recover her [pettijcoat again from unruly
boys ; that looking before like one that had the green sick-
ness, now had she her cheeks all coloured with scarlet.

I was sorry for her, but on I went towards the Mayor's :
and deceived the people, by leaping over the Churchyard
wall at St. John's ; getting so into Master Mayor's gates a
nearer way.

But, at last, I found it the further way about: being forced,
on the Tuesday following [March 1 1] , to renew my former dance ;
because George Sprat, my Overseer, having lost me in the
throng, would not be deposed that I had danced it, since he
saw me not. And I must confess, I did not well : for the
citizens had caused all the turnpikes to be taken up on Satur-
day, that I might not be hindered.

But now I return again to my jump, the measure of which
is to be seen in the Guildhall at Norwich ; where my buskins,
that I then wore and danced in from London thither, stand,
equally divided, nailed on the wall.

The plenty of good cheer at the Mayor's, his bounty and
kind usage ; together with the general welcomes of his
worshipful Brethren and many others. Knights, Ladies, Gentle-
men, and Gentlewomen, so much exceeded my expectation,
as I adjudged myself most bound to them all.

The Mayor gave me five pounds in Elizabeth Angels ;

Aprite:] The kindness of the Mayor of Norwich. 157

which Mayor, {fair Madame ! to whom I too presumptuously
dedicate my idle paces !) as a man worthy of singular and
impartial admiration, if our critic humourous minds could as
prodigally conceive as he desires, for his chaste life, liberality,
and temperance in possessing worldly benefits. He lives
unmarried and childless: and never purchased house nor
land; the house he dwells in, this year, being but hired. He
lives upon merchandise ; being a Merchant Venturer.

If our Merchants and Gentlemen would take example
by this man, Gentlemen would not sell their lands, to
become bankrupt Merchants; nor Merchants live in the
possessions of youth-beguiled Gentlemen ; who cast them-
selves out of their parents' heritages for a few outcast com-
modities. But Wit ! whither wilt thou ? What hath Mor-
rice-tripping Will, to do with that ? It keeps not time with
his dance 1 Therefore, room you ! moral precepts ! Give
my legs leave to end my Morrice ! or that being ended, my
hands leave to perfect this worthless poor tottered [ ? tattered]
volume !

Pardon me, Madam ! that I am thus tedious ! I cannot
choose but commend sacred liberality, which makes poor
wretches partakers of all comfortable benefits !

Besides the love and favour already repeated, Master
Weild, the Mayor, gave me 40s. [=;^io now] yearly, during
my life, making me a Freeman of the Merchant Venturers.

This is the substance of all my journey. Therefore let no
man believe (however before, by lying Ballets and rumours
they have been abused) that either ways [roads] were laid
open for me, or that I delivered gifts to Her Majesty.

It is good being merry, my Masters ! but in a mean ! and
all my mirths, mean though they be, have been and ever
shall be employed to the delight of my royal Mistress !
whose sacred Name ought not to be remembered among
such ribald rhymes as these late thin-breeched lying Ballet
singers have proclaimed it.

It resteth now, that, in a word, I shew what profit I have
made by my Morrice.

158 Kemp's threat to his defaulters, [aphu^

True it is, I put out some money to have threefold gain at
my return [i.e., he accepted bets of Three to One that he could not
dance this Morris to Norwich]. Some that love me, regard my
pains and respect their promise, [and] have sent home the
treble worth. Some others, at the first sight, have paid me,
if I came to seek them. Others I cannot see, nor will they
be willingly found ! and these are the greater number.

If they had all used me well ; or all, ill : I would have
boldly set down the true sum of my small gain or loss ! but
I will have patience some few days longer.

At the end of which time, if any be behind, I will draw a
Catalogue of all their names I ventured with. Those that
have shewn themselves honest men ; I will set before them
this character, H. for Honesty. Before the other bench-
whistlers shall stand K. for Ketlers or Keistrels, that will
drive a good companion, witliout need in them, to contend
for his own. But I hope I shall have no such need !

If I have, your honourable protection shall thus far defend
your poor servant, that he may, being a plain man, call a
spade a spade.

Thus, fearing your Ladyship is wearier with reading this
toy than I was in all my merry travail ; I crave pardon ! and
conclude this first pamphlet that ever Will. Kemp offered
to the Press : being thereunto pressed on the one side by
the pitiful papers pasted on every post, of that which was
neither so, nor so ; and, on the other side, urged thereto in
duty, to express with thankfulness the kind entertainment
I found.

Your Honour's poor servant,

W. K.

159

K E M P' s humble request to the impudent
generation of Ballad-makers and their coherent s,
that it would please their Rascalities to
pity his pains in the great journey he pre-
tends [intends] ; and not fill the country
with lies of his never-done actSy as
they did in his late Morrice
to Norwich.

To the tune oi T H o M A S Deloney's Epitaph.

My notable Shake-rags!

He effect of my suit is discovered in the
title of my Supplication.

But for your better understandings, for
that I know you to be a sort of witless
beetle-heads that can understand nothing
but what is knocked into your scalps,
These are, by these presents, to certify unto
your Blockheadships, that I, William Kemp, whom you
had near[ly] hand-rent in sunder, with your unreasonable
rhymes, and shortly, GOD willing! to set forward (as
merrily as I may), whither, I myself know not!

Wherefore, by the way, I would wish ye ! employ not your
little wits in certifying the world that I am gone to Rome,
Jerusalem, Venice, or any other place at your idle appoint.
I know, the best of ye, by the lies ye wrote of me, got not
the price of a good hat to cover your brainless heads ! If
any of ye had come to me, my bounty should have exceeded
the best of your good masters, the ballad buyers ! I would
have apparelled your dry pates in parti-coloured bonnets !

i6o Death of Thomas Deloney. [rprif lel^:

and bestowed a leash of my cast[-off ] bells to have crowned
ye, with coxcombs !

I have made a privy search, what private Jigmonger of
your jolly number hath been the Author of these abomin-
able Ballets written of me.

I was told, it was the great Ballad-maker, T. D., alias
Thomas Deloney, Chronicler of the memorable Lives of
the Six yeomen of the West, Jack of Newbury, the Gentle Craft,
&c., and such like honest men, omitted by Stow, Hollin-
SHED, Grafton, Halle, Froissart, and all the rest of those
well-deserving writers.

But I was given since to understand, your late General,
Thomas, died poorly (as ye all must do !), and was honestly
buried, which is much to be doubted of some of you ! [This
fixes Deloney's death about March, 1600.]

The Quest [inquest] of Inquiry finding him, by death
acquitted of the Indictment; I was let to wit, that another
Lord of Little Wit, one whose employment for the Pageant
was utterly spent, he being known to be Elderton's imme-
diate heir, was vehemently suspected : but, after due inqui-
sition was made, he was at that time known to live like
a man in a mist, having quite given over the mystery.

Still the Search continuing, I met a proper upright youth,
only for a little stooping in the shoulder, all heart to the heel,
a penny Poet ; whose first making [ballad] was the miserable
stolen story of Macdoel, or Macdobeth, or M/lC-somewhat:
for I am sure a Mac it was, though I never had the maw to
see it : and he told me there was a fat filthy Ballet-maker
that should have once been his journeyman to the trade, who
lived about the town ; and, ten to one ! but he had thus
terribly abused me and my Tabourer, for that he was able to
do such a thing in print. A shrewd presumption !

I found him about the Bankside, sitting at a play, I de-
sired to speak with him, had him to a tavern, charged [i.e.,
for him] a pipe with tobacco, and then laid this terrible
accusation to his charge. He swells presently like one cf

Apriue^G Kemp's hunt after the ballad-maker. i6i

the four winds. The violence of his breath blew the tobacco
out of the pipe, and the heat of his wrath drank dry two
bowls of Rhenish wine.

At length having power to speak, "Name my accuser!"
saith he, " or I defie thee, Kemp! at the quart [er] staff!"

I told him! and all his anger turned to laughter; swearing
" it did him good to have ill words of a hoddy doddy ! a
habber de hoy! [? hobbledehoy], a chicken! a squib! a
squall ! One that hath not wit enough to make a ballet ;
that by Pol and Aedipol would Pol his father, Derick
his dad ! do anything, how ill soever, to please his apish
humour ! "

I hardly believed this youth, that I took to be gracious,
had been so graceless ; but I heard, afterwards, his mother-
in-law was eye-and ear-witness of his father's abuse, by this
blessed child, on a public Stage, in " a merry Host of an
Inn's" part.

Yet all this while, could not I find out the true ballet
maker; till, by chance, a friend of mine pulled out of his
pocket, a book in Latin, called Mundus furiosus, printed at
Cullen [Cologne], written by one of the vilest and arrantest
lying cullians [wretches] that ever wrote book; his name
Jansonus : who, taking upon him to write an abstract of all
the turbulent actions that had been lately attempted or
performed in Christendom, like an unchristian wretch ! writes
only by report, partially, and scofhngly of such whose page's
shoes he was unworthy to wipe. For indeed he is now dead.
Farewell, he ! every dog must have a day !

But see the luck on it ! This beggarly lying busybody's
name brought out the Ballad-maker [? Richard Johnson] !
and it was generally confirmed it was his kinsman ! He
confesses himself guilty, let any man look on his face ! if
there be not so red a colour that all the soap in the town will
not wash white, let me be turned into a whiting, as I pass
between Dover and Calais !

Well, GOD forgive thee, honest fellow I

L 6

i62 Kemp is going on the Continent. [Tprifi'e'^:

I see, thou hast grace in thee ! I prithee, do so no more !
Leave writing these beastly ballets ! make not good wenches,
Prophetesses for little or no profit ! nor for a sixpenny mat-
ter, revive not a poor fellow's fault that is hanged for his
offence ! it may be thine own destiny, one day : prithee, be
good to them !

Call up, thy old Melpomene ! whose strawberry quill may

write the bloody lines of the blue Lady, and the Prince of the

burning crown : a better subject I can tell ye ! than your Knight

of the Red Cross. So farewell ! and cross me no more, I

prithee ! with thy rabble of bald rhymes,

least at my return, I set a cross

on thy forehead, that all

men may know thee

for a fool !

William Kemp.
FINIS.

THE

GREAT FROST.

Cold doings in London, except it be at the

LOTTERY.

With News out of the Country.
A familiar talk between a Countryman and

a Citizen touching this terrible Frost, and the Great
Lx)ttery, and the effects of them.

Printed at London {or Henry Gosson, and are to be sold at the sign of the
\7he rest of the imprint is cut off in Mr. Hut/is copy.]

164

^^fl^ A Table of the most special matters

of note contained in this

short Discourse.

1. A description of the Thames being frozen over.

2. The dangers that hath happened to some
persons passing upon the Thames.

3. The harms that this frost hath done to the
City.

4. The misery that the country people are driven
into by the means of this frost.

5. The frosts in other Kings' times compared with
this.

6. A description of the Lottery.

i65

W*a>

THE GREAT FROST.

Cold doings in London,
a Dialogue*

THE SPEAKERS,

A Citizen.

A Countryman.

Citizen. lB"P^^™«SEff^LD Father, you are most heartily

welcome to London !

Countryman. Sir, I give you
most kind and hearty thanks : but
you must pardon me, I am an old
man and have those defects that
go along with old age. I have
both bad eyes to discern my friends

and a weak memory to keep their names in mind. I have

quite lost the remembrance of you.
Cit. Nay, father, I am a mere stranger to you : but seeing

white hairs to cover your head as well as mine own, I make

bold to reach out my hand to you. There is honesty in your

very looks ; and every honest man is worthy, and ought to be

taken into acquaintance.

Coun. I am beholden to you for this courtesy. You

citizens are civil, and we poor country fellows are plain: but

albeit I walk in russet and coarse grey, I have a true heart.

What is your pleasure, Sir ?

i66 The GREAT FROST OF January 1608. [jan/i6oa,

Cit. If your haste be no greater than mine — for blessed
be GOD, we have now too many idle hours against our will
— I would gladly confer with you of the state of the country;
and if I can delight you with any city news, you shall have
my bosom opened freely.

Coun. The ploughman's hands, Sir, are now held in his
pocket as well as the shopkeeper's. I have as little to do as
you, and therefore an hour's chat shall please me well. We
old men are old chronicles, and when our tongues go they
are not clocks to tell only the time present, but large books
unclasped ; and our speeches, like leaves turned over and
over, discover wonders that are long since past.

Cit. I am glad that I have met with an old man that hath
not stood still all his life like a pool ; but like a river hath run
through the world to get experience. But I pray you, of
what country are you ?

Coun. Of Ripon in Yorkshire.

Cit. And, if it be not too much beyond the rule of good
manners ; let me be bold to inquire what drew you, dwelling
so far off, to travel to London ?

Coun. Marry, Sir, I will tell you : even that drew me to
London which draws you out of your houses ; that which
makes you cry out in London " We have cold doings," and
to leave your shops to catch your heat in the streets : nay,
to leave your new beautiful walks in Moorfields — for those I
have seen at my entering into the city — and to make newer
and larger walks, though not so safe, upon a field of glass
as it were. That slippery world, which I beheld, as I
remember, in the fifth year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth
— or I am sure I am not much wide — do I come thus far to
behold again in the fifth year of our good King James : and
that is, in a few cold words, the Thames frozen over.

Cit. Yea, father, and frozen over and over.

Coun. I have but two ears. Sir — if I had more I were a
monster : but those two ears bring me home a thousand tales
in less than seven days. Some I hearken to, some I shake
my head at, some I smile at, some I think true, some I know
false. But because this world is like our millers in the
country, knavish and hard to be trusted ; though mine ears
be mine own and good, yet I had rather give credit to mine
eyes : although they see but badly, yet they will not cozen

Jan.i6o8.] Th E G R E AT F R O S T O F J A N U A R Y I 6 O 8 . 167

me; they have not these fourscore years. And that is the
reason I have made them my guides now in this journey :
and they shall be my witnesses — when I get home again and
sit, as I hope I shall, turning a crab by the fire — of what
wonders I have been a beholder.

Cit. In good sadness, father, I am proud that such a heap
of years lying on your back, you stoop no lower for them.
I come short of you by more than twenty ; and methinks I
am both more unlusty and look more aged.

Coun. Oh, Sir, riots ! riots ! surfeits ! surfeits stick
white hairs upon young men's chins ; when sparing diets hold
colour. Your crammed capons feed you fat here in London ;
but our beef and bacon feed us strong in the country. Long
sleeps and late watchings dry up your blood and wither your
cheeks : we go to bed with the lamb and rise with the lark,
which makes our blood healthful. You are still sending to
the apothecaries and still crying out to " fetch Master Doctor
to me : " but our apothecary's shop is our garden full of
potherbs, and our doctor is a good clove of garlic. I am as
lusty and sound at heart, I praise my GOD, as my yoke of
bullocks that are the servants to my plough.

Cit. Yet I wonder that having no more sand in the glass
of your life — for young men may reckon years, but we old
men must count upon minutes — I wonder, I say, how you
durst set forth, and how you could come thus far.

Goun. How I durst set forth ! If King Harry were now
ahve again, I durst and would, as old and stiff as I am, go
with him to Boulogne. We have trees in our town that
bear fruit in winter. I am one of those winter plums ; and
though I taste a little sour, yet I am sound at heart and
shall not rot yet I hope, for all this frost.

Cit. It were pity so reverend an oak should so soon be
felled down. You may stand and grow yet many a year.

Coxin. Yes, Sir, downward. Downward you and I must
grow, like ears of corn when they be ripe. But I beseech
you tell me. Is that good'y river of yours — I call it yours
because you are a citizen and that river is the nurse that
gives milk and honey to yjur city — but is that lady of fresh
waters all covered over with ice ?

Cit. All over, I assure you, father. The frost hath made
a floor upon it, which shows like grey marble roughly hewn

l68 The GREAT FROST OF J ANUARY I 608. [ja„. ',608.

out. It is a very pavement of glass, but that it is more
strong. The Thames now lies in ; or rather is turned, as
some think, bankrupt : and dares not show her head ; for
all the water of it floats up and down like a spring in a cellar.

Coun. GOD help the poor fishes ! It is a hard world with
them, when their houses are taken over their heads. They
use not [are not accustomed] to lie under such thick roofs.
But I pray, Sir, are all the arches of your famous London
Bridge so dammed up with ice that the flakes show like so
many frozen gates shut up close ; and that nothing passes
through them ; nay, that a man cannot look through them as
he had wont ?

Cit. No such matter. The Thames with her ebbing and
flowing, hath at sundry times brought down, aye winter
castles of ice; which, jostling against the arches of the
Bridge, and striving — like an unruly drunkard at a gate of
the city in the night time — to pass through, have there been
stayed and lodged so long till they have lain in heaps, and
got one upon another : but not so ambitiously as you speak
of them.

Coun. And do not the western barges come down upon
certain artificial pulleys and engines, sliding on the ice ; to
serve your city with fuel ?

Cit. That were a wonder worth the seeing, and more strange
than the rowing over steeples by land in a wherry. I assure
you these stories shall never stand in our chronicles. There
is no such motion.

Coun. But I hope, Sir, you and I may drink a pint of
sack in the tavern that runs upon wheels on the river, as well
as a thousand have done besides, may we not ? The motion
of that wine cellar, I am sure is to be seen. Is it not ?

Cit. The water cellar is, but the wine cellars have too
good doings on the land to leave that, and to set up taverns
on the river. You know more in the country I perceive than
we do in the city of these matters.

Coun. Nay, Sir, we hear more but know less. We hear
the lies, and you know the truth. Why law you now, had
not I made this journey to London, I had died in misbelief.
Mine ears might thus have made me to have been called an
old doting fool. For I, giving credit to report, should have
uttered these fables for truths : and I being an old man, should

jan.Ieos.] The GREAT FROST OF January I 608. 169

have been believed — for a white head ought not to hold a
black tongue — and so my sons and daughters, taking a father's
word, might peradventure forty years hence have been called
clowns for justifying a lie so monstrous and incredible.

Cit. Bar all these rumours hereafter out of your ears ; for
they are false and deceitful, and fly up and down like
lapwings ; their in times being there it is, when it is not.

Goim. You, Sir, are a man, that by your head and beard,
as well as myself, should be one of Time's sons, and should
therefore love his daughter. Truth. Make me so much
beholding to you, as to receive from you the right picture of
all these your waterworks; how they began, how they have
grown, and in what fashion have continued.

Cit. Most gladly will I satisfy your request. You shall
understand that the Thames began to put on his The Thames
" freeze-coat," which he yet wears, about the week it"w2s frozt^.
before Christmas; and hath kept it on till now this latter end
of January [1608] : how long time soever besides to come
none but GOD knows.

Couu. Did it never thaw in these many weeks ?

Cit. Only three days, or four at the most ; and that but
weakly, to dissolve so great a hardness. The cakes of ice,
great in quantity and in great numbers, were made and baked
cold in the mouth of winter, at the least a fortnight or three
weeks before they were crusted and cemented together ; but
after they once joined their strengths into one, their backs
held out and could not be broken.

Coun. We may make this good use, even out of this
watery and transformed element ; that London upholdeth a
State : and again, that violent factions and combinations,
albeit of the basest persons, in a commonwealth are not
easily dissolved ; if once they be suffered to grow up to a head.
On, Sir, I pray.

Cit. This cold breakfast being given to the city, and the
Thames growing more and more hard-hearted ; wild youths
and boys were the first merchant- venturers that First goingover
set out to discover these cold islands of ice upon [he lii^aw""
the river. And the first path that was beaten Coid Harbour.
forth to pass to the Bank Side, without going over [London]
Bridge or by boat, was about Cold Harbour and in those
places near the Bridge : for the tides still piling up the flakes

170 The great frost of January i 608. [j^^_\

an. 1608.

of ice one upon another in those parts of the Thames ; it
was held the best and the safest travelling into our new
found Freeze-Land by those creeks.

Coun. But this onset prospering and they coming off well
heartened others to come on, Sir, did it not ?

Cit. No soldiers more desperate in a skirmish. Speak it,
father, from my mouth for an assured truth, that there was
as it were ar: artificial bridge of ice reaching from one side of
the river to the other, upon which infinite numbers of people
passed to and fro, jostling one another in crowds : while the
current of the water ran in sight, more than half the breadth
of the Thames, on either side of that icy bridge ; the bridge
itself being not above five yards broad, if so much.

Conn. It was strange ! But it was said of you Londoners
that when you strive to be kind, you turn into prodigals ;
when you are cowards, you are arrant cowards ; and when
you are bold, you are too desperately venturous.

Cit. It appears so by this frost : for no danger could nip
their bloods with fear ; but over some went in shoals, when
thousands stood gazing on and swore they would not follow
their steps in that watery wilderness for many thousands of
pounds. Nay, even many of those that were the discoverers
and did first venture over, would never undertake the second
voyage : but protested when they were half way they would
have lost much to have been again on shore.

Coun. It is most likely : for perils that are not common
make men foolhardy ; but being once tasted, they tremble
to come near them.

Cit. You say true, father : but the fear of this shipwreck
and of these rocks grew every day less and less. As the ice
increased in hardness, so men's hearts increased in hardiness:
so that at the length — the frost knitting all his sinews
together; and the inconstant water by that means, being of a
floating element, changed into a firm ground as it were — both
What numbers men, womcn, and children walked over and up and
walked on the down in such compauics ; that, I verily believe
Thames. ^ud I darc almost swear it, the one half, if not

three parts of the people in the city have been seen going on
the Thames. The river showed not now, neither shows it yet,
like a river, but like a field ; where archers shoot at pricks,
[targets] while others play at football. It is a place of mastery,

Jan.!6o8.] T H E G R E A T F R O ST O F J AN U A R Y 1608. I71

where some wrestle and some run ; and he that does best is
aptest to take a fall. It is an alley to walk upon without dread,
albeit under it be most assured danger. The gentlewomen
that tremble to pass over a bridge in the iield, do here walk
boldly. The citizen's wife that looks pale when she sits in a
boat for fear of drowning, thinks that here she treads as safe
now as in her parlour. Of all ages, of both sexes, of all
professions, this is the common path. It is the roadway
between London and Westminster, and between Southward
and London. Would you drink a cup of sack, father ? here
stand some with runlets to fill it out.

Conn. Ah ha! that is the tavern then that is talked on.

Cit. Thirst you for beer, ale, usquebaugh, &c. ; or for
victuals ? There you may buy it, because [in Beer, aie, wine,
order that] you may tell another day how you nres^onthl*^
dined upon the Thames. Are you cold with going Thames.
over ? You shall ere you come to the midst of the river, spy
some ready with pans of coals to warm your fingers. If you
want fruit after you have dined, there stand costermongers
to serve you at your call. And thus do people leave their
houses and the streets ; turning the goodliest river in the
whole kingdom into the broadest street to walk in.

Coun. But tell me, I pray. Sir, if all the merchants that
undertake this voyage to these your narrow seas ; are none
undone ? Do none of your fresh-water soldiers miscarry, and
drop down in these slippery marshes?

Cit. Yes, Sir, I have heard of many and have been an
eyewitness of some : of all which, I will be sparing in report,
being rather willing to be reprehended for telling too little
than for discovering too much.

Coun. It is a modesty that well becomes any man, albeit
nothing but truth sit upon his tongue. But I pray, sithence
[since] you crack the shell, let us see what kernel there is
within it : sithence you have bestowed the sweet, let me
taste the sour. Let your news be as country folks bring fruit
to your markets, the bad and good together. Say, have none
gone "westward for smelts," as our proverbial phrase is ?

Cit. Yes, it hath been a kind of battle for the time. For
some have fallen in up to the knees, others to hi've^rXn on^'
the middle, others to the armpits ; yea, and some several persons
have been ducked over head and ears, yet have xhaleT

1/2 The great frost of January i 608. [jan^eos

crawled out like drowned rats : while others have sunk to the
bottom that never rose again to the top. They had a cold
bed to lie in ! Amongst many other misfortunes that are to
be pitied, this is one. A couple of friends shooting on the
Thames with birding pieces, it happened they struck a sea-
pie or some other fowl. They both ran to fetch it. The one
stumbled forward, his head slipped into a deep hole, and there
he was drowned : the other in his haste slipped backward,
and by that means saved his life.

A poor fellow likewise having heated his body with drink,
thought belike to cool it on the water : but coming to walk
on the ice, his head was too heavy for his heels ; so that
down he fell, and there presently died.

Conn. Let his fall give others warning how to stand.
Your city cannot choose but to be much damnified [injured]
by this strange congealing of the river.

Cit. Exceeding much, father. Strangers may guess at our
The hurt that harms : yet none can give the full number of them
recefvedby't^his but wc that are the inhabitants. For the City by
frost ^j^jg means is cut off from all commerce. Shop-

keepers may sit and ask " What do you lack ? " when the
passengers [passers by] may very well reply " What do you
lack yourselves ? " They may sit and stare on men, but not
sit and sell. It was, before, called " The dead term : " and
now may we call this "The dead vacation," "The frozen
vacation," " The cold vacation." If it be a gentleman's life
to live idly and do nothing, how many poor artificers and
tradesmen have been made gentlemen then by this frost ?
For a number of occupations — like the flakes of ice that lie
in the Thames — are by this malice of Winter, trod clean
under foot, and will not yet be able to stir. Alas, poor
watermen ! you have had cold cheer at this banquet. You
that live altogether upon water, can scarce get water to your
hands. It is a hard thing now for you to earn your bread
with the sweat of your brows.

Coun. This beating may make them wise. The want that
this hard season drives them into, may teach them to play
the ants ; and in summer to make a provision against the
wrath of winter. There is no mischief born alone, I know.
Calamities commonly are, by birth, twins. Methinks, there-
fore, that this drying up of the waters should be a devourer up

Jan.i6o8.] ThE GREAT FROST OF J ANUARY I 6o8. 173

of wood. This cold ague of the earth must needs have warmth
to help it. That warmth must come from fire, and that fire can-
not be had without cost : howthen, I pray you, in this so general
an affliction did poor people shift for fuel to comfort them ?

Cit. Their care for fire was as great as for food. Nay, to
want it was a worse torment than to be without meat. The
belly was now pinched to have the body warmed : xhe want of
and had not the provident Fathers of this city ^''''■
[i. e. the Corporation] carefully, charitably and out of a good
and godly zeal, dispersed a relief to the poor in several parts
and places about the outer bounds of the City, where poverty
most inhabiteth ; by storing them beforehand with sea coal
and other firing at a reasonable rate, I verily persuade
myself that the unconscionable and unmerciful raising of the
prices of fuel by chandlers, woodmongers, &c. — who now
meant to lay the poor on the rack — would have been the
death of many a wretched creature through want of succour.

Conn. Not unlikely, Sir.

Cit. For neither cou'.d coal be brought up the river,
neither could wood be sent down. The western barges
might now wrap up their smoky sails ; for albeit they had
never so lofty a gale, their voyage was spoiled : the winds
were with them, but the tide was clean against them. And
not only hath this frost nipped away those comforts that should
revive the outward parts of the body ; but those also that
should give strength and life to the inward. For ceanhof
you of the country being not able to travel to the victuals.
City with victuals, the price of victail must of necessity be
enhanced ; and victail itself brought into a scarcity. And
thus have I given you, according to your request, a true
picture of our Thames frozen over ; and withal have drawn
in as lively colours as I can, to my skill, as it were in a little
table [picture], all the miseries, mischiefs and inconveniences,
which this hard time hath thrown upon our City.

Coun. Sir, you have satisfied me to the full ; and have
given unto me so good a taste of your love, that if I should
live double the years that are already scored on my head, I
cannot choose but die indebted to your kindness.

Cit. Not so, father, for you shall, if you please, come out
of my debt presently ; and your payment shall be in the self-
same coin that you received of me, that is to say words.

174 The GREAT FROST OF January 1 6o8. [j^J.

an. 1608.

Coun. I am glad, Sir, you will take a poor countryman's
word for so round a sum as I acknowledge is owing to you.
You are a merciful creditor. GOD send me always to
deal with such chapmen ! But how will you set down my
payments ?

Cit. Marry thus, father. As I have discovered unto you
what cold doings we have had during this frost in the city;
so, I pray, let me understand from you what kind of world
you have lived in, in the country.

Conn. The world with us of the country runs upon the old
rotten wheels. For all the northern cloth that is woven in
News out of our country will scarce make a gown to keep Charity
the country warm," she goes so a-cold. Rich men had never more
money, and Covetousness had never less pity. There was never
in any age more money stirring, nor never more stir to get
money. Farmers are now slaves to racking young prodigal
landlords. Those landlords are more servile slaves to their own
riots and luxury. But these are the common diseases of every
kingdom, and therefore are but common news. The tunes
of the nightingale are stale in the middle of summer, because
we hear them at the coming in of the spring : and so these
harsh notes which are sung in every country do by custom
grow not to be regarded. But your desire. Sir, is to know
how we spend the days of this our frozen age in the country.

Cit. That I would hear indeed, father.

Coun, Believe me. Sir, as wickedly you must think as
you can hear in your City. It goes as hard with us as it doth
The miseries with you. Thc samc cold hand of Winter is thrust
peopb'feerby ^^^° °^^ bosoms. The same sharp air strikes
this frost. wounds into our bodies. The same sun shines
upon us ; but the same sun doth not heat us any more than
it doth you. The poor ploughman's children sit crying and
blowing their nails, as lamentably as the children and
servants of your poor artificers. Hunger pinches their cheeks,
as deep into the flesh as it doth into yours here. You cry
out here, you are undone for coals : and we complain, we
shall die for want of wood. All your care is to provide for
your wives, children, and servants in this time of sadness : but
we go beyond you in cares. Not only our wives, our children
and household servants are unto us a cause of sorrow : but
we grieve as much to behold the misery of our poor cattle in

jan/ifcs.] The great frost of January i 608. 175

this frozen-hearted season, as it doth to look upon our own
affliction. Our beasts are our faithful servants; and do their
labour truly when we set them to it. They are our nurses
that give us milk, they are our guides in our journeys, they
are our partners and help to enrich our state ; yea, they are
the very upholders of a poor farmer's lands and living.
Alas ! then, what master that loves his servant as he ought,
but would almost break his own heartstrings with sighing; to
see these pine and mourn as they do ? The ground is bare
and not worth a poor handful of grass. The earth seems
barren and bears nothing : or if she doth most unnaturally
she kills it presently [at once] or suffers it through cold to
perish. By which means the lusty horse abates his flesh
and hangs his head, feeling his strength go from him ; the
ox stands bellowing, the ragged sheep bleating, the poor
lamb shivering and starving to death.

The poor cottager that hath but a cow to live upon must
feed upon hungry meals, GOD knows ! when the beast herself
hath but a bare commons. ' He that is not able to bid all
his cattle home, and to feast them with fodder out of his
barns ; will scarce have cattle at the end of summer to
fetch home his harvest. Which charge of feeding so many
beastly [beasts] mouths, is able to eat up a countryman's
estate; if his providence before time hath not been the
greater to meet and prevent such storms. Of necessity our
sheep, oxen, &c., must be in danger of famishing; having
nothing but what our old grandam the earth will allow them
to live upon. Of necessity must they pine ; sithence [since]
all the fruits that had wont to spring out of her fertile womb
are now nipped in their birth, and likely never to prosper.
And to prove that the ground hath her very heart as it were
broken, and that she hath not lively sap enough in her veins
left as yet to quicken her, and to raise her up to strength ;
behold this one infallible token. The Leek, whose courage
hath ever been so undaunted that he hath borne up his lusty
head in all storms, and could never be compelled to shrink
for hail, snow, frost or showers ; is now by the violence and
cruelty of this weather beaten into the earth, being rotted,
dead, disgraced, and trod upon.

And thus. Sir, if words may be taken for current payment
to a creditor so worthy as yourself, have I tendered some

176 The GREAT FROST OF January I 6o8. [jan^eos.

part of my love in requital of yours. You gave unto me a
map of your city as it stands now in the frost ; and I
bestowed upon you a model of the country which I pray
receive with as friendly a hand as that which offers it.

Cit. I do, with millions of thanks. The story which you
told, albeit it yet makes my heart bleed to think upon the
calamities of my poor countrymen, yet was it uttered with so
grave a judgment and in a time so well befitting your age
that I kept mine ears open and my lips locked up ; for I was
loth to interrupt you till all was told : wherein you show
yourself to be a careful and honest debtor in discharging
your bond all at one sum, when you might have done it in
several payments.

But I pray you, father, what is your opinion of this strange
winter ? I call you, father, albeit my own head be whitened
by old age as well as yours ; and be not angry that I do so,
it is an honourable title due unto your years. For as those
that are young men to me, bestow that dignity upon my
silver hairs, and I am proud to take it : so would I not have
you disdain that attribute from my mouth, that am a young
man to you; sithence I do it out of love and the reverence I
bear to my elders. Tell me therefore, I pray, your judgment
of this frost ; and what, in the school of your experience you
have read or can remember, may be the effects which it
may produce or which, of consequence, are likely to follow
upon it.

Coun. I shall do my best to satisfy you. When these great
The dangers hills of icc shall bc digged down and be made level
iikeiy%o*'bring with the watcrs ; when these hard rocks shall melt
with it. into soft rivers, and that a sudden thaw shall over-

come this sharp frost, then is it to be feared that the swift,
violent, and unresistible land currents will bear down bridges,
beat down buildings, overflow our cornfields, overrun the
pastures, drown our cattle, and endanger the lives both of
man and beast travelling on their way.

Cit. You say right. This prognostication which your
judgment looks into did always fall out to be too true : but
what other weather doth your calendar promise ?

Coun. I will not hide within me from you that which time
and observation have taught me. And albeit strange unto
you that an old country penny-father, a plain holland ruff

Jan'i6o8.] T H E GRE AT FRO ST O F J A N U A R Y 1608. I77

and a kersey stocking, should talk thus of the change of
season and the mutability of the world: yet, Sir, know,
I beseech you, that my education was finer than my russet
outside ; and that my parents did not only provide to leave
me something, but took care, above that transitory blessing,
that I should taste a little of the fruit of learning and
knowledge.

Cit. It will be a pleasing and profitable journey to our
countrymen though a laborious voyage for you.

Goun. I have read how in the reign of King William
Rufus, in the fifth year [1091-92 a.d.] as I King
remember, that rivers of this kingdom were so Jiu/us.
frozen over that carts and wains laden did without danger
pass over them.

In the sixth year of the reign of King John, a frost began
upon the 13th of January [1205 a.d.] and continued King John.
till the 22nd of March following : the earth by means of
it being so hardened that the plough lay still and the ground
could not be tilled. The wounds that this frost gave the
commonwealth were for that present scarce felt ; they were
not deep, they were not thought dangerous : but the summer
following did they freshly begin to bleed ; for then a quarter
of wheat was sold for a mark [13s. 4d. = £10 los. m present
value] , which in the reign of Henry the Second (before
him) was sold for no more than twelve pence.

There was likewise so great a frost in the 53rd year of the
reign of Henry the Third, that being at Saint King henry.
Andrew's tide [30 November 1268 a.d.] ; it continued till
Candlemas [2 February 1269 a.d.] : so that men and beasts
went over the Thames from Lambeth to Westminster; and
the goods of merchants not being able to be transported by
water, were carried from Sandwich and other havens, and
so brought to London by land. But no extraordinary or
memorable accident following or going before this frost
I will pass over it, and come to that frost season in the
tenth year [1281-82 a.d.] of Edward the First, whose
violent working was so cruel, and did build such KingEowARD
castles of ice upon the Thames and other rivers, *^^ ^"'^•
that five arches of London bridge were borne down, and all
Rochester bridge was carried clean away, with divers others.

In the seven and thirtieth year of Edward the Third

M 6

178 The GREAT FROST OF January 1 6o8. [janAeos.

a frost began in England about the midst of September
King Edward [1363 A.D.] ; and thawed not till April [1364 A. D.]
the Third. following : SO that it continued almost eight months.
In the ninth year [1407-8 a.d.] of King Henry the
King Henry Fourth ; was there a frost that lasted fifteen

the Fourth, weeks.

KingEDWARD 1'he like happened in the fourth year

the Fourth. [1464-65 A.D.] of EdWARD the FoURTH.

In the ninth year [15 17-18 a.d.] of King Henry the
Eighth, the Thames was frozen over, that men with horses
and carts passed upon it : and in the very next succeeding
King Henry year died multitudes of people by a strange disease
the Eighth, called the " Sweating sickness."

There was one great frost more in England, in our memory.
Queen ^^^ that was in the seventh year of Queen

Elizabeth. ELIZABETH : which began Upon the 2ISt of

December [1564 a.d.] and held on so extremely that upon
New Year's Eve following people in multitudes went upon
the Thames from London bridge to Westminster ; some — as
you tell me, Sir, they do now — playing at football, others
shooting at pricks. This frost began to thaw upon the
third day of January [1565 a.d.] at night, and on the fifth
of the same month there was no ice to be seen between
London bridge and Lambeth : which sudden thaw brought
forth sudden harms. For houses and bridges were over-
turned by the land floods ; among which Owes [Ouse] bridge
in Yorkshire was borne away; many numbers of people
perishing likewise by those waters.

Cit. You have a happy memory, father. Your head, I see,
is a very storehouse of antiquity. You are of yourself, a
whole volume of chronicles. Time hath well bestowed his
lessons upon you ; for you are a ready scholar of his, and do
repeat his stories by heart perfectly.

CoTin. And thus, as I said before, you may perceive that
these extraordinary fevers have always other evils attending
upon them.

Cit. You have made it plain unto me : and I pray GOD —
at whose command the sun sends forth his heat to comfort
the earth, and the winds' bitter storms to deface the fruits
of it — that in this last affliction of waters, which are hardened
against us, all other miseries may be closed withal ; and that

jan.\<io8j The GREAT FROST OF January 1608. 179

the stripes of sundry plagues and calamities which for these
many years have been seen sticking in our flesh, may work
in our bodies such amendment, and in our souls such repent-
ance, that the rod of the divine Justicer may be held back
from scourging us any longer.

Comi. I gladly and from my heart play the clerk, crying
" Amen." I have been bold and troublesome to you, Sir.

Cit. You teach me what language to speak to yourself in.
I would neither of us both had ever spent an hour worse.

Coim. Indeed, time is a jewel of incomparable value ; yet,
as unthrifts do by their money, we are prodigal in wasting
it; and never feel the true sweetness of enjoying it till we
have lost all. But sithence I have waded thus far into
conference with you, and that it is our agreement to barter
away news one with another, as merchants do their com-
modities, I must request one kindness more at your hands.

Cit. What is that, father ? I am now in your debt, and in
conference I must see you satisfied.

Goim. I hear, Sir, strange report of a certain lottery for
plate of a great value here in London. Is it true ?

Cit. It is true that there is a lottery, and it is set up by
strangers.

Conn. I remember that, as I take it, in the eleventh year
[1568-69 A.D.] of Queen Elizabeth, a lottery began here in
London ; in which, if my memory fail not, there were four
hundred thousand lots to be drawn.

Cit. You say right. So much still lies in my memory.

Conn. Marry, that lottery was only for money, and every
lot was ten shillings [ = £s in present value]. It was held at
the west door of Saint Paul's church. It began upon the
nth of January [1569] and continued day and night till the
6th of May following, which was almost four months : and
the common burden of that song, when poor prizes were
drawn, was Twopence halfpenny.

Cit. That was a prize poor enough, I'll be sworn. Nay,
father, then was there another gallant lottery about the eight
and twentieth year of the same queen's reign, which began
in the middle of summer [1586 a.d.] , and was for marvellously
rich and costly armour, gilt and engraven.

Conn. That lottery I heard of, but never saw it : for I was
then in the country.

i8o The GREAT FROST OF January 1608. [j^},

an. 1608.

Cit, To win that armour, all the Companies of the city
ventured general sums of money [i.e. money belonging to their
several Corporations]. But because you desire to hear some
news of this last lottery that now tempteth the people
together, I will tell you so much of it as I certainly know
for truth ; referring your ear, if you would know more, to the
great voice of the vulgar, of whom you may be sure to have
more than willingly you will carry home.

Coim. Oh, Sir, the wild beast with many heads must needs
have as many tongues ; and it is not possible those tongues
should go true, no more than all the clocks do. But, I pray
you, speak on.

Cit. This lottery, as I said before, consisteth all of plate.
It is a goodly goldsmith's shop to come into : and to behold
so many gilt spoons, cups, bowls, basons, ewers, &c., fairly
graven and richly gilded, who would not be tempted to
venture a shilling — for that is a stake for a lot — when for
that shilling he may haply draw a piece of plate worth a
hundred pounds [ = £1000 in present value], or a hundred and
forty, fifty, or threescore pounds ; if he can catch it, which
he may if fortune favour him.

Coun. Oh, Sir, that sound of a hundred pounds makes good
music in the ear, and draws men to hearken to it. Those
are the sweet baits ; but upon what hooks, I pray you, are
those lickerish baits hung ?

Cit. Upon villanous long ones. For to every prize there
are put in forty blanks ; so there are so many tricks to set a
man beside the saddle, and but one to leap in. There are
7,600 prizes and 42,000 blanks. A number of hard-choked
pears must be swallowed before the delicate fruit can be
tasted.

Coun. And yet I hear that the people fly thither like wild
geese.

Cit. You may well say like wild geese : for some of them
prove such goose caps by going thither, that they leave
themselves no more feathers on their backs than a goose
hath when she is plucked. I have sat there and beheld the
faces of all sorts of people that flock to this fair of silver
household stuff. It is better than ten comedies to note
their entrances into the place and their exits : and yet, in
good truth, I have been heartily sorry to see what tragical

jaii.'i6o8.] The GREAT FROST OF January 1608. 181

ends have fallen upon some poor housekeepers that have
come thither. About the doors, multitudes still are crowding ;
above, the room is continually filled with people. Every
mouth is bawling out for lots, and every hand thrust out to
snatch them. Both hands are lifted up, the one to deliver
the condemned shillings, the other to receive the papers of
life and death. And when the papers, which are rolled up
like wafers, are paid for ; lo ! what praying is there in every
corner that GOD would, if it be His will, send them good
fortune. How gingerly do they open their twelvepenny
commodity ! How leisurely, with what gaping of the
mouth, with what licking of the lips, as though they felt
sweetness in it before they tasted it ! How the standers by
encourage him that hath drawn to open boldly, as if it were
to venture upon the mouth of a cannon : and with what
strange passions and pantings does he turn over his waste
papers ? But when he finds within but a pale piece of
paper. Lord ! how he swears at his own folly, curses the
Frenchmen, and cries " A plague on the house " and wishes
all the plate were molten and poured down the throats of
them that own it. Yet when he hath emptied his bosom of
all this bitterness, the very casting of his eye upon a goodly
fair bason of silver so sweetens the remembrance of his lost
money, that to it he falls again ; and never gives over so long
as he can make any shift for the other shilling. And thus
do a number of poor men labour with a kind of greediness to
beggar themselves.

Coun. But amongst all these land rovers, have none of
them the luck of men of war to win rich prizes ?

Cit. Yes, some do : and the making of one is the undoing
of a hundred : for the sight of a standing bowl being borne
openly away in triumph by some poor fellow, so sets all their
teeth on edge that are the gazers on, that many are almost
mad till they have sold their pewter, in hope to change it
into a cupboard of silver plate. And so far does this frenzy
lead some, especially the baser sort of people, that this man
pawns his cloak ; that man his holiday breeches; this woman
sell her brass; that gossip makes away with her linen : and
all these streams meet in the end in one river. These do all
suffer shipwreck, and the sea swallows the spoil. The one
goes home crying and cursing, the other stands still tickling

i82 The GREAT FROST OF January I 608. [j

an. 1608.

with laughter ; the one hugs himself for his good success, the
other is ready to hang himself for his ill-fortune. Carmen
sell their horses and give over drawing of loads to draw lots.
There came a young wench in one day, a maid-servant, that
had newly received her quarter's wages, and was going to
buy clothes to her back : but this silver mine standing in
her way, here she vowed to dig and to try if she could be
made for ever. She ventured all her money, and lost all :
but when she saw it gone, she sighed and swore that the loss
of her maidenhead should never have grieved her so much
as the loss of her wages.

Coun. I believe her, Sir.

Cit. Imagine how a vintner's boy, having received a
reckoning of his master's guests, and they falling presently
to dice ; if the drawer should set his master's money, and
crying " at all," should lose it all : how would that fellow
look ? even so looked that poor wench.

Coun. Are there — think you, Sir — no deceits in this
lottery to cozen and abuse the people ?

Cit. Trust me, father, I dare accuse no man of any,
because I know of none. Such actions as these — how
warrantable soever, and strengthened by the best authorities
who have wisdom to look through and through them — if
there were any juggling conceit, notwithstanding stand
from the stings of slander. If any villany be done, the
people that swarm hither practise it one against another.

Coun. And how, I pray you, Sir ?

Cit. For I have been told that some one crafty knave
Knavish tricks amongst the rest, taking upon him to play the good
lottery. shcphcrd over the flock that stands about him, hath

gathered money from several men or women, he himself
likewise putting in his own ; and then keeping a crowding to
pass through the press, he comes back and delivers so many
blanks as he received shillings : which blanks were not of
the lottery, but cunningly made up by himself and carried of
purpose up and down by him in his pocket.

Coun. They are worthily served that will be cheated by
such a doctor in the art of knavery. If any man therefore
will needs be, as the term is now, one of these " twelvepenny
gulls," let him hereafter set his own lime twigs ; and then
if he catch no bird, nobody else shall laugh at him.

jan.Ifios.] The GREAT FROST OF January I 608. 183

Cit. Amongst many other things upon the frozen Thames
that will, in times to follow, look to be remembered, this is
one. That there were two barber's shops — in the fashion of
booths, with signs and other properties of that trade belonging
to them — fixed on the ice : to which many numbers of people
resorted : and, albeit they wanted no shaving, yet would they
here be trimmed, because [in order that] another day they
might report that they lost their hair between Bank Side
and London. Both these shops were still so full that the
workmen thought eveiy day had been a Saturday. Never
had they more barberous doings for the time. There was
both old polling and cold polling. And albeit the foundation
of their houses stood altogether upon a watery ground, yet
they that were doctors of the barber's chair feared no danger:
for it was a hard matter almost now for a man to find water
to drown himself, if he had been so desperate.

Then had they other games of " nine holes " and " pigeon
holes " in great numbers. And this, father, did I observe
as worthy to be remembered, that when the watermen, who
had cold doings for a long time, had by main labour cut
down with axes and such like instruments a lane and open
passage between Queenhithe and the further bank [in
Southwark], so that boats went surely to and fro, yet were
people in great multitudes running, walking, sliding, and
playing at games and exercises as boldly as if they had been
on firm land, the Thames running mainly [powerfully] between
them ; and taking boats at Queenhithe or any other stairs,
they would as fiercely leap upon the very brim of the caked
ice as if it had been a strong wharf or the ground itself.

And thus much, father, touching the great frost here about
our city. Unto which, upon my conference with some
merchants my friends here in London, and upon view of
letters from several factors out of other countries beyond the
seas, I add this further report : that this frost hath not only
continued in this extremity here in England ; but all, or the
greatest part of all, the kingdoms in Christendom have been
pinched by the same. Amongst which those countries
northward, as Russia, Moscovia, &c., which at these times of
the year are commonly subject to sharp, bitter, and violent
frosts, were now, this winter, more extremely and more
extraordinarily afflicted than usually they have been in many

184 The GREAT FROST OF January I 6o8. [ja„.x6o8.

years before. So that the calamities that have fallen upon
us by this cruelty of the weather are so much to be endured
with the greater patience and with more thanksgiving to
GOD; because His hand hath punished neighbours and other
nations as heavily if not more severely than He hath us.

Amongst all the serious accidents that have happened here
upon our Thames, I will now, father, quicken your hearing
with one a little more merry. It was merry to the beholders
and strange : but I believe he found no great mirth in it that
was the person that performed it. But thus it was.

A citizen happened to venture with many others on the
ice ; but he, with a couple of dogs that followed him, walked
up and down so long till he was, in a manner, alone from the
rest of the company. You must understand that this was
now towards the end of the frost ; when it either began or
was likely to thaw, so that the people were not so bold upon
the ice, nor in such multitudes as they were before : but this
citizen and his two dogs keeping, as I said, aloof from others;
it fortuned that the flake of ice upon which he stood was in
a moment sundered from the main body of the frozen Thames,
like an arm of a tree cut from the body. So that he stood,
or rather swam as he stood, upon a floating island. The
poor man, perceiving that his ground failed under him, began
to faint in his heart, repenting now that he was so venturous
or so foolish as to leave firm ground where he was safe and
to trust a floor that was so deceitful, was afraid to stir ; and
yet unless he did lustily stir for life, he was sure there was
no way but one, and that was to be drowned. In this
extremity and in this battle of comfort and despair, he had
no means — albeit he was a fresh-water soldier — but to be
constant in courage to himself and to try all paths how to
get from this apparent danger. From place to place therefore
doth he softly run, his two dogs following him close and
leaping upon him : but his thoughts were more busied how
to save himself than to regard them following. He never
hated going a-hawking with his dogs till this time. Now
the sport was loathsome ; now was he weary of it. For in
all his hunting with his hounds thus at his tail, he met one
game that could make him weary : he jostled with other
huge flakes of ice that encountered with that whereupon he
stood ; and gladly would have leaped upon some one of them,

Jan.!6o8.] T H E GRE AT F R OST OF J ANU ARY I 6 O 8 . 185

but to have done so, had been to have slipped out of one peril
into another. Nothing was before his eyes but water mingled
with huge cakes of ice. On every side of him was danger
and death.

Innumerable multitudes of people stood looking upon the
shores ; but none were so hardy as to set out to his rescue.
Being therefore thus round beset with the horrors of so
present a wreck, he fell down on his knees, uttering such
cold prayers as in this fear a man could deliver. His dogs,
not understanding their master's danger nor their own, and
not knowing why he kneeled, leaped ever and anon at his
head and shoulders : but his mind being now more on his
dying day than on his sports, he continued praying, till the
flake of ice on which he kneeled was driven to the very
Bridge. Which he perceiving, started up, and with a happy
nimbleness leaped upon one of the arches ; his dogs leaping
after as nimbly as the master : whilst the cake of ice passed
away from him, and between the two arches was shivered all
to little pieces. And thus did he escape.

Goiin. It was a miraculous deliverance.

Cit. Other abuses are there daily among the worser
ranks of people, put one upon another; which being but idle,
ridiculous, and not worth rehearsing, I willingly am glad not
to remember; but only to content your longing, good old
father, have I set thus much of our golden lottery before you.

Goun. Sir, you bind me more and more to you for these
kindnesses to me being a stranger and a person of so homely
an outside from a citizen so grave as yourself seem to be. I
will ever rest abundantly thankful.

FINIS,

i86

LONDON.

Printed for Henry

Gosson, and are to be sold at

his shop at London-Bridge.

1608.

THE

Secrets of Ansflin

TEACHING,

The choicest Tools, Baits and Seasons, for the

taking of any Fish in Pond or River:

practised and familiarly opened

in three Books.

By I. D. Esquire,

Printed at London, for Roger Jackson^ and are to be sold
at his shop near Fleet Street conduit, i6i 3.

y. D. Esquire.
The Secrets of Anglings

With the exception of J. D.'s verses, who is the laureate of the craft, angling, as practised in
England, sadly wants a sacred bard. Why does no fisherman hatnis et reti potens, as familiar
with all the finny tribes as was Glaucus of old after tasting grass, cut himself a reed from the
marg^ of his loved trout stream, and pipe a strain worthy of the subject ? — Quarterly Review,
Oct. 187s, p. 358.

J]Ur attention was drawn to this tract by the charming article
on the literature and mysteries of Trout and Trout Fishings
from which we have made the above quotation. The original
edition of 1613 is of extraordinary rarity. Only two copies
are known. One of these is in the Bodleian ; the other in the superb
collection of Mr. Henry Huth, who kindly lent it for the present
reproduction.

In addition to the original impression, we have given at pages igi-ipSall
the additional Note and Comment which William Lauson added to the
second impression of 1653.

ISAAK Walton quotes from this poetical work in his Cotnpleat Angler
first pubhshed in 1653, assigning by a marginal note, the authorship to
J. Da. ; but the following entry in the Stationery Registers definitely
fixes the name of the Writer, who was apparently a Somersetshire man.

Master Roger Entred for his copie vnder th[e hjands of
Jackson. Master Mason and Warden Hooper A
booke called The secretes of Angling teaching
the Choysest tools bates and seasons for the
taking of any fish in pond or River practised
and opened in three bookes by John Dennys
Esquier vjd.

As it appears from the Publisher's Epistle at p. 143 that the work
appeared posthumously, the date of its composition can but approximately
be fixed as "Before 1613."

We think that to not a few Anglers, the poem will prove a very pleasant
surprise ; and we imagine that this is the second printed book in our
Literature specially devoted to stream fishing with the rod ; Juliana
Barnes' treatise of Fysshynge with an angle at the end of the 1496 edition
of her book of The manere of hawkynge and htmtynge &^c., being the first.

Though the tract has several times been reprinted; lastly in 1811 :
we feel sure we are but expressing the feeling of all Anglers in thanking
Mr. Huth for his generous assistance in making it now perpetually
accessible to all lovers of the gentle craft.

189

TO THE WORTHY, AND

MY MUCH RESPECTED FRIEND,

Master John Harborne of Tack ley in the
County of Oxford, Esquire.

JFORTHT S IR^

His Poem being sent unto me to be printed after the
death of the author ; who intended to have done it in
his life; but was prevented by death: I could not among
my good friends, bethink me of any one to whom I might more
fitly dedicate it — as well for the nature of the subject in which you
delight, as to express my love — than to yourself,

I find it not only savouring of Art and Honesty, two things now
strangers unto many authors, but also both pleasant and profitable ;
and being loth to see a thing of such value lie hidden in obscurity,
whilst matters of no moment pester the stalls of every stationer, I
therefore make bold to publish it for the benefit and delight of all,
trusting that I shall neither thereby disparage the author, nor
dislike them.

I need not, I think, apologize for either the use of the subject
or for that it is reduced into the nature of a poem : for as touch-
ing the last, in that it is in verse, some count it by so much the

I90 Tpie Epistle. [^"■^^''Sxa.

more delightful; and I hold it every way as fit a subject for poetry
as Husbandry. And touching the first, if H tinting and Hawking
have been thought worthy delights and arts to be instructed in, I
make not doubt but that this art of Angling is much more worthy
practice and approbation : for it is a sport every way as pleasant,
less chargeable, more profitable, and nothing so much subject to
choler or impatience as those are. You shall find it more
briefly, pleasantly, and more exactly performed than any of this
kind heretofore. Therefore I refer you to the perusing thereof;
and myself to your good opinion, which I tender as that I hold
most dear.

Ever remaining at

Your gentle command,

R. I. [i.e., Roger Jackson.]

i^^i^

I9T

In due praise of this praiseworthy
Skill and Work.

N skills that all do seek, but few do find
Both gain and game; (like Sun and Moon, do shine)
Then th'Art of Fishing thus is of that kind;
The Angler taketh both with hook and line,

And as with lines, both these he takes ; this takes.

With many a line well made, both ears and hearts;

And by this skill, the skilless skilful makes :

The corps whereof dissected so he parts ;

Upon an humble subject never lay

More proud, yet plainer lines, the plain to lead,

This plainer Art with pleasure to survey,

To purchase it with profit by that deed :

Who think this skill's too low, then for the high
This Angler read and they'll be ta'en thereby.

Io[hn] Davies.

192

THE CONTENTS.

The First Book containeth these three heads.

1 W^^^^iHE antiquity of Angling, with the Art of Fishing,
and of Fish in general.

2 The lawfulness, pleasure and profit thereof; with
all objections against it answered.

3 To know the season and times how to provide the
tools, and how to choose the best, and the manner
how to make them fit to take each several fish.

The Second Book containeth

HE Angler^ s experience, how to use his tools and baits,
to make profit by his game.

2 What fish are not taken with angle, and what

are ; and which are best for health.

3 In what waters and rivers to find each fish.

The Third Book containeth

HE twelve virtues and qualities which ought to be in
every Angler.

2 What weather, seasons and times of the year are

best and worst; and what hours of the day are
best for sport.

3 To know each fish's haunt, and the times to take them.

Also, an obscure secret of an approved bait tending thereunto.

193

THE

SECRETS

of Angling.

The First Book,

F Angling and the Art thereof I sing,
What kind of tools it doth behove to have;
And with what pleasing bait a man may

bring
The fish to bite within the wat'ry wave.
A work of thanks to such as in a thing
Of harmless pleasure, have regard to save
Their dearest souls from sin; and may

intend
Of precious time, some part thereon to
spend.

N 6

194 The First Book [MnDenny^

Before 1613.

You Nymphs that in the springs and waters sweet,
Your dwelling have, of every hill and dale;
And oft amidst the meadows green do meet
To sport and play, and hear the nightingale ;
And in the rivers fresh, do wash your feet,
While Progne's sister tells her woeful tale :
Such aid and power unto my verses lend
As may sufBce this little work to end.

And thou sweet Boyd * that with thy wat'ry sway
Dost wash the cliffs of Deington and of Week;
And through their rocks with crooked winding way
Thy mother Avon runnest soft to seek;
In whose fair streams the speckled trout doth play.
The roach, the dace, the gudgeon and the bleek :
Teach me the skill with slender line and hook
To take each fish of river, pond and brook.

• The name of a brook.

The Time for providing Angle Rods.

Irst, when the sun beginneth to decline
Southward his course, with his fair chariot bright ;
And passed hath of heaven the middle line
That makes of equal length both day and night;
And left behind his back the dreadful sign
Of cruel Centaur, slain in drunken fight; [song.
When beasts do mourn and birds forsake their
And every creature thinks the night too long.

And blust'ring Boreas with his chilling cold,
Unclothed hath the trees of summer's green ;
And woods and proves are naked to behold,
Of leaves and branches now despoiled clean ;

^Before'^Ts!] ^^ THE Secrets OF Angling. 1 95

So that their fruitful stocks they do unfold,
And lay abroad their offspring to be seen :

Where Nature shows her great increase of kind
To such as seek their tender shoots to find.

Then go into some great Arcadian wood
Where store of ancient hazels do abound ;
And seek amongst their springs and tender brood
Such shoots as are the straightest, long and round :
And of them all (store up what you think good)
But fairest choose, the smoothest and most sound ;
So that they do not two years' growth exceed,
In shape and beauty like the Belgick reed.

These prune and cleanse of every leaf and spray,
Yet leave the tender top remaining still ;
Then home with thee go bear them safe away.
But perish not the rine and utter pill ; [*] i* Rinda,td
And on some even boarded floor them lay, outer peei.\
Where they may dry and season at their fill ;
And place upon their crooked parts some weight
To press them down, and keep them plain and straight.

So shalt thou have always in store the best
And fittest rods to serve thy turn aright :
For not the brittle cane, nor all the rest,
I like so well, though it be long and light ;
Since that the fish are frighted with the least
Aspect of any glittering thing, or white ;

Nor doth it by one half so well incline

As doth the pliant rod, to save the line.

196 The First Book pBrro^e^ais"

To make the Line.

Hen get good hair, so that it be not black,
Neither of mare nor gelding let it be;
Nor of the tireling jade that bears the pack ;
But of some lusty horse or courser free,
Whose bushy tail upon the ground doth track
Like blazing comet that sometimes we see :
From out the midst thereof the longest take
At leisure best your links and lines to make.

Then twist them finely as you think most meet,
By skill or practice easy to be found ;
As doth Arachne with her slender feet,
Draw forth her little thread along the ground :
But not too hard or slack, the mean is sweet ;
Lest slack, they snarl; or hard, they prove unsound;
And intermix with silver, silk or gold,
The tender hairs, the better so to hold.

Then end to end, as falleth to their lot.
Let all your links, in order as they lie.
Be knit together with that fisher's knot
That will not slip nor with the wet untie;
And at the lowest end forget it not
To leave a bout or compass like an eye,

The link that holds your hook to hang upon,
When you think good to take it off and on.

Which link must neither be so great nor strong,
Nor like of colour as the others were ;
Scant half so big, so that it be as long.
Of greyest hue and of the soundest hair ;

^B?fo?e"i6l^] OF THE Secrets of Angling. 197

Lest whiles it hangs the liquid waves among
The sight thereof, the wary fish should fear :
And at one end a loop or compass fine,
To fasten to the other of your line.

Cork.

Hen take good cork, so much as shall suffice,
For every line to make his swimmer fit ;
And where the midst and thickest parts doth rise,
There burn a round small hole quite through it ;
And put therein a quill of equal size,
But take good heed the cork you do not slit ;
Then round or square with razor pare it near
Pyramidwise, or like a slender pear.

The smaller end doth serve to sink more light
Into the water with the plummet's sway ;
The greater swims aloft and stands upright.
To keep the line and bait at even stay ;
That when the fish begin to nib and bite,
The moving of the float doth them bewray :
These may you place upon your lines at will.
And stop them with a white and handsome quill.

Hooks.

Hen buy your hooks the finest and the best
That may be had of such as use to sell,
x-Vnd from the greatest to the very least
Of every sort pick out and choose them well ;
Such as in shape and making pass the rest,
And do for strength and soundness most excel :
Then in a little box of driest wood
From rust and canker keep them fair and good.

198 The First Book [Jtefo^Tels:

That hook I love that is in compass round,
Like to the print that Pegasus did make
With horned hoof upon Thessalian ground ;
From whence forthwith Parnassus' spring outbrake,
That doth in pleasant waters so abound,
And of the Muses oft the thirst doth slake ;
Who on his fruitful banks do sit and sing,
That all the world of their sweet tunes doth ring.

Or as Thaumantis, when she list to shroud
Herself against the parching sunny ray,
Under the mantle of some stormy cloud
Where she her sundry colours doth display ;
Like Juno's bird ; of her fair garments proud,
That Phcebus gave her on her marriage day,
Shows forth her goodly circle far and wide
To mortal wights that wonder at her pride.

His shank should neither be too short nor long;

His point not over sharp nor yet too dull ;

The substance good that may endure from wrong :

His needle slender, yet both round and full,

Made of the right Iberian metal strong

That will not stretch nor break at every pull ;

Wrought smooth and clean without one crack or knot.

And bearded like the wild Arabian goat.

Then let your hook be sure and strongly plaste

Unto your lowest link, with silk or hair ;

Which you may do with often overcast

So that you draw the bouts together near :

And with both ends make all the other fast,

That no bare place or rising knot appear ;
Then on that link hang leads of even weight,
To raise your float and carry down your bait.

J°Brfo?e"6i3.] OF THE SeCRETS OF AnGLING. 1 99

Thus have your rod, line, float and hook ;

The rod to strike, when you shall think it fit ;

The line to lead the fish with wary skill ;

The float and quill to warn you of the bit ;

The hook to hold him by the chap or gill :

Hook, line and rod all guided to your wit.
Yet there remain of fishing tools to tell
Some other sorts that you must have as well.

Other Fishing Tools.

Little board, the lightest you can find,
But not so thin that it will break or bend ;
Of cypress sweet or of some other kind,
That like a trencher shall itself extend ;
Made smooth and plain, your lines thereon to wind,
With battlements at every other end ;
Like to the bulwark of some ancient town
As well-walled Silchester, now razed down.

A shoe to bear the crawling worms therein,
With hole above to hang it by your side.
A hollow cane that must be light and thin,
Wherein the " Bobb " and " Palmer" shall abide
Which must be stopped with an handsome pin
Lest out again your baits do hap to slide.
A little box that covered close shall lie,
To keep therein the busy winged fly.

Then must you have a plummet formed round
Like to the pellet of a birding bow ;
Wherewith you may the secret'st waters sound,
And set your float thereafter high or low

200 TheFirstBook pBefo^eTe^;

Till you the depth thereof have truly found ;
And on the same a twisted thread bestow

At your own will, to hang it on your hook,

And so to let it down into the brook.

Of lead likewise, yet must you have a ring,
Whose whole diameter in length contains
Three inches lull, and fastened to a string
That must be long and sure, if need constrains ;
Through whose round hole you shall your Angle bring,
And let it fall into the wat'ry plain

Until he come the weeds and sticks unto ;

From whence your hook it serveth to undo.

Have tools good store to serve your turn withal,
Lest that you happen some to lose or break ;
As in great waters oft it doth befall
When that the hook is naught or line too weak :
And waxed thread, or silk, so it be small,
To set them on, that if you list to wreak

Your former loss, you may supply the place ;

And not return with sorrow and disgrace.

Have twist likewise, so that it be not white,

Your rod to mend, or broken top to tie ; ^1

For all white colours do the fishes fright "' ■

And make them from the bait away to fly :

A file to mend your hooks, both small and light ;

A good sharp knife, your girdle hanging by ;

A pouch with many parts and purses thin,

To carry all your tools and trinkets in.

^°Be"fore*i6S ^^ '^^^ SeCRETS OF AnGLING. 20I

Yet must you have a little rip beside
Of willow twigs, the finest you can wish ;
Which shall be made so handsome and so wide
As may contain good store of sundry fish ;
And yet with ease be hanged by your side,
To bring them home the better to your dish.
A little net that on a pole shall stand,
The mighty pike or heavy carp to land.

His several Tools and what Garment is fittest.

Nd let your garments russet be or gray
Of colour dark and hardest to descry.
That with the rain or weather will away
And least offend the fearful fish's eye:
For neither scarlet nor rich cloth of 'ray
Nor colours dipt in fresh Assyrian dye,
Nor tender silks of purple, paul or gold
Will serve so well to keep off wet or cold.

In this array the Angler good shall go
Unto the brook to find his wished game ;
Like old Menalcus wandring to and fro
Until he chance to light upon the same ;
And here his art and cunning shall bestow
For every fish his bait so well to frame.
That long ere Fhcebus set in western foam
He shall return well laden to his home.

Objection.

Ome youthful gallant here perhaps will say
" This is no pastime for a gentleman.
It were more fit at cards and dice to play,
To use both fence and dancing now and then,

202 The First Book [^Be^^e™:

Or walk the streets in nice and strange array,
Or with coy phrases court his mistress' fan ;
A poor dehght with toil and painful watch
With loss of time a silly fish to catch 1 "

" What pleasure can it be to walk about
The fields and meads in heat or pinching cold ;
And stand all day to catch a silly trout
That is not worth a tester to be sold ?
And peradventure sometimes go without,
Besides the toils and troubles manifold ?
And to be washt with many a shower of rain
Before he can return from thence again ? "

•* More ease it were, and more delight I trow
In some sweet house to pass the time away
Among the best, with brave and gallant show ;
And with fair dames to dance, to sport and play ;
And on the board, the nimble dice to throw
That brings in gain, and helps the shot to pay;
And with good wine and store of dainty fare
To feed at will and take but little care.'*

The Answer,

Mean not here men's errors to reprove,
Nor do envy their seeming happy state ;
But rather marvel why they do not love
An honest sport that is without debate ;
Since their abused pastimes often move
Their minds to anger and to mortal hate ;
And as in bad delights their time they spend,
So oft it brings them to no better end.

%o?e"6S OF THE Secrets of Angling. 203

Indeed it is a life of lesser pain
To sit at play from noon till it be night;
And then from night till it be noon again;
With damned oaths, pronounced in despite,
For little cause and every trifling vein :
To curse, to brawl, to quarrel and to fight ;

To pack the cards, and with some coz'ning trick,
His fellow's purse of all his coin to pick.

Or to beguile another of his wife,

As did ^GiSTUS, Agamemnon serve ;

Or as that Roman * monarch led a life ; *nero.

To spoil and spend while others pine and starve ;

And to compel their friends with foolish strife,

To take more drink than will their health preserve ;
And to conclude, for debt or just desert
In baser tune to sing the " Counter" part.

O let me rather on the pleasant brink
Of Tyne and Trent possess some dwelling-place ;
Where I may see my quill and cork down sink
With eager bite of barbel, bleek or dace :
And on the world and his Creator think.
While they, proud Thais' painted sheet embrace ;
And with the fume of strong tobacco's smoke.
All quaffing round, are ready for to choke.

Let them that list these pastimes then pursue
And on their pleasing fancies feed their fill;
So I the fields and meadows green may view.
And by the rivers fresh may walk at will
Among the daisies and the violets blue,
Red hyacinth and yellow daffodil,

Purple narcissus like the morning rays,
Pale ganderglass and azure culverkeys.

204 The First Book ^£"6^

I count it better pleasure to behold
The goodly compass of the lofty sky ;
And in the midst thereof like burning gold,
The flaming chariot of the world's great Eye;
The wat'ry clouds that in the air uprolled
With sundry kinds of painted colours fly ;
And fair Aurora lifting up her head,
All blushing rise from old Tithonus' bed.

The hills and mountains raised from the plains,
The plains extended level with the ground.
The ground divided into sundry veins,
The veins inclosed with running rivers round,
The rivers making way through Nature's chain.
With headlong course into the sea profound,
The surging sea beneath the valleys low.
The valleys sweet, and lakes that lovely flow.

The lofty woods, the forests wide and long,
Adorned with leaves and branches fresh and green ;
In whose cool bowers the birds with chanting song
Do welcome with their quire, the Summer's Queen :
The meadows fair where Flora's gifts among,
Are intermixt the verdant grass between ;
The silver-scaled fish that softly swim
Within the brooks and crystal wat'ry brim.

All these and many more of His creation
That made the heavens, the Angler oft doth see ;
And takes therein no little delectation
To think how strange and wonderful they be ;
Framing thereof an inward contemplation
To set his thoughts from other fancies free.
And whiles he looks on these with joyful eye.
His mind is rapt above the starry sky.

^BdSr^ri'.] OF THE Secrets of Angling. 205

T/ie Author of Angling.

Ut how this Art of Angling did begin ?
.\nd who the use and practice found ?
How many times and ages since have bin
Wherein the sun hath daily compast round
The circle that the signs twice six are in
And yielded yearly comfort to the ground ?
It were too hard for me to bring about ;
Since Ovid wrote not all that story out.

Yet to content the willing reader's ear,

I will not spare the sad report to tell.

When good Deucalion and his Pyrrha dear

Were only left upon the earth to dwell,

Of all the rest that overwhelmed were

With that great flood, that in their days befell ;
Wherein the compass of the world so round
Both man and beast with waters deep were drowned.

Between themselves they wept, and made great moan
How to repair again the woeful fall
Of all mankind, whereof they two alone
The remnant were ; and wretched portion small :
But any means or hope in them was none,
That might restore so great a loss withal;
Since they were aged, and in years so run,
That now almost their thread of life was spun.

2o6 TheFirstBook [%o?e"x6r3.

Until at last they saw where as there stood
An ancient temple wasted and forlorn,
Whose holy fires and sundry offerings good
The late outrageous waves away had borne ;
But when at length down fallen was the flood,
The waters low, it proudly 'gan to scorn :
Unto that place they thought it best to go,
The counsel of the goddess there to know.

For long before that fearful deluge great,

The universal earth had overflown ;

A heavenly power there placed had her seat,

And answers gave of hidden things unknown.

Thither they went her favour to entreat

Whose fame throughout that coast abroad was blown ;

By her advice some way or mean to find.

How to renew the race of human kind.

Prostrate they fell upon the sacred ground,
Kissing the stones and shedding many a tear ;
And lowly bent their aged bodies down
Unto the earth, with sad and heavy cheer;
Praying the saint with soft and doleful sound.
That she vouchsafe their humble suit to hear.
The goddess heard : and bade them go and take
Their mother's bones, and throw behind their back.

This oracle obscure and dark of sense,
Amazed much their minds with fear and doubt.
What kind of meaning might be drawn from thence ;
And how to understand and find it out.
How with so great a sin they might dispense
Their parent's bones to cast and throw about ?
Thus when they had long time in study spent
Out of the church with careful thougnt they went.

^°Ke°6S OF THE Secrets of Angling. 207

And now beholding better every place,

Each hill and dale, each river, rock and tree;

And musing thereupon a little space.

They thought the Earth their mother well might be ;

And that the stones that lay before their face

To be her bones did nothing disagree :

Wherefore to prove if it were false or true,

The scattered stones behind their backs they threw.

Forthwith the stones (a wondrous thing to hear)
Began to move as they had life conceived;
And waxed greater than at first they were,
And more and more the shape of man received ;
Till every part most plainly did appear
That neither eye nor sense could be deceived :

They heard, they spake, they went and walked too

As other living men are wont to do.

Thus was the earth replenished anew

With people strange, sprung up with little pain ;

Of whose increase, the progeny that grew

Did soon supply the empty world again :

But now a greater care there did ensue

How such a mighty number to maintain ;
Since food there was not any to be found,
For that great flood had all destroyed and drowned.

Then did Deucalion first the Art invent
Of Angling, and his people taught the same ;
And to the woods and groves with them he went
Fit tools to find for this most needful game.
There from the trees the longest rinds they rent,
Wherewith strong lines they roughly twist and fram^.
And of each crook of hardest bush and brake,
They made them hooks the hungry fish to take.

2o8 The First Book pBe"fo?e"6r3

And to entice them to the eager bit,
Dead frogs and flies of sundry sorts he took ;
And snails and worms such as he found most fit
Wherein to hide the close and deadly hook ;
And thus with practice and inventive wit,
He found the means in every lake and brook
Such store of fish to take with little pain
As did long time this people new, sustain.

In this rude sort began this simple Art
And so remained in that first age of old
When Saturn did Amalthea's horn impart
Unto the world, that then was all of gold :
The fish as yet had felt but little smart
And were to bite more eager, apt and bold ;
And plenty still supplied the place again
Of woeful want, whereof we now complain.

But when in time the fear and dread of man
Fell more and more on every living thing,
And all the creatures of the world began
To stand in awe of this usurping king ;
Whose tyranny so far extended then
That earth and seas it did in thraldom bring :
It was a work of greater pain and skill,
The wary fish in lake or brook to kill.

So worse and worse two ages more did pass,
Yet still this Art more perfect daily grew :
For then the slender rod invented was,
Of finer sort than former ages knew :
And hooks were made of silver and of brass,
And lines of hemp and flax were framed new ;
And sundry baits experience found out more
Than elder times did know or try before.

^Brfore'"i6i3:] <^^ THE Secrets of Angling. 209

But at the last the Iron Age drew near,
Of all the rest the hardest and most scant :
Then lines were made of silk and subtle hair ;
And rods of lightest cane and hazel plant ;
And hooks of hardest steel invented were,
That neither skill nor workmanship did want ;
And so this Art did in the end attain
Unto that state where now it doth remain.

But here my weary Muse awhile must rest
That is not used to so long a way ;
And breathe or pause a little at the least
At this land's end, until another day :
And then again, if so she think it best
Our taken-task afresh we will assay ;
And forward go as first we did intend
Till that we come unto our journey's end.

T/ie end of the First Booh.

2TO

rjohn Dennys.
L Before 1613

The Second Booh

Efore, I taught what kind of tools were fit
For him to have, that would an Angler be ;
And how he should with practice and with

wit
Provide himself thereof in best degree :
Now doth remain to show how to the bit
The fishes may be brought, that erst were
free ;
And with what pleasing baits enticed

they are,
To swallow down the hidden hook
un'ware.

Baits.

IT WERE not meet to send a huntsman out
Unto the woods with net, with gin or hay ;
To trace the brakes and bushes all about
The stag, the fox or badger to betray ;
If having found his game, he stand in doubt
Which way to pitch, or where his snares to lay ;
And with what train he may entice withal.
The fearful beast into his trap to fall.

^Befo^eX] The Second Book. 211

So, though the Angler have good store of tools,
And them with skill in finest sort can frame ;
Yet when he comes to rivers, lakes and pools,
If that he know not how to use the same,
And with what baits to make the fishes fools ;
He may go home as wise as out he came,

And of his coming boast himself as well

As he that from his father's chariot fell.

Not that I take upon me to impart

More than by others hath before been told,

Or that the hidden secrets of this Art

I would unto the vulgar sort unfold ;

Who peradventure for my pains' desert

Would count me worthy Balaam's horse to hold :

But only to the willing learner show

So much thereof as may sufi&ce to know.

But here, O Neptune ! that with triple mace

Dost rule the raging of the ocean wide ;

I meddle not with thy deformed race

Of monsters huge, that in those waves abide ;

With that great whale, that by three whole days' space

The man of GOD did in his belly hide.

And cast him out upon the Euxine shore

As safe and sound as he had been before.

Nor with that Ork, that on Cephasan strand

Would have devoured Andromeda the fair ;

Whom Perseus slew with strong and valiant hand,

Delivering her from danger and despair :

The Hurlepool [? whirlpool] huge that higher than the land

Whole streams of water spouteth in the air ;

The porpoise large that playing swims on high

Portending storms or other tempest nigh.

212 The Second Book refo^'Zt

Nor that admirer of sweet music's sound
That on his back Arion bore away
And brought to shore out of the seas profound ;
The hippotame that like an horse doth neigh,
The morse that from the rocks enrolled round
Within his teeth himself doth safe convey ;
The tortoise covered with his target hard,
The tuberon attended with his guard.

Nor with that fish that beareth in his snout
A ragged sword, his foes to spoil and kill ;
Nor that fierce thrasher that doth fling about
His nimble flail and handles him at will ;
The ravenous shark that with the sweepings out
And filth of ships doth oft his belly fill ;
The albacore that followeth night and day
The flying fish, and takes them for his prey.

The crocodile that weeps when he doth wrong,
The halibut that hurts the appetite,
The turbot broad, the seal, the sturgeon strong,
The cod and cozze that greedy are to bite,
The hake, the haddock, and conger long,
The yellow ling, the milwell fair and white.
The spreading ray, the thornback thin and flat,
The boisterous base, the hoggish tunny fat.

These kinds of fish that are so large of size,
And many more that here I leave untold.
Shall go for me, and all the rest likewise
That are the flock of Proteus' wat'ry fold ;
For well I think my hooks would not suffice,
Nor slender lines, the least of these to hold.
I leave them therefore to the surging seas :
In that huge depth, to wander at their ease.

■^ B^fore'"i6iy OF THE SeCRETS OF AnGLING. 213

And speak of such as in the fresh are found,
The little roach, the menise biting fast,
The slimy tench, the slender smelt and round,
The umber sweet, the grayling good of taste,
The wholesome ruff, the barbel not so sound,
The perch and pike that all the rest do waste,
The bream, the carp, the chub and chavender,
And many more that in fresh waters are.

Sit then Thalia on some pleasant bank.
Among so many as fair Avon hath !
And mark the anglers how they march in rank.
Some out of Bristol, some from healthful Bath ;
How all the river's sides along they flank.
And through the meadows make their wonted path :
See how their wit and cunning they apply
To catch the fish that in the waters lie 1

For the Gudgeo7i.

IN a little boat where one doth stand,
That to a willow bough the while is tied ;
And with a pole doth stir and raise the sand.
Where as the gentle stream doth softly slide :
And then with slender line and rod in hand.
The eager bite not long he doth abide.

Well leaded in his line, his hook but small,
A good big cork to bear the stream withal.

His bait the least red worm that may be found.

And at the bottom it doth always lie ;

Whereat the greedy gudgeon bites so sound

That hook and all he swalloweth by and by.

See how he strikes, and pulls them up as round

As if new store the play did still supply !

And when the bite doth die or bad doth prove.
Then to another place he doth remove.

Rb^Tl

214 The Second Book pBrfo^eTefs

This fish the fittest for a learner is
That in this Art delights to take some pain ;
For as high-flying hawks that often miss
The swifter fowls, are eased with a train ;
So to a young beginner yieldeth this,
Such ready sport as makes him prove again ;
And leads him on with hope and glad desire,
To greater skill and cunning to aspire.

For the Roach.

Hen see on yonder side where one doth sit,
With line well twisted and his hook but small ;
His cork not big, his plummets round and fit,
His paste of finest paste, a little ball ;
Wherewith he doth entice unto the bit
The careless roach, that soon is caught withal :
Within a foot the same doth reach the ground.
And with least touch the float straight sinketh down.

And as a skilful fowler that doth use

The flying birds of any kind to take,

The fittest and the best doth always choose

Of many sorts a pleasing stale to make ;

Which if he doth perceive they do refuse

And of mislike abandon and forsake.

To win their love again, and get their grace,
Forthwith doth put another in the place.

So for the roach more baits he hath beside ;
As of a sheep, the thick congealed blood,
Which on a board he useth to divide
In portions small to make them fit and good.

■^Brfo^e lei's.'] o^ "^^^ Secrets of Angling. 215

That better on his hook they may abide ;
And of the wasp the white and tender brood ;

And worms that breed on every herb and tree ;

And sundry flies that quick and lively be.

For the Dace.

Hen look where as that poplar gray doth grow,
Hard by the same where one doth closely stand
And with the wind his hook and bait doth throw
Amid the stream with slender hazel wand,
Where as he sees the dace themselves do show.
His eye is quick and ready is his hand

And when the fish doth rise to catch the bait,
He presently doth strike, and takes her straight.

O world's deceit ! how are we thralled by thee.
Thou dost thy gall in sweetest pleasures hide !
When most we think in happiest state to be,
Then do we soonest into danger slide.
Behold the fish, that even now was free,
Unto the deadly hook how he is tied !
So vain delights allure us to the snare,
Wherein un'wares we fast entangled are.

For the Carp.

Ut now again see where another stands
And strains his rod that double seems to bend !
Lo how he leads and guides him with his hands
Lest that his line should break or angle rend ;
Then with a net, see how at last he lands
A mighty carp, and has him in the end !
So large he is of body, scale and bone
That rod and all had like to have been gone.

2i6 The Second Book [-^Brfo^eTeS

Mark what a line he hath, well made and strong,
Of Bucephal or Bayard's strongest hair
Twisted with green or watchet silk among
Like hardest twine that holds th'entangled deer ;
Not any force of fish will do it wrong
In Tyne or Trent or Thames he needs not fear :
The knots of every link are knit so sure
That many a pluck and pull they may endure.

His cork is large, made handsome smooth and fine,

The leads according, close, and fit thereto ;

A good round hook set on with silken twine

That will not slip nor easily undo :

His bait great worms that long in moss have been,

Which by his side he beareth in a shoe ;
Or paste wherewith he feeds him oft before,
That at the bottom lies a foot or more.

For the Chub and Trout.

Ee where another hides himself as sly
As did Action or the fearful deer,
Behind a withy, and with watchful eye
Attends the bite within the water clear,
And on the top thereof doth move his fly
With skilful hand, as if he living were,

Lo how the chub, the roach, the dace and trout,
To catch thereat do gaze and swim about.

His rod or cane, made dark for being seen
The less to fear the wary fish withal ;
The line well twisted is, and wrought so clean
That being strong yet doth it show but small ;

^°Befo?e°6i3:] ^F THE Secrets OF Angling. 217

His hook not great, nor little, but between.
That light upon the wat'ry brim may fall ;

The line in length scant half the rod exceeds,

And neither cork nor lead it needs.

For the Trout and Eel.

Ow SEE some standing where the stream doth fall
With headlong course behind the sturdy weir,
That overthwart the river like a wall,
The water stops, and strongly up doth bear ;
And at the tails of mills and arches small,
Where as the shoot is swift and not too clear ;
Their lines in length not twice above an ell.
But with good store of lead, and twisted well.

Round handsome hooks that will not break nor bend,

The big red worm well scoured is their bait,

Which down unto the bottom doth descend,

Where as the trout and eel doth lie in wait.

And to their feeding busily intend ;

Which when they see, they snatch and swallow straight.

Upon their lines are neither cork nor quill ;

But when they feel them pluck, then strike they still.

For the Sezvant and Flounder.

Ehold some others ranged all along,
To take the sewant, yea, the flounder sweet ;
That to the bank in deepest places throng
To shun the swifter stream that runs so fleet;
And lie and feed the brackish waves among.
Where as the waters fresh and salt do meet.

And there the eel and shad sometimes are caught,
That with the tide into the brooks are brought.

2i8 The Second Book Refo^eTei:!:

But by the way it shall not be amiss
To understand that in the waters gray,
Of floating fish, two sundry kinds there is ;
The one that lives by raven and by prey.
And of the weaker sort, now that, now this,
He bites and spoils, and kills and bears away,

And in his greedy gullet doth devour ;

As Scylla's gulf a ship within his power.

And these have wider mouths to catch and take
Their flying prey, whom swiftly they pursue;
And rows of teeth like to a saw or rake
Wherewith their gotten game they bite and chew;
And greater speed within the waters make
To set upon the other simple crew;

And as the greyhound steals upon the hare,
So do they use to rush on them un'ware.

Unequal fate ! that some are born to be
Fearful and mild, and for the rest a prey;
And others are ordained to live more free
Without control or danger any way :
So doth the fox, the lamb destroy we see ;
The lion fierce, the beaver roe or grey ;

The hawk, the fowl ; the greater wrong the less ;

The lofty proud the lowly poor oppress.

F'or the Pike or Perch.

Ow FOR to take these kinds of fish withal, [as. p. 196]
It shall be needful to have still in store
Some living baits, as bleeks and roaches small,
Gudgeon, or loach, not taken long before,

"'BTfo^eieia.'] OF THE Secrets of Angling. 219

Or yellow frogs that in the waters crawl;

But all alive they must be evermore,

For as for baits that dead and dull do lie,
They least esteem, and set but little by.

But take good heed your line be sure and strong,
The knots well knit and of the soundest hair,
Twisted with some well-coloured silk among ;
And that you have no need your rod to fear :
For these great fish will strive and struggle long,
Rod line and all, into the stream to bear.

And that your hook be not too small and weak.

Lest that it chance to stretch or hap to break.

And as in Arden, or the mountains hoar
Of Appennine, or craggy Alps among ;
The mastiffs fierce that hunt the bristled boar,
Are harnessed with curats light and strong ;
So for these fish, your line a foot or more
Must armed be with thinnest plate along ;
Or slender wire well fasten'd thereunto,
That will not slip nor easily undo.

The other kind that are unlike to these,

Do live by corn or any other seed ;

Sometimes by crumbs of bread, of paste or cheese ;

Or grasshoppers that in green meadows breed ;

With brood of wasps, of hornets, doars, or bees.

Lip berries from the briar bush or weed.

Blood worms and snails, or crawling gentles small,
And buzzing flies that on the waters fall.

220 The Second Book pBrro^eZ^-

All these are good, and many others more,
To make fit baits to take these kinds of fish ;
So that some fair deep place you feed before
A day or two, with pail, with bowl, or dish ;
And of these meats do use to throw in store :
Then shall you have them bite as you would wish ;

And ready sport to take your pleasure still,

Of any sort that best you like to kill.

Thus serving them as often as you may,
But once a week at least it must be done ;
If that to bite they make too long delay
As by your sport may be perceived soon :
Then some great fish doth fear the rest away,
Whose fellowship and company they shun ;
Who neither in the bait doth take delight,
Nor yet will suffer them that would to bite.

For this you must a remedy provide ;

Some roach or bleek, as I have showed before ;

Beneath whose upper fin you close shall hide

Of all your hook the better half and more ;

And though the point appear or may be spied

It makes not matter any whit therefore ;
But let him fall into the wat'ry brim,
And down unto the bottom softly swim.

And when you see your cork begin to move.
And round about to soar and fetch a ring ;
Sometimes to sink, and sometimes swim above,
As doth the duck within the wat'ry spring :
Yet make no haste your present hap to prove.
Till with your float at last away he fling ;

Then may you safely strike and hold him short.
And at your will prolong or end your sport.

^°Bff<?e ^r* J ^^ ^^^ Secrets of Angling. 221

But every fish loves not each bait alike,
Although sometimes they feed upon the same ;
But some do one, and some another seek,
As best unto their appetite doth frame ;
The roach, the bream, the carp, the chub, and bleek,
With paste or corn their greedy hunger tame ;
The dace, the ruff, the gudgeon and the rest,
The smaller sort of crawling worms love best.

The chavender and chub do more delight

To feed on tender cheese or cherries red ;

Black snails, their bellies slit to show their white ;

Or grasshoppers that skip in every mead :

The perch, the tench and eel do rather bite

At great red worms, in field or garden bred ;

That have been scoured in moss or fennel rough,
To rid their filth, and make them hard and tough.

And with this bait hath often taken bin
The salmon fair, of river fish the best ;
The shad that in the springtime cometh in ;
The suant swift, that is not set by ^east;
The bocher sweet, the pleasant flounder thin ;
The peel, the tweat, the botling, and the rest,

With many more, that in the deep doth lie

Of Avon, Usk, of Severn and of Wye.

Alike they bite, alike they pull down low
The sinking cork that strives to rise again ;
And when they feel the sudden deadly blow,
Alike they shun the danger and the pain ;
And as an arrow from the Scythian bow,
All flee alike into the stream amain ;

Until the angler by his wary skill.

There tires them out, and brings them up at will.

222 The Second Book pBefo^eTei:^

Yet furthermore it doth behove to know
That for the most part fish do seek their food
Upon the ground, or deepest bottom low,
Or at the top of water, stream or flood ;
And so you must your hook and bait bestow,
For in the midst you shall do little good :
For heavy things down to the bottom fall,
And light do swim, and seldom sink at all.

All summer long aloft the fishes swim,
Delighted with fair Phcebus' shining ray,
And lie in wait within the waters dim
For flies and gnats that on the top do play ;
Then half a yard beneath the upper brim.
It shall be best your baited hook to lay,
With gnat or fly of any sort or kind,
That every month on leaves or trees you find.

But then your line must have no lead at all,

And but a slender cork or little quill
To stay the bait that down it does not fall,
But hang a link within the water still ;
Or else upon the top thereof you shall
With quicker hand and with more ready skill
Let fall your fly, and now and then remove,
Which soon the fish will find and better love.

And in the stream likewise they use to be

At tails of floodgates, or at arches wide ;

Or shallow flats where as the waters free

With fresher springs and swifter course do slide :

And then of wasp the brood that cannot fly.

Upon a tile-stone first a little dried ;

Or yellow " bobs " turned up before the plough
Are chiefest baits ; with cork and lead enough.

^"KeXy OF THE Secrets of Angling. 223

But when the golden chariot of the sun.
Departing from our northern countries far
Beyond the Balance, now his course hath run
And goes to warm the cold Antarctic star ;
And summer's heat is almost spent and done :
With new approach of winter's dreadful war ;
Then do the fish withdraw into the deep,
And low from sight and cold more close do keep.

Then on your lines you may have store of lead
And bigger corks of any size you will,
And where the fish are used to be fed
There shall you lay upon the bottom still :
And whether that your bait be com or bread
Or worms or paste, it doth not greatly skill ;
For these alone are to be used then
Until the spring or summer come again.

Thus have I showed how fish of divers kind
Best taken are, and how their baits to know :
But Phcebus now beyond the western Ind,
Beginneth to descend and draweth low ;
And well the weather serves, and gentle wind.
Down with the tide and pleasant stream to row
Unto some place where we may rest us in,
Until we shall another time begin.

The end of the Second Book.

2 24

The Third Booh

Ow FALLS it out in order to declare
What time is best to angle in aright ;
And when the chief and fittest seasons are
Wherein the fish are most disposed to bite ;
What wind doth make, and which again

doth mar
The Angler's sport wherein he takes
delight ;
And how he may with pleasure best

aspire
Unto the wished end of his desire.

For there are times in which they will not bite,
But do forbear, and from their food refrain ;
And days there are wherein they more delight
To labour for the same and bite amain :
So he that can those seasons find aright
Shall not repent his travail spent in vain,
To walk a mile or two amidst the fields
Reaping the fruit this harmless pleasure yields.

^t"o?eT6a The Third Book. 225

And as a ship in safe and quiet road
Under some hill or harbour doth abide,
With all her freight, her tackling and her load,
Attending still the wind and wished tide ;
Which when it serves, no longer makes abode,
But forth into the wat'ry deep doth slide,
And through the waves divides her fairest way
Unto the place where she intends to stay.

So must the Angler be provided still
Of divers tools and sundry baits in store.
And all things else pertaining to his skill
Which he shall get and lay up long before ;
That when the weather frameth to his will
He may be well appointed evermore

To take fit time when it is offered ever :

For time in one estate abideth never.

The Qualities of an Angler.

Ut ere I further go, it shall behove
To show what gifts and qualities of mind
Belong to him that doth the pastime love ;
And what the virtues are of every kind
Without the which it were in vain to prove
Or to expect the pleasure he should find :
No more than he that having store of meat
Hath lost all lust and appetite to eat.

For what avails to brook or lake to go,

With handsome rods and hooks of divers sort,

Well-twisted lines, and many trinkets moe

To find the fish within their wat'ry fort :

If that the mind be not contented so

But wants those gifts, that should the rest support.

And make his pleasure to his thoughts agree.

With these therefore he must endued he.

226 The Third Book PKeTeri

The first is Faith, not wavering and unstable ;

But such as had that holy patriarch old,

That to the Highest was so acceptable

As his increase and offspring manifold,

Exceeded far the stars innumerable :

So must he still a firm persuasion hold,

That where as waters, brooks and lakes are found,
There store of fish without all doubt abound.

For Nature, that hath made no empty thing,
But all her works doth well and wisely frame;
Hath filled each brook, each river, lake and spring
With creatures, apt to live amidst the same ;
Even as the earth, the air and seas do bring
Forth beasts and birds of sundry sort and name,
And given them shape, ability and sense
To live and dwell therein without offence.

The second gift and quality is Hope,
The anchor hold of every hard desire ;
That having of the day so large a scope
He shall in time to wished hap aspire.
And ere the sun hath left the heav'nly cope
Obtain the sport and game he doth desire ;
And that the fish, though sometimes slow to bite.
Will recompense delay with more delight.

The third is Love and liking to the game,

And to his friend and neighbour dwelling by ;

For greedy pleasure not to spoil the same,

Nor of his fish some portion to deny

To any that are sickly, weak or lame ;

But rather with his line and angle try
In pond or brook, to do what in him lies
To take such store for them as may suffice.

•'Be"f<i^'"ffl OF THE Secrets of Angling. 227

Then followeth Patience, that the furious flame
Of Choler cools, and Passion puts to flight ;
As doth a skilful rider break and tame
The courser wild, and teach him tread aright:
So patience doth the mind dispose and frame
To take mishaps in worth and count them light ;

As loss of fish, line, hook or lead, or all,

Or other chance that often may befall.

The fifth good gift is low Humility ;

As when a lion coucheth for his prey,

So must he stoop or kneel upon his knee

To save his line or put the weeds away ;

Or lie along sometimes if need there be

For any let or chance that happen may :
And not to scorn to take a little pain
To serve his turn, his pleasure to obtain.

The sixth is painful Strength and Courage good,
The greatest to encounter in the brook,
If that he happen in his angry mood
To snatch your bait and bear away your hook.
With wary skill to rule him in the flood
Until more quiet, tame and m.ild he look :
And all adventures constantly to bear.
That may betide, without mistrust or fear.

Next unto this is Liberality,

Feeding them oft with full and plenteous hand

Of all the rest a needful quality

To draw them near the place where you will stand

Like to the ancient hospitality,

That sometime dwelt in Albion's fertile land ;

But now is sent away into exile

Beyond the bounds of Isabella's isle.

228 The Third Book ^£6^3:

The eighth is Knowledge, how to find the way
To make them bite when they are dull and slow ;
And what doth let the same and breeds delay ;
And every like impediment to know,
That keeps them from their food and wonted prey
Within the stream or standing waters low ;

And with Experience skilfully to prove,

All other faults to mend or to remove.

The ninth is Placability of mind,
Contented with a reasonable dish ;
Yea though sometimes no sport at all he find
Or that the weather prove not to his wish.
The tenth is Thanks to that GOD, of each kind,
To net and bait, doth send both fowl and fish ;
And still reserve enough in secret store
To please the rich and to relieve the poor.

Th'eleventh good gift and hardest to endure,
Is Fasting long from all superfluous fare ;
Unto the which he must himself inure
By exercise and use of diet spare :
And with the liquor of the waters pure
Acquaint himself if he cannot forbear;

And never on his greedy belly think,

From rising sun until alow he sink.

The twelfth and last of all is Memory,
Remembering well before he setteth out,
Each needful thing that he must occupy;
And not to stand of any want in doubt
Or leave something behind forgetfully :
When he hath walked the fields and brooks about,
It were a grief back to return again,
For things forgot that should his sport maintain.

^°Before*"6i3.] ^^ ^HE SeCRETS OF AnGLING. 229

Here then you see what kind of qualities

An Angler should endued be withal ;

Besides his skill and other properties

To serve his turn, as to his lot doth fall :

But now what season for this exercise

The fittest is, and which doth serve but small :

My Muse ! vouchsafe some little aid to lend

To bring this also to the wished end.

Season and Time not to Angle.

Irst, if the weather be too dry and hot,
And scalds with scorching heat the lowly plain ;
As if that youthful Phaeton had got
The guiding of his father's car again ;
Or that it seemed Apollo had forgot
His light-foot steeds to rule with steadfast rain :
It is not good with any line or hook.
To angle then in river, pond or brook.

Or when cold Boreas with his frosty beard.
Looks out from underneath the " lesser bear ; "
And makes the weary traveller afeard
To see the valleys covered everywhere
With ice and snow, that late so green appeared :
The waters stand as if of steel they were ;
And hoary frosts do hang on every bough,
Where freshest leaves of summer late did grow.

So neither if Don ^olus lets go
His blust'ring winds out of the hollow deep ;
Where he their strife and struggling to and fro,
With triple fork doth still in order keep :
They rushing forth do rage with tempests so
As if they would the world together sweep ;
And ruffling so with sturdy blasts they blow.
That tree and house sometimes they overthrow.

230 The Third Book PKeTei^

Besides, when shepherds and the swains prepare,

Unto the brooks withal, their flocks of sheep ;

To wash their fleeces, and to make them fair

In every pool and running water deep :

The savour of the wool doth so impair

The pleasant streams, and plunging that they keep,

As if that Lethe-flood ran everywhere

Or bitter Doris intermingled were.

Or when land floods through long and sudden rain,
Descending from the hills and higher ground,
The sand and mud the crystal streams do stain,
And make them rise above their wonted bound,
To overflow the fields and neighbour plain :
The fruitful soil and meadows fair are drowned ;

The husbandman doth leese his grass and hay ;

The banks, their trees ; and bridges borne away.

So when the leaves begin to fall apace
And bough and branch are naked to be seen ;
While Nature doth her former work deface,
Unclothing bush and tree of summer's green ;
"Whose scattered spoils lie thick in every place
As sands on shore or stars the poles between,

And top and bottom of the rivers fill :

To Angle then I also think it ill.

All winds are hurtful, if too hard they blow :
The worst of all is that out of the East,
Whose nature makes the fish to biting slow
And lets the pastime most of all the rest ;
The next that comes from countries clad with snow
And Arctic pole, is not offensive least ;

The Southern wind is counted best of all ;

Then that which riseth where the sun doth fall.

^Brfo?e"i6S OF THE SeCRETS OF AnGLING. 23 1

Best Times and Season to Angle.

Ut if the weather steadfast be and clear,
Or overcast with clouds, so it be dry ;
And that no sign nor token there appear
Of threat'ning storm through all the empty sky ;
But that the air is calm and void of fear
Of ruffling winds d raging tempests high ;
Or that with mild and gentle gale they blow ;
Then it is good unto the brook to go.

And when the floods are fall'n and past away,
And carried have the dregs into the deep ;
And that the waters wax more thin and grey
And leave their banks above them high and steep ;
The milder stream of colour like to whey
Within his bounds his wonted course doth keep ;

And that the wind South or else by- West :

To angle then is time and seasons best.

When fair Aurora rising early shows
Her blushing face among the Eastern hills.
And dyes the heavenly vault with purple rowa
That far abroad the world with brightness fills;
The meadows green are hoar with silver dews
That on the earth the sable night distils,
And chanting birds with merry notes bewray
The near approaching of the cheerful day:

Then let him go to river, brook or lake.
That loves the sport, where store of fish abound ;
And through the pleasant fields his journey make.
Amidst sweet pastures, meadows fresh and sound ;

232 TheThirdBook [^t£r^.

Where he may best his choice of pastime take,
While swift Hyperion runs his circle round :
And as the place shall to his liking prove,
There still remain or further else remove.

To know each Fishes Haunt.

Ow THAT the Angler may the better know
Where he may find each fish he doth require ;
Since some delight in waters still and slow.
And some do love the mud and slimy mire ;
Some others where the stream doth swifter flow ;
Some stony ground, and gravel some desire :
Here shall he learn how every sort do seek
To haunt the lair that doth his nature like.

Carp, eel and tench do love a muddy ground ;
Eels under stones or hollow roots do lie.
The tench among thick weeds is soonest found,
The fearful carp into the deep doth fly :
Bream, chub and pike, where clay and sand abound,
Pike love great pools and places full of fry,
The chub delight in stream or shady tree,
And tender bream in broadest lake to be.

The salmon swift the rivers sweet doth like,
Where largest streams into the sea are led ;
The spotted trout, the smaller brooks doth seek,
And in the deepest hole there hides his head ;
The prickled perch, in every hollow creek
Hard by the bank and sandy shore is fed :

Perch, trout and salmon love clear waters all,
Green weedy rocks and stony gravel small.

^BSo?e°i6i3:] ^^ '^^^ Secrets of Angling. 233

So doth the bullhead, gudgeon and the loach,
Who most in shallow brooks delight to be :
The ruff, the dace, the barbel and the roach,
Gravel and sand do love in less degree ;
But to the deep and shade do more approach,
And overhead some covert love to see.
Of spreading poplar, oak or willow green,
Where underneath they lurk for being seen.

The mighty luce great waters haunts alway.
And in the stillest place thereof doth lie,
Save when he rangeth forth to seek his prey,
And swift among the fearful fish doth fly.
The dainty umber loves the marly clay
And clearest streams of champaign country high ;
And in the chiefest pools thereof doth rest,
Where he is soonest found and taken best.

The chavender amidst the waters fair,

The swiftest streams doth most himself bestow :

The shad and tweat do rather like the lair

Of brackish waves, where it doth ebb and flow ;

And thither also doth the flock repair,

And flat upon the bottom lieth low,

The peel, the mullet and the suant good

Do like the same, and therein seek their food.

But here experience doth my skill exceed,
Since divers countries divers rivers have ;
And divers rivers change of waters breed,
And change of waters sundry fish doth crave,
And sundry fish in divers places feed.
As best doth like them in the liquid wave.
So that by use and practice ma}' be known
More than bv art or skill can well be shown.

234 The Third Book [^tfl^t^H

So then it shall be needless to declare
What sundry kinds there lie in secret store ;
And where they do resort and what they are,
That may be still discovered more and more.
Let him that list, no pain or travail spare
To seek them out, as I have done before ;
And then it shall not discontent his mind,
New choice of place, and change of game to find.

Tike best Hours of the Day to Angle

Rom first appearing of the rising sun
Till nine of clock, low under water best,
The fish will bite; and then from nine to noon,
From noon to four they do refrain and rest:
From four again till Phcebus swift hath run
His daily course, and setteth in the West.
But at the fly aloft they use to bite,
All summer long, from nine till it be night.

Now lest the Angler leave his tools behind,
For lack of heed or haste of his desire ;
And so enforced with unwilling mind
Must leave his game and back again retire.
Such things to fetch as there he cannot find.
To serve his turn when need shall most require:

Here shall he have to help his memory,

A lesson short of every want's supply.

Light rod to strike, long line to reach withal,
Strong hook to hold the fish he haps to hit,
Spare lines and hooks whatever chance do fall.
Baits quick and dead to bring them to the bit,

^Brfore^ieij:] OF THE SeCRETS OF AngLING. 235

Fine lead and quills, with corks both great and small,

Knife, file and thread, and little basket fit.

Plummets to sound the depth of clay and sand,
With pole and net to bring them safe to land.

And now we are arrived at the last
In wished harbour, where we mean to rest,
And make an end of this our journey past :
Here then in quiet road I think it best
We strike our sails and steadfast anchor cast,
For now the sun low setteth in the West.
And ye boatswains ! a merry carol sing
To Him that safely did us hither bring.

FINIS.

236

Wouldst thou catch fish ?
Then here's thy wish ;
Take this receipt
To anoint thy bait.

Hou THAT desir'st to fish with line and hook,
Be it in pool, in river, or in brook,
To bless thy bait and make the fish to bite,
Lo, here's a means ! if thou canst hit it right :
Take gum of life, fine beat, and laid in soak
In oil well drawn from that which kills the oak.
Fish where thou wilt, thou shalt have sport thy fill ;
When twenty fail, thou shalt be sure to kill.

Probatum.

Ifs perfect and goody
If well understood ;
Else not to be told

For silver or gold.

FINIS.

B. R.

^^ol

William Lauson.
Comments on The Secrets of Angling,

[Second Edition, Augmented wiik via7ty afprozed experitnenis.]

To the Reader,

T may seem in me presumption to add this little
Comment to the work of so worthy an Author.

But Master Harrison the Stationer's request
and desire to give his country satisfaction ; must
be satisfied, and in it I myself rest excused.

What mine observations are, I refer to censure. Assuredly,
the truth stands on so well-grounded experience ; that but my
haste, nothing can do them injury. What to me is doubtful ;
I have, as I can, explained. What wants, in my judgment,
I have supplied as the time would suffer ; what I pass by, I
approve.

The Author by verse hath expressed much Learning, and
by his Answer to the Objection shows himself to have been
virtuous. The subject itself is honest and pleasant ; and
sometimes profitable.
Use it ! and give GOD all glory. Amen.

W. Lauson.

238 Comments on The Secrets of Angling. [^•^'Jf^j.

1 [p. 149]. Beath \}iathe\ them a little, except the top, all
in a furnace : they will be lighter and not top heavy ; which
is a great fault in a rod.

2 [p. 149]. Tie them together at every bout, and they
will keep one another straight.

3 [p. 149]. White or gray are likest the sky, and therefore
of all colours offend the least.

4 [p. 149]. Besides the fish discerns it, and is put away
with the stiffness of the rod : whereas on the contrary the
weak rod yields liberty to the fish without suspicion, to run
away with the bait at his pleasure.

5 [P- 150]- Knit the hair you mean to put in one link at
the rod's end, and divide them as equally as you can : put
your three lowest fingers betwixt, and twine the knot ; and
your link shall be equally twist. If you wet your hair, it
will twine better. A nimble hand, a weak and light rod that
may be easily guided with one hand, needs but four or five
hairs at the most for the greatest river fish, though a salmon
or a luce, so you have length enough : and except the luce
and salmon, three will suffice.

6 [p. 150]. Intermixing with silver or gold is not good :
because: First, the thread and hair are not of equal reach.
Secondly, the colours differing from the hairs orfly, affright the
fish. Thirdly, they will not be[n]d and twist with the hairs.

7 [p. 150]. An upper end also, to put it to and fro the
rod.

8 [p. 150]. The same colour, to wit, grey like the sky ; the
like bigness and strength : is good for all the line, and every
link thereof. Weight is hurtful; so unequal strength causeth
the weakest to break.

9 [p. 151]. I utterly dislike your Southern corks. First,
for they affright the fish in the bite and sight ; and because
they follow not so kindly the nimble rod and hand. Secondly,
they breed weight to the line ; which puts it in danger,
hinders the nimble jerk of the rod, and loads the arm. A
good eye and hand may easily discern the bite.

10 [p. 151]. I use \am accustomed] to make mine own
hooks ; so that I shall have them of the best Spanish and
Milan needles of what size, bent or sharpness as I like and
need. Soften your needles in an hot fire, in a chafer.

^■^^ss'.l Comments (y^ The Secrets of Angling. 239

The Instruments.

First. An holdfast.

Secondly. A hammer to flatten the place or the

beard.
Thirdly. A file to make the beard, and sharpen the

point.
Fourthly. A bender, viz. a pin bended, and put in the
end of a stick, an handful long, thus, f """T,

When they are made, lap them in the end of a wire ; beat
them again, and temper them in oil or butter.

11 [p. 152]. The best form for ready striking and sure
holding and strength, is a straight and somewhat long shank
and straight nibbed ; with a little compass : not round in any

wise, ""Tj ^o^ ^^ neither strikes surely nor readily ; but is

weak, as having too great a compass. Some use to batter

the upper end thus "^ ^^ to hold the faster: but good thread

or silk, good baud [? hanSA may make it fast enough. It is
botcherly, hinders the biting, and sometimes cuts the line.

12 [p. 152]. He means the hook may be too weak at the
point. It cannot be too sharp, if the metal be good steel.

13 [p. 153]. Or wind them on two or three of your fingers,
like an Orph-Arion's string.

14 [p. 153]. Worm poke of cloth, or boxes.

15 [p. 153]. A plummet you need not ; for your line being
well leaded and without a float, will try your depths. When
the lead above your hook comes to the earth, the line will
leave sinking.

16 [p. 154]. That is good : but a forked rod about two yards
long is better. When your hook is fastened in the water,
take a rod thus fashioned

■€

and put the line in the fork, and so follow down to your hook.
So letting your line be somewhat slack, move your fork to and
fro, especially downwards ; and so shall your hook be loosed.

17 [p. 154]. White and grey are good, answering to the
colours of the sky.

18 [p. 167]. The Gudgeon hath his teeth in his throat (as

240 Comments on The Secrets of Angling. [

W. Lauson.
1653-

also the Chub) and lives by much sucking. He is a dainty
fish, like or nearly as good as the Sparling.

19 [p. 168]. The Roach is one of the meanest.

20 [p. 170]. Diversely. For the Trout is a ravening fish, and
at that time of the day comes from his hole, if he come at all.

21 [p. 171]. The Trout makes the Angler the most
gentlemanly and readiest sport of all other fishes : if you
angle with a made fly, and a line twice your rod's length or
more, of three hairs, in a plain water without wood, in a dark
windy day from mid-afternoon, and have learned the cast of
the fly.

Your fly must counterfeit the May Fly, which is bred of
the cad bait ; and is called the Water Fly. You must change
his colour every month ; beginning with a dark white and so
grow to a yellow. The form cannot so well be put on a
paper, as it may be taught by slight [? sight\ : yet it will be like
this form.

The head is of black silk or hair; the wings of a feather
of a mallard, teal, or pickled hen's wing ; the body of crewel,
according to the month for colour, and run about with a black
hair : all fastened at the tail with the thread that fastened
the hook. You must fish in or by the stream, and have a
quick hand, a ready eye and a nimble rod. Strike with him !
or you lose him.

If the wind be rough, and trouble the crust of the water:
he will take it in the plain deeps : and then and there
commonly the greatest will rise. When you have hooked
him, give him leave ! keeping your line straight. Hold him
from the roots, and he will tire himself. This is the chief
pleasure of Angling.

This fly, and two links, among wood or close by a bush,
moved in the crust of the water ; is deadly in an evening, if
you come close [hidden]. This is called "Busking for
Trout."

Cad bait is a worm bred under stones in a shallow river :
or in some out-runner of the river, where the streams run
not strongly, in a black shale. They stick by heaps on the
low side of a great stone, it being hollow. They be ripe in

^■^"iS Comments oii The Secrets of Angling. 241

the beginning of May: they are past with July. They be
yellow when they be ripe, and have a black head. This is a
deadly bait for a Trout, either aloft [on the surface] or at the
ground ; if your tools be fine and you come close : for the
Trout of all other fish, is most affrighted with sight. And
indeed it should be considered that fish are afraid of any
extraordinary motion or sight of whatsoever colour : except
the Pike ; which will be open to your sight on a sunshiny
day, till you halter him.

The Trout will take also the worm, menise or any bait : so
will the Pike, save that he will not take the fly.

22 [p. 171]. There be divers ways to catch the wrinkling
Eel. Your line must be stronger — six or seven hairs — and
your hook accordingly : for she must upon the hooking
presently [immediately] be draVvn forth with force: otherwise
she fastens herself with her tail about a root or stone or such
like ; and so you lose your labour, your hook, and the fish.
The worm or menise ar.e her common bait.

There is a way to catch Eels by " Draggling: " thus. Take
a rod, small and tough, of sallow, hazel or such like, a yard
long, as big as a beanstalk. In the small end thereof, make
a nick or cleft with a knife ; in which nick put your strong
but little hook baited with a red worm ; and made sure to
a line of ten or twelve good hairs, but easily that the Eels
may pull it out.

Go into some shallow place of the river among the great
stones, and braggle up and down till you find holes under the
stones. There put in your hook so baited at your rod's end,
and the Eel under the stone will not fail to take it. Give her
time to put it over; and then, if your strength will serve, she
is your own.

There is a third usual way to catch Eels, called " Bobbing."
Upon a long and double strong thread, two yards long or
thereabouts, spit some many great red worms — gotten in a
summer's evening with a candle — as the thread will hold
lengthways through the midst, and link them about your
hand like a rope, thus

242 Comments on The Secrets of Angling. ^- ^^^°^

And fasten these to a long goad's end with a cord as long as
your rod ; and a great plummet of lead, a handful above the
*'Bob."

In a troubled or flooded river, in a deep tun, or by a stream
side ; let it fall within a handbreadth of the ground : and
then shall you sensibly feel a multitude of Eels, all in that
pit, like so many dogs at a carrion ; tug and pull. Now at
your good time, when you think that every Eel hath got a
link and swallowed it up — like so many ducks the entrails of
a pullet — draw up very easily, and they will follow working
and pulling ; till you have them near the crust : and then
amain hoist them to land. This is the readiest way where
Eels are plentiful, to catch many.

For the Trout, you shall find in the root of a great dock ;
a white worm with a red head. With this, fish for a Trout
at the ground.

23 [?• 172]. A young whelp, kitling, or such like; is good
bait for a Luce.

24 [p. 183]. The stronger the wind blows, so you may abide
it and guide your tools; and the colder the summer days are:
the better will they bite, and the closer [nearer] shall you
come to them.

25 [p. 184]. I rather think the kades and other filth that
fall from sheep do so glut the fish ; that they will not take
any artificial bait. The same is the reason of the flood ;
washing down worms, flies, frog-clocks, &c.

26 [p. 184]. I find no difference of winds; except too cold
or too hot : which is not the wind, but the season.

27 [p. 185]. Clear cannot be good, by reason of the offensive
sight.

28 [p. 185]. The morning can no way be good because the
fish have been at relief all the night, as all other wild
creatures : and in the day they rest or sport. In the evening
is the fittest. Then hunger begins to bite.

29 [p. 186]. The Trout lies in the deep ; but feeds in the
stream, under a bush, bray, foam, &c.

30 [p. 190]. I have heard much of an ointment that will
presently [immediately] cause any fish to bite; but I could
never attain the knowledge thereof. The nearest in mine
opinion — except this Probatum — is the oil of an Osprey,
which is called Aquila Marina, the Sea Eagle. She is of

^' ^"^sS Comments on T/fE Secrets of Angling. 243

body near the bigness of a goose ; one of her feet is webbed
to swim withal, the other hath talons to catch fish. It seems
the fish come up to her : for she cannot dive.

Some likelihood there is also in a paste made of Cocculus
Indies, Assafoetida, Honey, and Wheat-flour.

But I never tried them. Therefore I cannot prescribe.

31 [p. 190]. That which kills the oak, I conjecture to be
Ivy : till I change my mind.

This excellent receipt, divers anglers can tell you where
you may buy it.

[Surely this must have been a standing joke among the practitioners of the
Art.— E. A.]

Certain O bservations Forgotten.

Chevan and chub are one.

Shotrell, I year'

/vu^ Pickerel, 2 year
Ine \-a-\ ^ hare one.

Pike, 3 year

VLuce, 4 year,

The Summer — May, June and July — are fittest for Angling.

Fish are the fattest in July.

Fish commonly spawn at Michael's tide [29th September].
After spawning; they be kipper, and out of season.

They thrust up little brooks to spawn. The Trout and
Salmon will have lying on their backs.

All the summer time, great fish go downwards to deeps.

Bar netting and night hooking ; where you love Angling.

When you are angling at the ground : your line must be
no longer than your rod.

He that is more greedy of fish than sport : let him have
three or four angles fitted and baited : and laid in several
pools. You shall sometimes have them all sped at once.

If you go forth in or immediately after a shower, and take
the water in the first rising ; and fish in the stream at the
ground with a red worm : you may load yourself, if there be
store. Thus may any botcher kill fish.

For want of a pannier : spit your fish by the gills on a
small wicker or such like.

I use a pouch of parchment, with many several places to
put my hooks and lines in.

244 Comments on The Secrets of Angling. [^ ^IJes"'

I use a rod of two parts, to join in the midst when I come
to the river: with two pins and a little hemp waxed. Thus
the pins join it, and the hemp fastens it firmly.

A whale bone made round, no bigger than a wheat straw
at the top ; yields well, and strikes well.

Let your rod be without knots. They are dangerous for
breaking, and bouts are troublesome.

Keep your rod neither too dry nor too moist ; lest they
grow brittle or rotten.

When you angle in [a time of] drought, wet your rod. It
will not break so soon.

You shall hardly get a rod of one piece, but either crooked
or top heavy or unequally grown.

Enterprise no man's ground without leave. Break no
man's hedge to his loss.

Pray to GOD with your heart to bless your lawful
exercise,

FINIS.

England's

WAY TO WIN

Wealth, and to employ Ships
and Mariners j

OR,

A plain description what great profit it will bring

into the Common Wealth of England, by the erecting,

building, and adventuring of Busses

to sea, a fishing.

With a true Relation of the inestimable wealth, that is yearly

taken out of His Majesty's seas by the Hollanders,

by their great number of Busses, Pinks,

and Line-boats.

And Also,

A Discourse of the sea coast towns of England, and the most fit

and commodious places and harbours that we have for

Busses; and of the small number of our fishermen;

and also of the true valuation and whole charge

of building and furnishing to sea. Busses

and Pinks, after the Holland manner.

By Tobias Gentleman, Fifherman and Mariner.

LONDON:

Printed by A'"^ TH AN I EL B u TTE R. 1614.

247

TO THE RIGHT NOBLE
LEARNED AND TRULY HONOURABLE

HENRY HOWARD, Earl of

NORTHAMPTON, Baron of MARN-

HILL, Constable of the Castle of Dover,

Lord Warden, Chancellor and Admiral

of the Cinque Ports, Lord Privy Seal,

Knight of the most noble Order

of the Garter, and one of His

Majesty's most honourable

Privy Council.

Right Honour able^

\Eeing thatfby Nature, our country chatlengeth a greater
interest in us, than our parents, friends, or children
can ; and that we ought for preservation thereof, oppose
[expose] our lives unto the greatest dangers '■ it is the
part of every native to endeavour something to the advancement
and profit thereof : and not to affect it, for that we possess in it ;
but to love it for itself, as being the common Mother and Nourisher

248 The Epistle Dedicatory. [Jis^leb.'?^

of us all. For mine own part, albeit my short fathom can
compass no such great design as I desire : yet frotn a willing
mind (as he that offered his hands full of water to great
Artaxerxes), I am bold to present this Project of my honest and
homely labours; beseeching your Lordship, whose virtues have
truly ennobled you, to take the same into your protection ! and
prefer it to the view of our most royal Sovereign, recommending
the good effecting thereof to his gracious favour and furtherance f
Doubtless your actions and endeavours, having all been full of
virtue and goodness, are not the least prevailing motives whereby
His Majesty hath so endeared you unto him. In this, then, you
shall not think yourself disparaged ! the matter being both honest
and commendable ; and in true value, of as great substance, as the
offer of Sebastian Cabota to King Henry the Seventh for
the discovery of the West Indies.

Humbly at your Lordship's commandment,

Tobias Gentleman,

jnSfe«r

249

England* s Way to win Wealthy and
to employ Ships and Mariners,

Oble Britons! Forasmuch as it hath
pleased the Almighty GOD to make us a
happy Nation, by blessing and enriching this
noble Kingdom with the sweet dew of His
heavenly Word truly and plentifully preached
amongst us ; and also in situating our
country in a most wholesome climate, and
stored with many rich and pleasant trea-
sures for our benefit, which also yieldeth in abundance all
things necessary, so that we do not only excel other nations
in strength and courage, but also all other kingdoms far
remote are by our English Commodities relieved and cherished :
it seemeth also that the wisdom of our gracious GOD hath
reserved us, as some precious gem, unto Himself; in environ-
ing our country with the plenteous ocean sea, and dividing
of us from the whole Continent of the rest of the inferior
world by our rich and commodious element of water, which
in due seasons, yieldeth to us in abundance. For although
our champion [champagne] soil, by the diligence of the
husbandman, be plentiful unto us ; yet doth these watery
regions and dominions yield yearly great variety of all kind
of most wholesome and dainty fishes : so that it may seem
strange and disputable, and hard to determine, which of His
Majesty's Dominions, of the Land or Seas, be richer ? Myself
being the most unworthiest of all, in that I am no scholar,
but born a fisherman's son by the seaside, and spending my
youthful time at sea about fisher [fishing] affairs, whereby
now I am more skilful in nets, lines, and hooks, than in

250 John Keymar's inquiries in 161 i. [^'^JII^Te^

rhetoric, logic, or learned books : yet in those few which I
have read, besides the instinct of Nature, which maketh me
to know that every one should endeavour himself (the best he
is able) to be beneficial and profitable to the kingdom and
common wealth wherein he is born ; which was a forcible
motive to incite me to think of this present Discourse, the
penning whereof was thus occasioned.

It was my fortune, some two years past [i.e., in 161 1], to be
sent for into the company of one Master John Keymar, who
is a man very well deserving of his country ; and he, knowing
me to have experience in fisher \Jishing\ affairs, demanded of
me the Charge both of Busses and Line-boats, after the
Hollanders' fashion : and showed unto me some few notes
that he had gathered and gotten from other men of my trade,
which he seemed greatly to esteem of, for that himself was
altogether unexperimented in such business. And further I
delivered to him certain principal notes which he seemed
greatly to esteem ; for that, he said, that " He did mind to
show them unto the right honourable Council."

Whereupon I entered into the cogitation of writing this True
Relation out of myown experience and knowledge, touching the
inestimable sums of money taken yearly for fish and herrings
out of His Majesty's seas by strangers. Whereby they have not
only maintained their wars against the Spaniard, both by land
and sea, he being one of the great Monarchs of the world ;
and at length they have not only wearied him in the wars
and brought him to good terms and reasonable Composition :
but also, it is most apparent, notwithstanding the huge charge
of their wars, so long continued, which would have made
any other nation poor and beggarly ; they, to the contrary,
are grown exceeding rich and strong in fortified towns and
beautiful buildings, in plenty of money and gold, in trade
and traffic with all other nations, and have so increased and
multiplied their shipping and mariners, that all other nations
and countries in the world do admire \wonder ai\ them.

Moreover, whereas one haven in one of their towns did, in
former times, contain their ships and shipping ; with infinite
cost, now they have cut out two havens more to a town :
and at this present, are all three havens scarce sufficient with
room enough to contain their ships and shipping. And by
reason of their industrious fisher-trade, not one of their

T-Gen^';^'^^;] The Dutch must buy everything. 251

people is idle, nor none seen to beg amongst them, except
they be some of our own English nation.

And what their chiefest trade is, or the principal Gold
Mine, is well known to all merchants that have used those
parts, and to myself and all fishermen : namely, that His
Majesty's Seas are their chiefest, principal, and only rich
Treasury ; whereby they have so long time maintained their
wars, and have so greatly prospered and enriched themselves.

If that their little country of the United Provinces can do
this (as is most manifest before our eyes they do), then what
may we His Majesty's subjects do, if this trade of fishing
were once erected among us ? We having in our own
countries [coim^^Vs], sufficient store of all necessaries to accom-
plish the like business.

For the Hollanders have nothing growing in their own
land for that business ; but they are compelled to fetch
all their wood, timber, and plank, wherewith they build
and make all their ships of, out of divers countries : their
iron out of other places ; their hemp and cordage out of
the Eastern [Baltic] Countries; the hoops and barrel-boards
out of Norway and Sprucia [Prussia] ; their bread-corn out of
Poland and the East Parts; their malt, barley, and best
Double Drink from England ; and also all their fish and
chiefest wealth out of His Majesty's seas.

The which they do transport unto the foresaid countries ;
and return for the procedue [proceeds] of fish and herrings, the
forenamed commodities : whereby their ships and mariners
are set on work, and continually multiplied ; and into their
countries is plentiful store of money and gold daily brought,
only [solely] for the sales of fish and herrings.

And their country being, as it were, a small plot of ground
in comparison of Great Britain ; for two of His Majesty's
counties, Suffolk and Norfolk, do equal, if not exceed, in
spaciousness, all their Provinces : and yet it is manifest, that
for shipping and seafaring men, all England, Scotland,
France, and Spain, for quantity of shipping and fishermen,
cannot make so great a number.

Howsoever this may seem strange unto many that do not
know it ; yet do I assure myself, that a great number besides
myself, know I affirm nothing herein but the truth. Where-
fore seeing the great benefit that this business by the Busses,

252 England needs only Pitch and Tar. [^'^j^n.X

. Gentleman.

bonadventures, or fisherships ; by erecting of this profitable
and new trade, which will bring plenty unto His Majesty's
Kingdoms and be for the general good of the Common wealth ;
in setting of many thousands of poor people on work, which now
know not how to live; and also for the increasing of ships and
fishermen, which shall be employed about the taking of fish
and herrings out of His Majesty's own streams ; and also for
the employing of ships, and increasing of mariners for the
strengthening of the Kingdom against all foreign invasions ;
and for the enriching of Merchants with transportation of
fish and herrings into other countries ; and also for the
bringing in of gold and money : which now is grown but
scarce, by reason that the Dutch and Hollanders have so long
time been suffered to carry away our money and best gold for
fish and herrings taken out of His Majesty's own streams ;
which His Majesty's own subjects do want and still are like[ly]
to do, if that they be not forbidden for bringing us fish and
herrings ; and this worthy common wealth's business of
Busses fostered and furthered by His Majesty's honourable
Council, and the worshipful and wealthy subjects ; by putting
to their helping Adventures now at the first, for that those
that be now the fishermen, of themselves be not able to begin.

Those poor boats and sorry nets that our fishermen of
England now have, are all their chiefest wealth ; but were
their ability better, they would soon be employing themselves:
for that it is certain that all the fishermen of England do
rejoice now at the very name and news of building of Busses,
with a most joyful applaud, praying to GOD to further it !
for what great profit and pleasure it will bring they do well
understand, and I will hereafter declare.

First, I shall not need to prove that it is lawful for us that
be His Majesty's own subjects, to take with all diligence
the blessings that Almighty GOD doth yearly send unto us,
at their due times and seasons ; and which do offer them-
selves freely and abundantly to us, in our own seas and
nigh our own shores.

Secondly, to prove that it is feasible for us ; for what can be
more plain than that we see daily done before our eyes by
the Hollanders ! that have nothing that they use, growing in
their own land, but are constrained to fetch all out of other
countries: whereas we have all things that shall be used

T- <^j^^,*^:] Fisheries, the Dutch Gold Mine. 253

about that business growing at home in our own land ; pitch
and tar only excepted.

Thirdly, to prove it will be profitable, no man need to
doubt; for that we see the Hollanders have long maintained
their wars: and are nevertheless grown exceeding rich: which
are things to be admired, insomuch that themselves do call it
their chiejest trade, and principal Gold Mine; whereby many
thousands of their people of trades and occupations be set on work,
well maintained, and do prosper. These be the Hollanders' own
words in a Dutch Proclamation, and translated into English;
and the copy of that Proclamation is here annexed unto the
end of my book

And shall we neglect so great blessings I O slothful
England, and careless countrymen ! look but on these fellows,
that we call the plwmp Hollanders ! Behold their diligence
in fishing ! and our own careless negligence !

In the midst of the month of May, do the industrious
Hollanders begin to make ready their Busses and fisher-
fleets; and by the first of their June [i.e., N.S.] are they yearly
ready, and seen to sail out of the Maas, the Texel, and the
Vlie, a thousand Sail together ; for to catch herrings in the
North seas.

Six hundred of these fisherships and more, be great Busses
some six score tons, most of them be a hundred tons, and the
rest three score tons, and fifty tons: the biggest of them
having four and twenty men ; some twenty men, and some
eighteen, and sixteen men a piece. So that there cannot be
in this Fleet of People, no less than twenty thousand sailors.

These having with them bread, butter, and Holland cheese
for their provision, do daily get their other diet out of His
Majesty's seas ; besides the lading of this Fleet three times a
piece commonly before Saint Andrew['s day, October 24] with
herrings, which being sold by them but at the rate of Ten
Pounds the Last, amounteth unto much more than the sum
of one million of pounds [ = ,^4,500, 000 in present value]
sterling ; only [solely] by this fleet of Busses yearly. No King
upon the earth did ever see such a fleet of his own subjects
at any time; and yet this Fleet is, there and then, yearly to
be seen. A most worthy sight it were, if they were my own
countrymen ; yet have I taken pleasure in being amongst them,
to behold the neatness of their ships and fishermen, how

254 The great Fleet of Busses. |7-*^j^^'^

every man knoweth his own place, and all labouring merrily
together : whereby the poorest sort of themselves, their wives
and children, be well maintained; and no want seen amongst
them.

And thus North- West-and-by-North hence along they steer,
then being the very heart of summer and the very yolk of all
the year, sailing until they do come unto the Isle of Shet-
shetiand is the land, which is His Majesty's dominions. And
fTiThel^rcades! wlth this gallant fleet of Busses, there have been
h^f h"o^f&>°''' ^^^" twenty, thirty, and forty ships of war to waft
N. Lat. [convoy] and guard them from being pillaged and

taken by their enemies and Dunkirkers : but now the wars
be ended, they do save that great charge, for they have not
now about four or six to look unto them, for [from] being
spoiled by rovers and pirates.

Now if that it happen that they have so good a wind as to be
at Shetland before the 14th day of their June [t.e.,N.S.] as most
commonly they have, then do they all put into Shetland, nigh
Swinborough [Suniburgh] Head ; into a sound called Bracies
[Bressa] Sound, and there they frolic it on land, until that
they have sucked out all the marrow of the malt and good
Scotch ale, which is the best liquor that the island doth
afford: but the 14th day of June being once come, then away
all of them go, for that is the first day, by their own law,
before which time they must not lay a net; for until then the
herrings be not in season, nor fit to be taken to be salted.

From this place, being nigh two hundred leagues from
Yarmouth, do they now first begin to fish, and they do never
leave the shoals of herrings, but come along amongst them,
following the herrings as they do come, five hundred miles in
length [along], and lading their ships twice or thrice before
they come to Yarmouth, with the principal and best herrings,
and sending them away by the merchant ships that cometh
unto them, that bringeth them victuals, barrels, and more salt,
and nets if that they do need any, the which ships that buyeth
their herrings they do call Herring Yagers [now spelt Jagers]:
and these Yagers carry them, and sell them in the East
[Baltic] Countries, some to Revel and to Riga, and some so far
as Narva and Russia, Stockholm in Sweden, Quinsborough
[? Konigsberg], Dantsic, and Elving [Elbitig], and all Poland,
Sprucia, and Pomerland, Letto [Lithuania], Burnt-Hollume,

"^'^m!'!^'.] The work of the Herring Jagers. 255

Stettin, Lubeck, and Jutland and Denmark. Returning hemp,
flax, cordage, cables, and iron ; corn, soap ashes, wax, wains-
cot, clapholt [? clap-boards], pitch, tar, masts, and spruce
deals, hoops and barrel-boards [staves] ; and plenty of silver
and gold : only [solely] for their procedue [proceeds] of herrings.

Now besides this great Fleet of the Busses, the Hollanders
have a huge number more of smaller burden, only for to take
herrings also; and these be of the burden from fifty tons unto
thirty tons, and twenty tons. The greatest of them have
twelve men a piece, and the smallest eight and nine men a
piece ; and these are vessels of divers fashions and not like
unto the Busses, yet go they only for herrings in the season,
and they be called, some of them, Sword-Pinks, Flat-Bottoms,
Holland-Toads, Crab-Skuits, and Yevers : and all these, or the
most part do go to Shetland ; but these have no Yagers to
come unto them ; but they go themselves home when they be
laden, or else unto the best market. There have been seen
and numbered of Busses and these, in braces [rigged], sound,
and going out to sea ; and at sea in sight at one time, two
thousand Sail, besides them that were at sea without [out of]
sight, which could not be numbered.

It is Bartholomewtide [August 24] yearly, before that they
be come from Shetland with the herrings so high as [down to]
Yarmouth: and all those herrings that they do catch in the
Yarmouth seas from Bartholomewtide until Saint Andrew['s
day, October 24], the worst that be, the roope-sick herrings that
will not serve to make barrelled herrings by their own law,
they must not bring home into Holland ; wherefore they do
sell them for ready money or gold unto the Yarmouth men,
that be no fishermen, but merchants and ingrossers of great
quantities of herrings, if that, by any means, they can get them.
So that the Hollanders be very welcome guests unto the
Yarmouthian [!] herring-buyers, and the Hollanders do call
them their "hosts," and they do yearly carry away from
Yarmouth many a thousand pounds, as it is well known.

But these Hollanders, with the ladings of the best, which
they make their best brand herrings to serve for Lenten store,
they send some for Bordeaux, some for Rochelle, Nantes,
Morlaix; and Saint Malo and Caen in Normandy; Rouen,
Paris, Amiens, and all Picardy and Calais : and they do
return from these places wines, salt, feathers, rosin, woad,

256 Enormous prices in gold, for fish, ['^•^/^"^g^

Normandy canvas, and Dowlais cloth, and money and French
crowns. But out of all the Archduke's countries they return
nothing from thence but ready money, in my own knowledge;
and their ready payment was all double Jacobuses, English
twenty-[five] shilling pieces. I have seen more there, in one
day, than ever I did in London at any time.

For at Ostend, Newport, and Dunkirk, where and when
the Holland Finks cometh in, there daily the Merchants,
that be but women (but not such women as the fishwives of
Billingsgate ; for these Netherland women do lade away
many waggons with fresh fish daily, some for Bruges, and
some for Brussels, Yperen, Dixmuiden, and Rissels [Lille],
and at Sas by Ghent), I have seen these Women-Merchants
have their aprons full of nothing but English Jacobuses, to
make all their payment of; and such heaps and budgetfuls
in the counting-houses of the Fish Brokers, which made me
much to wonder how they should come by them. And
I have seen a ^Iso I know that capons are not so dearly sold
fdd'lh'e^f for'' ^y ^^^ poulterers in Gratious [Gracechurch] Street
two shillings in London, as fresh fish is sold by the Hol-
i^°cfl turbor*' landers in all those Roman Catholic and Papistical

for a Jacobus. cOUntricS.

And whereas I have made but a true relation of their Fleets
of Busses, and only the herring fishermen that be on His
Majesty's seas from June until November : I will here set
down the fishermen that, all the year long, in the seasons, do
fish for Cod and Ling continually, going and returning laden
with barrelled fish.

And these be Pinks and Well-boats of the burden of forty
tons, and the smallest thirty tons. These have some twelve
men a piece, one with another. There is of this sort of fisher-
boats, beginning at Flushing, Camefere, Surwick Sea, the
Maas, the Texel, and the Vlie, and the other sandy islands,
about five hundred or six hundred Sail which, all the year
long, are fishing for Cod ; whereof they do make their barrelled
fish, which they do transport in the summer into the East
parts, but in winter all France is served by them and all the
Archduke's countries before spoken of : both of barrelled fish
and fresh fish, which they of purpose do keep alive in their

'^■*^.^] Description of the English fishermen. 257

boats in wells. And to us here in England, for love of our
strong beer, they bring us barrelled fish in winter ; and carry
away our money and gold every day in great quantities.

Besides all these Pinks and Well-boats, the Hollanders
have continually, in the season, another fleet of fishermen,
at the north-east head of Shetland, which be of another
quality: and there are more than two hundred of these, and
these be called Fly-boats. These do ride at anchor all the
season at Shetland, in the fishing grounds, and they have
small boats within them, which be like unto Cobles, the
which they do put out to lay and haul their lines, whereby
they do take great store of Ling : the which they do not
barrel, but split them and salt them in the ship's hulk[hold] ;
and these they sell commonly for four and five pounds the
hundred. These go by the name of Holland Lings : but
they are taken out of His Majesty's seas, and were Shetland
Lings before they took them there ; and for these Lings they
do carry away abundance of England's best money daily.

Ow HAVING declared according unto truth, the
numbers of their fishermen in Holland for herrings
upon His Majesty's seas ; and also of their Pinks
and Well-boats ; and their courses for taking,
venting, and selling of their barrelled fish and
fresh fish ; and also of their Fly-boats at the north-east
head of Shetland, for Shetland Lings : I think it now best,
truly to show the true number of our English fishermen, and
how they do employ themselves all the year long; first
beginning at Colchester, nigh the mouth of the Thames, and
so proceeding northward.

I can scarce afford these men of that Water the name of
fishermen ; for that their chiefest trade is dredging for oysters :
yet have they, in the summer, some eight or ten boats in the
North seas for Cod ; which if that they happen to spend all
their salt, and to speed well, they may get some twenty pounds
in a summer clear.

But here, by the way, I will make known a great abuse
that is offered to the common wealth, and especially to all
the herring fishermen of England, only by those men of
Colchester Water. For these men, from Saint Andrew

R 6

258 Colchester fishers op Bleaks. P"^^.*^

[October 24] until Candlemas [February 2], and sometimes
longer, do set forth Stale-boats, amongst the sands in the
Thames' mouth, for to take sprats, with great stale-nets,
with a great poke [bag] ; and they standing in the Swinne
or the King's Channel on the back of the Gunfleet, they do
there take instead of sprats, infinite thousands of young
herrings, smaller than sprats and not good to be eaten, for
one sprat is better worth than twenty of those Bleakes or
young herrings. But because they do fill the bushel at
Billingsgate, where they do sell them for sprats ; the which,
if that they were let [ajlive, would all be, at Midsummer, a
fat Summer full Herring. And a peck is sometimes there
sold for twopence ; which number of herrings at Midsummer
would make a barrel of summer herrings, worth twenty or
thirty shillings.

If that they could take sprats it were good, for they be
good victuals for the City ; but for every cartload or bushel
of sprats, they take a hundred cartloads or bushels of these
young herrings ; which be the very spawn of the shoals of the
herrings that cometh from Shetland every summer : and
whereas they come into Yarmouth seas yearly about Saint
Luke's [day, September 21] and (sometimes before, if that it
do blow a hard easterly wind) do always at that season
become roope-sick and do spawn and become shotten [einpty]
betwixt Wintertonness and Orfordness. And those fry of that
spawn, those young little creatures, by the wisdom of the
great Creator, seeketh into the shore and shallow places,
there to be nourished, and also into the Thames' mouth into
the sweetest waters ; for that the water nigh the shore and
in the Thames' mouth is not so briny salt as it is farther off
in the deep water. Where these Bleaks yearly seeking to be
nourished, they be always at that season taken and destroyed.
But if that these men will needs use their Stale-boats and
nets, let them go where the good sprats be. They must then
stand at Orfordness and in Dunwich bay, where there be
excellent sprats: and for the good of all the herring fishermen
of England, I wish that they might be prohibited to sell that
which is not wholesome to be eaten ; which is as much as to
sell hemlock for parsnips.

The next to Colchester, is Harwich Water. A royal harbour
and a proper town, fit for the use of Busses (no place in all

*°j^.^:] Fishermen of Harwich and Ipswich. 259

Holland comparable to it, for there is both land and strand
and dry beach enough for four hundred Sail); but the chiefest
trade of the inhabitants of this place is with Caravels for
Newcastle coals : but they have three or four ships yearly
that they do send to Iceland for Cod and Ling from March
until September ; and some years they get, and some years
they lose. But if that they had but once the trade of Busses,
this would soon be a fine place : but those Caravels and Ships
which they now have, be all their chiefest wealth.

Six miles up Harwich water stands Ipswich ; which is a gal-
lant town and rich. This Town is such a place for the Busses,
as in all England and Holland I know no place so convenient.
First, it is the best place in all England for the building of
Busses ; both for the plenty of timber and plank, and
excellent workmen for making of ships. There are more
there, than there are in six of the best towns in all England.
Secondly, it is a principal place for good housewives for
spinning of yarn, for the making of pouldavice [canvas] ; for
there is the best that is made. Which town with the use
of the making of twine, will soon be the best place of all
England for to provide nets for the Busses. It is also a most
convenient place for the wintering of the Busses, for that all
the shores of that river are altogether ooze and soft ground,
fit for them to lie on in winter.

Also the Ipswich men be the chiefest Merchant Adventurers
of all England, for all the East Lands [Baltic This Town is
Countries], for the Suffolk cloths: and they have convl^i^^
their factors lying, all the year long, in all those ^'lup're t^
places where the Hollanders do vent their herrings, for com for aii
and where the best price and sale is continually. the^ret°ui^°and
And although that yet there be no fishermen, yet fuL^^-'^*
have they store of seafaring men, and for Masters ^^^f^^J^
for the Busses, they may have enough from Yar- Poland.
mouth and So[uth]w[o]ld and the sea-coast towns [villages]
down their river. From Nacton and Chimton, Holbroke,
Shotley, and Cowlness they may get men that will soon be
good fishermen with but little use. For understand thus
much ! that there is a kind of emulation in Holland between
the fishermen that go to sea in Pinks and Line-boats, winter
and summer ; and those fishermen that go in the Busses.
For they in the Pinks make a scorn of them in the Busses,

26o Fishermen of Orford, Aldborough, (7"°;"?^:

and do call them koe-milkens or "cow-milkers" : for indeed the
most part of them be men of occupations [handicraftsmen] in
winter, or else countrymen ; and do milk the cows themselves
and make all the Holland cheese, when they be at home.

This place is also most convenient for the erecting of salt-
pans, for the making of ** Salt upon Salt." For that the
harbour is so good that, at all times, ships may come unto
them with salt from Mayo, or Spanish salt, to make brine or
pickle ; and also the Caravels from Newcastle with coals for
the boiling of it at the cheapest rates, at any time may come
thither.

To the north-east of this place, three or four leagues, is
Orford Haven ; and in the towns of Orford and Aldborough
especially be many good fishermen. And there are belonging
to those towns some forty or fifty North Sea boats, that
yearly go to sea, having seven men a piece ; and ten or twelve
Iceland barks, which sometimes get something, and some-
times little or nothing. If that these men's wealth were in
Busses and nets, and had but once the trade, they would put
down the Hollander ! for they be great plyers of any voyage
that they do undertake.

About three leagues to the northward is So[uth]w[o]ld Haven,
Dunwichin and in the towns of So[uth]w[o]ld, Dunwich, and
h^thTee'lTthe Waldcrswick be a very good breed of fishermen ; and
icfngf of the there are belonging unto those three towns, of North
East Angles, gea boats some twenty sail ; and of Iceland barks
all ruined. somc fifty Sail, which yearly they send for Cod and
Ling to Iceland.

Myfatheriived This towH of So[uth]w[o]ld, of a sca tov^Ti, is the
in this town most bcneficial unto His Majesty, of all the towns

until he was 98 . , hi- i •

years of age, m England ; by reason all their trade is unto

a)m|osftion'* Iceland for Ling, and His Majesty's Serjeant

yi^s un'tTf^ur Catcrcr hath yearly gratis out of every ship and

Pnnc^. vi^-.^ bark, one hundred of the choicest and fairest Lings,

Quein mary°' which bc worth more than ten pound the hundred ;

iuz^ABETH, and they call them "Composition Fish." But these

and until the j^gn of this placc are greatly hindered, and in a

Bixth year r o , -^ . , '. , ,

[1609] of the manner undone, by reason their haven is so bad,

mof^lradJus and in a manner often stopped up with beach and

whkh'TOi^eth shingle stone that the wind and tide and the sea do

to muck mora beat thlthcr, so that many time, in the season,

"^'^£'^'2 SouTHWoLD, Lowestoft, and Yarmouth. 261

when they be ready to go to sea ; they cannot get |h^5°"d
out when time is to go to sea; neither can they pounds, for on«
get in when they return from sea, but oftentimes tow"n°
do cast away their goods and themselves. This haven if that
it had but a south pier built of timber, would be a far better
haven than Yarmouth haven, with one quarter of the cost
that hath been bestowed on Yarmouth haven. They be now
suitors unto His Majesty : GOD grant that they may speed !
For it is pitiful, the trouble and damage that all the men of
these three towns do daily sustain by their naughty [inade-
quate] harbour.

To the northward of So[uth]w[o]ld Haven three leagues, are
Kirkley and hsiyestoi [Lowestoft] , decayed towns. They have
six or seven North Sea boats : but they of Lowestoft make
benefit yearly of buying of herrings of the Hollanders ; for
likewise these Hollanders be ** hosted " with the Lowestoft
men, as they be with the Yarmouthians.

To the northward, two leagues, is the town of Great
Yarmouth, very beautifully built upon a very inaiiHis
pleasant and sandy plain of three miles in length. Majesty's

X J K vj KinsrcloiTis Dot

This town is a place of great resort of all the any town 'com-
herring fishermen of England. For thither do ForbrlTve"'" ''
resort all the fishermen of the Cinque Ports and •'"''^ings.
all the rest of the West Country men of England, as far
as Burport [Bridport], and Lyme [Regis] in Dorsetshire :
and those herrings that they do take they do not barrel,
because their boats be but small things, but they sell all
unto the Yarmouth herring-buyers for ready money. And
also the fishermen of the north countries, beyond Scarborough
and Robin Hood's Bay, and some as far as the Bishopric of
Durham do thither resort yearly, in poor little boats called
" Five-Men Cobbles"; and all the herrings that they do take
they do sell fresh unto the Yarmouth men, to make red
herrings.

Also to Yarmouth, do daily come into the haven up to the
quay, all or the most part of the great Fleet of Hollanders,
which before I made relation of, that go in the Sword-Pinks,
Holland-Toads, Crab-Skuits, Walnut-Shells, and great and
small Yevers ; one hundred and two hundred sail at one time
together, and all their herrings that they do bring in, they do
sell them all, for ready money, to the Yarmouth men.

262 Advantageous situation of Yarmouth, l^- *^^!'J^

And also the Frenchmen of Picardy and Normandy, some
hundred sail of them at a time, do come thither ; and all the
herrings they catch, they sell fresh unto these Herring-mongers
of Yarmouth, for ready money. So that it amounteth unto a
great sum of money, that the Hollanders and Frenchmen do
carry away from Yarmouth yearly into Holland and France :
which money doth never come again into England.

This town is very well governed by wise and civil [prudent]
Magistrates, and good orders carefully observed for the
maintenance of their Haven and Corporation. And this town,
by reason of the situation, and the fresh rivers that belong
to it, one [the Wensum] up to the city of Norwich ; and
another [the Waveney] that runneth far up into Suffolk, a
butter and cheese country, about Bunga [Bungay] and
Betkels [Beccles] ; and a third [the Bure] that runneth far up
into Flegg [by Aylesham] a corn country ; by reason whereof
this town of Yarmouth is always well served with all kind
of provision at good and cheap rates : whereby they of the
town do relieve the strangers, and also do benefit themselves.

To this town belongeth some twenty Iceland barks, which
yearly they do send for Cod and Ling, and some hundred
and fifty sail of North Sea boats. They make a shift to live ;
but if that they had the use of Busses and also barrelled fish,
they would excel all England and Holland. For they be
the only fishermen for North seas, and also the best for the
handling of their fish that be in all this land.

The herring buyers of Yarmouth doth profit more than doth
the fishermen of Yarmouth, by reason of the resort of the
Hollanders ; for that they are suffered to sell all their roope-
sick herrings at Yarmouth to the Merchants there. And
also the barrelled fish that the Flemings do bring in winter
to London, Ipswich, Lynn, and Hull do also gale [gaul]
them : but for that [seeing that] our fishermen may, if they
please, make barrelled fish themselves ; and therefore I will
not moan [bemoan] them !

The merchant herring buyer of Yarmouth that hath a
Yarmouth stock of his own, SO long as he can make his gains

haven is the . -ii • r • t t • 1

only refuge, in SO ccrtam With buymg of roope-sick herrings oi
w'^tre'r°L all thc Hollaudcrs, will never lay out his money to
S'thecTn'^ue ^uild or set forth Busses; and the fishermen be
poru and all now SO poor, by reason that they only do bear the

^' ^^!'i'6it] Blackney, Wells, King's Lynn, Boston. 263

whole charge of that costly haven, the merchant foh^n'hos/"
herring buyers being not at any charge thereof: seas: and it ii
but all that great cost cometh out of the fisher- timber, against
men's labours for the maintenance of that wooden Iht^lTi^?^
haven [bier], which amounteth to some five it 'snow in

i_ J J * J , great danger

nundred pounds a year, and some years more, to come to
So that though they be willing, yet their ability ISve'noVherp
will not suffer them to do it; neither can they ">'''°«-
forbear [invest] their money to adventure their herrings into
the East [Baltic] Countries, where the best sales always be.

To the northward of Yarmouth eight leagues, are the
towns of Blackney and Wells, good harbours and fit for
Busses : and they have good store of fishermen. And these
towns have some twenty Sail of barks that they do yearly
send unto Iceland. But these towns be greatly decayed, to
that they have been in times past : the which places, if that
they had but twenty Busses belonging to them, would soon
grow rich towns in short time.

Then is there [King's] Lynn, a proper gallant town for
sea-faring men, and for men for Iceland. This is a rich
town, and they have some twenty Sail of Iceland ships, that
they yearly send for Cod and Ling : and I am in hope to see
them fall to the use of Busses as soon as any men.

To the northward is Boston, a proper town ; and like unto
Holland's soil, for low ground and sands coming in : but yet
there are but few fishermen ; but it is a most fit place for
Busses. If that they had but once the taste of them, they
would soon find good liking.

Next to Boston, some twenty leagues to the northward, is
the great river of Humber, wherein there is Hull, a very
proper town of sailors and shipping : but there be but few
fishermen. But it is a most convenient place for to adventure
Busses.

There are also Grimsby, Paul, and Patrington. In all
these places now there is great store of poor and idle people,
that know not how to live ; and the most of all these places
be decayed, and the best of them all grow worse and worse :
which with the use of Busses would soon grow rich merchant
towns, as is in Holland. For to these places would be
transported of the East lands all manner of commodities for
the use of Busses ; and houses and work-yards erected for

264 Grimsby, Paul, Patrington, and Hull. [J'^j^'^;

coopers, and ropemakers, and great numbers of net-makers.
And with the recourse of the ships that shall bring salt and
other commodities, and ships that shall lade away their
herrings and fish, these places shall soon become populous ;
and money stirring plentifully in these places returned for the
procedue [proceeds] of fish and herrings : which places now
b^. exceeding poor and beggarly.

In all these fisher towns, that I have before named,
as Colchester, Harwich, Orford, Aldborough, Dunwich,
Walderswick, So[uth]w[o]ld, Yarmouth, Blackney, Wells,
Lynn, Boston, and Hull — these be all the chiefest towns; and
all thatuseth the North seas in summer: and all these towns,
it is well known, be ruinated.

In all these towns I know to be — Iceland barks, and —
pa?dJn for North Sca boats; and all these fishermen having —
that I omit rnen a piece amounteth to the sum of — . But admit
numb^rs'^^d that there are in all the West Country of England
whtch iS)uid of fisherboats, tag and rag, that bringeth home all
heresetdown fresh fish, whlch scldom or never useth any salt ;

II 1 were com* , •

manded.* say, that they have other — men a piece which makes
the sum of — in all England.

But in all these I have not reckoned the fishermen, mac-
kerel-catchers, nor the Cobble-men of the north country, which
having — men a piece, cometh to — men in all England.

But so many in all England, and I have truly showed
before, that the Hollander hath in one fleet of Busses, twenty
thousand fishermen ; besides all them that goeth in the
Sword-Pinks, Flat-Bottoms, Crab-Skuits, Walnut-Shells, and
Great Yevers, wherein there are not less than twelve thousand
more: and all these are only for to catch herrings in the
North seas. Besides all they that go in the Fly-boats for
Shetland Ling, and the Finks for barrelled fish, and Trammel-
boats : which cometh unto five thousand more.

So that it is most true, that as they have the sum of —
fishermen more than there is in all this land : and by reason
of their Busses and Pinks and fishermen that set their
Merchant-ships on work [a work] ; so have they — ships and
— mariners more than we.

• Our Author has however already specified the number to be, at least,
Iceland barks 126, and North Sea boats 237.

^' ^^^^^ Our fishings bringin no coin. 265

Ow IN our sum of — fishermen ; let us see what
vent [sale] have we for our fish into other countries?
and what commodities and coin is brought into
this kingdom ? and what ships are set on work by
them, whereby mariners are bred or employed ?
Not one ! It is pitiful !

For when our fishermen cometh home the first voyage [i.e.,
in the summer] from the North Seas, they go either to London,
Ipswich, Yarmouth, Lynn, Hull, or Scarborough ; and there
they do sell, at good rates, the first voyage. But the second
voyage (because that they which be now the fishermen, have
not yet the right use of making of barrelled fish, wherewith
they might serve France, as do the Hollanders) they be
now constrained to sell in England. For that it is staple
[standard] fish ; and not being barrelled, the French will not
buy it.

But if that our fishermen had but once the use of Pinks
and Line-boats and barrelled fish; then they might serve
France as well as the Hollanders : which by this new trade
of Busses being once erected, and Pinks, and Line-boats
after the Holland manner; there will be fishermen enough
to manage the Pinks for barrelled fish, from November unto
the beginning of May, only the most part of those men that
shall be maintained by the Busses. For that, when the Busses
do leave work, in the winter, their men shall have employment
by the Pinks for barrelled fish ; which men now do little or
nothing. For this last winter at Yarmouth, there were three
hundred idle men that could get nothing to do, living very
poor for lack of employment ; which most gladly would have
gone to sea in Pinks, if there had been any for them to go in.
And whereas I said before, that there was not one ship set
on work by our fishermen : there may be objected against
me this. That there doth every year commonly lade at
Yarmouth four or five London ships for the Straits [of
Gibraltar], which is sometimes true. And the Yarmouth
men themselves do yearly send two or three ships to
Bordeaux, and two or three boats laden with £°^'f*.
herrings, to Rouen, or to Nantes, or Saint Malo : two ships this
whereby there are returned salt, wines, and Nor- S!^!*'*'**
mandy canvas ; whereby the King hath some custom. But
there is no money returned into England for these herrings,

266 The cost of a Herring Buss.

r. Gentlemaa.
Jan. 1614.

Note here how
the Hollanders
employ them-
selves and their
Ships ! First, in
taking of the
herrings quick
[alive] ; and
yet are not
content I but
catch them
again, after
they be dead !
and do set both
their ships and
mariners on
work : and
English ships
lie up a rotting !

which cost the Yarmouthians ready gold, before
that they had them of the Hollanders and French-
men to lade these ships : and therefore I may boldly
say, Not one !

And this last year now the Hollanders them-
selves have also gotten that trade, for there did lade
twelve sail of Holland ships with red herrings at
Yarmouth for Civita Vecchia, Leghorn, Genoa, and
Marseilles and Toulon. Most of them being ladened
by the English merchants. So that if this be
suffered, the English owners of ships shall have
but small employment for theirs.

Ow TO show truly, what the whole charge of a
Buss will be, with all her furniture, as masts,
sails, anchors, cables, and with all her fisher's
implements and appurtenances, at the first pro-
vided all new. It is a great charge, she being
between thirty and forty Last [ = 60 ^0 80 Tons] and will cost
some five hundred pounds [= about ^^2,250 in present value].
By the grace of GOD, the Ship or Buss will continue
twenty years, with small cost and reparations : but the yearly
slite [fraying] and wear of her tackle and war-ropes and
nets will cost some eighty pounds.

And the whole charge for the keeping of her at sea for the
whole summer, or three voyages ; for the fitting of a hundred
Last of caske or barrels.

If any will loo Last of BaiTels

P^°rcu"f For Salt, four months

Weys of Salt, Beer, four months

or Barrels of For Bread, four months ...

Beer, or Hun- _, ,' _,

dred[weight]sof Bacon and Butter

Biscuits, I will For Pease, four months

s^WL/^,w For Billet, four months

to] him ; but For men's wages, four months

here is the
whole charge,
and with the
most [at the
outside."]

One hundred Last of
herrings, filled and
sold at £,\o the Last,
Cometh to one thou-
sand pounds.

Herrings ... £,1,000
The whole charge 335

;^335 Gotten ;^665

[See full paiticulars in the later work Britain's Buss in Vol. III. p. 6az.] »

Here plainly appeareth that there is gotten ^^665 in one

T- ^j^'Ti^l Typical case of a Dutch Family fishing. 267

summer, whereout if that you do deduct ;£'ioo for the wear
of the ship and the reparations of her nets against the next
summer ; yet still there ;f 565 remaining for clear And i hay*
gains, by one Buss in one year. u^nil but

The Hollanders do make [consider] the profit of ^V^'^'^'^l-
their Busses so certain, that they do lay out their the'*iea«. ^or
own children's money, given them by their deceased moniy'oiTby
friends, in adventuring in the Busses ; and also a^'j)^°"s|^'^for
there is in Holland a Treasury for Orphans opened ;{;i5 and ;{:2o
and laid out in adventuring in the Busses. ""* ^^^

The Hollanders do make both a profitable and a pleasant
trade of this summer fishing. For there was one of them
that having a gallant great new Buss of his own, and he
having a daughter married unto one that was his Mate in the
Buss : the Owner that was Master of this Buss did take his
wife with him aboard, and his Mate his wife ; and so they
did set sail for the North seas, with the two women with
them, the mother and the daughter. Where, having a
fair wind, and being fishing in the North seas, they had soon
filled their Buss with herrings ; and a Herring- Yager cometh
unto them, and brings them gold and fresh supplies, and
copeth [bargaineth] with them, and taketh in their herrings
for ready money, and delivereth them more barrels j^^^y money
and salt ; and away goeth the Yager for the first °'. ?^'''"'
market into Sprucia [Prussia] . And still is the bhis of "
Buss fishing at sea, and soon after again was full be^pafdi't '°
laden and boone [bound] home : but then another fi"' sight.
Yager cometh unto him as did the former, and delivering
them more provision of barrels, salt, and ready money, and
bids them farewell. And still the Buss lieth at sea, with
the mother and daughter, so long, and not very long before
they had again all their barrels full ; and then they sailed
home into Holland, with the two women, and the buss laden
with herrings, and a thousand pounds of ready money.

If that any man should make question of the truth of this,
it will be very credibly approved by divers of good credit that
be now in the city of London.

Now to show the charge of a Pink of eighteen or twenty
Last [ = 36 to 40 tons]. The Pink being built new, and all
things new into her, will not cost ^260, with all her lines,
hooks, and all her fisher appurtenances.

268 The cost of a Fishing Pink. [_^" ^/J1i\'\"^'
And

15 Last of barrels will cost

5 Weys of " Salt upon Salt "

For Beer and Cask

For Bread

For Butter

For the Petty Tally

For men's wages for two months, Master
and all together ... 20

^10

7
3

^57
Fifteen Last of barrelled fish at £14 8s. the Last, which
is but twenty-four shillings the barrel, amounteth to £2i(i ;
whereout if that you do deduct ^^57 for the charge of setting
her to sea, there is still resting ^^159 clear gain by one Pink,
with fifteen Last of fish, for two months.

Wherefore, seeing the profit so plain ; and, by the grace
of GOD, so certain ; both by the Busses and Line-boats,
whereby the Hollanders have so long gained by : let all
noble, worshipful, and wealthy subjects put to their
adventuring and helping hands, for the speedy launching
and floating forward of this great good common wealth
business, for the strengthening of His Majesty's dominions
with two principal pillars, which are, with plenty of coin
brought in for Fish and herrings from other nations, and also
for the increasing of mariners against all common invasions.
And also for the bettering of trades and occupations, and
setting of thousands of poor and idle people on work, which
now know not how to live ; which by this Trade of Busses
shall be employed : as daily we see is done, before our eyes, by
the Hollanders. And, as always it hath been seen, that
those that be now the fishermen of England have been always
found to be sufficient to serve His Majesty's ships in former
time, when there has been employment: which fellows, by this
new trade of building and setting forth of Busses will be
greatly multiplied and increased in this land. Which fellows,
as we see the Hollanders, being well fed in fishing affairs,
and strong[er] and lustier than the sailors that use the long
southern voyages that sometimes are greatly surfeited and
hunger-pined : but these courageous, young, lusty, fed-strong
younkers, that shall be bred in the Busses, when His Majesty

^■^M.'^4.] Fishermen make strong active Sailors. 269

shall have occasion for their service in war against the
enemy, will be fellows for the nonce! and will put more
strength to an iron crow at a piece of great ordnance in
traversing of a cannon or culvering, with the direction of
the experimented [experienced] Master Gunner, than two or
three of the forenamed surfeited sailors. And in distress of
wind-grown sea, and foul winter's weather, for flying forward
to their labour, for pulling in a topsail or a spritsail, or
shaking off a bonnet in a dark night ! for wet and cold cannot
make them shrink, nor stain that the North seas and the
Busses and Pinks have dyed in the grain, for such purposes.

And whosoever shall go to sea for Captain to command in
martial affairs, or to take charge for Master in trade of
merchandise (as in times past I have done both) will make
choice of these fellows : for I have seen their resolution in
the face of their enemy, when they have been legeramenta
[Italian for light-hearted] and frolicsome, and as forward as
about their ordinary labours or business.

And when His Majesty shall have occasion and employ-
ment for the furnishing of his Navy, there will be nisnotun-
no want of Masters, Pilots, Commanders, and suf- known, that
ficient directors of a course and keeping of com- thlre^s'a
putation ; but now there is a pitiful want of fio"ng^the'^^t
sufficient good men to do the offices and labours f/om"^'^'!;,
before spoken of. All which, these men of the Yorkshire unto
Busses and Pinks will worthily supply. Mount"inCom.

And to the art of sailing they may happily attain. ^i"v°°Jff^!
For hitherto it hath been commonly seen, that nUh but seven
those men that have been brought up in their t^ting°over^
youth in fishery, have deserved as well as any in [hTcS'pfi-
the land for artificial [scientific] sailing : for at this »''"« ^4 ^'^

"- / -' . r • 1 J noble Princess

time IS practised all the projections 01 circular and but twenty-
mathematical scales and arithmetical sailing by ^'^ht leagues.
divers of the young men of the sea-coast towns, even as
commonly amongst them, as amongst the Thamesers.

Besides all the Hollanders before spoken of, the Frenchmen
of Picardy have also a hundred sail of fishermen. Some of these
only [solely] for herrings on His Majesty's seas ever}' to^the
year in the summer season ; and they be almost like ^"'^den.
unto the Busses : but they have not any Yagers that cometh
unto them, but they do lade themselves, and return home twice

270 English shall wear old Dutch shoes! [7"^j|S',"^

every year ; and find great profit by their making but two

voyages every summer season.

And it is much to be lamented that we, having such a
TheHoiianders plentiful country, and such store of able and idle
so^y^as * people, that not one of His Majesty's subjects is
more'th^Jl^'o there to be seen all the whole summer to fish or
miiiioi^rf to take one herring; but only the North Sea boats
fin^ ApTwe, of the sea-coast towns that go to take Cod, they
s"bjS"o^' do *^^^ s° many as they do need to bait their
thandobSt' hooks and no more.

our hooks! We are daily scorned by these Hollanders for

being so negligent of our profit, and careless of our fishing ;
and they do daily flout us that be the poor fishermen of
England, to our faces at sea, calling to us and saying, Ya
English ! ya zall, or oud scove dragien, which in English is
this, " You English ! we will make you glad for to wear our
old shoes."

And likewise the Frenchmen, they say, "We are apish," for
that we do still imitate them in all needless and fantastical
jags [tatters] and fashions. As it is most true indeed. For
that they have no fashion amongst them in apparel nor lace,
points, gloves, hilts, nor garters ; even from the spangled
shoe-latchet unto the spangled hat and hatband (be it never
so idle and costly): but after that we do once get it, it is far
bettered by our nation.

Wherefore, seeing that we can excel all other nations,
wastefully to spend money ; let us in one thing learn of
other nations ! to get thousands out of His Majesty's sea !
and to make a general profit of the benefits that Almighty
GOD doth yearly send unto us, in far more greater abundance
than the fruit of our trees ! which although they [the fishes]
be more changeable in the gathering together, yet is the
profit far more greater unto this kingdom and common wealth
of all His Majesty's subjects, increasing the wealth of the
Adventurers; as also for the enriching of Merchants, and
maintaining of trades, occupations, and employing of ships,
and increasing of mariners which now do but little or
nothing ; as also for the setting of poor and idle people on
work, which now know not how to live. And to teach many
a tall fellow to know the proper names of the ropes in a
ship, and to haul the bowline ; that now for lack of era-

^isFeb.*^.] ;^ 1 2,000 PAID TO Dutch, in 8 Weeks. 271

ployment many such, by the inconvenience of idle living,
are compelled to end their days v^ith a rope by an Jrote'fb!"/^
untimely death : which by the employment of the seaandt/u

—^ •'.,,, ,, •'.,- 1,1 • , ■ gallows refuse

Busses might be well avoided, and they in time nonei
become right honest, serviceable, and trusty subjects.

Ere since my book came to the press, I have been
credibly certified by men * of good worth *J^^ g^^"-"
(being Fishmongers) that since Christmas ung, Master
last, unto this day ; there hath been paid L^v.^TnTd^ers
to the Hollanders, here in London, only for bar- company 'of*
rels of fish and Holland Ling, the sum of Twelve Fishmongers.
thousand pounds [ = about ^50,000 in the present day].

And last of all, if that there be any of worshipful Adven-
turers that would have any directions for the building of
these Busses or fisher-ships, because I know that the ship
carpenters of England be not yet skilful in this matter;
wherefore if that any shall be pleased to repair to me, I will
be willing to give them directions and plain projections and
geometrical demonstrations for the right building of them,
both for length, breadth, and depth, and also for .Andforpro-
their mould under water, and also for the con- ^d^g of^^^eir
triving of their rooms and the laying of their Nets, after the
gear,* according to the Hollanders' fashion. Any ^°d'chSp'^\
man shall hear of me at Master Nathaniel "-ates.
Butter's, a Stationer's shop at Saint Austen's Gate in
Paul's Churchyard. Farewell this i8th of February [1614].

FINIS.

B R IT A I N'S BUSS,

A COMPUTATION

as well of the Charge oj a Buss or

Herring Fishing Ship ; as also of the

Gain and Profit thereby.

By E. S.

LONDON.

Printed by William Jaggard for Nicholas Bourne, and

are to be sold at his shop at the South Entry of

the Royal Exchange, i 6 i 5.

s 6

^Svt

BRIT AI N' S BUSS.

IvERS TREATISES have been published
here in England, some long since, some
very lately, all of them inviting to the
building and employing of English fishing
ships, such as our neighbouring Hol-
landers call Busses, principally to fish
for herrings : with which kind of fish,
Almighty GOD, of His rich bounty
(blessed be His name therefore!), hath abundantly stored His
Majesties streams on the coasts of England, Scotland, and
Ireland, above all the known parts of the world.

Four books I have seen of this subject.

One called the British Monarchy, written Anno Domini
1576 which is near[ly] forty years past.

The second, entitled Hitchcock's New Year's Gift
printed about thirty[-five] years since.

The third, named England's Way to Win Wealth and to
increase ships and, mariners published within these two years :
whose author [TOBIAS Gentleman, Mariner, (of Yarmouth)],
I have heard, was trained up from his youth, and is very
expert, both in navigation and fishing [See Vol. IV. p. 323.]

The fourth, styled The Trade's Increase, now newly come
abroad.

In all which four books; but especially in the two last, the
necessity, faculty, profit, and use of that fishing trade is
proponed [set forth] and handled.

After I had read three of the former books, and before the
fourth and last came to light, I was much affected with the
business. And the more I consider it, the more is my

276 The first English Adventurers in Busses. [fg^J

affection confirmed and increased. And out of vehement
desire to see this work, which I conceive to tend so much to
GOD's glory, to the honour of our noble King, to the general
strength, safety, and commodity of all His Majesty's large
kingdoms and dominions, and to the private and peculiar
benefit and advancement of every private Undertaker herein :
I say, out of vehement desire to see this work in hand, and
the prosperity thereof, I inquired, as often as conveniently I
could, what Busses or fishing ships were in building on our
coasts, or were bought or used by any English.

At length, I was informed, and that very truly, that one
Roger Godsdue, Esquire, of Bucknam Ferry in Norfolk,
had begun to apply himself to this worthy work, and had on
the stocks at Yarmouth, five Busses ; whereof I understand
one is, since that time, launched, and that the other four are
in good forwardness. But when, upon inquiry after the
gentleman, I heard him to be a man of such undoubted
honesty and integrity, besides his other virtues and worth;
methought I did see GOD beginning this good business in a
good hand.

Soon after, I heard that another worthy gentleman,
namely, Sir William Harvey, Knight, had on the stocks at
Limehouse, in the yard of Master Stevens, shipwright,
another very fair large Buss near[ly] as big as any Flemish
Buss: which Buss I did afterwards see myself, when she was
in launching; and she is now in the Thames before Ratcliffe.

But besides these two gentlemen, I have not yet heard of
any English that have yet applied themselves that way.

Now because, after many considerations of that matter, I
perceived that none of the four treatises before mentioned,
had set down in very plain particulars, the exact Charge of
building, manning, victualling, and furnishing of such a
Buss ; and of the Gain or Profit, which, by GOD's blessing,
in probability may redound yearly to the particular owner
and adventurer of such a ship ; and conceiving hope, that the
publication of such particulars, might be some furtherance
of the action : I resolved to bestow my best labours to get
such particulars. And to that end, I travailed and conferred
with such ; both shipwrights, mariners, fishermen, netmakers,
and others, as I thought to be able to inform me in the

J-,J] Divisions of the present Work. 277

premises : that so I also might bring straw or mortar to
that noble building, or that I might pick or teaze oakum, or
do somewhat, that am not able to do much.

And for that, upon conference with some experienced in
this herring fishery, I am informed that a Buss of thirty-five
Last, that is, of seventy Tons, is of a very good and meet size
or scantling, wherewith, in four month's fishing, yearly, to
make the gain or profit by herrings only [as] hereafter in
particular [is] set down; besides her employment yearly also
in cod fishing, &c : I have therefore here imparted such
instructions, as I could attain unto.

1. First[ly], of the precise dimensions or proportions
of such a Buss of thirty-five Last, that is, of seventy
Tons.

2. Secondly, of the uttermost charges of such a Buss,
and the particulars of all her masts, yards, sails,
flags, pulleys, shivers, tackling, cables, and anchors ;
together also with hercock-boat and oars.

3. Thirdly, the particulars of her Carpenter's store ; and
of her Steward's store ; and of her weapons, and the
charge of them all.

4. Fourthly, the particulars of her herring-nets, and of
the warropes and other ropes, cords, and lines ; [of J
cork, pynbols or buyes belonging to those nets ;
with the particular charges of them all.

5. Fifthly, the particular tools and implements used in
dressing and packing of the said herrings, and their
particular prices.

6. Sixthly, the charge of one hundred Last of herring
casks or barrels, and of salt needful for the packing
of a hundred Last of herrings.

7. Seventhly, the particular charge of four month's
victuals for sixteen persons to serve in the said Buss ;
and the particular charge of physic and surgery helps,
for those sixteen persons.

8. Eighthly, the particular utmost wages of the said
sixteen persons for the said four months.

9. Lastly, the Gain or Profit, by GOD's blessing, hoped for
by such a four months' herring fishing.

Afterwards is also set down the yearly charges of repairing

278 Dimensions of a 70 ton Herring Buss.

fE.S.

L1615.

the said Buss ; and of her apparel and furniture, and also of
the said nets, &c. : together with the rest of the Second
Year's Charge and Gain.

By which Second Year's Charge and Gain, you shall see the
charge and gain of every year following, so long as the Buss
lasteth; which, by GOD's blessing and good usage, may well
be twenty years at least.

E THAT will give a probable estimate of any Charge,
must tie himself to some particular proportions,
which he must admit as the very just allowances.
But I would have none to imagine that I intend
these particulars to be such as may not be varied.

If any be so vain [as] to make scornful constructions, I hold

such fellows to be not worth the thinking on.

Buss of thirty-five Last, that is, of 70 Tons,
must be on the keel, in length

And on the main beam

And her rake on the stem forward

And her rake on the stempost eastward on

And her waist from her lower edge of her deck-ledges

unto her ceilings

Fifty feet
Seventeen feet
Sixteen feet
Seven feet.

Thirteen feet

UCH a Buss, with her cabins, cook-room, and
other rooms, fitted for the sea, and to this
fishing service, together with her rudder, iron-
work, bolts, chain-bolts, shroud-chains, nails,
&c. ; and her cock-boat and oars, will cost, at

most

All her masts and yards will cost, at most

The making and fitting her said masts and yards

Her pulleys and shivers [or sheevers\ at most

Her rigging or tackling ropes of the fittest sizes or scantlings,
will come to, at most, 8 cwt. of ropes ; which will cost, at

most, 30s. a cwt., which comes to

Her mainsail and two bonnets must be eleven yards deep
and sixteen cloths broad of Ipswich poledavis ; which
comes unto 176 yards of poledavis: which at ninepence

a yard wiU cost

Her main topsail must be eight yards deep and eight cloths
broad at the yard, and sixteen cloths broad at the clews ;

260

d.
o
o
o
o

12 O O

6 12 o

fe,^;] Cost of Hull, Masts, Sails, &c. 279

which takes 96 yards of Bungay canvas : which at eight- £ s. d.
pence a yard will cost 340

Her foresail, the course, and two bonnets must be ten yards
deep and twelve cloths broad, taking up 120 yards of
Ipswich poledavis : which at ninepence a yard comes to 4 10 o

Her mizen or back-sail must be four cloths broad and five
yards deep ; which takes 20 yards of Bungay cloth : which
at eightpence comes to o 13 4

So that all the sails take 420 yards of sailcloth of both sorts,
which 420 yards (at 28 yards to a bolt) makes almost
1 5 bolts of cloth. And the Sailmaker will have for his work
five shillings a bolt, which comes to 3150

Bolt ropes for all the said sails, and twine, &c., to make the
said sails withal, will cost, at most i 15 8

£304 10

Wo FLAGS or fans, to observe the wind by, with
their staves ; at two shillings a piece

Two or three hand[s]pikes, of ash, at most

Two waterskeits, to wet the sails ; at eighteen-

pence a piece

Two water-buckets, at sixpence

Six maps \mops\ to cleanse the Buss withal, at sixpence ...
Compasses and boxes, two ; at ten shillings a piece, at most
Hour-glasses, three or four, at most, at eighteen-pence

A lanthorne for the poop

Two other lanthornes, at eighteen-pence a piece

Fenders or long poles, four, at two shillings

Long oars, six, at three shillings and fourpence

An iron crow, of islbs., at fourpence \;per lb?[

Four Cables.

£4 5

Ne cable of nine inches [and nearly three
inches thick] about, and one hundred
fathoms, i.e., two hundred yards long,

will weigh about 18 cwt.

A second cable eight inches and a-half
[about 2yi inches thick] about, and of the length

above said, well weigh about 15 cwt.

A third cable seven inches and a-half [about 2 inches

thick] about, and of like length, will weigh 11 cwt.

The fourth cable seven inches [about 2 inches thick]
about, and of like length, will weigh 10 cwt.

54 cwt

So all the tour cables will weigh about 54 cwt. ; which 54 cwt. ■rrt

of cables, at 30s. [/^r] cwt., will cost ^^ ^ ^

2 8o Cost of Anchors, and Steward's Store.

TE. S.
L1615.

Four Anchors.

Ne anchor to weigh about
A second to weigh about ...
A third to weigh about
A fourth to weigh about ...

So all the four anchors, weighing

at 26s. 8d. a cwt, will cost

Four anchor stocks, and the fitting of them, at ten

shillings a piece 2

A.nd so the four anchors, and their four stocks will
come to

4 cwt

... y/i cwt

2>^ cwt
2 cwt

... 12 cwt,
;^l6 O O

Steward's Store.

HORT iron pot-hangers ; two, at twelve-
pence

Pothooks, two pair, at tenpence

A large iron Pease-pot, of five or six gal-
lons

A large copper fish-kettle, about 32lbs. weight, at

fifteen-pence a pound

A wooden scummer \skim7ner\ or two

Wooden ladles, two or three

A gridiron, at most

A fryingpan

Pipkins, two or three

A chafing dish, of iron

A small fire-shovel, and a pair of tongs

A pair of bellows

Trays, two, at fifteen-pence a piece

Trugs, two, at ninepence a piece

Wooden platters, twelve, at fourpence

Wooden potagers, twenty-four

Trenchers, four dozen, at threepence

Baskets for mess-bread, six, at fourpence

Beer cans, bigger and lesser, twelve

Taps and fawcets, four or five

Wooden Butter scales, a pair

Leaden weights, 4lbs., 2lbs., lib., ^Ib., and X^b.,
at twopence [^^r /^.]

Tinder boxes, two, well furnished

Candles, at most for 16 weeks, 3olbs., at fourpence
Candlesticks, with iron wires, six, at eightpence...
A Candlebox, with lock and key, at most

£18

£5 8

E.S
i6i5

i:] Cost of Carpenter's Store, and Weapons. 281

Carpenter s Store.

Ron essles to mend the shroud chains

withal, if any should chance to break ;

ten, of I lb. a piece, at fourpence a pound

Fids or Hammers, two, at twelve-pence

Orlop nails, three hundred, at sixteen-

pence a hundred

Scupper nails, two hundred, at sixpence

Spikes, five pounds, at fourpence a lb

Sixpenny nails, three hundred [at sixpence a hun-
dred]

Fourpenny nails, three hundred [at fourpence a

hundred]

Pump nails, three hundred, at twopence a hundred
A saw

i s. d.

£0 18

Weap^

ons.

Alf pikes, ten, at two shillings [each] ...
Muskets, with bandaleers, rests, and
moulds, six [at one pound each]

1 Gunpowder, six lbs. at tenpence

Leaden bullets, six lbs. at threepence ...

100

£7 6 6

Nets with their appurtenances.

|He Buss aforesaid must have fifty nets.
Each Net must be thirty yards; that is, fifteen fathoms long

upon the rope.
Each net must also hang full, and not stretched on the rope.
Therefore each net before it come to be fastened to the
rope ; (being stretched out) must be thirty-five yards.
Each net must be in depth, seven deepings.

Each deeping must be a fathom, that is two yards, deep. So as each net
of seven deepings takes seven times thirty-five yards of line or netting
(of sixty masks or mashes [mes/ies] or holes deep), which comes to just
245 yards of Lint or Netting, of a fathom breadth or depth.
Which 245 yards of Lint or Netting (ready made or knit) will £ s. d.
cost three pence a yard ; which comes to for one net 3 i 3

Each net must have a Net Rope on the top of the net ; so each

net must have fifteen fathoms of net rope.
This net rope must not be a stiffed-tarred rope, but lithe and

gentle [supple] ; and is best made of old ropes.
This 1 5 fathom of net rope for each net will cost two shiUings 030

282 Cost of fifty Nets complete, [fg,*

Round about the head and two sides of each net, but not at the
bottom, must be set a small cord, about the bigness of a bow-
string, which is called [the] Head-Roping or Nostelling.

So each net takes 15 fathoms ; and 7 fathoms and 7 fathoms :
which comes to 29 fathoms of head-roping.

There is twenty fathoms of this head-roping in a pound weight

of it. So each net takes almost a pound and a half of this £, s. d.

head-roping : which is sold for sixpence a pound. So the

pound and a half costeth 009

The seven deepings of each net are to to be sewn, each to [the]
other, altogether, with a small thread called, Twine Masking
[ ? Meshing'].

Each net takes a pound of this twine-masking, which is sold for o o 6

Each net is to be fastened to her ropes with short pieces of
cords or lines, of two feet long a piece, called Nozzels.

These nozzels are tied very thick, viz., at four meshes or holes
asunder. So each net takes 150 nozzels.

These nozzels are sold, ready cut, for eightpence a hundred. So

1 50 nozzels will cost 010

Each net must have a rope five or six fathoms long and an inch
through, that is, three inches and better about, called a
Seazing, to fasten the net unto the War-rope. This rope will
cost fourpence a fathom. So, for the said six fathom o 2 o

The Seaming or Sewing together of the said seven deepings of
each net, and the head-roping of each net as aforesaid, and
the bringing of each net to the rope or setting on the nozzels,
all this, I say, is usually done by a woman, working it at
fourpence a day [with] meat and drink ; or tenpence a day,
at most, finding herself. Which woman will so despatch, at
least, two or three nets in a day. So each net so finishing, will
cost, at most 005

Every net must be tanned in a tan-fat, which will cost, at most, o o 10

JVets, War-ropes, &c.

Ll the said fifty nets being finished, must be hanged
all arow [in a row] upon a strong large rope, called
a War-rope ; which must be in bigness four inches
about. This War-rope must be as long as all the
said fifty nets ; that is, fifty times fifteen fathoms
long, that is 750 fathoms of War-rope.

So each net taketh up fifteen fathoms of War-rope. A cwt.,
that is, 112 lbs., of this rope is sold for, at most, thirty shillings;
that is, almost s^d. a pound.

fg-.j-] Cost of War-ropes, Cork, &c. 283

A hundred fathoms of this rope will weigh nearly four cwt.

At which rate, each fathom will weigh almost 4>^ lbs. ; which at £ s. d.

y/d. a pound, will cost l4.}4d. a fathom.
So for each net, 15 fathoms at 1 4>^d. will cost o i8 2

Each net must have half-a-pound of Leghorn Cork placed all
along the net, at half a yard asunder. At which distance, each
net takes sixty corks or sixty half pounds of cork, that is, 30
lbs. of cork at twopence halfpenny a pound {i.e., £1 3s. 4d. a
hundredweight), will cost 063

Those sixty corks must have sixty Cork-bands to tie them to

the net. Each cork-band must be a fathom long.
These cork-bands are made of the aforesaid Head-roping Line,

whereof twenty fathoms weigh a pound, as aforesaid.
So the said sixty fathoms will weigh 3 lbs. which at sixpence a

pound will cost 016

For every two nets, there must be a PynboU or Bwy hooped,
which will cost eightpence. So to each net allow for half
a Pynboll or Bwy ..,004

Each Pynboll or B\vy must have a rope of a yard long, to
fasten it to the War-rope, which yard of rope will cost, at most,
sixpence. So to each net allow for half such a rope o o 3

So it appears, by the particulars aforesaid, that each Net with
War-ropes and all other appurtenances, will cost 4 15 3

And so the said fifty nets, at £4. 15s. 3d. a piece, will cost in all £2 38 2 6

Too/s and Implements used in drying
and packing of Herrings],

Ipping or Gilling knives, 24, at four- £ s. d.

pence 080

Roaring baskets or scuttles, 24, at

sixpence 012 o

Addesses, for Cooper's work, 6, at

two shillings o 12 o

Drifts, to beat down hoops, 12, at one penny ...010
Irons, to pull up barrel heads, 6, at fourpence ... o 2 o
Iron pipes, to blow and try casks whether they be

tight or not, 3, at eightpence 020

Bended hoops to supply such as shall chance to
break or fly off. For a hundred Last, that is, of
1,200 barrels ; 2,400 hoops, at two shillings a
hundred ..280

284 Each Buss should fill 24 barrels, a day.

rE.s.
L161S.

Iron marks or letters to brand the barrels withal, £ s. d.
viz., A.B. for the best ; S. for the second ; W. for
the worst ; at eightpence a piece, at most ... o 2 o

£4 7

Caske.

Erring barrels, an hundred Last, that is 1,200
barrels, which containeth 32 gallons a piece :
will cost fifteen shillings a Last, that is, fifteen- —
pence a piece ; which cometh to £75

Salt.

Water Bushel (that is, five pecks) of Spanish salt,
will salt a barrel of herrings.

So to salt the said hundred Last, or 1,200 barrels of
Herrings, must be 1,200 [water] bushels of salt,
that is, (at forty [water] bushels of salt to a W ey)
just thirty Wey of salt : which, at 40 shillings a

£60

Wey, that is, twelvepence a bushel, will cost

Memorandum,

Flemish Buss doth often take seven or eight Last
of herrings in a day. But if GOD gave a Buss,
one day with another, but two Last of herrings a
day, that is, twelve Last of herrings in a week ;
then, at that rate, a Buss may take, dress, and pack
the said whole Proportion of a hundred Last of herrings
(propounded to be hoped for), in eight weeks and two days.

And yet is herein [after] allowance made for victuals and
wages for sixteen weeks, as after followeth.

Of which sixteen weeks time, if there be spent in rigging
and furnishing the said Buss to sea, and in sailing from her
port to her fishing-place ; if these businesses, I say, spend
two weeks ot the time, and that the other two weeks be also
spent in returning to her port after her fishing season, and in
unrigging and laying up the Buss : then I say (of the sixteen
weeks above allowed for) there will be twelve weeks to spend
only in fishing the herring.

285

Victuals and fuel for Sixteen men and boys, serving in the Buss aforesaid,

for the herring-fishing time, and the time of her setting out

and of her return home, viz., from the 2\th of May

until the 2\st of September, which is 112 days;

that is, sixteen weeks; that is, four months;

BEER. ipB^^BisiO ALLOW for every man and
boy, a gallon of beer a day
(which is the allowance made
in the King's ships), that is,
for the said sixteen persons,
sixteen gallons : that is, just
half a herring barrel full, a day. That is, for the
whole voyage, or sixteen weeks, or 112 days, fifty-
six [of] such barrels of beer. Seven of these
herring barrels contain a tun of beer : so as the £ s. d.
said 56 herring barrels full of beer do make just
eight tun of beer, which, at 40s. a tun, comes to... 16 o o

Biscuit. To allow for every man and boy (as
in His Majesty's ships), a pound of biscuit a day ;
that is, for every roan and boy for the said four
months or 112 days, an cwt. of biscuit. That is,
for the said 16 persons, 16 cwt. of biscuit, which at
13s. 4d. a cwt. will come to 10 13 4

Oatmeal or Pease. To allow, amongst the
said sixteen persons, a gallon a day, that is, half a
pint a piece, every day : that is, 1 12 gallons for them
all, for the said 112 days or four months ; which
comes to just 14 bushels, which, at 4s. a bushel, will
cost 2 16 o

Bacon. To allow also for each man and boy,
two pounds of bacon for four meals a week ; that
is, for each person for the said sixteen weeks, 32
lbs. ; that is four stone of bacon. And so for the
said sixteen persons, 64 stone of bacon ; which, at
2s. 2d. a stone, will come to 6 18 8

Fresh Fish. They may take, daily, out of
the sea, as much fresh fish as they can eat.

Butter. To allow every man and boy (to
butter their fish, or otherwise to eat, as they like) a
quarter of a pound of butter a day, that is, for each
person 28 lbs. of butter, which is half a firkin of
Suffolk butter. And so for the said sixteen men,
eight firkins of butter, at 20s. the firkin 800

Cheese. To allow every of the said sixteen
men and boys, half a pound of Holland cheese a
day ; that is, for each person 56 lbs., that is, half a
hundredweight of cheese. And so for the said
sixteen persons to allow eight cwt. of Holland

286 Provisions, a little over ids. a day.

fE.S.
L1615.

cheese : which at twopence halfpenny the pound ;
that is, 23s. 4d. the hundredweight, will cost

Vinegar. To allow amongst the said sixteen
persons, three pints of Vinegar a day; that is, for
the said 112 days, 42 gallons; that is, a tierce of
vinegar, which at £6 the Tun, caske and all, will
cost

Fuel. To allow for the dressing and boiling of
their victuals, eight hundred of Kentish faggots,
that is, seven faggots a day, and sixteen faggots
over in the whole time : which 800 of faggots, at
8s. a hundred, comes to

100

340

Sum of all the said four months' Victuals is £57 18

I am informed that the Dutch Busses have not
half so much allowance of victuals; but take
almost all theirs out of the sea.

Physic and Surgery helps.

Permaceti, and a box for it

Stone pitch, and a box for it

\AquavitcB, 16 quarts are 4 gallons, at

three shillings

BZante Oil, 16 pints are 2 gallons, at

six shillings

Honey, 16 pints are 2 gallons, at five shillings ...

Sugar, 4 pounds at one shilling

Nutmegs, a quarter of a pound

Ginger, half a pound

Pepper, 16 oz., that is, a pound

Balsam and other salves, and old linen

Syzers \scissors'\ a pair

A steel Pleget, to spread plaisters

A Chest, with partitions, for all these things

12
10

4
I
o
2

10
o
I

£3 10

Wages to sixteen men.

A Master for the said four months
at ^5 a month ; that is,;^i 5s. od. a
week, or 4s. 2d. a day for six days,
or 3s. 6^d. a day for seven days
To two Mates, at 24s. a month, a piece
To six other men, at 20s. a piece, per

month

To six other men, at i6s. a piece, per month
To a boy, at 6s., a month

£74

E. S.
1615.

] Total Outlay, the First Year. 287

Sum of all the Stock and Charge of one entire

Buss, &c., the First Year will be about ... £934 5 8

The difference or odds between the
Charge and the Adventure.
T appears before, in particulars, that a
new Buss, with her nets and other
appurtenances, together with all the
First Year's charge of salt, caske, £ s. d.
victuals, wages, &c., will come to... 934 5 8
But it is to be observed, that the Owner and
Adventurer of such a Buss shall not be out of purse,
norAdventure so much money the said First Year by 171 10

For the Wages aforesaid are never paid '
till the return of the Ship or Buss, which if
it should never return (as GOD forbid!), then
are no wages paid. So Wages is part of the
Charge, but no part of the Adventure. And so
the wages is spared from the Adventure, which

comes to, as before in particulars £74

Also, it must be observed, that the Buss can
conveniently stow at once but 34 Last of Caske,
which is but the Third part of her said hundred
Last in Charge ; and so is also spared from the
Adventure, Two-thirds of her Caske, which is 66
Last of caske, which, at 15s., comes to... £49 lOs.
Likewise, the Buss cannot conveniently stow, at
once, above ten Weys of salt; which is but a Third
part of her Salt, in Charge. And so is also spared
from the Adventure, Two-thirds of her said salt,
which is twenty Weys of salt, which at 40s. a

Wey comes to £40

Neither can the Buss conveniently stow, at once,
above one-half of her said 8 Tuns of beer, in
Charge. And so also is spared from the Adven-
ture the one-half of her said beer, which is four

Tuns, which at 40s. a Tun comes to £8

Total spared from the Adventure 171 10

Which £171 10s. being deducted out of the said
charge of £934 5s. 8d.; there resteth to be
Adventured the First Year, only 762 15 8

288 The net profit on the first Adventure, [f^^^^

The First Years Gain, in hope and likelihood.

Bout a month after the Busses are gone out to
sea, a Yager (which is a caravel or a merchant's
ship employed to seek out the said Herring
Busses, and to buy of them their herrings upon
the first packing) ; this Yager, I say, whereof
divers are so employed, comes to the said Buss, amongst
others, and buys all such herrings as she hath barrelled :
which barrels, upon the first packing, are called Sticks. And,
in part of payment for her said Herring Sticks, delivers such
salt, caske, hoops, nets, beer, and other necessaries as the
Buss shall then want ; wherewith the said Yager comes
always furnished. The rest, the said Yager pays in ready
money to the Bussman.

In this manner, comes the Yager to the Busses, two or three
times or oftener, in a Summer Herring fishing time. So as the
said Yager buys of the said Buss (if GOD give them to the
Buss) all her said hundred Last of Herring Sticks.
For which said hundred Last of Herring Sticks ;
if the Yager do pay but after the rate of j^io
a Last, that is, i6s. 8d. a barrel, then are the
said hundred Last of Herring Sticks sold for

just £1,000

So (by the grace and blessing of GOD) the very First
Year's herrings only, may bring in to the Adventurer or
Owner ; all his whole both of Stock and Charges of
£934 5s. 8d. aforesaid.

And also £65 14s. 4d. over and above.
And so the said Adventurer or Buss master is like, by
GOD's blessing, to gain clearly the very First Year, the Buss
aforesaid, with all her apparel and furniture, together with
her nets, &c. : and £65 14s. 4d. in money over and above,
towards the use or interest of the said £762 15s. 8d., which
the said Adventurer disburseth the First Year, out of purse.
Which is almost £9 in the hundred, also for use [interest].

289

The Second Years Charge,

AULKING or carrying [^ar^^;z- ^ s. d.
i7ig\ the said Buss, yearly,

will cost about 500

Repairing the tacklings (which
cost at first ^^12, as before

1>. 626]) 600

Repairing the sails (which
cost at first £,10 los. od.

\j). 627]) 10 o o

Repairing the pulleys, shivers, and other petty

things, about 100

Repairing the cables (which cost at first ^81

[}>. 627]), about 24 o o

Towards the reparation of the anchors (which cost

at first ^18 ]J). 628]) allow 300

Repairing the Carpenter's store (which cost at

first 15s. [/. 629]) about 012 c

Repairing the Steward's store (which cost at first

^5 8s. od.) about, at most 280

Renewing shot and powder, and scouring the

muskets, &c., about o 10 o

Repairing of nets with the appurtenances, with
fifty new deepings, and a hundred fathom of
war-rope, &c. (which cost first, as before in
particulars, ^238 2s. 6d. \j)p. 629-631], the third

part whereof is just ;^79 7s. 6d.), [say] 77 o o

Renewing of tools to dress and pack herrings

withal (which cost at first ^4 5s. od. \_p. 631]) 200
Renewing the whole hundred Last of caske, at 15s.

[a last] 75 o o

Renewing the whole thirty Weys of salt, at 40s.... 60 o o
Renewing the whole proportion of victuals afore-
said 57 18 S

Renewing part of the physic and surgery helps

(which cost at first ;^3 I OS. od. [/. 634]) i 11 4

Wages, as at the first 74 o o

290 Continuous Profit of Herring Fishing only, [fg,!

The Sum total of the Charge of the

Second Year's herring fishing, will be, £ s. d.

as appears, about 400

But the Second Year's Adventure and Disburse-
ment will be the less than the said Charge
(as it was for the First Year) by 171 10

And so the Second Year's Adventure will be

only about 228 10

Towards which Adventure and Charge, there is
before accompted to be gotten in money by
the First Year's herring fishing, as before
appears 65 14 4

So then the Second Year's Charge, beside the

said 3^65 14s. 4d. before gained, will be but 334 5 8

But the said Second Year's Adventure, besides

the said Gain, will be but 162 15 8

So it appears, that if the Buss be only employed in fishing
the herring, and in that but only four months in every year;
and that the Buss lie still in her own port all the rest of the
year, yet she gains clearly every year, in that four months
only, the sum of £600 : if GOD give her in that time but
the said hundred Last of herrings, which being sold at
£10 the last, yield £1,000 ; out of which, deducting the
gained said Second Year's Charge of £400, there resteth as
clearly £600 yearly by the said Buss.

Iv'

MEMORANDUM,

If the Adventurer of a Buss will also hire a Yager by the Last,
to take in his herrings and carry them into Danisic,
Melvyn, Sweathland [Sweden], France, or else-
where : then the Charge and Gain of that
course will be as follow eth or
thereabouts, viz. :

3u MAY HIRE a Caravel or other
Merchant's ship, for a Yager, to
carry our herrings from the
BussintoDantsic, Melvyn,&c.;
and to stay there for relading
14 or 2odays, and then to bring
back to London such wares or
merchandise as you shall there
freight her withal. For which fraught [freight]
outward, and stay there, and fraught home
back again ; the said ship will have, at most
£2 los. od. a Last, this is, 25s. a tun, in and
out. So the fraught of a hundred Last of
herrings into Dantsic and the fraught of another
hundred Last of pitch, hemp, flax, or corn, &c.,
back again to London, will cost, at most, at

£2 IDS. od

The TOLL at Elsmore will cost, out and in, about. . .

I think no Custom [duty] is paid for herrings in

the East Country, yet suppose for custom, four

shillings a Last, that is fourpence a barrel ; at

which rate, the hundred Last of Sticks comes to

For Cranage there, allow at most one shilling a

^50

292 Total Profit OF FREIGHTING A Jager. [fg,

Last ; which for the said hundred Last of £ s. d.

herrings is 5 o o

For Wharfage there, allow also after the rate of

twelve-pence a Last 500

For Warehouse-room there, till the herrings be

sold, allow, at most 2 o o

The repacking of the herrings by the sworn
Coopers of that place, and for new hooping
seventy-five Last of caske, which will be filled
with the said hundred Last of Herring Sticks,
allowing twenty-five Last, that is, a fourth part
of the hundred Last, to be shrunk away. That
75 Last, repacking and hooping, at most, at 8s. a
Last, will cost 30 o o

Sum, which never goes out of purse, but is paid

when the herrings are sold 315

So if the said hundred Last of herrings, so sent
from the Buss to Dantzic, do shrink a fourth
part ; then will rest to be sold in Dantzic, Mel-
vyn, &c,, seventy-five Last full of repacked
herrings. Which seventy-five Last will be there
sold, for, at least, -^18 12s. od. a Last, that is,
31S. a barrel : which is 4s. id. a hundred ; which
is more than two and a half herrings a penny,
by 7 herrings in a hundred. And so the seventy
five Last of herrings will be sold for

Which is for the herrings ^^kjoo o o

And for the freight in and out ... 315 o o

And so is gained, outward only 80

Besides, there may well be gained, by the return of £139
worth of corn or other merchandise, at least £120 more.

\^Note, this i>rofit is gained on only One Hundred Last; being one-tenth
of the proposed annual catch of the Bussl\

1395

293

%M^

a34^(^

?5^

M^^*

If?

^3^r^^^-^

^^pfiT ^\\

a^^^JB

^^.

—^

|R%:^

m^^K^^^

^^f

^^^^^^

FF"

»^'

[Cc>z> y^;v^z> Ling fishing.']

EsiDES the said herring fishing which is
performed in four months, as aforesaid, the
same Buss may be also employed the same
year, presently [immediaiely] after the said
herring season, in fishing for Cod and Ling.
For the herring fishing being begun
yearly, as before is shewed, about the 24th
of May, and the Buss being returned home
again about the 21st of September, which is sixteen weeks
after : then the said Buss and her men may rest in port about
ten weeks, viz., from the 21st of September until St. Andrew's
tide [30 November], or the ist of December after, and then set
sail again ; furnished with hooks, lines, salt, caske, and all
other things (hereinafter particularly mentioned) needful for
the winter cod fishing : which may, by GOD's blessing, be
despatched, and the Buss be at home again in her own port,
by the ist of March, which is thirteen weeks after, that is,
ninety-one days.

And so between the said ist of March and the 24th of
May, which is just eight weeks, the said Buss may be
carined [careened] or caulked, and repaired, victualled and
provided of all things against the Second or next Year's
herring fishing. And so is the whole year ended and spent as
aforesaid.

294 Cost of Tools and Implements. [fgV

Now the charges of the said first Cod fishing in the Buss aforesaid^

with the sixteen men and boys aforesaid, during the aforesaid

time oj thirteen weeks, or ninety-one days, wilt be

as Jolioweth, thus : —

Tools and Implements,

ACH MAN fishing for Cod and Ling
useth at once two KiP-HOOKS.
So sixteen men may use at once 32
of those hooks. But because they
lose their hooks sometimes, therefore
allow for eveiy of the men a dozen f s. d.
hooks, that is 16 dozen of Kiphooks : which, at
most, will cost twelve-pence a dozen, that is ...0160

Strings, (or each man, six : that is, for the
sixteen men, eight dozen of strings. Every string
must be fifty lathom long, and about the bigness of
a jack-line ; and it must be tanned. Every such
string will cost about twelve-pence : and so, the

said 8 dozen of strings will cost 4 16 O

Chopsticks, for every man, four, is in all
64 chopsticks. A chopstick is an iron about
the bigness of a curtain rod, and a yard long ;
and, upon this iron, is a hollow pipe of lead, eight
or nine inches long, and weighs alsout 4 lbs., and
the iron weighs about a pound. Which iron and
lead will cost about twelve-pence a piece : so 64

chopsticks at I2d. will cost 340

For every man, two Gar fangle- HOOKS.
Total, 32 Garfangle-hooks. This Garfangle-hook is
an ashen plant six or eight feet long ; with an iron
hook, like a boat hook, at the end of it. One of
these Garfangle-hooks will cost sixpence, so the 32

Garfangle-hooks will cost 0160

Four Heading Knives, like Chopping

knives, at twelve-pence 040

Four Splitting Knives, like Mincing

knives, at twelve-pence 040

Six G UTTi ng Knives, at fourpence ...020

A Gri ndstone and Trough 050

Wh ETSTO n e s, two or three 030

Some of the old herring nets, to get herrings to
bait their hooks. Or else to buy a hogshead full
of Lamprils \la7npreys\ which are the best bait for

j-,J] Cost of Caske, Salt, and Medicines. 295

161S

cod and ling. There is store of Lamprils to be £
had at Woolwich, Norwich, and Hull ; which may

cost about 2

Baskets, some of those before bought and
used for the dressing of herrings, and twelve other
great baskets at 2s. 6d. a piece

£14 10

Caske.

Or barrelled Cod, to provide thirty-
five Last of barrels ; which are the
very same, every way, with the herring
barrels aforesaid. So the said 35
Last of caske, at 1 5s. the last will cost 26

As for the Lings (in hope) there is no caske used
for them ; but they are only salted and packed one
upon another in the ship's hold. And if they take
any lingthey bring home the less cod ; and then also,
they save some of the said caske.

Salt.

ACH barrel of Cod will take a bushel
of " salt upon salt " {Vol. II., p. 143].
So the thirty-five Last of Cod afore-
said takes just 420 bushels of "salt
upon salt," that is, ten Weys and an
half of salt, which at £2> ^ Wey, that
is, eighteenpence a bushel, will cost

;i 10 o

Physic and Siirgery Helps.

O ALLOW as before is allowed [see^.
634] for the herring - fishing time ;
which (besides the Chest) will cost,
as before in particulars 2 18 O

He Steward's store and Carpenter's
store aforesaid, will serve this voyage.
So for them needeth no allowance

£60 13

296 Cost of Provisions and Fuel, [fg,^-
Victuals a7id Ftiel.

For sixteen men and boys to serve in the said Buss for the said cod-

fishins; time, and the time of setting out, and [^] retttrn

home, viz.jfrojn aboid the first of December unto the

first of March, which is just thirteen weeks,

that is, ninety-one days.

Beer. jp^^^S^O allow every person a
gallon of beer a day (as
in the King's ships), that
is, for the said sixteen
persons, 16 gallons, that
is, just half a herring
barrel a day, that is, for the whole voyage 91 half
barrels ; that is, almost 46 of those herring barrels.
Seven ot these herring barrels contain a Tun of ^ s. d.
beer, so as the said 46 barrels contain six tun and

a half of beer ; which, at 40s. a tun will cost 13 o o

Biscuit. To allow for every person (as in His
Majesty's ships) a pound of Biscuit a day, that is,
for all the said sixteen persons, 112 lbs. (that is,
an hundred weight) of Biscuit a week ; that is, for
the said thirteen weeks, 13 cwt. of Biscuit ; which

at 13s. 4d. a cwt. will cost 8 13 4

Pease. To allow for every person half a pint of
peas a day (to be watered, and eaten with butter,
or else with bacon) that is, a gallon a day amongst
them all ; that is, in all 91 gallons, that is, eleven
bushels and a peck and a half of peas ; which, at

4s. a bushel, will cost 256

Bacon. To allow for every person two pounds
of bacon a week, for four meals in every week, that
is, for the said sixteen persons, 32 lbs. ; that is, 4
stone of bacon a week amongst them all, that is,
for the said thirteen weeks, 52 stone of bacon ;

which, at 2s. 2d. a stone, will cost 5128

Fresh Fish. They may take daily out of the
sea as much as they can eat.

Butter. To allow every person a quarter of a
pound of butter a day, that is, 4 lbs. of butter a day
amongst them all. So for the said thirteen weeks
or ninety-one days, must be 364 lbs. of butter; that
is, just six firkins and a half of Suffolk butter; which,

at twenty shillings a firkin, will cost 6 ro o

Cheese. To allow every person half a pound
of Holland cheese a day ; 'that is, 8 lbs. a day
among them all. So for the said thirteen weeks

fg,^;] Adventure, Charge, & Gain of Cod fishing. 297

or ninety-one days, 728 lbs. of cheese ; this is, 6%

cwt. ot Holland cheese ; which at 2>^d. pound £ s. d-

(that is, ^i 3s. 4d. the cwt.), will cost 7 11 8

Vinegar. To allow amongst them all three
pints of vinegar a day, that is, for the said ninety-
one days almost thirty-four gallons. Allow a tierce
[36 gallons] which at ^6 a tun, cask and all, will
cost 100

Fuel. To allow also eight Kentish faggots a
day, which for the said ninety-one days will come
to seven hundred and a quartern of taggots, which
at eight shillings a hundred will cost 2180

Sum of all the said thirteen weeks' Victuals

and Fuel, will come to, as appears • £47 11 2

Wages.

O A Master, for these thirteen weeks,
at ^5 a month, that is, 25s. a week,

is 16 5 o

To two Mates at 24s. a month, that
is, six shillings a week a piece, is for

both 7 16 o

To six other men at 20s. a piece per month, is

five shillings a week a piece 19 10 o

To six other men at i6s. a piece per month, is

four shillings a week a piece 15 12 o

To the boy at 6s. a month, that is, eighteen-
pence a week 0196

£60 2 6

[The] Sum of all the Charge of the First
winter's Cod fishing will be, as before in par-
ticulars, about £182 16 8

But here is to be remembered that the wages
is no part of the Adventure, though it be part
of the Charge, And so the Adventure shall be
out of purse, for this First Codfishing voyage
but, only, at most £122 4 2

Now if it please G D in this Voyage to afford
unto this Buss the filling of her said caske, that
is thirty-five Last of Cod only : that Cod will

298 Yearly profits of Herring & Cod Fishing. [f^^J

yield at least 20s. a barrel, that is, but £12 a

Last. So the said 35 Last, will yield at least £420

Of the livers of those thirty-five Last of fish,
may well be made five Tun of train oil [what is
now called unpurified Cod's Liver Oil] worth at
least ;^I2 a tun; that is but twelve-pence a gal-
lon. At which rate, five Tun of oil will yield... 60

So, by the blessing of GOD, this Codfishing,
may bring in to the Adventurer, as before in
particulars, just £480

Out of which £480, deduct the Charge
abovesaid of 182 16 8

And then resteth to be cleared, yearly, by the
Codfishing .. :. £297 3 4

And so it appears that there may be gained, yearly,
by one Herring fishing and one Cod fishing, in such a
Buss, the sum of £897 3s. 4d.; all Charges borne;
and without any Stock after the First year.

>^^

299

Y THAT which is before set down, it ap-
peareth, that one Adventurer or divers
Partners, buying or building, and furnish-
ing such a Buss, and adventuring her to
sea as aforesaid, shall disburse before and
in the iirst Herring voyage, the sum of
£762 15s. 8d. out of purse.

And that the same £762 15s. 8d. is
clearly inned again, together with all other charges ; and
£G5 14s. 4d. over and above, within less than a year : and
so the Buss, with her nets and furniture, and the said £65
14s. 4d. in money, is gained clearly the First Voyage.

And that if the Buss do also, that year, make a Cod fishing
voyage, as aforesaid ; then I say, within the space of the said
First Year, the Adventurer or the said Partners shall have all
their Stocks into their purse again as aforesaid, and shall
also have in purse gained clearly the said First Year, £362
17s. 8d, : which Gain is more than is to be disbursed the
Second Year in repairing the said Buss, with her appurten-
ances, &c. ; and also in furnishing her with new herring
cask, salt, victuals, &c., for the Second Year's fishing.

And that the said Adventurer or Partners, after the said
First Year, shall never be out of purse any money at all. But
that the First Year's clear Gain will stock him or them so
sufficiently for the use of this Buss, as by the same, they may
get clearly after the said First Year, by two such voyages in
that Buss, yearly, over and above all charges, £897 3s. 4d.
And that if the said Adventurer or Partners will make but
only one Herring voyage yearly, then by that one only Herring
voyage yearly, the said Buss may get clearly per annum, as is
before declared, £600, over and above all Charges.

300 English Fishings, the Dutch Gold Mine, [fj;

Confess the private gain to every Undertaker
before propounded may seem too great to be hoped
for. But before any conclude so, let them read the
Proclamation concerning this business made by
those thriving States of the United Provinces of
the Low Countries : and let them consider what should move
those States in that public Proclamation, to call this herring
fishing the "chiefest trade and principal gold mine" of those
United Provinces, and to show such jealousy, and provide
so very for the preservation thereof; if the gain thereby were
not exceedingly great and extraordinary.

And for myself, I say that I know that " no man may do
evil, that good may come of it " : therefore I would not devise
a lie to persuade any to a work how good soever, nor commend
that to others, which my own heart were not first strongly
persuaded to be commendable. Yet, as I deny not but that
I may err in some of so many particulars ; so I disdain not, but
rather desire to see such errors, honestly and fairly corrected
by any that (out of more skill, and desire of perfecting and
furthering this good work) shall find out any such errors.

And whether this fishery be necessary for the common
wealth or no, let the present condition and estate of our
shipping and mariners, sea towns, and coasts, which (as the
means) should be the walls and strength of this Islandish
Monarchy ; I say, let them speak ! I will say no more to this
point, as well for other reasons as also because this matter is
but for a few, alas : namely for those only that prefer the
common wealth to their own private [gains] ; and they are
wise, and a word is enough for such.

If any be so weak to think this mechanical fisher-trade
not feasible to the English people ; to them, I may say, with
Solomon, "Go to the pismire [ant] !" Look upon the Dutch !
Thou sluggard ! learn of them ! They do it daily in the sight
of all men at our own doors ; upon our own coasts. But some
will needs fear a lion in every way ; because they will em-
ploy their talents no way, but lie unprofitably at home always.

30I

The difficulties that Unwillingness hath objected, consist

in Want of Men, of Nets, of Caske, of Timber

and Plank, of Utterance of Sale, and of

the fear of the Pirates. Of every of

which, a word or tivo.

He sixteen men and boys before admitted
to serve in the said Buss may be these,
viz.: — A Master, a Mate, four ordinary
sailors and four fishermen. There are
ten. And then six landsmen and boys
to be trained up by the ten former men in
the Art of Sailing, and Craft of Fishery.
By which means, every Buss shall be a
seminary of sailors and fishers also, for so shall every Buss
breed and make six new mariners; and so every hundred
Busses breed six hundred new mariners to serve in such
other Busses as shall be afterwards built : which is also no
small addition to the strength of this State.

Mariners. Now if there were one hundred Busses presently
to be built, I would make no doubt (hard as the world goes) but
before they could be fitted for the sea, there may be gathered
up about the coast towns of His Majesty's dominions, at least
an hundred able Masters to take charge of them, and another
hundred of mariners to go with them as their Mates, and
four hundred sailors to serve under the said hundred Masters.
That is in all but 600 mariners and sailors. For I find in the
35th page oi England's Way to Win Wealth (the author where-
of was a Yarmouth man) that, the last winter but one,
*' there were in that one town of Yarmouth three hundred

302 Objections as to Men, Nets, &c., answered. [fg^J

idle men that could get nothing to do, living poor for lack of
employment, who most gladly would have gone to sea in
Pinks, if there had been any for them to go in." I have re-
ported his own words.

Fishermen. And for the four hundred fishermen to serve in
the hundred Busses, they would soon be furnished [obtained]
out of those poor fishers in small boats, as trawles, cobbles,
&c., which fish all about the coasts : which poor men by
those small vessels can hardly get their bread, and therefore
would hold it as a great preferment to be called into such
Busses where they may have meat, drink, and wages, as
before is liberally propounded for such. Besides which, if need
be, there are too too many [far too many] of those pernicious
Trinkermen, who with trinker- boats destroy the river of
Thames, by killing the fry and small fish there, even all that
comes to net, before it be either meat or marketable. Which
Trinkermen (if they will not offer themselves) may, by order
and authority of our State, be compelled to give over that
evil, and to follow this good trade.

Landsmen for a Seminary. But for the said six hundred
landmen to serve in these hundred Busses we need not study
where to find them ; if such should not seek for service in
these Busses, the very streets of London and the suburbs
will soon shew and afford them, if it were so many thousand
[required], I think. Idle vagrants so extremely swarm there,
as all know. So much for men.

Nets. Nets will be the hardest matter to provide at the
first ; yet, I understand that the beforenamed knight. Sir
William Harvey, had in a few weeks or months, provided
all his nets for his great Buss. And myself was offered nets
for half a dozen Busses, if I would have had them last
summer ; and if there were now a hundred Busses in build-
ing, I am informed of one that will undertake to furnish
them with nets. And after these Busses shall once be seen ;
many for their own gain will provide for hemp, twine, and
all necessaries to the making of nets enough. And doubtless
Scotland and Ireland will presently afford good help in this
behalf.

Caske. Caske will be plentifully served by Scotland and
Ireland, [even] though we should make none of English timber.

ffiis"] 500 Busses will serve England. 303

Timber and Plank. And for all the great and pitiful waste
of our English woods ; yet will England afford timber and
plank enough for many Busses : but, to spare England a
while, Ireland will yield us Busses enough, besides many
other good ships, if need be ; and Scotland will help us with
masts. But if we would spare so near home, we may help
ourselves out of Virginia and Sommer Islands [the Bermudas].
I wis [think] the Dutch, who have no materials in any
dominions of their own, have made harder and dearer shifts
for their multitudes of ships of all sorts. If they had shifted
off the building of ships, because they had no timber or other
shipping stuff of their own in their own lands, what a poor,
naked, servile people had that free people been, ere this day ?

Utterance or Sale. Touching Utterance and Sale of Her-
rings, when we shall have them ; I am informed that there is
yearly uttered and spent in His Majesty's own dominions,
at least 10,000 Last [=120,000 barrels] of herrings: which,
being served by ourselves, will keep in the land abundance
of treasure, which the Dutch yearly carry out for the
herrings, which they catch on our own coasts, and sell to
us. Now if such a Buss, as aforesaid, get yearly a hundred
Last of Herrings as aforesaid, then an hundred Busses, taking
yearly a hundred Last a piece, do take in all 10,000 Last of
herrings. So then His Majesty's own dominions will utter
all the herrings which the hundred Busses shall take in a year.
And then if we shall have five hundred Busses more; I am per-
suaded we may, in France and in Dantsic and in other foreign
parts, have as good and ready sale for them, as the Dutch have
for theirs : for I hear that the Dutch could yearly utter
double so many as they do sell, if they had them. But if that
should not be so, surely it were too great poverty for English
minds (like horses that know not their strength) to fear to set
foot by the Dutch or any other people under heaven : or to
fear to speed worse in any market or place than they, and yet
not be driven to beat down the markets either, except the
Dutch should prove more froward and fond thati can yet mis-
trust ; but if they should, I will not be persuaded to think, but
that the worser part would fall out to their share, at last.

If there will be employment but for a thousand Busses,
methinks, they should thank us (as for many other benefits,

304 Objections as to a Sale, &c., answered, [fgv

so for this) we may be contented that they share with us,
by using only five hundred Busses; and to fish friendly in
consort, as it were, with other five hundred Busses of ours.
But if they should allege that they now having a thousand,
shall have in that case no employment for the other five
hundred : why then, perhaps, we may in friendly manner cope
[bargain] with them, and buy of them the other five hundred
of the said Busses.

I thank GOD ! I neither hate, nor envy the Dutch. Nay, for
good and due respects, I prefer them to all other foreign
nations in my love : and they acknowledging us, as they
ought, we shall, I hope, do them no wrong ; and they must
do us right.

I have herein been longer than I meant to be, only be-
cause there came even now to my mind some reports that I
have heard, but do not believe, of very foul and insolent
dealing of their Buss men with our poor weak fishermen upon
our coasts. But if it were true, as I doubt it at least, yet I
would not hate nor speak evil of a whole State for the saucy
presumptions of a particular man or of a few men ; and those
perhaps provoked thereto by our own Double Beer of
England.

Pirates and Enemies. It is too true that all seas are too
full of pirates, and that amongst them (which we have great
cause to lament) our English abound ; who are too ready to
justify their lewd [wicked] errors, with the want of employ-
ment. It is true also, that men are not to get their living by
sinful violence and unlawful courses : yet I would that they
were stript of that colour and pretence ; which a good fleet
of Busses would do. Besides such a fleet of Busses will, by
GOD's grace, be soon able to maintain about them a
guard of strong warlike ships well appointed to defend them ;
and in time of need also, to serve His Majesty, and offend his
enemies. And such a guard will be very requisite : although
GOD hath so laid and placed the herrings, as our Busses
shall seldom need to lie, or to labour out of the sight of our
own shores. So much of the facility.

Lastly, touching the use of this famous fisher-trade, I will
only commend unto your considerations, that which is written
thereof in all the four books before mentioned, namely in The
British Monarchy, and Hitchcock's New Year's Gift, and in

fg-j^:] Social effects of a Fleet of Busses. 305

England's Way to Win Wealth &c., and in The Trade's Increase.
The Dutch have thereby, as by their only or chief means,
curbed and bearded their adversaries. What then may we
do by it, if GOD please ; we, I say, to whom He hath vouch-
safed multitudes of other helps (which Dutch-land hath not)
to second this. This trade sets awork all their idle folks ;
and it keeps their gold and silver in their dominions, and
multiplies it. And I see not why the same trade should not
be of the same use to us.

Ow ABOARD our Busscs again ! which once well
established and followed, will, in short time, I hope,
by GOD's blessing, set many ploughmen here on
work to sow hemp or flax; both in England,
Scotland, and Ireland.

2. And will convert our idle bellies, our beggars, our
vagabonds and sharks into lusty hempbeaters, spinners,
carders, rope-makers, networkers, coopers, smiths, ship-
wrights, caulkers, sawyers, sailors, fishermen, biscuit-bakers,
weavers of poledavis, sailmakers, and other good labouring
members.

3. And will more warrant and encourage our Magistrates
to punish the idle, the sturdy beggar, and the thief; when
these Busses shall find employment for those that will work.

4. And will be a means that the true poor, aged, and im-
potent shall be better and more plentifully, yet more easily
and with less charges relieved ; when only such shall stand
at devotion, and no valiant rogues shall share in the alms of
the charitable, as now they do.

5. And will help to bring every one to eat their own bread.

6. Yea, and will supply His Majesty's armies and garrisons
in time of need with many lusty able men instead of our bare-
breeched beggars, and nasty sharks; that are as unskilful and
as unwilling to fight as to work.

7. And will keep and bring in abundance of gold and
silver.

I know and confess that it is not in man to promise
these, or any of them peremptorily; but all these are the
evident effects of this fishery among the Dutch.

And therefore I may conclude. That we are to hope for
like blessing by our like lawful and honest endeavours in this

U 6

3o6 May be done by two kinds of Busses, [fgv

Trade of fishery, which Almighty GOD hath brought home to
our doors, to employ us in ; whereby He also gives us a com-
fortable calling to the work.

O BEGIN withal, if but some of our Noblemen and
some of our gentry, and some citizens and others
of ability, each man for himself, would speedily
provide and employ at least one Buss a piece ; so
as some good store of Busses may, amongst them,
in that manner, be speedily provided and employed to join
with Sir William Harvey, who is already entered the field
alone : no doubt but His Majesty will be pleased, at their
humble suit, to encourage and incorporate them with
privileges, immunities, and authority ; and so they may
choose amongst themselves, some meet officers and overseers,
and make meet laws and orders for the due and seasonable
taking, curing, packing, and selling of the said herrings, &c.
As the French and Straits [of Gibraltar] Merchants, who
being so incorporated, yet have every man his own ship or
the ship he hires : and each man by himself or by his factor,
goes out, returns, buys and sells, not transgressing the private
laws and orders of their respective Companies.

But if, at the first entrance, there will [shall] not be any
competent number of Busses so provided and adventured as
abovesaid : if His Majesty will be pleased so to incorporate
some fit for this work, and out of that Corporation, a sufficient
Treasurer and other needful Officers be here chosen and made
known ; then may all that please, of whatsoever honest
condition, bring in by a day to be assigned, what sum of
money any shall like to Adventure herein, from ^^5 upwards.
And when there shall be brought in ^^70,000 or £80,000 ; then
presently the said Officers to provide an hundred Busses, which
with that money will [shall] be royally built and furnished :
and all their First Year's charge defrayed.

And as more Stock shall come in, so also more Busses to
be provided and added to those former, &c. All which may
be (as in the now East India Company) the Joint Stock and
Busses of the Company.

Of which Joint Stock and Busses, every Adventurer accord-
ing to the proportion of his said adventure may yearly know,

fgj] A Joint Stock like the East India Co. 307

give, and receive his proportion; as shall please GOD to dispose
of the whole fleet and business. But whereas in the said
East India Company, and others such like, as have a common
Treasury whereinto every Adventure is promiscuously put, the
said Adventurers, once brought in, are there still continued in
bank, and often additions called for : in this Fishing Company
every adventurer shall but only, as it were, lend the money he
adventureth for one year or thereabouts ; as before is shewed.

Now for the good government and sincere disposition of
this Joint Stock, &c. ; it would be specially provided, amongst
other ordinances and provisions, that all Officers be only
annual, and that those be freely chosen and yearly changed
by the more [majority of] votes of the Company, yearly to be
assembled for that purpose. And that whatsoever gratuities,
or rewards, or fees, shall be yearly given to such Officers, may,
not only in gross, l3ut in particular, be distributed or set down
by the more part of voices of the Company so assembled : and
not one gross sum given, be divided or distributed by any one
man.

For so may the Company with their own money arm
and enable one man, first thereby made proud, to overrule
and keep under himself, by binding his fellow officers to
himself to the neglect of the generality ; whose proper gifts
they be, though by that ill means it be not acknowledged :
besides many other mischiefs and inconveniences, which may
come by the overweening of one or few men, whilst others of
better deserts perhaps, are neglected and not looked on ; to the
moving of much offence, murmuring and envy in some, and
of pride, insolency, and arrogancy in others.

By this last mentioned promiscuous course of Joint Stock,
after the rate of Adventure, and Charge, and Gain ; before in
particulars set down, it appears that

Every Adventurer of ;£'ioo may gain clearly
Every Adventurer of ^40 may gain clearly
Every Adventurer of ;^20 may gain clearly
And every Adventurer of £5 may gain clearly

Surely, I hope this famous City (ever forward for the
Kingdom's good) will, for its part, provide and furnish the
first hundred of Busses at the least, and thereby, according to

Per Annum.

£75

3 15

3o8 London, the Cresset to England, [fg.

their former noble examples (as the Cresset to the Kingdom)
give light to the rest of the land to follow them by.

And I think the East India Company will liberally further
this work, for that thereby some of their greatest wants are
likely to be supplied.

I speak as I think, without insinuation ; which I hate as
much as railing. As I neither hope for nor desire any other
gain hereby than my share in the common good, that all this
land shall, by GOD's blessing, reap by this business ; and the
proportionable gain of mine Adventure therein.

THE KING'S
M A JES T Y's

Declaration to his
Subjects,

coNC£;]\NiNc;

lawful Sports to
be used.

LONDON:

Printed by Bonham Norton and John Bill,

Deputy Printers for the King's most

Excellent Majesty.

M.DC.XVIII.

311

By the King.

Hereas upon Our return, the last year out
of Scotland, We did publish Our Pleasure
touching the recreations of Our people in
those parts, under Our hand : for some
causes Us thereunto moving, We have
thought good to command these Our
Directions, then given in Lancashire, with
a few words thereunto added and most
appliable to these parts of Our Realms, to be published to all
Our subjects.

Whereas We did justly, in Our progress through Lan-
cashire, rebuke some Puritans and precise people, and took
order that the like unlawful carriage should not be used by
any of them hereafter, in the prohibiting and unlawful punish-
ing of Our good people for using their lawful recreations and
honest exercises upon Sundays and other Holy Days, after
the afternoon Sermon or Service ; We now find, that two
sorts of people wherewith that country [county] is much in-
fested (We mean Papists and Puritans) have maliciously
traduced and caluminated those Our just and honourable pro-
ceedings. And therefore lest Our reputation might, upon the
one side, though innocently, have some aspersion laid upon
it ; and that, upon the other part. Our good people in that
country be misled by the mistaking and misinterpretation of
Our meaning : We have therefore thought good hereby to
clear and make Our Pleasure to be manifested to all Our
good people in those parts.
It is true, that at Our

first entry to this Crown and

312 The First Edition of [ 5^faJ^"^.

Kingdom, We were informed, and that too truly, that Our
County of Lancashire abounded more in Popish Recusants
than any county in England ; and thus hath still con-
tinued since, to our great regret, with little amendment,
save that now, of late, in our last riding through Our said
County, We find, both by the report of the Judges, and
of the Bishops of that diocese, that there is some amend-
ment now daily beginning, which is no small contentment to
Us.

The report of this growing amendment amongst them,
made Us the more sorry, when, with Our own ears. We heard
the general complaint of Our people, that they were barred
from all lawful recreation and exercise upon the Sunday's
afternoon, after the ending of all Divine Service. Which can-
not but produce two evils. The one, the hindering of the
conversion of many whom their priests will take occasion
hereby to vex ; persuading them that " no honest mirth or
recreation is lawful or tolerable in Our Religion ! " which
cannot but breed a great discontentment in Our people's
hearts; especially of such as are, peradventure, upon the
point of turning. The other inconvenience is, that this pro-
hibition barreth the common and meaner sort of people from
using such exercises as may make their bodies more able for
war, when We, or Our Successors shall have occasion to use
them : and in place thereof sets up filthy tiplings and
drunkenness, and breeds a number of idle and discontented
speeches in their alehouses. For when shall the common
people have leave to exercise, if not upon the Sundays and
Holy Days ? seeing they must apply their labour, and win
their living in all working days !

Our express pleasure therefore is, That the Laws of Our
Kingdom, and Canons of Our Church be as well observed in that
County, as in all other places of this Our Kingdom. And, on the
other part, that no lawful recreation shall be barred to our good
people, which shall not tend to the breach of Our aforesaid Laws,
and Canons of Our Church.

Which to express more particularly.

Our Pleasure is. That the Bishop and all other inferior
Churchmen [Clergy], and Churchwardens shall, for their parts, be
careful and diligent, both to instruct the ignorant, and convince
and reform them that are misled in religion, presenting [i.e., re-

f;Ma^":8.] The B 00 K F S po R TS. 313

porting for punishment] them that will not conform themselves,
but obstinately stand out to Our Judges and Justices : whom,
We likewise command to put the law in due execution against
them.

Our Pleasure likewise is, That the Bishop of that diocese take
the like strait order with all the Puritans and Precisians within
the same : either constraining them to conform themselves, or to
leave the country, according to the Laws of Our Kingdom and
Canons of Our Church. And so to strike equally on both hands
against the Contemners of Our Authority, and Adversaries of
Our Church.

And as for Our good people's lawful recreation ; Our
Pleasure likewise is, That after the end of Divine Service, Our
good people be not disturbed, letted, or discouraged from any law-
fid recreation, such as Dancing (either men or women) , Archery for
men, Leaping, Vaulting, or any other such harmless recreations ;
nor from having of May Games, Whiisun A les, and Morris Dances;
and the setting up of May Poles, and other sports therewith used :
so as the same be had in due and convenient time, without impedi-
ment or fieglect of Divine Service. And, That women shall have
leave to carry rushes to the church for the decoring [decorating] 0/
it, according to their old custom.

But withal, We do here account still as prohibited, all unlawful
games, to be used upon Sundays only ; as Bear and Bull baitings.
Interludes : and, at all times, in the meaner sort of people by Laiv
prohibited. Bowling.

And, likewise, We bar from this benefit and liberty, all such
known Recusants, either men or women, as will abstain from
coming to Church or Divine Service : being, therefore, unworthy
of any lawful recreation after the said Service, that will not
first come to the Church, and serve GOD.

Prohibiting, in like sort, the said recreation to any that, though
conforme [conformable] in Religion, are not present in the Church,
at the Service of GOD, before their going to the said recreations.
Our Pleasure likewise is. That they to whom it belongeth in
Office, shall present, and sharply punish all such, as in abuse of
this Our liberty, will use these exercises before the ends of all Divine
Services for that day.

And We, likewise, straitly command. That every person shall
resort to his own Parish Church to hear Divine Service ; and each
Parish, by itself, to use the said recreation after Divine Service.

The Book of Sports.

[King James.
24 May 1618.

Prohibiting likewise, Any offensive weapons to be carried or used
in the said times of recreation.

And Our Pleasure is, That this Our Declaration shall he pub-
lished by order from the Bishop of the diocese, through all the
Parish Churches ; and that both Our Judges of Our Circuit, and
Our Justices of Our Peace be informed thereof.

Given at Our Manor of Greenwich, the four and twentieth
day of May [1618] in the sixteenth year of Our reign of
England, France, and Ireland ; and of Scotland, the one and
fiftieth.

GOD save the King !

THE KING'S
MA JES TY's

Declaration to His

Subjects,

CONCERNING

lawful Sports to

be used.

Imprinted at L O N D O N by

Robert Barker, Printer to the King's most excellent

Majesty: and by the Assigns of John Bill.

M. DC. XXXIII.

3i6 TotheKing. [ ^i"5c?^'33*:

[Charles I.'s Preface and Conclusion,]

\Ur dear Father, of blessed memory, in his return
from Scotland, coining through Lancashire found that
his subjects were debarred front lawful recreations upon
Swtdays, after Evening Prayers ended, and upon
Holy Days: and he prudently considered, that if these
times were taken from them, the meaner sort, who labour hard all
the week, shoidd have no recreations at all to refresh their spirits.

And, after his return, he further saw that his loyal subjects in
all other parts of his kingdom did suffer in the same kind, though
perhaps not in the same degree. A nd did therefore, in his Princely
wisdom, publish a Declaration to all his loving Subjects con-
cerning the lawful Sports to be used at such times ; which was
printed and published, by his royal commandment, in the year 1618,
in the tenour which hereafter follow eth.

Ow, out of a like pious care for the service of GOD,
and for suppressing of any humours that oppose
Truth, and for the ease, comfort, and recreation of
our well deserving people : We do ratify and publish
this Our blessed father's Declaration. The rather
because, of late, in some counties of Our kingdom, We find that,
under pretence of taking away abuses, there hath been a general
Forbidding, not only of ordinary meetings, but of the Feasts of
the Dedication of the Churches, commonly called Wakes.

Now, Our express Will and Pleasure is, that these Feasts, with
others, shall be observed ; and that Our Justices of the Peace, in
their several divisions, shall look to it, both, that all disorders,
there, may be prevented or punished ; and that all neighbourhood
and freedom, with manlike and lawfid exercises be used.

And We further Command Our Justices of Assize, in their
several circuits, to see that no man do trouble or molest any of Our
loyal or dutiful people in or for their lawfid recreations ; having first
done their duty to GOD, and continuing in obedience to Us and Our
Laws. And of this. We command all Our Judges, Justices of the
Peace, as well within Liberties as without. Mayors, Bailiffs, Con-
stables, and other Officers to take notice of ; and to see observed, as
they tender Our displeasure. And We further will, that publica-
tion of this Our Command be made, by order from the Bishops,
through all the Parish Churches of their several diocese respectively.
Given at Our Palace of Westminster, the 18th day of October
[^^53]> ^^^ l^i^ ninth year of Our reign. GOD save the King !

LEATHER:

A Discourse

tendered to the High Court

of Parliament,

I The general Use of heather.
The general Abuse thereof y
The good which may arise to Great Britain,
from the reformation.
The several Statutes made in that behalf by
our ancient Kings :

And, lastly, a Petition to the High Court of Parlia-
ment, that, out of their pious care to their country, they
would be pleased to take into consideration the redress of
all old abuses ; and by adding some remedies of their own,
to cut off the new.

LONDON,

Printed by T. C. for Michael Spakke, dwelling at the
sign of the Blue Bible., in Green Arbor. 1629.

3i8

The Contents of this Discourse.

Irst, a Proem, or Induction to it.

Secondly, a Comparison made between the commo-
dities of other countries, and this of our own; and
then is shewed the general use of Leather.
Thirdly, are laid open several abuses offered to England, by
transporting her leather into foreign kingdoms.

Fourthly, is delivered, what profit to the King, and what good
to the Subject shall arise by a due reformation of the abuses.

Fifthly, are brought in several Statutes made by our ancient
Kings, and pleading in that behalf.

Sixthly and lastly, a Petition to the High Court of Parliament,
that they would be pleased to look upon their country, and cure her
of these enormities.

319
A Discourse concerning heather^

tendered to the High Court of Parliament.

Ingdoms are Palaces built by the great Architect
of the world, for Monarchs to dwell in ! Nations,
the Courtiers ! every common subject, an Officer
attending there upon his Sovereign ! The higher
men are seated, the broader and stronger ought
their shoulders to be, in supportation of that State which
they are to bear up ; whilst the hard-hand artificer and
poorest mechanic are parts and pieces of that scaffolding
which serves to strengthen the glory of so magnificent a
structure. For though Kings are the Master Bees in their
full and swelling hives ; subjects may well be called minores
apes, which fly every day to bring home the honey.

And albeit the earth be the proper and main foundations
of these kingdoms : yet the best and soundest timber to raise
up buildings, the most curious adornings, beautifyings, and
embellishings of them, when they are up, yea, even at the
erecting of the first story, are wise, profound, politic, and
wholesome Laws.

Without Laws, all nations are lame, and Sovereignty itself
walks upon crutches ; Authority lies sick of a consumption :
and none (at such times) have able bodies, but Insolence,
and the rage of the harrowing multitude. The beast with
many heads will then be head of all ! and when such a
head is distracted, how can the limbs be but laid upon the
rack, and torn to pieces !

It hath ever, therefore, been a custom in all countries,
especially in this of ours, to invent, enact, and establish good
Ordinances and Statutes, to serve to two uses : one as a
snaffle, to be thrust into the mouths of the headstrong; the
other, as a sevenfold shield to protect the obedient.

Yet, as there can be no concord in music without discord,
as the best-working medicines are tempered with poison, as
the noblest and clearest rivers have by-ways, creeks, and
crooked windings : so there are no stratagems projected,
how beneficial soever to a kingdom, but some busy-pated
and malevolent spirits are raised out of hell, by sorcerous

320 Look back upon the reigns of our Kings ! [J^^^

charms, to cross and countermine it. Hence it comes, that
if the whole race of man should study how to steer the helm
of a commonwealth, by a strong and steady hand ; yet whirl-
winds will be raised on shore, and tempests hurl down their
malice in thunder and lightning at sea, to shipwreck the
industry, courage, and knowledge of those excellent pilots.

Let Law be never so sweetly strung ; there are meddling,
spiteful singers, which can put it out of tune. Abuses even
of the best things, grow apace, and spread their branches
over the largest dominions : but amendments can hardly take
rooting in the narrowest cities.

Look back upon the reigns of our ancient Kings, upon the
honourable Courts of Parliament holden in their ages, upon
the wisdom, judgement, counsel, gravity, and sincerity of both
Houses, Upper and Lower, then assembled ; upon the Laws,
the excellent Laws ! those men made ; and upon the care,
deliberation, and serious resolution they took, in the con-
stitution, comprising, and composing of those Laws : yet
what statutes, how strongly soever knit then together, but by
the paws of Lions (great men) have been since rent in sunder,
mangled, and misused ; or by the subtilty of Foxes (blood-
suckers of States) have had holes eaten into them, and been
brokenthrough,asif they had been the cobweb lawn of spiders.

The same infection reigns now ! Corruption of goodness
will never die ! Enormities, once crept into Kingdoms, sure,
are whole-breasted monsters ; and it is long ere their hearts
will break ! The sweetest sprigs are nipped in the blossom ;
the fairest trees, eaten by caterpillars ; and the noblest land
hath her bowels gnawn out by vipers of her own breeding.

Who are those vipers ? Men, evil-minded men ! that care
not, so their own turns be served, what laws they subvert !
what statutes they infringe ! what customs they violate !
what Orders they break ! on what sacred urns of our English
Kings, they commit sacrilege 1 by stealing from them the
reverence due to their names for calling honourable Parlia-
ments, Councils, and Consultations together, how to preserve
in health this royal Kingdom ; and if any bi-disorders and
misdemeanours should strike her sick, how to cure her.
I leave the main ocean to expert navigators ; it is only a
poor rivulet, that I crave pardon to row in ; and thus it runs,
T/ie ge7ieral Use of Leather.

321

The general Use of Leather,

He heavenly Distributor of blessings hath
with so excellent a moderation and judge-
ment parted [shared] them among nations,
that what one abounds in, the other wants ;
or, if any one hath share in her neighbour's
benefits, it is not a superfluous heap, but a
husbandly and sparing handful : so that
the world is the great Vine, and every
Kingdom a Prop to support the branches, and make them
flourish.

Here will I spread the table ! and on it, plant some of the
dishes belonging to this banquet.

The West Indies open their womb, and are delivered of
their golden ingots. These are the King of Spain's best sons ;
whom he sends forth, to fight against, and conquer (if he can)
all Christendom.

Other countries on the American shore have their peculiar
endowments. Some boast of their several grained woods,
accommodable to rare and extraordinary excellent uses ; some,
of tobacco ; some, of fishing : all can speak of their own par-
ticular rarities ; and all are profitable and useful amongst
countries far remote from them.

Let us come nearer home, and look into our next neigh-
bours' orchards, walks, and delicate gardens.

Spain is proud of her fat wines ; her oils, iron, hides : and
her golden apples of the Hesperides. France glories in her
vineyards, her saltpits, and marble quarries. Germany, of her
seventeen rich and warlike daughters, sitting enthroned, with
the abundance of all things about them. Russia lays before

X 6

322 Unmatchable goodness of English Leather. [J^^^

you the costly furs and the rich skins of beasts. The Eastern
Countries [Baltic seashore] are happy in their masts, cables,
flax, hemp, rosin, pitch, tar, turpentine, &c.

And this, the Almighty Benefactor does, to the intent, with
a manus manum fricat, the fire of one country should thaw the
ice of another ; the fulness of one supply the other's empti-
ness ; and so be ever mindful of the good turns received, with
a study of the requital Qtice mihi prcestiteris memini, semperqtie
ienebo. So that, by this means, they being severally beholden
to foreigners and strangers unknown, may love one together,
though living never so far asunder, like united friends, allies,
and neighbours.

This participation of the fruits and commodities which one
land suffers to be made with another, opens a free market for
all commerce. It is a noble mart, to which the Christian
and Turk are invited alike. This is the golden Chain of Traffic
and Negotiation, which doth concatenare (tie) merchants of far
separated countries so fast together, as if they dwelt in their
own. This increases shipping, advances the trade of fish-
ing, nurseth up mariners, and makes us as familiar inhabi-
tants and tenants of the sea, as the farmer and the husband-
man are to the land.

And as these forenamed Kingdoms have their royal maga-
zines and storehouses ; so hath England hers. For when she
unlocks her treasury, there you may behold mines of tin, lead,
and iron. What Kingdom in the world hath goodlier and
greater cattle, to feed man, and do him service ? And where
nobler pasture than here, to fatten beasts ? Where, larger
sheep ? where flocks so numerous ? where better and more
useful wool ? What fields can please the eye for grass ; or
fill the barns with heavier sheaves of corn ? Where sit any
people by warmer fires ? our sea coalpits being able, if not
abused, to furnish the whole island, and lend fuel to neighbour-
ing nations.

And yet, if truly you cast up the accounts of all those rich
merchandises in foreign kingdoms, and balance them with
these of our own ; you shall find that not one of them all,
either abroad or at home, are able for common use, extraor-
dinary employment, enforced necessity, unrateable value, and
unmatchable goodness, to compare with our English
Leather.

J^j] Its necessity to all classes of people. 323

We can live without the gold of Peru, the trees of Brazil,
the smoke of Virginia, and the whales of Newfoundland.
What need have we of the hot Spanish, or cool French grape ?
Without Russia's furs, we have cloth of our own to keep us
warm, and to make robes to adorn our Princes. But can
our Kingdom want that excellent, useful, and commendable
commodity of her own English Leather ?

We have amongst us, a kind of humble, though sometimes
complimentally cogging, proverbial speech ; when, to shew
how well we wish to a man or woman, we say, " I would lay
my hands under his feet, to do him good ! " What submission
can be greater 1 What free expression of love, duty, and ser-
vice ! Now if Leather were able to do no more but this ; to
lay itself under our feet, were it not sufficient ?

If no use could be made of Leather, but out of it only to cut
and fashion boots and shoes ; what a universal benefit were
this to our country 1 It reaches from the King downwards to
his meanest vassals ; and ascends from the common subject,
up to the Prince and Nobleman.

Suppose we had no Leather, either of our own or from any
other nation! and that, then necessity compelled us to travail
hard for some new invention to preserve our feet from the
ground : what could the brain of man find out for the foot and
leg, so fit, so pliant, so comely to the eye, so curious in the
wearing, so lasting, and so contemning all sorts of weather, as
this treasure of the Shoemaker?

In times of peace, how many thousand employments have
we for Leather ? In times of war, are there not as many ?
What can War perform without it ? and what not undergo,
having the free use of it ?

All our ancient English Kings, all our former Parliaments,
all the Nobility, Clergy, Judges, and the learned Wits of the
land would never have enacted so many, so severe, and such
politic laws to bar the transportation of English Leather into
any foreign dominions : but that they well knew, how bene-
ficial a commodity it was to their own kingdom, being kept
at home; and how prejudicial it would prove to the State, if
ever it were suffered to be consumed abroad.

How many millions, within the bounds of this little island,
of men, women, and children, eat their bread by the sweat of
their labour; who deal only, in this leathern commodity?

324 The Trades making use of Leather. [,6^7.

There is no City in England, no Corporation, but have hands
working in this Tan Vat. The Kingdom is by their industry
generally furnished : and how London thrives by them, wit-
ness our Fairs ! by the cartloads of leather brought into
Leadenhall, Smithfield, and other places ; and all bought up
within three days at most !

How many masters, besides menservants, in and about this
honourable and populous City, would be enforced to leave
London, and lose their freedoms, or else run into base and
desperate courses, should they give over their trading in
leather ! How many professions were undone, wanting the
use of it ! How many rich households would be shut up, as
in a time of sickness [plague] ! and though the persons might
happily [haply ] not be missed ; yet their labours would !

How many occupations and manual trades must be left-
handed and go lame, if Leather, which is the staff they partly
lean upon, be taken from them ?

Take a survey of these few : et ab uno disce omnes.

Shoemakers, and ) get their maintenance only by
Curriers J Leather.

These trades might want work, were it not for Leather.

Book hinders.
Saddlers.
Upholsterers.
Budget makers.
Trunk makers.
Belt makers.
Case makers.
Wool-card makers.

Sheath makers.

Hawk's-hood makers.

Scabbard makers.

Box makers.

Cabinet makers.

Bottle and Jack makers.

Girdlers.

Glovers.

And now, within the compass of a few years, those upstart
trades

Coach makers, and

Harness makers for Coach horses.

And let thus much, being but little in words, though
enough in substance, serve to prove the general and neces-
sary Use of Leather.

Now, to the Abuse.

325

Of the Abuses of Leather,

S DARKNESS shoves away light, and as the
best working physic hath poison in it : so
the most wholesome laws may be perverted,
corrupted, confounded, and condemned; as
purest waters grow thick by being troubled.
Sithence then, that these few following
Acts, established by all the wisdom, care,
and providence of former times, and serv-
ing but as a taste to a thousand more, stand up as proofs
that the goodliest buildings may be undermined and blown
up : it is no marvel, if this weak one and poor one of Leather
be likewise shaken, and in danger to be confounded.

The Use of Leather hath his place before. Now, do but
cast your eyes on this other side, and behold what Abuses
do attend upon it !

They are not many ; yet able enough to do much mischief.
Is it not strange that our Kingdom being as plentifully
stored with leather as any one part of the world, there
should here, notwithstanding, be a dearth of leather ? Are
not boots and shoes (which every man, woman, and child
must, of necessity, have) sold at extreme, unusual, and
intolerable prices ? insomuch that the rich complain of the
excessive dearness, and the poor cannot reach to the honour
of a new pair. How comes this to pass ?

Doth the Abuse spring from transportation of our leather
into foreign countries ? which hath, in all our Kings' reigns,
as shall be shewn hereafter, been forbidden ; and is still
forbidden! Yet what cannot golden hooks pluck away from us ?
to serve strangers beyond the seas ; yea, our greatest enemies.

326 5,000 Coaches in London & Westminster. \_J^j^

This, if it be true (as it is to be feared), is a great Abuse.
But is not our wanton and prodigal expense of it at home,
as great an Abuse, or greater than the former? I believe
any man may say so, when he doth but look upon our infinite
number of coaches ! What prodigal spending of leather is
there made, in covering but one coach, and cutting out the
harness for it ! and this leather is not the meanest sort or
worst ; but the principal and strongest, which might, otherwise,
serve both for Sooling [soling] Leather and Upper Leather.

It is thought, and it is easy to be known, that in London
and Westminster and the parts adjoining, are maintained
at least 5,000 coaches and caroches; to the furnishing of
which throughout with leather, are consumed 5,000 hides of
leather.

And if these two places only, spoil so much what doth the
whole kingdom ? sithence Pride leaps into her chariot in every
Shire, Town, and City ?

Every private Gentleman now is a Photon, and must
hurry with his thundering caroch along the streets, as that
proud boy.

Or, if this be not a wasting, decaying and abuse of leather ;
what shall we think of the prodigality of our legs and feet ?
what over lavish spending of leather is there, in boots and
shoes ! To either of which, is now added a French proud
superfluity of Galloshes !

The wearing of Boots is not the abuse ; but the generality
of wearing, and the manner of cutting boots out with huge,
slovenly, unmannerly, and immoderate tops !

For the general walking in Boots, it is a pride taken up by
the Courtier, and is descended down to the clown. The
merchant and the mechanic walk in boots! Many of our
Clergy, either in neat boots, or shoes and galloshes ! Uni-
versity scholars maintain the fashion likewise. Some
citizens, out of a scorn not to be gentile [genteel], go, every
day, booted ! Attorneys, lawyers' clerks, serving-men, all
sorts of men delight in this wasteful wantonness !

Wasteful, I may well call it ! for one pair of boots eats up
the leather of six pair of reasonable men's shoes !

How many thousand pairs of boots are worn in London

and Westminster, every year ! They cannot be numbered !

But if there were but 1,000 pairs worn: in them are

jg'y] A PAIR OF Boots equal to 6 pair of Shoes. 327

consumed 6,000 pairs of shoes, the soles only excepted ; for
it is meant only 6,000 upper leathers.

Is not this, think you ! an excessive devouring, and an exceed-
ing abuse of leather ? If this be not, I know not what can be !

Besides, how many several new pairs of boots doth some
one man lavishly wear out in one year ?

If these things, these abuses, were not ; the poor might go
as well shod as the rich, and leather would be sold at a
reasonable rate : which now carries a higher price, than ever
was known in England.

328

Abuses of Leather Markets,

O THESE abuses of leather, add the abuses of markets
where hides and leather are sold !

And to avoid the nomination of too many places,
for these disorders spread all over the kingdom, let
Leadenhall only be pricked down ! for the circle
and centre, in which all these devilish abuses are conjured up.
Of which, this is the main one, viz. :

The market is full of excellent leather, strong backs and
good upper leathers ; all this in the morning, lies unsealed.
Then into the market enter a crew of ancient, careful, good
men, (ancient in villainy ! careful to get wealth ! but not
caring whom to undo ! good to themselves, but bad members
to a commonwealth !) citizens by title, Cordwainers or Shoe-
makers by profession.

And these are not above eight or ten in number ; rich in
purse, poor in conscience ! full of gold, empty of goodness !
These eight or ten (no matter what their number is, so they
were honest !) stalk severally up and down the market, and
spying where the heaps of best leathers are, a price is beaten
in the tanner's ear; but the closing up of the bargain must
be at the tavern : where they and the tanners meet, have a
breakfast of 30s. or 40s. [ = 3^6 or =£^ «oz£;], which the tanner
or they easily discharge ; and there, the leather is bought,
before it be sealed ! which ought not to be.

But then, a Sealer is sent for, a crown [6s.] clapped into
his hand (where not Half is his due) to go and despatch :
which being done, every shoemaker comes in, and seeing it
sealed, cheapens, but cannot buy !

" It is sold," they say, " already." And so, on a sudden,
all is swept away to the warehouses or cellars of these un-
conscionable engrossers.

So that if a shoemaker that brings but ^4 or ^^5 [£16 or
£20 now] to the market (his estate happily reaching no
higher), is enforced to buy leather of these cormorants, at
such rates as they please to set them.

lel;] The abuses of the Leather markets 329

The hurts done by these men are many ; and whole families
smart and want through their greediness. Yet the mischief
they do, comes not alone : for here another abuse follows.

The poorer sort of tanners ; they, seeing the market swept
of all the best leather, hold up their worst hides at as dear a
rate as the best were paid for : and so, the said shoemaker
is glad to buy ill ware, and pay dear for it too ! or else go
home and do nothing.

Another abuse is, that every week are bought and carried
away from the market 300 or 400 raw hides at the least ;
which being conveyed in carts to certain ends of the town,
are there first dried and then salted ; and then sent into
several counties to be tanned : but are never again brought
into London. By which means, the market of the City is
cheated of much good ware in a year; and the tradesmen
thereby hindered, if not undone.

The good that may arise by Reformation
of these Abuses,

F IT would please the High Court of Parliament to
take into consideration, a redress of these wrongs,
disorders, and abuses ; by restraining the prodigal
wasting of Leather,

1. The prices of boots and shoes would, in a veiy short
time be abated.

2. Our country would be abundantly furnished with this
beneficial and needful commodity.

3. The knitting of worsted and woollen stockings, now much
decayed throughout the whole kingdom, [would be]
greatly put in practice.

4. An infinite number of poor children, which now go
begging up and down, [would] be set at work.

5. Tradesmen and shopkeepers in all our cities, [would]
have quicker doings.

330 Probable benefits from a Reformation. [J^^^

6. The ancient Company of Hosiers (who, in former times,
lived richly, by cutting out Kerseys into Cloth Stockings;
but are now utterly in a manner, extinguished) might
be set up again : to the good and maintenance of many
hundreds of families ; who might be set at work, only
to serve their shops with those kinds of wares.

7. And, lastly, by this means, our own country commo-
dities might be kept at home in full abundance : whereas,
now, they are conveyed away into other Kingdoms to
furnish them, whilst we feel the scarcity.

If the Masters and Wardens of the Companies of Saddlers,
Cordwainers, and Curriers might be examined, what they
know touching these abuses, how they come ? and from
whom ? and by what ways these mischiefs may be prevented ?
no question is to be made, but an easy path might be beaten
out, to do a general good to our nation ; because they are
men better informed in these mysteries than any others.

331

The Statutes enacted in several Kings'
reigns, touching Leather.

Anno. 27
Hen. 8,
cap. 14.

MANNER of Estranger or Denizen shall
pack, or cause to be packed, any manner of
Leather, to be conveyed over the seas out of
this Realm, Wales, or other the King's
Dominions ; otherwise than in this Act is
expressed, that is to say, that all such Leather shall be here-
after packed by a Packer sworn in every such port, where
any leather shall be shipped to be conveyed out of this
Realm, Wales, or other the King's Dominions, upon pain of
forfeiture of all such leather, &c.

No tanner within this Realm, Wales, or other the King's
Dominions, or other persons occupying or having a tan house,
shall from henceforth send, or cause to be conveyed over the sea, by
way of merchandise or otherwise, any mamier of leather, tanned or
untanned : upon pain of forfeiture of all such leather, or the value
thereof.

Nor that any person or persons, at any time hereafter, shall
carry over the sea out of this Realm S'C, any salted or untanned
hide, or any leather called Back or Sole Leather, S'C

Anno. 2 Ed. 6, cap. 11. An Act was made for the true
tanning of Leather.

An Act enacted in Anno. 3 Ed. 6, cap. 6. That it shall
be lawful to divers artificers there named, to buy and sell
tanned leather, curried or not curried : so that such should
be converted by the buyers into wares w-ithin the King's
Dominions.

Again, in Anno. 5 Ed. 6, cap. 15. No person or persons

332 Statutes relating to Leather. [J^^^

shall ship, or cause to be shipped, to the intent to carry transport
or convey over the seas, as merchandise to be sold or exchanged
there, any shoes, boots, buskins, starttips, or slippers : upon pain
to forfeit all and every such shoes, S'C.

Again Anno, i Eliz., cap. lo. An Act was made that the
carrying of leather, tallow, and raw hides out of this Realm
for merchandise, should be Felony.

There was a Statute made concerning Cordwainers and
Shoemakers in 25 Ed. 3, cap. 2.

Another in 13 Rich. 2, cap. 12.

Another in 4 Hen. 4, cap. 35.

Another in 2 Hen. 5, cap. 7.

Another in 4 Ed. 4, intituled, Cordwainers and Cobblers.

Another in i Hen. 7, called An Act against Tanners and
Cordwainers.

Another in 19 Hen. 7, intituled. For Curriers and
Cordwainers.

Another in 3 Hen. 8.

Another in 5 Hen. 8, intituled, An Act for Strangers for
buying of Leather in open market.

Another in the 14 or 15 Hen. 8, intituled. An Act concern-
ing the liberty of Cordwainers and Shoemakers.

Another in 22 Hen. 8, intituled. An Act concerning Tanners
and Butchers.

Another in 24 Hen. 8, intituled, An Act concerning true
tanning and currying of Leather.

Another to the same purpose, Anno. 2 and 3 Ed. 6, cap. 9.

Another in 4 Ed. 6, intituled, An Act for buying of rough
hides and calves' skins.

Another in i Eliz., where it was enacted. That it shall not be
lawful for any person or persons to lade, ship, or carry into any
vessel or ship, or otherwise, any Leather, Tallow, or raw Hides,
of intent to transport or carry the same into any place or places of
the parts beyond the seas, or into the Realm of Scotland, by land
or by seas, other than Scottish hides : upon the forfeiture &c.

And the owners of the said ships or vessels, knowing of such
offence, to forfeit the said ships or vessels, with all their apparel
[tackle] and furniture to them and every of them belonging.

And the Masters and Mariners knowing of such offence, to for-
feit all their goods and chattels ; and to have imprisonment by the
space of One Year, without bail or mainprize.

.^l;] Statutes relating to Leather. ^^^

Then in 4 Jacob, cap. 5, there is a long Act set down

touching Cordwainers, Curriers, Tanners, Butchers, and

Leather ; spreading into many and several branches, viz. : —

No Butcher by himself or any other person, shall gash,

slaughter, or cut any Hide of any ox, bull, steer, or cow.

No Butcher shall water any Hide, except in the months of
June, July, and August ; nor shall offer to put to sale any Hide
putrified.

No Butcher shall use the craft, feat, or mystery of a Tanner.
No Tanner shall use the craft or mystery of a Shoemaker,
Currier, Butcher, or other artificer using, or exercising, cutting, or
working of leather.

No Tanner shall suffer any Hide or Skin to be in the lime till
the same be overtimed ; nor shall put any Hides or Skins into any
tan vats before the lime be well and perfectly soaked ; nor shall
use any stuff about the tanning of Leather, but only ash-bark,
oak-bark, topwort, malt, meal, or lime ; nor shall suffer his
Leather to be laid, or to hang, or to lie wet in any frost ; nor to
parch or dry his leather with the heat of the fire or of the summer
sun ; nor shall suffer the hide for utter [outward] Sole Leather,
to lie in the woozes, any less time than nine months at the least.

No Tanner shall tan any Hide, Calves' skin, or Sheep's skin,
with hot or warm woozes : upon forfeiture of ;^io for every such
offence ; and also for every such offence, stand in the pillory, three
market days.

No Currier shall curry any kind of Leather in the house of any
Shoemaker ; but only in his own house, and that must be situate
in a corporate or market town : nor shall curry any kind of
Leather, except it be well and perfectly tanned ; nor curry any
hide being not perfectly dried after his wet season. In which wet
season, he shall not use any deceitftd mixture ; nor curry any
Leather meet for utter Sole Leather with any other stiff than hard
tallow; nor curry any leather for Over [Upper] Leather and
Inner Soles but with good stuff, being fresh and not salt ; nor
shall burn or scald any Hide or Leather in the currying, nor shall
have any leather too thin ; nor shall gash or hurt any Leather in
the shaving.

No Currier shall use the mystery of a Tanner, Cordwainer,
Shoemaker, Butcher, or any other artificer using or cutting of
Leather.

No Cordwainer or Shoemaker shall make, or cause to be mad^

334 Statutes relating to Leather. [J^^

any boots, shoes, buskins, startups, slippers, or pantoffles ; or any
part of them, of English Leather wet curried (other than Deet
skins, Calf skins, or Goat skins dressed like Spanish Leather) ;
but of Leather well and truly tanned, and curried substantially,
sewed with good thread (well twisted and made and sufficiently
waxed with wax, and well rosined), and the stitches hard drawn
with hand-leathers, without mingling of Over Leathers ; that is
to say, part of the Over Leather being of Neafs Leather, and part
of Calf Leather.

No Cordwainer or Shoemaker shall put into any boots, shoes,
&c. (as before) any Leather made of Sheepskin, Bull hide, or
Horse hide ; nor in the Upper Leathers of any shoes, startups S'C,
or in the nether [lower] part of any boots (the inner part of the
shoes only excepted) any part of any Hide from which the Sole
Leather is cut, called the Womb, Neck, Shank, Flank, Poul, or
Cheek. Nor put in the Utter Sole, any other leather than the
best of the Ox or Steer Hide ; nor into the Inner Sole, than the
Wombs, Necks, Pouls, or Cheeks ; nor into the trewsels of the
double-soled shoes, other than the Flanks of Hides.

Moreover, the Masters and Wardens of Cordwainers, Ctirriers,
Girdlers, and Saddlers of the City of London, upon pain to forfeit
-£"40 [=;£'200 now] for every year they make defaidt, shall, once
every quarter, make a true search and view within London, and
within three unites of the same, for all boots, shoes, buskins, &c.,
made of tanned leather ; and if they be not made and wrought, as
they ought to be, or insufficiently curried ; then the said Masters
and Wardens have power to take, seize, and carry away to their
Common Halls, all such boots, shoes, wares, stuff, or other things.

And that all coach makers dwelling in London, or within three
miles of the city, shall be tinder the survey and search of the Mas-
ters and Wardens of the Company of the Saddlers.

Moreover, that the Lord Mayor of London and the Aldermen
are, upon pain of £^0 yearly, to appoint Eight Persons, free of
the Cordwainers, Curriers, Saddlers, or Girdlers (of the which one
shall be a Sealer, and the rest Searchers), to view and search every
tanned Hide, Skin, or Leather which shall be brought to Leaden-
hall Market : and there, if they find them sufficiently tanned and
thoroughly dried, then to seal them ; or being found defective, to
seize them.

And within six days after the seizing, such Hides or Leathers
are to be reviewed by certain Triers ; whereof there are two of the

,6^jJ Statutes relating to Leather. 335

better sort of the Company of the Cordwainers, two of the better
sort of the Company of Curriers, and the other two of the better
sort of the Tanners using Leadenhall Market.

These Searchers and Sealers, for fear of corruption, are not
suffered to continue in the office longer than two years : taking for
the searching, sealing, and registering of every Ten Hides, Backs,
or Butts of Leather (with the Necks, Wombs, and Dibbins, or
other pieces of offal cut from the Backs or Butts), of the Seller 2d.
[ = 6d. now], and of the Buyer as much.

Now for the avoiding of all ambiguities and doubts, which
may grow and arise upon the definition of this word Leather : it
is enacted &c., That the Hides and Skins of Ox, Steer, Bull,
Cow, Calf, Deer red or fallow. Goat and Sheep, being tanned or
tawed ; and every Salt Hide is, shall be, and ever hath been,
reputed and taken for " Leather.'"

All currying and dressing of Leather, commonly called Dry
Currying and Frizzing, being construed to be 'Dressing and
Currying of Leather after the manner of Spanish leather."

To shew how careful this Parliament was to keep this
excellent commodity of Leather to ourselves, the want of it
being so hurtful ; hear what the Act speaks against transpor-
tation.

It is enacted &c., That if any Leather wrought, cut, or un-
wrought, to the intent to be sold or bartered, shall hereafter
unlawfully be transported, or purposed to be transported into other
parts beyond the sea, from or out of any port, haven, or creek of
this Realm or Wales : every Controller, Customer [Customs
Collector], Surveyor, Collector of Tonnage and Poundage, and
the Searchers ; and the deputy of any of them, or any other persons
hearing or knowing, by any ways, of any Leather meant to be
transported from any place within his Office, and do not his best
endeavour to seize the same ; or being transported, do not disclose
or cause the same to be disclosed within forty days next after such
knowledge or hearing of the same, in some Court of Record, so as
the offender may be punished according to the laws in that case
provided, shall, for every the first offence committed against this
Article, forfeit ;^ioo [ = ;£"500 now], and for the second offence, his
Office.

Again, Every Customer, Officer, or Officer's Deputy that shall
make any false certificate of any Leather in any port, creek, or
place of this Realm, shall also forfeit for every such offence ;^ioo.

336 Statutes relating to Leather. [J^^

Now whereas by the covetousness of divers, regrating and in-
grossing [rigging the market of] tanned Leather, and selling it
again at excessive prices to saddlers, and such other artificers making
wares of tanned Leather, those wares be grown to unreasonable
prices : Be it enacted &c., That no person or persons, of what
estate degree or condition soever he or they be, shall buy or ingross,
or cause to be bought or ingrossed any kind of tanned leather, to
the intent to sell the same again : upon pain to forfeit the said
leather so bought. Provided &c., That all Saddlers, Girdlers,
Cordwainers, and all other artificers such as make mails, bougets
[bags], leather-pots, tankards, boar-hides, or any other wares of
Leather, shall or may buy all such kind
of Tanned Leather.

FINIS,

The General Grievance of all England ;
Man^ Woman ^ and Child.

To THE High and Honourable Court of Parliament.

Hereas, We, your poor Petitioners,
jointly, with one unanimity, humbly desire
a Reformation of this general and great
Grievance of late, for, and in consideration
of the great Abuse of Transportation of
Raw Hides, Tanned Skins of great growth,
and Calves' Skins : all which are trans-
ported in most unreasonable manner, and under the colour
[pretence] of the transporting of some hundred Dozens,
many thousands are daily transported ; and that in such
an excessive manner that not only all Skins that are brought
into the market at Leadenhall and elsewhere, are so enhanced
in price that they be of late raised Treble to the price they
have been ; but, by secret bargains, almost all sorts of leather
be bought underhand, in all countries [cotmties] before they
come to markets to be sold, by divers merchants for to be
transported.

And, moreover, it is, for certain, known, that divers
Dutchmen come daily over, and employ poor shoemakers,
curriers, and cobblers to be their bargain -drivers in all
chief fairs, for great parcels of ware and sums of money,

y 6

338 A Petition to the Parliament. IJ,^_

whilst they themselves sit private in taverns or tippling-
houses, to pay the money when others have driven the
bargain. By which means the fairs and markets be so fore-
stalled, that His Majesty's subjects cannot have the benefit of
the fairs and markets as in times past ; the said commodities
being bought out of His Majesty's subjects' hands.

And likewise, of late days, some leather sellers of London,
who do not cut, or work, or use leather, finding the great
benefit and profit to be got by transporting, have and do
(contrary to all equity or right) buy, or cause in private to be
bought up, what they conveniently may.

So that, unless there be some speedy course taken by this
Honourable Court now assembled ; it is most likely that all
mechanics that get their livings by the said use of Leather,
are likely to fall to utter ruin and decay ; and this commodity
to be enhanced to such an unreasonable price that our
enemies shall go well shod, and we bare foot ! and be utterly
impoverished in that commodity: and all trades, which in
times past have flourished by Leather, are now likely to be
utterly ruinate and overthrown.

Therefore, We, His Majesty's poor subjects, in most
humble manner, desire in commiseration of our poor wives
and children, [you] to take into consideration this our
extreme grievance, and to provide for some speedy remedy.

And we shall daily pray for your prosperous success.

THE

Carriers' Cosmography:

A Brief Relation

The Inns, Ordinaries, Hostelries,

and other lodgings in and near London; where the

Carriers, Waggons, Foot-posts and Higglers

do usually come from any parts, towns,

shires and countries of the Kingdoms of Eng-
land, l^rincipality of Wales; as also from the
Kingdoms of Scotland and Ireland.

With nomination of what days of

the week they do come to London, and on

what days they return: whereby all sorts of

people may hnd direction how to receive or send

goods or letters unto such places as their

occasions may require.

As also,

Where the Ships, Hoys, Barks,

Tiltboats, Barges and Wherries, do usually attend

to carry Passengers and Goods to the coast towns

of England, Scotland, Ireland, or the Netherlands;

and where the Barges and Boats are ordinarily

to be had, that go up the River of Thames

westward from London.

By lohn 'Taylor.
London Printed by A,G, 1637.

341

To all whom it may concern ; with my

kind remembrance to the Posts, Carriers,

Waggoners and Higglers.

F any man or woman whomsoever hath either occasion

or patience to read this following description, it is no

doiiht hut they shall find fidl satisfaction for as much

as they laid out for the book : if not, it is against

my will ; and my good intentions are lost and frustrate.

I wrote it for three causes. First, for a general and necessary
good use for the whole commonwealth. Secondly, to express my
grateful duty to all those who have honestly paid me my money
which they owed me for my books of The collection of Taverns
in London and Westminster, and ten shires or counties next
round about London; and I do also thank all such as do purpose
to pay me hereafter. Thirdly, for the third sort, that can pay me
and will not; I write this as a document : I am well pleased to
leave them to the hangman's tuition, as being past any other man's
mending, for I would have them to know, that I am sensible of

342 A DIRECTION TO THE ReADER. [MayTes?."

the too much loss that I do suffer by their pride or coiisenage; their
number being so many and my charge so great, which I paid for
paper and printing of those books, that the base dealing of those
sharks is insupportable. But the tedious toil that I had in this
collection, and the harsh and unsavoury answers that I was fain
to take patiently, from Hostlers, Carriers, and Porters, may move
any man that thinks himself mortal to pity me.

In some places^ I was suspected for a Projector ; or one that had
devised some trick to bring the Carriers under some new taxation ;
and sometimes I was held to have been a Man-taker, a Sergeant, or
Bailiff to arrest or attach men's goods or beasts. Indeed I was
scarce taken for an honest man amongst the most of them. All
which suppositions I was enforced oftentimes to wash away with
two or three jugs of beer, at most of the Inns I came to. In some
Inns or Hostelries, I could get no certain intelligence, so that I
did take instructions at the next Inn unto it; which I did
oftentimes take upon trust though I doubted [feared] it was indirect
and imperfect.

Had the Carriers, Hostlers, and others known my harmless and
honest intendments, I do think this following relation had been
more large and useful : but if there be any thing left out in this
first impression, it shall be with diligence inserted hereafter, when
the Carriers and I shall be more familiarly acquainted; and they,
with the Hostlers, shall be pleased in their generosity, to afford me
more ample directions. In the mean space, I hope I shall give
none of my readers cause to curse the Carrier that brought me to
town.

Some may object that the Carriers do often change and shift
from one Inn or Lodging to another, whereby this following
direction may be hereafter untrue. To them I answer, that I am
not bound to bind them or to stay them in one place ; hut if they
do remove, they may be inquired for at the place which they have

Ly?637."J ^ DIRECTION TO THE ReADER. 343

left or forsaken ; and it is an easy matter to find them by the
learned intelligence of some other Carriers, an Hostler, or an
understanding Porter.

Others may object and say that I have not named all the towns
and places that Carriers do go unto in England and Wales. To
whom I yield; but yet I answer, that if a Carrier of York hath a
letter or goods to deliver at any town in his way thither, he serves
the turn well enough : and there are Carriers and Messengers from
York to carry such goods and letters as are to be passed any ways
north, broad and wide as far or farther than Berwick. So he that
sends to Lancaster may from thence have what he sends conveyed
to Kendal or C ocker month ; and what a man sends to Hereford
may from thence be passed to St. Davids in Wales. The
Worcester Carriers can convey anything as far as Caermarthen ;
and those that go to Chester may send to Caernarvon. The
Carriers or Posts that go to Exeter may send daily to Plymouth,
or to the Mount in Cornwall. Mixfield, Chippenham, Hunger-
ford, Newberry, and all those towns between London and Bristol ;
the Bristol Carriers do carry letters unto them: so likewise all the
towns and places are served, which are betwixt London and
Lincoln, or Bostoyi, Yarmouth, Oxford, Cambridge, Walsingham,
Dover, Rye, or any place of the King's dominions, with safe and
true carriage of goods and letters; as by this little book's directions
may be perceived.

Besides, if a man at Constantinople or some other remote part
or region shall chance to send a letter to his parents, master, or
friends that dwell at Nottingham, Derby, Shrewsbury , Exeter, or
any other town in England ; then this book will give instructions
where the Carriers do lodge that may convey the said letter, which
could not easily be done without it ; for there are not many that by
heart or memory can tell suddenly where and when every Carrier is
to be found.

344

A DIRECTION TO THE ReADER.

rj. Taylor.
I May 1637.

I have (for the ease of the reader and the speedier finding out of
every iown^s name, to which any one would send, or from whence
they would receive) set them down by way of A Iphahet ; and thus
Reader if thou beest pleased, I am satisfied ; if thou beest
contented, I am paid ; if thou beest angry, I care not for it.

345

He Carriers of Saint Albans do come every
Friday to the sign of the Peacock in
Aldersgate street : on which days also
Cometh a coach from Saint Albans, to the
Bell in the same street. The like Coach
is also there for the carriage of passengers
every Tuesday.

The Carriers of Abingdon do lodge at
the George in Bread street. They do come on Wednesdays,
and go away on Thursdays.

The Carriers of Aylesbury in Buckinghamshire do lodge
at the George near Holborn Bridge, at the Swan in the Strand,
at the Angel behind St. Clement's church, and at the Bell in
Holborn. They are at one of these places every other day.

The Carriers of Ashbury do lodge at the Castle in Great
Wood street. They are to be found there on Thursdays,
Fridays and Saturdays.

He Carriers of Blanville in Dorsetshire do lodge at
the Chequer near Charing Cross. They do come
thither every second Thursday. Also there cometh
Carriers from Blandford, to the sign of the Rose

near Holborn Bridge.

346 A WAY TO FIND OUT ALL CARRIERS. [iiayTea?!

The Carriers of Braintree and Bocking in Essex do lodge
at the sign of the Tabard in Gracious [Gracechurch] street,
near the Conduit. They do come on Thursdays, and go away
on Fridays.

The Carriers of Bath do lodge at the Three Cups in Bread
street. They come on Fridays, and go on Saturdays.

The Carriers of Bristol do lodge at the Three Cups in Bread
street ; and likewise from Bristol on Thursdays, a Carrier
which lodgeth at the Swan near to Holborn Bridge.

The Carriers of Bruton in Dorsetshire do lodge at the Rose
near Holborn Bridge. They come on Thursdays, and go
away on Fridays.

The Carriers from divers parts of Buckinghamshire and
Bedfordshire are almost every day to be had at the sign of
the Saracen's Head without Newgate.

The Carriers of Broomsbury do lodge at the sign of the
Maidenhead in Cateaton street, near the Guildhall in London.
They come on Thursdays, and go away on Fridays.

The Carriers of Bingham in Nottinghamshire do lodge at
the Black Bidl in Smithiield. They come on Fridays.

The Carriers of Bramley in Staffordshire do lodge at the
Castle near Smithfield-bars. They come on Thursdays, and
go away on Fridays or Saturdays.

The Carriers of Burford in Oxfordshire do lodge at the
Bell in Friday street. They come on Thursdays, and go away
on Fridays.

The Carriers of Buckingham do lodge at the King's Head
in the Old Change. They come Wednesdays and Thursdays.

The Carriers of Buckingham do lodge at the Saracen's
Head in Carter lane. They come and go Fridays and
Saturdays.

The Carriers of Bewdley in Worcestershire do lodge at the
Castle in Wood street. They come and go Thursdays,
Fridays and Saturdays.

The Carriers of Buckingham do lodge at the George near
Holborn Bridge. They come and go on Wednesdays,
Thursdays and Fridays.

The Carriers of Brackley in Northamptonshire do lodge
at the George near Holborn Bridge. They come and go on
Wednesdays, Thursdays and Fridays.

The Carriers of Banbury in Oxfordshire do lodge at the

LyTe'a?'] ^ "^^^ "^O FIND OUT ALL CARRIERS. 347

George near Holborn Bridge. They go and come Wednesdays,
Thursdays and Fridays.

The Carriers of Bedford do lodge at the Three Horseshoes in
Aldersgate street. They come on Thursdays.

The Carriers of Bridgnorth do lodge at the Maidenhead in
Cateaton street, near the Guildhall.

The Carriers of Bury, or St. Edmund's Bury, in Suffolk, do
lodge at the Dolphin without Bishopsgate street. They come
on Thursdays.

The Waggons of Bury, or Berry, in Suffolk, do come every
Thursday to the sign of the Four Swans in Bishopsgate
street.

A Foot Post doth come from the said Bury every Wednes-
day to the Green Dragon in Bishopsgate street ; by whom
letters may be conveyed to and fro.

The Carriers of Barnstaple in Devonshire do lodge at the
Star in Bread street. They come on Fridays, and return on
Saturdays or Mondays.

The Carriers of Bampton do lodge at the Mermaid in
Carter lane ; and there also lodge the carriers of Buckland.
They are there on Thursdays and Fridays.

The Carriers of Brill in Buckinghamshire do lodge at the
sign of Saint Paul's Head in Carter lane. They come on
Tuesdays and Wednesdays.

The Carriers of Bampton in Lancashire do lodge at the
Bear at Bassishaw. They are there to be had on Thursdays
and Fridays. Also thither cometh Carriers from other parts
in the said county of Lancashire.

The Carriers of Batcombe in Somersetshire do lodge at
the Crown or JarreVs Hall at the end of Basing lane, near
Bread street. They come every Friday.

The Carriers of Broughton in Leicestershire do lodge at
the sign of the Axe in Aldermanbury. They are there every
Friday.

He Carriers of Colchester do lodge at the Cross
Keys in Gracious street. They come on the
Thursdays, and go away on the Fridays.

The Carrier of Chesham in Buckinghamshire

348 A WAY TO FIND OUT ALL CARRIERS. [LyYeaJ".

doth come twice every week to the sign of the White Hart
in High Holborn, at the end of Drury lane.

The Carrier of Coggeshall in Suffolk doth lodge at the
Spread Eagle in Gracious street. He comes and goes on
Thursdays and Fridays.

The Waggons from Chippenganger [Chipping Ongar] in
Essex do come every Wednesday to the Crown without
Aldgate.

The Waggons from Chelmsford in Essex come on Wednes-
days to the sign of the Bhie Boar without Aldgate.

The Carriers of Cheltenham in Gloucestershire do lodge
at the Three Cups in Bread street. They do come on Fridays,
and go away on Saturdays.

The Carriers of Camden in Gloucestershire, and of
Chipping Norton, do lodge at the Three Cups in Bread street.
They come and go Thursdays, Fridays and Saturdays.

The Carriers of Chester do lodge at the Castle in Wood
street. They are there to be had on Thursdays, Fridays and
Saturdays.

The Carriers of Chard in Dorsetshire do lodge at the
Queen's Arms near Holborn Bridge. They are there to be
had on Fridays.

The Carriers of Chard do lodge at the George in Bread street.

The Carriers of Chester do lodge at Blossom's or Bosom's
Inn in St. Laurance lane, near Cheapside : every Thursday.

The Carriers of Coleashby in Northamptonshire do lodge
at the sign of the Ball in Smithfield. Also there do lodge
Carriers of divers parts of that country [county] at the Bell,
in Smithfield. They do come on the Thursdays.

The Carriers of Crawley in Bedfordshire do lodge at the
Bear and Ragged Staff in Smithfield. They come on the
Thursdays.

The Carriers of Coventry in Warwickshire, do lodge at
the Ram in Smithfield. They come on Wednesdays and
Thursdays.

There are other Carriers from Coventry that do, on
Thursdays and Fridays, come to the Rose in Smithfield.

The Carrier of Creete in Leicestershire doth lodge at the
Rose in Smithfield.

The Waggons or Coaches from Cambridge do come every
Thursday and Friday to the Black Bull in Bishopsgate street.

lllyillj] ^ WAY TO FIND OUT ALL CARRIERS. 349

The Carriers of Coventry do lodge at the sign of the Axe
in Saint Mary Axe in Aldermanbury. They are there
Thursdays and Fridays.

The Carriers of Cambridge do lodge at the Bell in
Coleman street. They come every Thursday.

The Foot Post of Canterbury doth come every Wednesday
and Saturday to the sign of the Two-necked [i.e. nicked] Swan
at Sommers Key, near Billingsgate.

The Carriers of Crookehorne in Devonshire do lodge at
the Queen's Arms near Holborn Bridge. They come on
Thursdays.

He Carriers of Dunmow in Essex do lodge at the
Saracens Head in Gracious street. They come and
go on Thursdays and Fridays.

The Waggons from Dunmow do come every
Wednesday to the Crown without Aldgate.

The Carriers of Ditmarsh in Berkshire do lodge at the
George in Bread street.

The Carriers of Doncaster in Yorkshire, and many other
parts in that country, do lodge at the Bell, or Belle Sauvage,
without Ludgate. They do come on Fridays, and go away
on Saturdays or Mondays.

The Carriers of Dorchester do lodge at the Rose near
Holborn Bridge. They come and go on Thursdays and
Fridays.

The Carriers of Denbigh in Wales do lodge at Bosom's
Inn every Thursday. Also other Carriers do come to the
said Inn from other parts of that country.

The Carrier of Daintree doth lodge every Friday night at
the Cross Keys in Saint John's street.

The Carriers from Duneehanger, and other places near
Stony Stratford, do lodge at the Three Cups in Saint John's
street.

The Carriers of Derby, and other parts of Derbyshire, do
lodge at the Axe in Saint Mary Axe, near Aldermanbury.
They are to be heard of there on Fridays.

The Carriers of Derby do lodge at the Castle in Wood
street every week, on Thursdays or Fridays.

350 A WAY TO FIND OUT ALL CARRIERS. [Ly^ft

He Carrier of Epping in Essex doth lodge at the
Prince's Arms in Leadenhall street. He comes on
Thursdays.

The Carriers of Exeter do lodge at the Star in
Bread street. They come on Fridays, and go away on
Saturdays or Mondays.

The Carriers of Exeter do lodge at the Rose near Holborn
Bridge. They come on Thursdays.

The Carriers of Evesham in Worcestershire do lodge at
the Castle in Wood street. They come thither on Fridays.

He Carriers of Feckingham-forest in Worcestershire
do lodge at the Crown in High Holborn, and at the
Queen's Head at Saint Giles in the fields. There is
also another Carrier from the same place.
The Carriers of Farringdon in Berkshire do lodge at the

Saint PauVs Head in Carter lane. They come on Tuesdays,

and go away on Wednesdays.

Arriers from Grindon Under Wood in Buckingham-
shire do lodge at the Saint Paul's Head in Carter
lane. They are to be found there on Tuesdays and
Wednesdays.

The Carriers of Gloucester do come to the Saracen's Head
without Newgate, on Fridays.

The Carriers of Gloucester do lodge at the Saracen's Head
in Carter lane. They come on Fridays.

Clothiers do come every week out of divers parts of
Gloucestershire to the Saracen's Head in Friday street.

The Wains or Waggons do come every week from sundry
places in Gloucestershire, and are to be had at the Swan
near Holborn Bridge.

There are Carriers of some places in Gloucestershire that
do lodge at the Mermaid in Carter lane.

I. Taylor."]
May 1637.J

A WAY TO FIND OUT ALL CARRIERS. 351

Arriers from Hadley in Suffolk do lodge at the
George in Lombard street. They come on Thursdays.
The Carriers of Huntingdon do lodge at the
White Hind without Cripplegate. They come upon
Thursdays, and go away on Fridays.

The Carriers of Hereford do lodge at the King's Head in
the Old Change. They do come on Fridays, and go on
Saturdays.

The Carriers of Halifax in Yorkshire do lodge at the
Greyhound in Smithfield. They do come but once every
month.

The Carriers of Halifax are every Wednesday to be had at
the Bear at Bassishaw.

The Carriers of Halifax do likewise lodge at the Axe in
[Saint Mary Axe] Aldermanbury.

The Carriers of Halifax do likewise lodge at the White
Hart in Coleman street.

The Carriers of Hatfield in Hertfordshire do
Bell in Saint John's street. They come on Thursdays

The Carriers of Harding in Hertfordshire do lodge at the
Cock in Aldersgate street. They come on Tuesdays,
Wednesdays, and Thursdays.

The Carrier or Waggon of Hadham in Hertfordshire do
lodge at the Bull in Bishopsgate street. They do come and
go on Mondays, Tuesdays, Fridays and Saturdays.

The Waggon or Coach from Hertford town doth come
every Friday to the Four Swans without Bishopsgate street.

The Waggon or Coach of Hatfield doth come every
Friday to the Bell in Aldersgate street.

lodge at the

He Carriers of Ipswich in Suffolk do lodge at the
sign of the George in Lombard street. They do
come on Thursdays.

The Post of Ipswich doth lodge at the Cross Keys

in Gracious street. He comes on Thursdays, and goes on

Fridays.

352 A WAY TO FIND OUT ALL CARRIERS,

rj. Taylor.
LMay 1637.

every

The Wains of Ingarstone in Essex do come
Wednesday to the King's Arms in Leadenhall street.

The Carriers of Ivell in Dorsetshire do lodge at JarreVs
Hall or the Crown in Basing lane, near Bread street.

He Carriers of Keinton in Oxfordshire do lodge at
the Bell in Friday street. They are there to be had
on Thursdays and Fridays.
The Post of the Town of Kingston upon Hull,

commonly called Hull, doth lodge at the sign of the Bull over

against Leadenhall.

He Carrier of Lincoln do lodge at the White Horse
without Cripplegate. He cometh every second
Friday.

The Carriers of Leighton Beudesart, corruptly
called Leighton Buzzard, in Bedfordshire ; do lodge at the
Harfs Horns in Smithfield. They come on Mondays and
Tuesdays.

The Carriers of Leicester do lodge at the Saracen's Head
without Newgate. They come on Tuesdays.

The Carriers of Leicester do also lodge at the Castle near
Smithfield-bars. They do come on Thursdays.

There be Carriers that do pass to and through sundry
parts of Leicestershire ; which do lodge at the Ram in
Smithfield.

The like Carriers are weekly to be had at the Rose in
Smithfield, that come and go through other parts of Leices-
tershire.

The Carriers of Lewton [Ltiton] in Hertfordshire do lodge
at the Cock in Aldersgate street. They are there Tuesdays
and Wednesdays.

The Carriers of Leeds in Yorkshire do lodge at the Bear
in Bassishaw. They come every Wednesday.

The Carriers of Leeds do also lodge at the Axe in [Saint
Mary Axe] Aldermanbury.

L^TS] ^ ^^^^ ^^ FIND OUT ALL CARRIERS. 353

The Carriers of Leicester do lodge at the Axe in [Saint
Mary Axe] Aldermanbury.

The Carriers of Loughborough in Leicestershire do lodge
at the Axe in [Saint Mary Axe] Aldermanbury. Also other
Carriers do lodge there which do pass through Leicestershire,
and through divers places of Lancashire.

He Carriers of Maiden in Essex do lodge at the
Cross Keys in Gracious street. They come on
Thursdays, and go on Fridays.
The Carriers of Monmouth in Wales, and some
parts of Monmouthshire; do lodge at the [Saint] Paul's Head
in Carter lane. They do come to London on Fridays.

The Carriers of Marlborough do lodge at the sign of the
Swan near Holborn Bridge. They do come on Thursdays.

There doth come from Great Marlow in Buckinghamshire
some higglers or demi-carriers. They do lodge at the Swan
in the Strand, and they come every Tuesday.

The Carriers of Manchester do lodge at the Bear in
Bassishaw. They do come on Thursdays or Fridays.

The Carriers of Manchester do likewise lodge at the sign
of the Axe in [Saint Mary Axe] Aldermanbury.

The Carriers of Manchester do also lodge at the Two-
necked Swan in Lad lane ; between Great Wood street and
Milk-street end. They come every second Thursday. Also
there do lodge Carriers that do pass through divers other
parts of Lancashire.

The Carriers of Melford in Suffolk do lodge at the Spread
Eagle in Gracious street. They come and go on Thursdays
and Fridays.

fARRiERS from New-Elme in Berkshire do lodge at
the George in Bread street. They come on Wednes-
days and Thursdays.

The Carriers of Netherley in Staffordshire do
lodge at the Bear and Ragged Staff in Smithfield. They do
come on Thursdays. ^

354 A WAY TO FIND OUT ALL CARRIERS. [m^^^IIj,

The Carriers of Northampton, and from other parts of that
country there about ; are almost every day in the week to be
had at the Ra)n in Smithfield.

There doth come also Carriers to the Rose in Smithfield,
daily ; which do pass to or through many parts of North-
amptonshire.

The Carrier of Nottingham doth lodge at the Cross Keys in
Saint John's street. He cometh every second Saturday.

There is also a Foot Post that doth come every second
Thursday from Nottingham. He lodgeth at the Swan in St.
John's street.

The Carriers of Norwich do lodge at the Dolphin without
Bishopsgate. They are to be found there on Mondays and
Tuesdays.

The Carriers of Newport Pannel [PagnelF] in Bucking-
hamshire do lodge at the Peacock in Aldersgate street. They
do come on Mondays and Tuesdays.

The Carriers at Nantwich do lodge at the Axe in [Saint
Mary Axe] Aldermanbury. They are there Wednesdays,
Thursdays and Fridays.

The Carriers of Nuneaton in Warwickshire do lodge at the
Axe in [Saint Mary Axe] Aldermanbury. They come on
Fridays.

He Carriers of Oxford do lodge at the Saracen's
Head without Newgate, near Saint Sepulchre's
Church. They are there on Wednesdays, or almost
any day.

The Carriers of Olney in Buckinghamshire do lodge at the
Cock in Aldersgate street, at the Long lane end. They do
come on Mondays, Tuesdays and Wednesdays.

He Carriers of Preston in Lancashire do lodge at
the Bell in Friday street. They are there on
Fridays.

lllyilll'.] A WAY TO P^IND OUT ALL CARRIERS. 355

He Carriers of Reading in Berkshire do lodge at
the George in Bread street. They are there on
Thursdays and Fridays.

The Carriers from Rutland and Rutlandshire,
and other parts of Yorkshire, do lodge at the Ram in
Smithfield. They come weekly ; but their days of coming
are not certain.

He Carriers of Sudbury in Suffolk do lodge at the
Saracen's Head in Gracious street. They do come
and go on Thursdays and Fridays.

The Carriers of Sawbridgeworth in Hertfordshire
do lodge at the Prince's Arms in Leadenhall street. They
come on Thursdays.

The Wains from Stock in Essex do come every Wednesday
to the King's Arms in Leadenhall street.

The Carriers from Stroodwater in Gloucestershire do
lodge at the Bell in Friday street. They do come on
Thursdays and Fridays.

The Carriers of Sisham in Northamptonshire do lodge at
the Saracen's Head in Carter lane. They come on Friday,
and return on Saturday.

The Carriers from Sheffield in Yorkshire do lodge at the
Castle in Wood street. They are there to be found on
Thursdays and Fridays.

The Carriers from Salisbury do lodge at the Queen's Arms
near Holborn Bridge. They come on Thursdays.

The Carriers of Shrewsbury do lodge at the Maidenhead
in Cateaton street, near Guildhall. They come on Thursdays.

The Carriers of Shrewsbury do also lodge at Bosom's Inn.
They do come on Thursdays. And there do lodge Carriers
that do travel divers parts of the county of Shropshire and
places adjoining.

The Carrier from Stony Stratford doth lodge at the Rose and
Crown in Saint John's street. He cometh every Tuesda}'.

There doth come from Saffron Market in Norfolk a Foot
Post who lodgeth at the Chequer in Holbom.

356 A WAY TO FIND OUT ALL CARRIERS. [Iji^yzZj.

The Carriers of Stamford do lodge at the Bell in Aldersgate
street. They do come on Wednesdays and Thursdays.

The Waggon from Saffron Walden in Essex doth come to
the Bidl in Bishopsgate street. It is to be had there on
Tuesdays and Wednesdays.

The Carriers of Shaftesbury, and from Sherborne in
Dorsetshire, do lodge at the Crown or Jarrefs Hall in Basing
lane near Bread street. They come on Fridays.

The Carriers from Stopford in Cheshire do lodge at the
Axe in [Saint Mary Axe] Aldermanbury. Also there are
Carriers to other parts of Cheshire.

The Carriers of Stafford and other parts of that county,
do lodge at the Swan with two Necks in Lad lane. They come
on Thursdays.

f Arriers from Tewkesbury in Gloucestershire do lodge
at the Three Cups in Bread street. They come and
go on Fridays and Saturdays.

The Carriers of Tiverton in Devonshire do lodge
at the Star in Bread street. They come on Fridays, and
return on Saturdays or Mondays.

The Carriers of Thame in Oxfordshire do lodge at the
Saracen's Head in Carter lane. They come and go on Fridays
and Saturdays.

The Carriers of Torcester in Northamptonshire do lodge
at the Castle near Smithfield-bars. They come on Thursdays.

Arriers from Vies or the De-vises [Devizesl in
Wiltshire, do lodge at the sign of the Swan near
Holborn Bridge. They come on Thursdays, and go
away on Fridays.

He Carrier from Wendover in Buckinghamshire
doth lodge at the Black Swan in Holborn, and is
there every Tuesday and Wednesday.

The Carrier of Witham in Essex doth lodge
at the Cross Keys in Gracious street every Thursda}^ and
Friday.

iilyfeZ'] A WAY TO FIND OUT ALL CARRIERS. 2)57

The Carriers of Wallingfield in Suffolk do lodge at the
Spread Eagle in Gracious street. They come and go on
Thursdays and Fridays.

The Carriers from Wallingford in Berkshire do lodge at
the George in Bread street. Their days are Wednesdays,
Thursdays and Fridays.

The Carriers of Winchcombe in Gloucestershire do lodge
at the Three Cups in Bread street. They come and go on
Fridays and Saturdays.

The clothiers of sundry parts of Wiltshire do weekly come
and lodge at the Saracen's Head in Friday street.

The Carriers of Warwick do lodge at the Bell in Friday
street. They are there on Thursdays and Fridays.

The Carriers of Woodstock in Oxfordshire do lodge at the
Mermaid in Carter lane on Thursdays and Fridays.

The Carriers of Wantage in Berkshire do lodge at the
Mermaid in Carter lane. Their days are Thursdays and
Fridays.

The Carriers of Worcester do lodge at the Castle in Wood
street. Their days are Fridays and Saturdays.

The Carriers of Winslow in Buckinghamshire do lodge at
the George near Holborn Bridge ; Wednesdays, Thursdays
and Fridays.

The Waggon from Watford in Middlesex [or rather
Hertfordshire] doth come to the Swan near Holborn Bridge
on Thursdays.

The Carriers from Wells in Somersetshire do lodge at the
Rose near Holborn Bridge. They come on Thursdays, and
on Fridays.

The Carriers from Witney in Oxfordshire do lodge at the
sign of the Saracen s Head without Newgate. They come on
Wednesdays.

There cometh a Waggon from Winchester every Thursday
to the Swan in the Strand : and some Carriers come thither
from divers parts of Buckinghamshire ; but the days of their
coming are not certain.

The Carriers of Worcester do lodge at the Maidenhead in
Cateaton street, near Guildhall. They come on Thursdays.

The Carriers from many parts of Worcestershire and
Warwickshire do lodge at the Rose and Crown in High
Holborn ; but they keep no certain days.

358 A WAY TO FIND OUT ALL CARRIERS. [liJy^l^y

The Carrier of Warwick doth come to the Queen's Head
near Saint Giles in the Fields, on Thursdays.

The Carrier of Walsingham in Norfolk doth lodge at the
Chequer in Holborn. He cometh every second Thursday.

The Carriers of Wendover in Buckinghamshire do lodge at
the Bell in Holborn.

There doth a Post come every second Thursday from
"Walsingham to the Bell in Holborn.

The Carrier of Ware in Hertfordshire doth lodge at the
Dolphin without Bishopsgate : and is there on Mondays and
Tuesdays.

There is a Foot Post from Walsingham that doth come to
the Cross-keys in Holborn every second Thursday.

There are Carriers from divers parts of Warwickshire that
do come weekly to the Castle near Smithfield-bars : but their
days of coming are variable.

There is a Waggon from Ware at the Vine in Bishopsgate
street every Friday and Saturday.

The Carriers of Wakefield in Yorkshire do lodge at the
Bear in Bassishaw. They do come on Wednesdays.

The Carriers of Wells in Somersetshire do lodge at the
Crown in Basing lane near Bread street. They come and
go on Fridays and Saturdays.

The Carriers of Wakefield, and some other parts of
Yorkshire, do lodge at iht Axe in [St. Mary Axe] Aldermanbury.
They are to be had there on Thursdays.

The Carriers of Wakefield, and some other parts of
Yorkshire, do also lodge at the White Hart in Coleman
street. They come every second Thursday.

He Carriers of York, with some other parts near

York within that county, do lodge at the sign of the

Bell or Bell Savage without Ludgate. They come

every Friday, and go away on Saturday or Monday.

A Foot Post from York doth come every second Thursday

to the Rose and Crown in St. John's street.

IdlyiZj^ A WAY TO FIND OUT ALL CARRIERS. 359

For Scotland.

Hose that will send any letter to Edinburgh, that
so they may be conveyed to and fro to any parts
of the kingdom of Scotland, the Post doth lodge
at the sign of the King's Arms (or the Cradle) at
the upper end of Cheapside : from whence, every
Monday, any that have occasion may send.

The Inns and Lodgings of the Carriers
which come into the Borough of South-
wark out of the countries of Kent,
Sussex and Surrey.

Carrier from Reigate in Surrey doth come every
Thursday (or oftener) to the Falcon in Southwark.
The Carriers of Tunbridge, of Sevenoaks, of
Faut and Staplehurst in Kent, do lodge at the
Katharine Wheel. They do come on Thursdays
and go away on Fridays. Also on the same days, do come
hither the Carriers of Marden and Penbree, and from
Warbleton in Sussex.

On Thursdays the Carriers of Hanckhurst and Blenchley in
Kent, and from Dorking and Leatherhead in Surrey ; do come
to the Greyhound in Southwark.

The Carriers of Tenterden and Penshurst in Kent, and the
Carriers from Battle in Sussex, do lodge at the sign of the
Spur in Southwark. They come on Thursdays, and go away
on Fridays.

To the Queen's Head in Southwark do come, on Wednesdays
and Thursdays, the Carriers from Portsmouth in Hampshire;
and from Chichester, Havant, Arundel, Billingshurst, Rye,

360 A WAY TO FIND OUT ALL CARRIERS. [liJyJeZ'.

Lamberhurst, and Wadhurst, in Sussex: also from Godstone
and Linvill in Surrey. They are there to be had Wednesdays,
Thursdays and Fridays.

The Carriers from Cranbroke, and Bevenden in Kent ; and
from Lewes, Petworth, Uckiield and Cuckfield in Sussex : do
lodge at the Tabard or Talbot in Southwark. They are
there on Wednesdays, Thursdays and Fridays.

To the George in Southwark, come every Thursday the
Carriersfrom Guildford, Wonersh,Goudhurst, and Chiddington
in Surrey. Also thither come out of Sussex, on the same days
weekly, the Carriers of Battle, Sindrich, and Hastings.

The Carriers from these places undernamed out of Kent,
Sussex and Surrey, are every week to be had on Thursdays
at the White Hart in the Borough of Southwark ; namely,
Dover, Sandwich, Canterbury, Biddenden, Mayfield, Eden
(or Eaten Bridge), Hebsome, Wimbledon, Godaliman,
(corruptly called Godly Man) Witherham, Shoreham, Enfield,
Horsham, Haslemere. And from many other places far and
wide in the said Counties; Carriers are to be had almost daily
at the said inn, but especially on Thursdays and Fridays.

The Carrier from Chiltington, Westrum, Penborough,
Slenge, Wrotham, and other parts of Kent, Sussex, and
Surrey, do lodge at the King's Head in Southwark. They do
come on Thursdays, and they go on Fridays.

Every week there cometh and goeth from Tunbridge in
Kent a Carrier that lodgeth at the Green Dragon in Fowl
lane in Southwark, near the Meal Market.

illyt^esj] ^ ^^'^'^ ^^^ FIND OUT ALL CARRIERS. 361

Here followeth certain directions for to find

out Ships, Barks, Hoys and Passage Boats

that do come to London, from the most

parts and places by sea, within the

King's dominions ; either of

England, Scotland or

Ireland.

Hoy doth come from Colchester in Essex to Smart's
Key near Bilhngsgate ; by which goods may be
carried from London to Colchester weekly.

He that will send to Ipswich in Suffolk, or Lynn
in Norfolk; let him go to Dice Key, and there his
turn may be served.

The ships from Kingston upon Hull (or Hull) in Yorkshire
do come to Ralph's Key, and to Porter's Key.

At Galley Key, passage for men and carriage for goods
may be had from London to Berwick.

At Chester's Key, shipping ma}^ be had from L'eland, from
Poole, from Plymouth, from Dartmouth and Weymouth.

At Sabb's Docks, a Hoy or Bark is to be had from Sandwich
or Dover in Kent.

A Hoy from Rochester, Margate in Kent or Feversham
and Maidstone doth come to Saint Katherine's Dock.

Shipping from Scotland is to be found at the Armitage or
Hermitage below Saint Katherine's.

From Dunkirk, at the Custom House Key.
From most parts of Holland or Zealand, pinks or shipping
may be had at the brewhouses in Saint Katherine's.

At Lion Key, twice almost in every twenty-four hours, or
continually, are Tide boats or Wherries ; that pass to and
fro betwixt London and the towns of Deptford, Greenwich,

362 A WAY TO FIND OUT ALL CARRIERS. [MayTisy.

Woolwich, Erith, and Greenhithe In Kent ; and also boats
are to be had that every tide do carry goods and passengers
betwixt London and Rainham, Purfleet, and Grayes in Essex.
At Billingsgate are, every tide, to be had Barges, Light
horsemen, Tiltboats and Wherries, from London to the towns
of Gravesend and Milton in Kent, or to any other place
within the said bounds ; and as weather and occasions may
serve, beyond or further.

Passage Boats and Wherries that do carry

passengers and goods from London,

and back again thither East or

West above London Bridge.

O Bull Wharf, near Queenhithe, there doth come
and go great boats twice or thrice every week,
which boats do carry goods betwixt London and
Kingston upon Thames. Also thither doth often
come a boat from Colebrooke; which serveth those
parts for such purposes.

Great Boats that do carry and recarry passengers and
goods to and fro betwixt London and the towns of Maidenhead,
Windsor, Staines, Chertsey, with other parts in the counties
of Surrey, Berkshire, Middlesex and Buckinghamshire ; do
come every Monday and Thursday to Queenhithe ; and they
do go away upon Tuesdays and Thursdays.

The Reading Boat is to be had at Queenhithe weekly.
All those that will send letters to the most parts of the
habitable world, or to any parts of our King of Great
Britain's Dominions ; let them repair to the General Post
Master Thomas Withering at his house in Sherburne lane,
near Abchurch.

u^^

E?-^:^

WC6 \|

'•^j^fi

^imfS

£i

FINIS.

THE

WORTH

OF A PENNY:

OR A

Caution to keep Money.

With the

Causes of the scarcity a7td jnisery of the want
hereof y in these hard and merciless Times,

AS AL SO

How to save it in our diet, apparel, recreations, &c.

yfnd also

What honest courses men in want may take to hve.
By H. P., Master of Arts.

L O N DON,

Printed A?in. Dom. i6^j»

[This date is a misprint, apparently for 1641. This first edition was privately printed,
see/. 248.]

(We have been careful to distinguish in the present text, what
Peacham himself wrote, from the additions by his friend [/>. J and
others, in the posthumous editions of 1664, 1667, 1669, and 1676.

AH such fresh matter, whether in the text or side-notes, is shewn
between square brackets, [ ].)

3^5

To the every way deserving and worthy
Gendeman, Master Richard Gipps,
eldest son unto Master Richard Gipps,
one of the Judges of the Court of Guild-
hall, in the city of London.
Sir,

Hen I finished this discourse of The Worth of a
Penny, or A Caution to keep Money, and bethinking
myself unto whom I should offer the Dedication ; none
came more opportunely into my thought, than your-
self! For I imagined, if I should dedicate the same unto any
penurious or miser-able minded man, it woidd make him worse,
and be more uncharitable and illiberal : if tmto a bountiful and
free-minded Patron, I should teach him to hold his hand ; and,
against his nature, make him a miser. I, to avoid either, made
choice of yourself ! who being yet unmarried, walk alone by your-
self ; having neither occasion of the one nor the other.

Besides, you have travelled [in] France and Italy, ajf^ I hope
have learned Thrift in those places : and understand what a virtue
Parsimony is, for want thereof, how many young heirs in Eng-
land have galloped through their estates, before they have been
thirty !

Lastly, my obligation is so much to your learned and good
father, and {for goodness) your incomparable mother; that I
should ever have thought the worse of myself, if I had not cum
tota mea supellex sit chartacea, as ERASMUS saith, I had
not expressed my duty and hearty love to you, one way or other.
Whose in all service,

I am tndy,

Henry P e a c h a m .

;66

Advertisement to the Reader.

By William Lee, the Publisher, in 1664, and 1667.

[An

1664. Master Peacham, many years since, having finished this little
book of The Worth of a Pemty, did read it unto me ; and some eminent
friends of his, being then present, we were much pleased with his con-
ceits. The chief intent of printing it, was to present them [copies] to
his friends.

But some years after, Mr. Peacham dying, and the book being so
scarce that most of the considerable booksellers in London had never
heard of it, many Gentlemen of great worth were very importunate with
me, to print the book anew : but after much search and inquiry, I found
the book without any printer's name, and without any true date {i.e.,
1647 instead 1641 or 2] ; and having procured it, to be licensed and
entered [/« 1664], and corrected all v.\': mistakes in it, I have, in an orderly
way, reprinted a small number of Iheni, word for word, as it was in the
original. Only a friend of his, that knew him well in the Low Countries,
and when he was Tutor to the Earl of Arundel's children, hath added
some notes in the margent, and translated some Greek and Latin
sentences, which were omitted in the first impression.

To speak much of the worth of the Author is needless, who, by his
own Works, hath left unto the World a worthy memorial of himself ; his
book called The cotnplete Gentleman, being in the year 1661, reprinted
the third time : and divers others books of his.

And, Reader, know, that there is no felicity in this life, nor comfort at
our death, without a good conscience in a healthful body, and a com-
petent estate : and most remarkable is the saying of that eminent wise
man —

Industry is Fortune's right hand, and Frugality her left.

Read this book over, and if thou hast a Penny, it will teach thee how to
keep it ; and if thou hast not a Penny, it will teach thee how to get it.
And so, farewell. W. L.

1667. Reader, I reprinted this little book about two years since [June
24, 1664], and the number printed presently selling in a few days all away,
I intended suddenly to have printed it again ; but the great judgement of
that fearful Plague, 1665, hindered the printing of it : and it being after-
wards fitted for the press, the late dreadful Fire burnt that copy [edition"]
with many thousands of other books burnt with it.

But now [May 17, 1667], it is so well fitted and corrected ; with some
useful additions printed in a change of letter [Italic type, as also in this
1883 edition] that, with your good husbandry it will so increase your
store, that you may have " a penny to spend, a penny to lend, and a penny
for thy friend."

The number of books [copies] printed then [1664] was so much sold off
within a few days in London, that there hath not been books left for to
serve the country, not one for every shire in England ! that the country
at this day, is altogether unfurnished with them. W. L.]

36;

THE

WORTH OF A PENNY:

O R A

Caution to keep Money.

He Ambassador [J. Ben Abdella] of
MuLEY Hamet Sheik, King of Morocco,
when he was in England, about four or
five years since [He arrived in London on
October 8, 1637], said on a time, sitting at
dinner at his house at Wood street, " He
thought verily, that Algiers was four times
as rich as London." An English merchant
replied that he " thought not so ; but that London was far
richer than that ! and for plenty, London might compare
with Jerusalem, in the peaceful days of Solomon."

For my part, I believe neither ! especially the merchant.
For, in the time of Solomon, silver was as plentiful in Jeru-
salem as stones in the street : but with us, stones are in far
more abundance, when, in every street in London, you may
walk over five thousand loads, ere you will find a single Penny.
Again, the general complaint and murmur throughout the
Kingdom, of the scarcity and want of money, argues that we
fall far short of that plenty which the merchant imagined.

And, one time, I began to bethink myself, and to look into
the causes of our want and this general scarcity : and I found
them manifold.

First, some men, who, by their wits or industry, or both,
have screwed or wound themselves into vast estates, and
gathered thousands like the griffins of Bactria ; when they
have met with a gold mine, so brood over and watch it, day
and night, that it is impossible for Charity to be regarded,
Virtue rewarded, or Necessity relieved : and this we know to
have been the ruin, not only of such private persons them-
selves, but of whole Estates and Kingdoms. That I may
instance one for many. Constantinople was taken by the

368 Monsieur Gaulart andhis hidden money. ["• ^^^''I'g^^'^^

Turk, when the citizens abounding in wealth and money,
would not part with a penny in the common necessity : no,
not for the repair of their battered walls ! or the levying of
soldiers to defend them.

Another sort doat upon the stamp of their money, and the
bright lustre of their gold ; and, rather than they will suffer
it to see the light, will hide it in hills, old walls, thatch or
tiles of their houses, tree roots, and such places : as, not
many years since, at Wainfleet in Lincolnshire, there was
[Helmets eaten found In digging of 3. back side to sow hemp in, an
the°r"owJ*'rLt, old rusty helmet of iron, rammed in full of pieces
fbtrnd^fiued o^ sold with the picture and arms of King Henry I.
with monies of And moncy thus hid. the owner seldom or never

ancient inscrip- .-.ui -il- -• ^j

tion. 1664.] meets withal agam ; bemg, many times, prevented
by sudden death, by casualty, or their forgetfulness.

Monsieur Gaulart, a Great Man of France, though none of
[About 3s the wisest, in the times of the Civil Wars, buried

years since ' r /^r n 1 -i

[1629]. not far somc 2,000 crowns [=£000= £3,000 now], a mile
stable, many Or two from his housc, in an open fallow field: and
werTtoken'''^'^ that hc might know the place again, took his mark
T' T^lfV^* from the spire of a steeple that was right against
thrown upon thc placc. Tile wars being ended, he came, with a
fu^ot!^ Being fficnd of his, as near the place as he could guess,
examined, ^0 look for his moncy. Which he not finding, and

tney were . •' o '

found to be wondering what the reason should be, after, in the
Lptessbnof* circumference, he had gone about the steeple,
tii'em'^'' Mr. bclng right against it which way soever he went ;
John sei.den quoth he to his friend, " Is there no cheating
them for their knavc, think you ! in the steeple, that turns it
some o'flhem about, intending to cheat me of my money ? "
having been imagining that it went round and himself stood

stamped, as he .,, r^ ,. ■,

said, above still, as CoPERNicus did of the Globe of the

900, and some -po-^U
a 1000 years. J-^di 111.

1664.] Indeed, much money and treasure, in former

[It is conceived timcs, as in the invasions of the Saxons, Danes,

many great ' . '. '

sums of money and Normans here with us, and of others in other
ground; which placcs, hath been this way bestowed ; and for this
th^e.^duHng reason, in such troublesome times, become scarce
the heat of tTie for wholc Agcs after, but this is no true cause of

late unnatural . ° . ' _^. , ...

wars. 1664.] Want 01 moncy in our Times : wherein, it is true,
we have little money to hide ; yet there are not wanting

H. Peacham.J ^^^ CHARACTERISTICS OF A MiSER IN 164I . 369

among us, those monedulce or money-hiding daws, who repine
and envy that either King or country should be one penny
better (yea, even in the greatest extremity !) for what they
have conveyed into their holes.

And most true it is, that money so heaped up in chests
and odd corners, is like, as one saith, to dung; which while
it lieth upon a heap doth no good, but dispersed and cast
abroad, maketh fields fruitful. Hence Aristotle concludeth
that the prodigal man is more beneficial to, and deserveth
better of, his country, than the covetous miser. Every trade
and vocation fareth the better for him, as the tailor, haber-
dasher, vintner, shoemaker, sempster, hostler, and the like.

The covetous man is acquainted with none of these. For
instead of satin, he suits himself in sacken. He trembles,
as he passeth by a tavern door, to hear a reckoning of 8s.
[=30s. now] sent up into the Half Moon [? bow window] for
wine, oysters, and faggots : for his own natural drink, you
must know 1 is between that the frogs drink [simple water]
and a kind of pitiful small beer too bad to be drunk, scarbeer,
and somewhat too good to drive a water mill. Broom h^''the
The haberdasher gets as little by him as he did by \°^^^°f^"f
an old acquaintance of mine at Lynn in Norfolk : w^t^ithecaiion,
who, when he had worn a hat eight and thirty ^^ -""^h nice it.
years, would have petitioned Parliament against haberdashers
for abusing the country, in making their ware so slight !
For the shoemaker, he hath as little to do with him, as ever
Tom Coryat had. For sempsters, it is true, that he loves
their faces better than their fashions. For Plays, if he read
but their titles upon a post [the Bill of the Play], it is enough.
Ordinaries [Eating-houses with table d'hotes] he knows none !
save some of three pence [i.e.y a threepenny ( = is. now) dinner],
in Black Horse Alley, and such places. For tapsters and
hostlers, they hate him as hell ! as not seeing a mote in his
cup once in seven years. [This miser-able Master supped his
man and himself, at the inn, with a quart of milk ! 1664.]

Another cause of scarcity and want of money are peaceful
Times, the nurses of pride and idleness ; wherein people
increase, yet hardly get employment. Those of the richer
and abler sort give themselves to observe and follow every
fashion ; as what an infinite sum of money goeth out of this
kingdom into foreign parts,for the fuel of our fashionable pride!

2A 6

3 /O Occasions of the great want of Coin. ["• ^^^''^q^,:

Let me hereto add the multitude of strangers that daily
[The English comc over into our Warmer soil, as the cranes in
gold being at a winter betake themselves to Egypt ; where, having
beyondYhe^s^eas enhched themselvcs through our folly and pride,
Sn,'isa°'^° they return and purchase great estates in their
great cause of Qwn countrics : enhancing there, our monies to a

the transpor- i., i- '-'.. ii-

tationofit. higher rate, to their excessive gain and the im-
■"■^^^'^ poverishing our people of England.

Let me add hereto besides, the great sums of money and
many other great and rich gifts, which have been formerly
conferred on strangers : which, how they have been deserved,
I know not ! Some, I am sure ! like snakes taken up, and
having got warmth from the Royal fire, have been ready to
hiss at and sting, as much as in them lieth, both their finders
and their founders.

Again, there is an indisposition of many to part with
money in these tickle Times : being desirous if the worst
should happen, to " have their friends about them," as Sir
Thomas More said, filling his pockets with gold, when he was
carried to the Tower.

There is likewise almost a sensible decay of Trade and
traffic : which being not so frequent, as heretofore, by reason,
as some would have it, the seas are now more pestered with
pirates than in times past ; the " receipt of custom," like the
stomach, wanting the accustomed nourishment, is constrained
to suck it from the neighbour[ing] veins to the ill disposition
and weakening of the whole body.

They are no few or small sums, which, in Pieces of Eight
'^idTs'^on^ L?.^., eight Rials, the present Mexican dollar = ^s. ^d.
yeyed thither jiow] arc Carried over to the East Indies : no doubt to
1664.7 ^^ the great profit and enriching of some in particular;
but whether of the whole Kingdom in general, I know not !

What hurt, our late questioned Patentees, in Latin Him-
dines [bloodsuckers], have done to the common body, in suck-
ing and drawing forth even the very life-blood from it ;
we know daily, and more we shall know shortly.

I wish some of the craftiest and most dangerous among
them, might be singled out for examples 1 remembering
that of Tacitus :

Pcena ad paucos, timor ad multos.
[The punishment to few, hut the terror to many, 1664.]

H. Peacham.
? 164

\\] The Money Lenders of Moor Fields. 371

All people complain generally, as I have said, of the want
of money ; which, like an epidemical disease, hath over-run
the whole land. The City hath little Trading [which is the
Mother of Money : for he who buys and sells, feels not what he
spends. 1667]. Country farmers complain of their rents yearly
raised (especially by their Catholic landlords, which, in times
past, have been accounted the best ; though now the case
is altered, and easily may the reason be guessed) : yet can
find no utterance for their commodities, or must sell them at
under rates. Scholars, without money, get neither patrons
nor preferment ; mechanic artists [skilled workmen], no work:
and the like of the other professions.

One very well compared worldly wealth or Money unto a
Foot Ball : some few nimble-heeled and [nimblej-headed
run quite away with it; when most are only lookers-on, and
cannot get a kick at it, in all their lives.

Go but among the Usurers in their walk in Moor Fields,
and see if you can borrow £100 [=;£"35o now] of any of them,
without a treble security, with the use [interest] , one way or
other, doubled ! and as yourself, so must your estate be
particularly known !

A pleasant fellow came, not long since, to one of them,
and desired him that he would lend him ^^50 [a country

[=^175 now]. tenant meeting

<- Aj / u -> 1T1 witli his miser-

Quoth the usurer. My friend, I know you ?bie landlord,

r^. ,, in the Term

not ! time, did offer

" For that reason only, I would borrow the money I",!™ ^^l p'j°^''-
of you," [said the other, 1667J ; " for if you knew "J^^^'^j^^i^^j
me, I am sure you would not lend me a penny ! " iorJsaid,"B"ea

Another meets a creditor of his, in Fleet street : fnd'^savfone '
who seeing his old debtor, " Oh, Master A," quoth ^''j f^e^'ol^r -
he, "you are met in good time! You know there and i win take
is money between us, and hath been a long time ; il j^ouhadspe^t
and now it is become a scarce commodity." [IV^^^i/L^'^'"

" It is true, Sir," quoth the other, " for," he |"™^.^'f4f ^
looking down upon the stones that were between,
" in good faith ! I see none."

And this was all the citizen could get at that time ; but
afterwards, he was well satisfied.

Whom would it not vex, to be indebted to many of your
shopkeepers ? who, though they have had their bills truly paid

372 Money is required for everything, ["'^^^^^e^'^

them for many years together, yet (upon the smallest distaste
of a petty mistake, reckoning, or some remnant behind)
will be called upon ! openly railed at ! by their impudent and
clamorous wives, insulted over ! and lastly, arrested ! which
should, methinks, teach every young Fashion-monger, either
to keep himself out of debt, or money in his purse to provide
Cerberus a sop.

Another misery proceeding from the want of money is that
when it is due unto you, by your own labour or desert, from
some rich miser-able, or powerful man or other, by long wait-
ing, day by day, yea hourly attendance, at his house or
lodging; you not only lose your time and opportunity of
getting it elsewhere, and when all is done, to be paid after
five in the hundred, in his countenance, or else fair and can-
did promises, which will enrich you straight !

Promissis dives quilihet esse potest.
{If words and promises would pass for coin; there
would be 710 man poor. 1664 [.

And some poor men there are, of that currish and inhuman
nature : whom, if you shall importune through urgent neces-
sity, then are you in danger to lose both your monies and
their favour for ever.

Would you prefer and place your son in the University ?
Let him deserve never so well, as being an able and ready
Grammarian, yea. Captain of his Form ! you shall very hardly
prefer him, without Great Friends joined with your great
Purse ! For those just and charitable Times wherein Desert
seldom went without its due, are gone !

The like, I may say of the City : where, if the Trade [line
of business] be anything like, you cannot place your son,
under ;£'6o or £ioo [=^^210 or £350 now] ; though by nature
he were, as many are, made for the same, and of wit and
capacity never so pregnant.

Or have you a daughter, by birth well descended, virtuous,
chaste, fair, comely, endued with the best commendable
qualities that may be required in a young, beautiful, and
modest Maid : if you have not been, in your life-time, thrifty
to provide her a Portion, she may live till she be as old as
Creusa, or the Nurse of ^neas, ere you shall get her a good
Match !

H. Peacham.-J SUCCESSFUL PLEADING OF A FrENCH LaDY. 373

Nam genus etformam Regina Pecunia donate
[Money 's a Queen ! that doth bestow
Beauty and Birth to high and low. 1664.]

is as true as old. Hence the Dutch have a proverb, that
" Gentihty and Fair Looks buy nothing in the market."

If you happen to be sick and ill; if your purse hath been
lately purged, the Doctor is not at leisure to visit you ! yea,
hardly your neighbours and familiar friends ! But unto
monied and rich men, they fly as bees to the willow palms !
and, many times, they have the judgement of so many, that
the Sick is in more danger of them, than of his disease.

A good and painful Scholar having lately taken his Orders,
shall be hardly able to open a Church door without a Golden
Key, when he should ring his bells [i.e., ring himself in].
Hence it comes to pass, that so many of our prime wits run
over sea to seek their fortunes ; and prove such vipers to
their mother country.

Have you but an ordinary suit in law, let your cause or
case be never so plain or just, if you want wherewith to
maintain it, and, as it were, ever and anon to water it at the
root, it will quickly wither and die !

I confess friends may do much to promote it, and may
prevail by their powerful assistance in the prosecution [as
hy the following story appears. 1667.]

There was, of late years, in France, a marvellous fair and
goodly Lady, whose husband being imprisoned for [Beauty i/ not
debt or something else, was constrained to be his pro-jesvtorean
Solicitor, and, in her own person, to follow his suit /"w. le'e'gj
in law, through almost all the Courts in Paris ; and indeed,
through her favour, got extraordinary favour among the
Lawyers and Courtiers, and almost a final despatch of all
business : only she wanted the King's hand, who was Henry
IV. of famous memory. He, as he was a noble, a witty, and
an understanding Prince, understanding how well she had
sped (her suit having been, in the opinion of most men,
desperate or lost), told her that " for his part, he would
willingly sign her Petition.'' Withal, he asked her, " How
her husband did ? " and bade her, from himself, to tell him,
" That had he not pitched upon his horns, he had utterly
been spoiled and crushed ! "

374 How CONFIDENT ARE MONEYED MeN ! ["" '^j'^^'le^");

So that hereby was the old proverb verified, " A Friend in
itugoodto Court is better than a Penny in the Purse." But,
'b7A/ujar ' as friends go nowadays, I had rather seek for
betterneverto them in mv Durse, than in the Court: and I

have need oj , ,- A .• r -J

them. 1669. beueve many Courtiers are oi my mind.

Again, to teach every one to make much of and to keep
money, when he hath it ; let him seriously think with him-
self, What a misery it is, and how hard a matter to borrow
it ! And most true it is, that one saith :

Semper comitem Mris Alieni esse Miseriam.
That Misery is ever the companion of Borrowed Money.

Hereby, a Man is made cheap and undervalued ! despised !
deferred ! mistrusted ! oftentimes flatly denied ! and besides,
upon the least occasion, upbraided therewith, in company and
among friends !

And sometimes, Necessity drives men to be beholden to
such as, at another time, they would scorn to be ! wherein
the old saying is verified —

Miserum est dehere cui nolis.
[A miserable thing it is, to owe money to him,
whom thou wouldst not ! 1664.]

And, on the contrary, how bold, confident, merry, lively,
and ever in humour, are Moneyed Men. [For being out debt,
[They need not they are out of danger ! 1667.] They go where
but\™reet they Hst ! They wear what they list ! They eat
proof. 1664.] and drink what they list ! And as their minds, so
their bodies are free !

They fear no City Serjeant, Court Marshal's man, or
Country Bailiff. Nor are they followed or dogged home to
their Ordinaries and lodgings, by City shopkeepers and other
creditors : but they come to their houses and shops, where
they are bidden welcome ; and if a stool be fetched [i.e., for
them] into the shop, it is an extraordinary favour, because all
passers by take notice of it. And these men can bring their
wives or friends to see in Court, the King and Queen at din-
ner, or to see a Masque ; by means of some eminent man of
the Guard, or the carpenter that made the scaffold [i.e., for
the Masque] .

"■ ^rt^"?.] Why are men poor? 375

The common and ordinary Causes why 7nen
ai^e poor and want money.

Here must, by the Divine Providence, in the Body
of the Common wealth, be as well poor ^-^^ blessing
as rich ; for as a human body cannot "l god upon

1- •, 1 1 ■> r 11 '"S prosperity

subsist Without hands and leet to labour, oftheindus-
and to walk about, to provide for other members; coX^nted!^
the rich being the belly, which devour all yet do ^^^^^
no part of the work : but the cause of every man's poverty is
not one and the same.

Some are poor by condition, and, content with their calling,
neither seek, nor can work themselves into a better fortune :
yet GOD raiseth up, as by miracle, the children and posterity
of these, oftentimes, to possess the most eminent places,
either in Church or Commonwealth, as to become Arch-
bishops, Bishops, Judges, Commanders, Generals in the field,
Secretaries of State, Statesmen, and the like. So that it
proveth not ever true, which Martial saith.

Pauper eris semper, si pauper es ^MILIANE !
If poor thou beest ; poor, shalt thou ever be !
-^MiLiANUS, I assure thee !

Of this condition are the greatest number in every Kingdom.
Others there are, who have possessed great estates, but
those estates, as I have seen and known it in some families,
and not far from the City, have not thrived or continued; as
gotten by oppresson, deceit, usury, and the like: which
commonly lasteth not to the Third generation ; according to
the old saying:

De male qucesitis vix gaudet tertius hceres,
[The Grandchild seldom is the heir
Of goods that evil gotten are. 1664.]

Others come to want and misery, and spend their fair
estates in ways of vicious living, as upon drink and women :
for Bacchus and Venus are inseparable companions ; and he
that is familiar with the one, is never a stranger to the other.

Uno namque mode, Vina VENUSque nocent,
[In one same way, manner, and end ;
Both Wine and Women do offend. 1664.1

376 Idleness & Prodigality, causes of Want.["- ^j'^'=Jg^]^;

Some again live in perpetual want, as being naturally
wholly given to idleness [which kerns the edge of Wit, and is the
Key of Beggary. 1667.] These are the drones of the Common
wealth, who deserve not to live.

Qui non laborat, nan mandiicet.
[He that laboureth not, must not eat,

** Labour, night and day ! rather than be burdensome," saith St.
Paul. 1664.]

Both country and City swarm with this kind of people.
" The diligent hand," saith Solomon, " shall make rich ; but
the sluggard shall have scarcity of bread."

I remember, when I was in the Low Countries, there were
three soldiers, a Dutchman, a Scot, and an Englishman, for
their misdemeanours, condemned to be hanged. Yet their
lives were begged by three several men. One, a Bricklayer,
that he [the Dutch soldier] might help him to make bricks, and
carry them to the walls. The other was a Brewer of Delft,
who begged his man [the Scot] to fetch water, and do other
work in the brewhouse. Now, the third was a Gardener, and
desired the third man, to help him to work in and dress a
hop-garden.

The first two accepted their offers thankfully. The
Englishman told his master, in plain terms, *' his friends
never brought him up to gather hops ! " but desired he might
be hanged first : and so he was.

[The reasons^ Othcrs having had great and fair estates left
so^ea"est"ates unto thcm by fricnds, and who never knew the
consume them- paln and care of getting them, have, as one
notrin'"'° ^^^^ truly, *' galloped through them in a very short
1664.] ' time."

These are such, of whom Solomon speaketh, " who, having
riches, have not the hearts (or rather the Wit), to use
them."

These men, Homer, most aptly, compareth unto the Willow
Tree, which he calleth by a most significant epithet coXeai-
Kapirof;, in hatin frugi-perda, or " loose fruit : " because the
palms [buds] of the willow tree are no sooner ripe, but are
blown away with the wind.

I remember, in Queen Elizabeth's time, a wealthy citizen

H. Peacharn.-| SoME UNDONE BY FOOLISH MARRIAGES. 377

of London left his son a mig;hty estate in money : who
imagining he should never be able to spend it, would
usually make " ducks and drakes " in the Thames, with
Twelve pences [=55. now], as boys are wont to do with tile
sherds and oyster shells. And in the end, he grew to that
extreme want, that he was fain to beg or borrow sixpence :
having, many times, no more shoes than feet ; and some-
times, " more feet than shoes," as the Beggar said in the
Comedy.

[Who more than his worth doth spend,
Maketh a rope, his life to end ! 1667.]

Many also there are, who, having been born to fair estates,
have quite undone themselves by marriage : and that, after a
twofold manner.

First, by matching themselves, without advice of parents or
friends, in heat of youth, unto proud, foolish, and light house-
wives, or such perfect "linguists," that one were ♦ a place near
better to take his diet in Hell,* than his dinner at to west-

A 1 1 • • 1 p 1 • niinster Hall ;

home. And this is the reason so many of their where very
husbands travel beyond the seas ; or, at home, go dresseXau'the
from town to town, from tavern to tavern, to look Term time.
for company : and, in a word, to spend anything to live any-
where, save at home in their own houses.

Others there are, again, who match themselves (for a little
handsomeness and eye-pleasing Beauty, [which, so soon as
Poverty cometh in at the door, leapeth out of the window. 1664.]
into very mean and poor kindred ; and are sometimes drawn
in hereto by broken knaves, necessitous parents, who are glad
to meet with such, that they may serve them as props to up-
hold their decaying and ruinous families. And these poor
silly young birds are commonly caught up before they be
fledged, and pulled bare before ever they knew they had
feathers : for their fathers-in-law or some near of the kin,
as soon as they have seen one and twenty, have so belimed
them with Bonds, that they shall hardly, as long as they
live, be able to fly over ten acres of that land, their friends
left them.

[If Youth be joined with Honour and Riches, how dangerous,
if the reins be then let loose, we see the many destructive effects it
hath, and do work ! but the Three joined with Wisdom, how
honourable and noble are they all 1

^yS Learn the just bounds of Pleasure! ["•^^^"I'e";

But the greatest snare, the Author writes of, is Beauty : which,
of itself, is a blessing. We see how comfortably the candle causes
light, not offending in burning ; yet the foolish fly offends in
scorching itself in the fame ! Yea, it is no small misery to become
a temptation unto another, and to be made the occasion of other's
ruin ; Beauty being not well governed. Which fails, if the Soul
answers not the Face ! for the foulest souls often dwell fairest !
How happy, if Virtue be joined thereto !

If Precepts will not forewarn thee, yet let a multitude of Examples
affright thee from unequal and unfit marriages !

He that takes his full liberty in what he may, shall repent him !
how much more, in what he should not / Nothing can overturn
him that hath power of himself ! Learn first, by a just survey, to
know the juso due and lawful bounds of Pleasure ! and then
knowing the danger of going beyond a man's strength, use pleasures
without dotage ! I mver knew a wise man that repented him of
too little worldly pleasure. The surest course in all earthly delights
is to rise [therefrom] with an appetite, and to be satisfied with
moderation. 1669.]

A Knight of ^8,000 or ;£"io,ooo [=£25,000 or ;^30,ooo
now] [by] land in a year, doated upon a poor Alewife's
daughter, and made her a Lady. It cannot be denied but
women of the meanest condition may make good wives ; since

Paupertas non est vitium ;
Poverty is no vice :

but herein is the danger, that when their husbands, in a
short time, having as it were taken a surfeit of their beauties,
and finding their error; they begin, as I have known many,
to contemn them, and fly abroad, doat upon others, and
devise all the ways they can (being grown desperate) to give
or sell all that they have.

Besides, such poor ones, oftentimes, prove so impious and
proud, as that they make no conscience to abuse, insult over,
and make silly fools of their husbands ; as by letting and
disposing of their lands, gathering up his rents, putting away
and entertaining what servants they list, to verify that old
verse :

Asperius nihil est humili, cum surgit in altum.
There's nothing more perverse and proud than She,
Who is to Wealth advanced from Beggary.

H. Peacharn.-j Ple^ Pleasure, AND IT WILL BE nigh! 379

An Italian Earl, about Naples, of 100,000 Crowns
[=£30,000 then =£100,000 now] by the year in estate,
married a common laundress. Whereupon old Pasquin (the
image of stone in Rome), the next Sunday morning or
shortly after, had a foul and most filthy shirt put on his back,
and this tart libel beneath :

" Pasquin, how now ! a foul shirt upon a Sunday ! "
The risposto or answer, in Pasquin's behalf was :
" I cannot help it, my laundress is made a Countess ! "

Besides, another inconvenience is that, besides the
calling of his Wit and Judgement into question ; he draws
unto him so many leeches and down-drawers upon his estate,
as his wife hath necessitous friends and kindred. But they
that thus marry, are commonly such young men as are left
to themselves ; their parents, ov&rseevs [guardians], or faithful
friends, being either dead, or far from them.

Others, not affecting marriage at all, live, as they say,
** upon the Commons " : unto whom it is death to mi ait est
be put into the Several. They spend what they ^Ji^""
have, altogether in irregular courses of life, and in ^'*'^-
change of horses and lodgings, entertainment of new ac-
quaintance, making great feasts in taverns, invitations and
meetings of their common mistresses, coach hire, clothes in
fashion, and the like. [Who forget that old but true Proverb :

Follow Pleasure, and Pleasure will fly !

Flee Pleasure, and Pleasure will be nigh I 1667.]

besides the hanging on and intrusion of some necessitous
parasites ; of whom they shall find as much use, as of water
in their boots. \^And it is well said by one, that "he that over-
much studies his own contentment, ever wantethit /" 1667.]

There are others, again, of overgood free natures and dis-
positions ; who are easily fetched and drawn in by decayed
and crafty knaves (I call them, no better ! ) to enter into
bonds, and to pass their words for their old debts and engage-
ments : and this they are wrought to do in taverns in their
cups and merriment, at Ordinaries, and the like places.

380 Many ways of coming to poverty. ["' ^^^''I'e^^

I would have in the fairest room of one of these houses,
The old an Emblem of a gallant young heir creeping in at
Suretyship, the great end of a hunter's horn with ease ; but
cruelly pinched at the coming forth at the small end : a
fool standing not far off, laughing at him. And these be
those fools who will be so easily bound! and pass their words
in their drink.

Facilis descensus A verni, sed revocare gradum.
['Tis easy into hell to fall ;
But to come back from thence is all ! 1664.]

It is easy slipping in, but the return and getting out is full
of difficulty.

Infinite also are the Casualties that are incident to the
Life of Man, whereby he may fall into poverty : as mis-
fortune by fire, loss at sea, robbery and theft on land, wounds,
lameness, sickness, and the like.

Men run out of great estates, and have undone themselves
by over sumptuous building, above and beyond their means
and estates. [For he that builds a fair house, without good
counsel, builds himself to prison ! It being a sweet impoverish-
ment I 1667.]

Others have been undone by carelessness and thriftless
servants, such as waste and consume their Masters' goods ;
[for thereis a great deal saved where alittle is spent. 1667.]: neither
saving nor mending what is amiss ; but whatsoever they
are entrusted withal, they suffer to be spoiled and to run to
ruin. For

Qui modica spernit, paulaiim defluit,
" He that despiseth small things, falls by little and little,"
says the Wise Man.

Some, yea, a great many, have brought themselves to
beggary by play and gaming, and never lying [staying] out
of Ordinaries and Dicing-houses : which places, like quick-
sands, so suddenly sink and swallow them, that hardly you
shall ever see their heads appear any more. [And so, these
idle practices turn the edge of their Wit. 1667.]

Others, and Great Ones too, affect unprofitable, yea, im-
possible inventions and practices, as the Philosopher's Stone,
the Adamantine Alphabet,* the discovery of that new world
♦Possibly referring to Bp. F. Godwin's book in 1638. E. A.

"■^'^^I'e™:] The character of an indigent soldier. 381

in the Moon by these new devised perspective glasses [teles-
copes] , far excelling, they say, those of Galileo, sundry kinds
of useless wild fire, water works, extractions, distillations,
and the like.

If any would be taught the true use of money, let him
travel to Italy I For the Italian, the Florentine especially,
is able to teach all the world. Thrift ! For Italy being
divided into many Principalities and Provinces, and all very
fertile ; the inhabitants are many, and by reason of so often
differences among them, apt to take arms. The people are
subject to taxes and impositions : as, in Florence, the Duke
hath a custom [octroi] at the gates, even out of herbs that
are brought for sallets [sallads] and broths into the city.

The Symptoms of a Mind dejected and discontented

for want of money.

|E THAT wanteth money is, for the most part>
extremely melancholic in every company, or alone
by himself [He is a Cypher among Numbers ! 1667,]
especially if the weather be foul, rainy, or cloudy.
Talk to him, of what you will ; he will hardly give you the
hearing ! Ask him any questions ; he answers you with
monosyllables, as Tarleton did one, who out-eat him at
an Ordinary: " Yes ! No ! That ! Thanks ! True ! " &c.

That rliQioncsil pa.ssa.gQ oi Status translativHS [the State trans-
lative, 1664.] is of great use with him, when he lays the cause
of his want upon others : as protesting, this great Lord, that
Lady, or kinsman owes him money ; but not a deniere can he
get ! He swears, he murmurs against the French and other
strangers, who convey such sums of money out of the land,
besides our leather hides under the colour of calfskins : with
that, he shews you his boots out at the heels, and wanting
mending 1 He walks with his arms folded ; his belt without
a sword or rapier, that perhaps be somewhere in irhetme
trouble. A hat without a band, hanging over his anind'gent
eyes ; only it wears a weather-beaten fancy, for '\'^^,tfdZ"dier.
fashion' sake. He cannot stand still, but like one i664.]
of the Tower wild beasts, is still walking from one end of his
room to another, humming out some new Northern tune or
other. If he meets with five or ten pieces ha.ippi\y [by chance]

382 Poverty makes men to be scorned. ["•^^^''^

Peacham.

641.

conferred upon him, by the beneficence of some noble friend
or other [although he may carry all his friends on his hack. 1667.];
he is become a new man ! and so overjoyed with his fortune,
that not one drop of small drink will down with him, all that
day !

The misery of wa^tt of money in regard of
contempt in the world.

HosoEVER wanteth money is ever subject to con-
tempt and scorn in the world ; let him be furnished
with never so good gifts, either of body or mind.
So that, most true it is, that one saith,

Nil hahet infoelix paupertas dtirius in se
Quam quod ridiculos homines facit.

[Nothing there is more hard in penury,
Than that it makes men so despised be ! 1664.]

The worst property that Poverty hath, it maketh men
ridiculous and scorned, but oftentimes of such as are more
to be contemned themselves, in regard either of their igno-
rance, or vicious living, or useless company.

If we do but look back into better and wiser Ages, we
shall find Poverty, simply in itself, never to have been, as
nowadays in this last and worst Act of Time, esteemed a
Vice, and so loathsome, as many would have it : it having
been the Badge of Religion and Piety in the primitive times
since Christ, and of Wisdom and Contempt of the World
among the wisest Philosophers long before.

But Tempora mutantur [The Times are changed. 1664.]. And
in these Times, we may say with the Wise Man, " My son,
^^d°o7the^^ better it is to die, than to be poor ! " For, now,
Worid.andthe moncy is the World's God, and the Card, which
card'. ieelT^ the Devil turns up trump, to win the set withal !
for it gives Birth, Beauty, Honour, and Credit ; and the
most think, it conferreth Wisdom to every possessor.

Pecunice omina ohediunt.
[All things obey money. 1664.]

Hence it is so admired, that millions venture both soul and
body, for the possession of it.

"■^^^''164";] Indignities offered to a needy one. ^8^

But there is a worse effect of Poverty than that. It
maketh men dissolute and vicious [so that ^'Debtors are
said to be liars." 1664.].

O mala Paupertas ! vitii scelerisqtie Ministra,
[0 wretched Poverty, a bawd
To every wickedness and fraud, 1664.]

saith Mantuan.

It wresteth and maketh crooked the best natures of all ;
which, were their necessities supplied, would rather die than
do as they sometimes do, borrow and not be able to pay, to
speak untruths, to deceive, and sometimes to cheat their own
fathers and friends.

What greater grief can there be to an ingenious and free
spirit, sitting at a superior's table (and thought to be
necessitous and only to come for a dinner) than to Mone^thl °^
be placed the lowest! to be carved unto of the occasion of
worst and first cut, as of boiled beef brawn and the t^mpt.'^deceit,
like ! and if the Lady or loose-bodied Mistress nesl^'iS]
presents unto him, the meat from her trencher, then assuredly
it is burnt to the body [we should now say " burnt to the bone "J !
if he be carved unto out of a pasty of venison, it was some
part that was bruised in the carriage, and began to stink ! yet
for all this, he must be obsequious ! endure any jeer! whisper
for his drink ! and rise, at the coming in of the basin and
ewer ! To do the which, any generous and true noble spirit
had rather, as I am persuaded, dine with my Lord Mayor's
hounds in Finsbury Fields.

Another misery, akin to the former, is, what discourse so-
ever is offered at such tables, the necessitous man, though
he can speak more to the purpose than them all ; yet he
must give them leave to engross all the talk! And though he
knows they tell palpable and gross lies, speak the absurdest
nonsense that may be : yet must he be silent ! and be held
all the while for a vau-neant !

Let these, and the like examples, then, be motives to all,
to make much of Money ! to eat their own bread l.S'"^^'^^"""- i"
in their houses ! and to be beholden as little as treadbe/ore
may be, to any for their meat, For leeyo

Rst aliena vivere quadra, miserrimum.
[It is most miserable to live on the trencher of another tnan. 1664.]

;84 H O W W A N T L E A D S T O C R I M E. ["• ^^^^"^,1^,

How Necessity and Want compelleth to offend
both against body and soul.

Eek not Death, in the error of your lives ! " saith
the Wise Man ; that is, by taking evil wisdom.
courses to procure unto yourselves untimely ends :
as those do, who, through extreme necessity, are
constrained to steal, lie, forswear themselves, become cheaters,
common harlots, and the like ; whereof, nowadays, we have
too many examples everywhere, to the hazard of their souls
to hell, and their bodies to the hands of the executioner.

Hereby, we may see, how much it concerns all parents
[The duty of to givc their children virtuous education in the
vMuou/Zif fear of GOD, and to employ them betimes in
ThiiTrln!''^''' honest vocations; whereby they may be armed
1664.] against want and ill courses.

And doubtless many, yea, too many parents have been,
and are herein much to blame ; who, when they have given
their children a little breeding and bringing up till about
twelve or fourteen years of age, they forsake them ! and
send them out into the wide world to shift for themselves, to
sink or swim ! without trades or portions provided. So they
be rid of a charge, what care they !

Hence we see so many young men and women come to un-
timely ends ; who living might have been comforts to their friends
and parents, and proved good members in the Common wealth.

[Some years since, I saw 07ie Master Ward, one of the debau-
chedst men of that A-ge, much known by the name of ^^ Damn
Ward " : who, being in Newgate, it was reported that he did
drink a health to the Devil.

He being at Tyburn, at his execution did speak short, beginning
thus, " A man of an ill name is half hanged ! " saying, " he was
in his youth brought up a Gentleman at the charge of his father's
brother ; but his uncle dying, his maintenance failed." Wishing
all parents to beware how they breed their children above their
means, and without a calling. Much blaming his uncle's fond-
ness. Denying the drinking of such a Health; said ''he was
forced to live by his sword.'" Confessed his fact [crime] : and so
was executed. 1667.]

I spake before of idle persons, whom St. Paul denieth to
eat ; which are the drones of the Common wealth, not to be
pitied : Whom Homer prettily described.

Of Frugality or Parsimony :
what it is J and the effects thereof,

AviNG already shewed you the Misery of
Want from the want of money; let me give
you a Preservative against that Want, from
the nature and effects of Thrift, which if not
observed and looked to, he shall live in
perpetual want.

And indeed, next to the serving of GOD,
it is the first thing we ought, even from
children, to learn in the world.

Some men are thrifty and sparing by nature ; yea, saving
even in trifles. As Charles V. was so naturally sparing,
that if a point \tag\ from his hose had broken, he would have
tied the same upon [w] a knot, and made it to serve again.

Others again are thrifty in small matters, but lavish and
prodigal in great. These, we say, "are Penny IJ^JI^^'"'
wise, and Pound foolish ! " Many great Ladies Ladies, and
and our great Dames are subject to this disease. w^«t«!i664.]
Others having had long experience in the world, and
having been bitten with Want, through their unthriftiness
when they were young, have proved very good husbands at
the last.

Others again there be, who cloak their miserable baseness
under the pretence of Thrift : as one would endure none of
his family to eat butter with an egg but himself; because
it was sold for 5d. [=i8(f. now] the lb.

2B 6

;86 Of every Shilling, spend a Penny ! ["• ^^^''I'gJ^:

The definition of Frugality or Thrift,

JRUGALITY is a virtue which holdeth her own, layeth
out or expendeth profitably, avoideth unnecessary
expenses, much buying, riot, borrowing, lending,
superfluous buildings, and the like : yet can spend,
in a moderate way, as occasion shall require, [as, That Groat
is well spent ! that saveth a Shilling.

Many years since, a very aged Gentleman having bought wares
of a citizen in London ; the master sends a young boy, his appren-
tice, to carry the goods with the said party.

The old Gentleman gave the boy a single Penny, saying, ** J
give thee but this small piece of money ; but I will give thee good
counsel ! That when thy master's more liberal customers have
given thee, to the value of One Shilling, then spend but One
Penny! and when it increaseth to Two Shillings, spend Two pence!
and keep the money, spending this sparingly, and thou mayest be
a rich man, many years after my death I "

The boy observing this nde, did " make his penny " with
diligence and a small portion, up to thousands of pounds. 1667. ]

It is a virtue very nearly allied to Liberality, and hath the
same extremes. For as Liberality is opposite to Covetous-
ness, so Frugality is more opposite to Profuseness or Prodi-
gality. [For he that liveth not well one year, sorroweth for it
seven years after. 1667.]

This virtue is the Fountain or Springhead of Beneficence
and Liberality : for none can be bountiful except they be
parsimonious and thrifty. Bonus S erv alius facit bonum Boni-
facium, is an old Monkish, but true, proverb. Quod cessat
reditu ex frugalitate suppletur, ex quo velutfonte liber alitas nostra
decurrit, quce ita tamen temperanda est, ne nimia profusione
inarescat, saith Seneca. [That which becometh defecteth in our
revenues is to be stipplied by Thrift : from whence, as from a foun-
tain, our Liberality floweth; which, notwithstanding, is so to
be moderated that it grow not dry by too much profuseness.
1664.]

It avoideth the ambitious buildings, pomps, shows, Court

"■^^^'^64^.] Examples of Extravagance and Avarice. 387

maskings, with excessive feasts and entertainments. As
Mark Antony spent, at one supper, a thousand For the
wild boars. Heliogabalus had served him up at ifo°dinners*'^
a supper likewise, six hundred heads of ostriches, ^hkh^ere'
ViTELLius, at one feast, had two thousand fishes, ^^out three of
and mostly of several kinds; besides seven thou- the^°emS)n
sand fowls.

Many such like feasts have been made by the Roman
Emperors ; and some so excessive, that an infinite quantity
of bread, meat, and other good victuals, all sorts of people
being satisfied, hath been thrown into the river of Tiber.

Again, on the other side, there are miserable Euclios and
base penurious slaves to be found in all parts ; yea, in every
town of the kingdom. As one at Priors Thorney, near to
Swaffham in Norfolk, made his man pay a penny out of his
wages for a rope he [? the servant] cut [down], when he [? the
master] was hanging of himself in his barn.

Another, in the Spring time, because [in order that] the
market should not thrive by him, would make boys climb
trees and search steeples, for all the crows and daws they
could find : which he lived upon, while they lasted, to save
other victuals.

Now there is an aurapKeta, or a Self-contented Sufficiency,
which is most pleasing and agreeable to the nature of many
men. As Phocion, when Alexander had sent him a gift of
a hundred talents of gold : he sent it back with [Shewing he
this message, that " he needed not Alexander's tlban hftl^at
money." eTrcSel^a^ TrXovatcorepov rov 8cS6vro<; gaveit. 1664.]
ToaavTa, &c. [Thou hast shewed thyself a richer man than the
owner himself! 1664] be the words of Plutarch.

T/ie derivation of the word Penny ^ and of the value
and worth thereof.

|Ur English Penny consists of four Farthings. And
a Farthing is so called from the old Saxon or High
Dutch [German] Bin viert ding, that is, a fourth
thing : because from the Saxons' time until Edward
III., the Penny of this land had a cross struck so deep in the

388 Etymology of the word Penny, ["• ^j'^^'^g^"?;

midst thereof, that you might break out any part of the four,
to buy what you thought good withal ; which was, in those
times, their Farthing.

The word Penny is so called, airo rrj^ irevia^, that is,
Poverty ; because, for the most part, poor people are here-
with relieved. The old Saxon called it Penig, the High
Dutch Pfennig, the Netherlanders Penninck, in Italian
Denaro, in Spanish Dinero, in Latin Denarius, which some
fetch from the Chaldean Denar, but somebody hath taught
the Chaldean to speak Latin. It is indeed derived a numero
denario, because decern asses made a Penny ; or, according to
Plutarch, a decent cereis, koX to ZeKayaXKov iKaXelro Srjvdpcov.
[Ten small pieces of brass were called a Penny. 1664.]

In the British or Welsh, it is Keniog from being current,
because it goes away faster than other money : as Scavernog
is Welsh for a hare, because she runs over the mountains
faster than an ordinary runner in Wales can overtake 01
catch her ; as my honest friend Master Owen Morgan, that
country-man once, in good earnest, told me.

There are as many kind of Pence, as there are several
countries or nations. Our English penny is a Scotch shilling.

In the time of King Edward I. our English Penny being
round and undipped, was to weigh thirty grains of wheat
taken out of the midst of the ear. Twenty of these grains
made an ounce, and twelve [of these] ounces made a pound.

There were also golden pence, as we may find in Didymus
Claudius de analogia Romanorum. In a word, I might dis-
course ad infinitum, of the variety of Pence, as well for
the form and stamp as weight and value ; though I sought
no further than among those of our Saxon kings, but it were
needless. I will only content myself with our ordinary
Penny, and stay the reader a while upon the not unpleasant
consideration of the simple worth of a single Penny ; reflect-
ing or looking back, as oft as I can (and as Pliny adviseth),
upon my Title,

H. Peacham."]

^t^'^^TiJ T^^ WORTH OF A Penny in 1641. 389

TAe simple worth of a single Penny.

Penny bestowed in charity upon a poor body shall
not want a heavenly reward.

For a Penny, you may, in the Low Countries, in
any market, buy eight several commodities ; as nuts,
vinegar, grapes, a little cake, onions, oatmeal, and the like.

A Penny bestowed in a small quantity of aniseed, aqua,
vitce, or the like strong water, may save one's life in a fainting
or swoon.

[At the Apothecaries, you may buy a pennyworth of any of these
things following, viz., Lozenges for a cold or cough; Juice of
Liquorish [liquorice], or Liquorish; a Diachilon plaster for an
issue ; Paracelsus, Oil of Roses, Oil of St. John's Wort, a penny-
worth of each is good for a sprain ; Synip-lettuce, to make one
sleep; Jallop, to give a purge ; Mithridate, to make you sweat if
you have taken cold, or good to expel and prevent infection ;
Diascordium Diacodium, if you ca?tnot sleep. 1667. J

For a Penny, you may hear a most eloquent oration upon
our English Kings and Queens, if, keeping your hands off,
you will seriously listen to David Owen, who keeps the
Monuments at Westminster [i.e., the Abbey].

Some, for want of a Penny [for a ferry or boat across the
Thames], have been constrained to go from Westminster,
about by London Bridge to Lambeth ; and might say truly,
Defessi sumus abulando.

You may have in Cheapside, your Penny tripled in the
same kind : for you shall have Penny Grass, Penny Wort,
and Penny Royal for your Penny.

For a Penny, you may see any Monster, Jacknapes; or
those roaring boys, the Lions.

For a Penny, you may have all the news in England and
other countries, of murders, floods, witches, fires, tempests,
and what not, in one of Martin Parker's Ballads [in the
weekly News books. 1664],

For a Penny, you may have your horse rubbed and walked,
after a long journey ; and [it] being at grass, there are some
that will breathe [exercise] him for nothing.

For a Penny, you may buy a fair cucumber ; but not a
breast of mutton! except it be multiplied [maggoty].

390 The worth of a Penny in 1641. [

H. Peach a:T-
1641.

For a Penny, you may buy Time, which is precious ; yea,
and Thrift too, if you be a bad husband.

For a Penny, a hostess or an hostler [innkeeper] may buy
as much chalk as will score up £^0 or ^40 [= £120 or ;;^i6o
now] ; but how to come by their money, that let them look to !

For a Penny, you may have your dog wormed [aired of
worms], and so be kept from running mad.

For a Penny [doubled. 1664] , a drunkard may be guarded
to his lodging, if his head be light and the evening dark.

For a Penny, you shall tell what will happen a year hence,
(which the Devil himself cannot do !) in some Almanack or
other rude country.

A hard-favoured and ill-bred wench made Penny white,
may, as our Times are, prove a gallant Lady.

For a Penny, you may be advanced to that height that
you shall be above the best in the City ; yea, the Lord
Mayor himself ! that is, to the top of Paul's.

For a Penny, a miserable and covetous wretch that never
did, nor never will, bestow a penny on a Doctor or Apothe-
cary for their physic or advice, may provide a remedy for all
diseases [viz., a halter. 1664].

[For a Penny ^ you may buy a dish of coffee (not yet sold in
cups), to quicken your stomach and refresh your spirits. 1664.]

For a Penny, you may buy the hardest book in the world,
and which, at some time or other, has posed the greatest
Clerks in the land, viz., a hornbook [the making up of which
books employeth above thirty trades. 1664].

In so great esteem, in former times, have our English
pence been, that they have been carried to Rome by cart
loads [i.e., Peter's Pence].

For a Penny, you may search among the Rolls, and withal
give the IVIaster good satisfaction. I mean, in a baker's basket.

For a Penny, a chambermaid may buy as much red ochre
as will serve, seven years, for the painting of her cheeks.

For a Penny, the Monarch of a free school, may provide
himself of so many arms, as will keep all his rebellious
subjects in awe.

For a Penny, you may walk within one of the fairest
gardens in the City, and have a nosegay or two made you
of what sweet flowers you please [to satisfy your sense of
smelling. 1664] .

"■^?^^''S-] The worth of a Penny in 1641. 391

[And for a Penny, you may have that so useful at your trencher,
as will season your meat to please your taste, a month. 1664.]

For a Penny, you may buy as much wood of that tree,
which is green all the year and beareth red berries, as will
cure any shrew's tongue, if it be too long for her mouth [viz.,
a holly wand. 1664].

A Penny may save the credit of many. As it did of four or
five young* scholars in Cambridge, who, going into * someof
the town to break their fast with puddings, having [ivIJTgTif ^*'
sent to their college for bread and beer, the hostess London,
brought them twelve puddings, broiled ; and finding among
themselves that they had but eleven pence, they were much
troubled about the other penny, not having any book about
them, to lay in pawn for it.

Quoth one, bolder than the rest, " Atidaces fortuna juvat :"
" Fortune favours the venturous ;" and biting off a piece of
the pudding's end, by wonderful luck, spat out a single
penny, that paid for it ; which, it seems, was buried in the
oatmeal or spice. So for that time, they saved their credits.

But I will leave this discourse of a Penny's worth to their
judgements and experience, who, having been troubled with
overmuch money, afterward, in no long time, have been fain,
after "a long dinner with Duke Humphrey," to take a
nap on *' penniless bench," only to verify the old proverb,
** A fool and his money is soon parted."

HBatyy Mh,

s^^^

How money may^ ma7iy ways^ be saved

in diet^ apparel, recreation^

and the like*

S THERE are infinite ways and occasions of
spending and laying out money, which it
were supei^fluous here to recount ; whereof
some may be well omitted; but others
not, except we would want meat, drink,
and our apparel, with other external
necessaries, as horses, armour, books, and
the like ; in a word, whatsoever may con-
duce to our profit or honest pleasure. Yet in husbanding
our money in all these, there is a great deal of caution and
discretion to be used.

For most true it is, that of all nations in Europe, our
English are the most profuse and careless in the way of
expense. Go into other countries, especially Italy ! the
greatest magnifico in Venice will think it no disgrace to his
magnificenza to go to market, to choose and buy his own meat,
what him best liketh : but we in England scorn to do either ;
surfeiting indeed of our plenty, whereof other countries fall
far short. Insomuch, as I am persuaded, that our City of
London, of itself alone, eateth more good beef and mutton
in one month, than all Spain, Italy, and a part of France, in
a whole year. If we have a mind to dine at a tavern, we
bespeak a dinner at all adventure ! never demanding or
knowing the price thereof till it be eaten. After dinner,
there is a certain sauce brought up by the Drawer, called a
Reckoning, in a bill as long as a broker's inventory.

H.Peacham.-| f jj E NECESSAKV USE OF TAVERNS. 393

I have known, by experience, in some taverns, some-
times of at least twice, and sometimes thrice, as iManythues

' . ' more is drunk

much as the meat and drcvssmg hath been worth ■wastejuUyin
[is charged]. No question but a fair and honest '^ompeunt' '^
gain is to be allowed, in regard of house -rent, ^^ZZipay/or
linen, attendance of servants, and the like. There two dinners

' . , - , ' , with temper-

are, without doubt, very many taverns very honest ance; and tiu
and reasonable. And the use of them is neces- 1664""^"'^ '
sary. For if a man meets with his friend or acquaintance
in the street, whither should they go, having no friend's
house near to go into, especially in rainy or foul weather,
but to a tavern ? where, for the expense of a pint or quart of
wine, they may have a dry house and room, to confer with,
and to write to any friends about business.

But to have in a bill, 8s. [= 30s. now], brought up for an
ordinary capon, as my Lord of Northampton's Gentleman
had, at Greenwich, in King James his time ; 7s. or 9s.
[= 25s. OY 305. now'] for a pair of soles; 4s. [= 15s. now] for
a dozen of larks; would make a Florentine run out of his
wits ! How excellently, in some houses, are their neats'
tongues powdered, when the reckoning is brought you up !

Again, what can be more distasteful to an ingenious and
free spirit, than to stand to the courtesy of a nimble-tongue
Drawer, or his many-ringed Mistress, whether they or your-
self shall have the disposing of your money ! It is no small
sum that our Gallants might save in a year, if they would be
wise in this respect.

\hlcn commonly are very cautious in purchasing bargains oj
great value^ as buying of houses, horses, or rich apparel, or any
other commodity of the like nature ; but for small expenses, as a
penny, or two pence at a time, that many daily lay out about
trivial things, they are altogether regardless of : and, for the most
part, those are most free in spending these small sums, who have
nothing else to spend, when their wives and children are ready to
starve.

Now, a frequent custom of these small expenses, in a short time,
arise to a considerable sum. As is. [= 3s. now] a day spent,
Cometh to £1^ 5s. 6d. in the year ; and id. a day to £1 10s. ^d.
in the year. And a man of credit may take up, at interest, £2^,
for id. a day, being the full use [interest] of that sum after the
rate of Six per Cent. 1667.]

394 The great temperance of Italians, &c. ["' ^^'''''leT?;

Besides, in your own private house or chambers, a dish or
{Moderation two, aud a good stomach for a sauce, shall give
'andmore''"'^' you morc contcnt, continue your health, and keep
'TbundaiueT'' ^^^^ body in better plight, than a variety of many
1664.] dishes. This pleased ever the wisest and best men.

Horace affirmeth him to live healthy and happy, cui
splendet in mensa temie salinum, meaning by the small and
poor salt cellar, a slender and frugal diet.

CuRius, that noble Roman, a man of marvellous honesty,
temperance, and valour, who overcame the Samnites and
Pyrrhus himself; when the ambassadors of the Samnites
brought him a huge sum of gold, they found him sitting by
the fire, and seething of turnips for his dinner, with an
earthen dish in his lap. At which time, he gave them this
answer, " I had rather eat in this dish, and command over
them that have gold ; than be rich myself." Awhile after,
being accused for deceiving the State of money which he
had gotten in his conquests and kept to himself; he took a
solemn oath, that he saved no more of all he got, but that
one treen or wooden barrel, which he had there by him.

Marvellous was the temperance of the Romans in their
diet ; as also of the Turks at this day, the Italians, and the
Spaniards : but it is in them natural, not habitual ; and by
VThe great conscqucncc, no virtue, as themselves would have it.
M'gaiity of Pqj. tj^g inhabitants of hot countries have not their

the Italians, , . . , , , , , .

Spaniards, digcstion SO strong as those under cold climates ;

and Turks, i ij*i ±- l • ± • j*

1664.] whose bodies, by an anhpenstasis or surrounding

\mariot, of of cold, have the natural heat repelled and
Gray's Inn, as |^gp^ within thcm : which is the reason that the

g reat an eater . ^ ,

as any of late Northem nations are, of all others, the greatest
'somethnes'eat eatcrs aud drlnkcrs ; and of those, the French say
(=9s'ori2^. 'w^ of England have the best stomachs and are
no^)inm7itton thc grcatcst trcnchcrmen of the world. Les Anglais
other faievieat sout Ics plus gvos jHaugeurs de tout le monde. But they
]%'Lfisoufn are deceived; those of Denmark and Norway
^feedin'^oH^'"' ^xcecd US, and the Russians, them.
coarse meats, \ confess wc havc had, and yet have, some re-

made 6d. or Zd. iii j l i r

(= IS. 6d. markable eaters amongst us : who, tor a wager,
7er'vekiv^at a would havc catcn with the best of them; as
meal. 1664.] WoLMER of Wiudsor. And not long since. Wood
of Kent eat up, at one dinner, fourteen green geese, equal

^'^■^'"'^eTr'l Instances of remarkable Misers. 395

to the old ones in bigness, with sauce of gooseberries: as I
heard it affirmed to my Lord Richard, Earl of Dorset, at
a dinner time, at his house at Knowle, in Kent, by one of
his Gentlemen, who was an eye-witness of the same.

But the truth is, that those men live the longest, and
are commonly in perfect health, who content themselves
with the least and simplest meat ; which not only saves
the purse, but preserves the body : as we may see in Lan-
cashire, Shropshire, Cheshire, Yorkshire, and other counties
which are remote from the City. And it is Master ^quparr
Camden's observation in his Britannia, Ut diutius nvingaboui
vivant qiice vescuntur Lacticiniis, '* they commonly Vare^'Ju a>iy
are long-lived, who live by white meats," as milk, ^"'''" ^^^^-^
butter, cheese, curds, and the like.

For Multa fercula midtos morbos gignere* was *. That many
truly said of St. Jerome, as being apt, by their man"diseLes.
sundry and opposite qualities to breed much corruption.
How healthful are scholars in our Universities, whose
commons are no more than needs must !

Neither would I have any man starve himself to save his
purse, as a usurer confessed upon his death-bed, how he was
above £*200 [=£600 now] indebted to his belly for breakfasts,
dinners, and suppers ; which he had defrauded it, in Term
times at London, and in other places, employing his money
to other miserable purposes.

[Another rich usurer {who made it his custom, every Term to
travel on foot, in ragged clothes, and who sometimes did beg of
the thieves themselves) was so well knoivn that, at last, they took
notice of him : and, examining his pockets, they found little store
of gold ; but a great black pudding, in one end whereof his gold
was. The usurer, pleading hunger, desired the thieves, for GOD's
sake ! to give him half of it back again : which granted, and the
usurer finding it to be the wrong end; he desired them to give
some of the fat in the other end, to his lean. *' No, you rogiu ! "
said the thieves, " yott have had your cut already ! you shall not
have a crumb more ! " 1664.]

Money may be well saved in travel, or in town, if three or
four shall join their purses ; and provide their diet at the
best hand. It is no shame so to do.

I have known also some who have been very skilful in
dressing their own diet. Homer tells us, that Achilles

396 A PLAIN GARB IS THE BEST. ["

Peacham.
? 1641.

could play the cook excellently well. And I believe it were
not amiss for our English travellers so to do, in foreign
countries : for many reasons I have known.

And execrable is the miser-able and base humour of many,
who, to save their money, will live upon vile and loathsome
[A mher-abie thlngs, as mushrooms, snails, frogs, mice, young
kitlings, and the like.

In time of extreme dearth or famine, people, I
confess, have been driven to look out for whatso-
ever could nourish, and, as we say, " keep life and
soul together " : yea, and of far worse things than
these, as Josephus reporteth of the Jews, in that
horrible and fearful famine in Jerusalem at the time
of the siege by Titus and Vespasian. Such we
blame not !

Most blameworthy are they who, as it were
surfeiting of, or loathing that abundant plenty of
%"finfhehad. all good aud wholesome meats GOD hath afforded
Zinter\he ^^ ^^ ^^^^ land, and which GOD, by name hath com-
bejiejito/a_ mcudcd to His people, make this stuff their greatest
fire, an tn (jaiutics : as I have known Ladies who, when
they have eaten till they could eat no more of
all the daintiest dishes at the table : yet they must
eat the legs of their larks roasted anew in a greasy tallow
candle ; and if they carved but a piece of a burnt claw
to any Gentleman at the table, he must take it as an extra-
ordinary favour from her Ladyship. It were much to be
wished that they were bound to hold them to their diet,
in a dear year, or a wet spring ! when frogs and snails may
be had in greatest abundance.

Of thrift and good husbandry in Apparel.

Ou must, if you would keep money in your purse to

uphold your credit, at all times be frugal and thrifty

also in your apparel : not dogging the Fashion, or

setting your tailor a work at the sight of every

Monsieur's new suit.

There is a middle, plain, and decent garb, which is best
and most to be commended. This is commonly affected of
the most staid and wisest.

usurer, many
days together,
at a Cook's in
London, did
agree to have
a large mess of
pottage, about
noon, a
draught of
small beer, if
required; and
as many
chippings of
bread in his
pottage as he
•would put in :
paying One
Penny (= yl.
now) a day

the summer, a
further alloT.u-
ance for small
beer. 1664.]

H.Peachain.-| 'pj^g ENGLISH ARE THE ApES OF EuROPE. 397

[/ have observed that this year 1667, many that had lost
thousands by the late dreadful Fire, both men and wo7nen that have
worn the best of clothing, said that " they woidd wear over their
old clothes again, by altering of them in a plain way." Thousands
now have estates [fortunes] to repair, and therefore must not de-
spise small things. It is good to abridge or take away petty charges ;
and to stoop to petty gettings. Also, a man ought to avoid all
charge begun, that will continue. 1667.]

What money might be saved, if we were so wise as the
Dutch or Spaniards, who, for these two or three hundred years,
have kept themselves to one fashion : but we, the {T/iecom-
Apes of Europe, like Proteus, must change our T^tomf/the
shapes every year ! nay quarter ! month ! and spam-ardUn
week ! as well in our doublets, hose, cloaks, hats, thsh-apparei.

Ioo4 1 '

bands, boots, and what not ?

That emblem was not improper which I saw at Antwerp,
where was a he-fool and a she-fool turning a double-
rimmed wheel upon one axle tree, one on the one side,
and the other on the other. Upon the he-fool's wheel
were the several fashions of men's apparel ; on the other
wheel, of women's : which, with the revolution of time, went
round, and came into the same place, use, and request again ;
as for the present aloft and followed of all, by and by, was
cast down and despised.

I see no reason why a Frenchman should not imitate our
English fashion, as we do his. What! have the French
more wit than we in fitting clothes to the body, or a better
invention or way in saving money, or making of apparel ?
Surely, I think not. It may be our English, when they had
to do in France, got a humour of affecting their fashions,
which they could not shake off since.

There is no man ever the warmer, or ever the wiser for a
fashion, so far forth as it is a fashion : but rather the
contrary, a fool ! for needless expense, and suffering himself
to quake for cold ; when his clothes in the fashion must be
cut to the skin, his hat hardly cover his crown, but stand
upon his periwig like an extinguisher. And we know by
ridiculous experience, every day in the street, that our ladies
and waiting-women will starve and shiver in the hardest
frost, rather than they will suffer their bare necks and breasts
to pass your eyes unviewed.

398 Greatest Princes often dress plainest. ["■■^"*|^.

But some will say, as I have heard many, there is no man
nowadays esteemed, that follows not the fashion. Be it
so. The fashion of these Times is very fit to be observed 1
which is, to be deeply indebted to mercers, haberdashers,
sempsters, tailors, and other trades, for the fulfilling of a
fashionable humour: which a thrifty and wise man avoideth,
accommodating himself with apparel fair and seemly, for half
or a third of others' charge.

What makes so many of our city tailors arise to so great
estates, as some of them have ; and to build so brave houses,
but the fashion ? silkmen and mercers to buy such goodly
Lordships in the countries [counties] , where (many times)
they are chosen High Sheriffs, but the fashion ?

And I would fain know of any of our prime fashion-
mongers, what use there is of laced bands of £6, £y, and
£8 [=5^18, ;^2i, £24. now] the band ? nay, of £"40 or £"50 the
band ? such daubing of cloaks and doublets, with gold and
silver points, of £'^ and £8 [=£15 and £z\ now] the dozen,
to dangle uselessly at the knees ?

Philopcemen, a brave Commander among the Grecians,
inPHiLOPCE- as Plutarch reporteth, commanded that all the
MEN. gold and silver which he had taken away from his

enemies, which was a very great quantity, should be em-
ployed in gilding and inlaying of swords, saddles, bridles,
all warlike furniture both for his men and horses. *' For
gold and silver worn by martial men addeth," saith
Plutarch, " courage and spirit unto them ; but in others,
effeminacy or a kind of womanish vanity."

Moderata durante [Things that are moderate, endure. 1664] ;
mediocra firma [Things of mediocrity are firm. 1664. {Lord
Bacon)], were the mottoes of two as grave and great
Councillors as were, of their Times, in England.

A Gentleman in a plain cloth suit, well made, may appear
in the presence of the greatest Prince. The Venetians, as
wise a people and State as any other in Europe, are bound
by the laws of their Common wealth, that their upper gar-
ment, worn within the city, should ever be of plain black.

Yea, the greatest Princes go, many times, the plainest in
their apparel. Charles the Fifth, Emperor, the Bulwark
and Moderator of Christendom, in his time, went very plain ;
seldom or never wearing any gold or silver, save his Order of
the Golden Fleece about his neck.

^'^r^^e^i'^ Scholars often regardless of dress. 399

Henry IV., King of France, worthily styled the Ninth
Worthy, many times, in the heat of summer, would only go
in a suit of buckram cut upon white canvas, or the like :
so little they, who had the Kernel of wisdom and magna-
nimity, cared for the Shell of gaudy apparel.

And it is worthy the observation how, for the ^P/f'^i"^

. •' ' . Scholars have

most part, the rarest and most excellent men m teen tfu;
inward knowledge and multiplicity of learning, %7ns["idThey
have been most negligent and careless in their ^loYenoOis'-^
apparel ; and, as we say, slovens. Erasmus saith credit to the,n.
of Sir Thomas More, Quod a puero semper in j^^^^
vestitu fuit negligentissimus, "that from a child, he Epistoiarum.
was ever most careless and slovenly in his apparel." Para-
celsus we read to have been the like : and, to parallel him,
our late Master Butler of Cambridge [died 1618], that
learned and excellent Physician.

[Of Scholars and Wits, in all Ages, both poets and others, some
there have been who, of force, and against their own will, have
been forced to keep an old fashion.

I remember that an old Poet, of excellent parts for learning and
pleasant discourse, did, many years since, tell me. A Gentleman
of great estate in Derbyshire, desiring his company into the
country with him, it being in the Long Vacation in summer
time, when great breeches had been [were] much in fashion, with
baggings out at the knees, taking up much cloth, and a great
store of linings. This scholar being at present very low in his
fortunes, had worn very long and threadbare, a suit of this
fashion till Ms linings being so broken that he was fain, every
night, when he put them off, to be a long time putting them in
order, that he might find the way to put them on, in the morning.

But in the morning, the Gentleman coming into the room, and
taking up his breeches, threw them upon his bed, saying, " He was
a slugger -bed I "

" 0, Sir," said the scholar, "you have undone me ! for I was
a great while setting my breeches the last night ; and now I shall
not know how to get my legs into them ,'"

The Gentleman fell into a laughter, and sent for a tailor to
make him a new suit.

This is as near the story as I can remember ; according to the
scholar's own relation, about 1625. 1669.]

There is much money to be saved in apparel, in choice of

400 Godfrey Colton, the Cambridge tailor. ["• ^^^^"^^^

stuff for lasting and expense : and that you may not be de-
ceived in the stuff or price, take the advice of some honest tailor,
your friend ; as, no question, but everywhere there are many.

I will instance one. In Cambridge, there dwelt, some
twenty or thirty years ago [about 1620], one Godfrey
Colton ; who was, by trade, a tailor : but a merry com-
panion with his tabour and pipe, and for singing of all manner
of Northern Songs before Nobles and Gentlemen, who much
delighted in his company ; besides, he was Lord of Stour-
bridge Fair and all the misorders there.

On a time, an old Doctor of the University brought unto
him five yards of pure fine scarlet, to make him a Doctor of
Divinity's gown : and withal, desired him to save him the
least shred, to mend a hole if a moth should eat it.

Godfrey having measured it, and found there was enough,
laid it by.

"Nay," quoth the Doctor, "let me see it cut ere I go ! for
though you can play the knave abroad, I think you are honest
at home and at your work."

" GOD forbid else 1 " quoth Godfrey, " and that you.shall
find by me ! For give me but 20s. from you, and I will save
you 40s. in the making of your gown."

" That I will ! " said the Doctor, who was miser-able
enough, " with all mine heart ! "

With that, he gave him two old Harry Angels out of his
velvet pouch : which Godfrey having put into his pocket,
the Doctor desired him to tell him how he should savehim 40s.

" Marry 1 will I," quoth Godfrey, " in good faith. Sir.
Let some other tailor, in any case, make it ! For if I take
it in hand, I shall utterly spoil it ! for I never, in all my life,
made any of this fashion ! "

I report this, for the credit of honest tailors ; who will ever
tell their friends the truth.

Of Recreations.

F recreations, some are more expensive than others,

as requiring more address and charge [outlay] ; as

Fittings, Masques, Plays, and the like : which are

^ proper to Princes' Courts.

But I speak of those which are proper [appropriate] to private

H. Peacham.-J £ jj (-, L I S H RECREATIONS IN 1641.401

men. For such is our nature, that we cannot stand long
bent ; but we must have our relaxations as well of mind, as oi
body.

For of Recreations, some are proper to the mind and
speculation, as reading of delightful and pleasant books, the
knowledge of the mathematical and other contemplative
sciences ; which are the more pleasing and excellent, by how
much the pleasure of the Mind excelleth that of the Body.

Others belong to the body, as walking, riding upon pleasure,
shooting, hunting, hawking, bowling, ringing, Paille Maille
[Note the occurrence of this name 18 years before the Restoration,
when Charles II. brought it into fashion], and the like; which
are recreations without doors : others are within doors, as
chess, tables, cards, dice, billiards, gioco d'oco, and the like.

But the truth is, the most pleasing of all, is riding with
a good horse and a good companion, in the spring \,That ncrea.
or summer season, into the country, when the bios- ^IZltfuasant.
soms are on the trees and flowers in the fields ; or ^^^^-^
when corn and fruit are ripe in autumn. What sweet and
goodly prospects shall you have, on both sides of you, upon
the way ! delicate green fields ! low meadows ! diversity of
crystal streams ! woody hills ! parks with deer ! hedgerows !
orchards ! fruit trees ! churches ! villages ! the houses of
gentlemen and husbandmen ! several habits [different clothes]
and faces ! variety of country labours and exercises I

And if you happen, as often it falleth out, to converse with
countrymen of the place ; you shall find them, for the most
part, understanding enough to give you satisfaction: and some-
times country maids and market wenches will give as unhappy
answers as they be asked knavish and uncivil questions.

Others there be, who, out of their rustical simplicity, will
afford you matter of mirth, if you stay to talk with them. I
remember, once, by Horncastle, near to Stikeswold, in Lin-
colnshire, in the heat of summer, I met with a swineherd
keeping his hogs on a fallow field.

" My friend," quoth I, " you keep here a company of unruly
cattle ! "

" I [Ay], poor souls, they are indeed," quoth he.

" I believe," said I, "they have a language among them-
selves, and can understand one another."

" I, as well as you or I."

2C ^

402 Recreation should re-create a man. ["' ^^'"'I'e^'?:

•' Were they ever taught ? "

" Alas, poor things, they know not one letter of the book !
I teach them all they have."

" Why, what saith that great hog with red spots," quoth
I, "that lies under another, in his grunting language ? "

" Marry, he bids him that sleeps so heavy upon him, to lie
farther off."

But to our purpose. The most ordinary recreations in the
country are foot-ball, skales or nine-pins, shooting at butts ;
quoits, bowling, running at the base, stoolball, leaping, and
the like : whereof some are too violent and dangerous.

The safest recreations are within doors, but not in regard
of cost and expense ; for thousands sometimes are lost at
Ordinaries and Dicing-houses. Yea, I have known goodly
Lordships to have been lost at a cast ! and. for the sport of one
night, some have made themselves beggars all their lives after.

Recreation is so called a recreando, that is, by a metaphor,
from creating a Man anew, by putting life, spirit, and delight
into him, after the powers of his mind and body have been
decayed and weakened with over much contemplation, study,
and labour : and therefore to be used only to that end.

Some go for recreations which trouble and amuse the
mind as much or more than the hardest study ; as chess,
inBasiiicon which King James called therefore "over philo-
doron. sophical a folly."

And, indeed, such recreations should be so used that leave
no sting of repentance for sin committed by them, or grief and
sorrow, for loss of money and time, many days after.

I could instance many of that nature, but I will only givt
Excellent rules some cxcelleut rules to be observed in some of

for recreation. .1

1664.] them.

If you have a mind to recreate yourself by Play, never
adventure but a Third part of that money you have !
Let those you play withal, be of your acquaintance, and
not strangers ; if you may avoid it.

Never miss Time yourself, by sitting long at Play, as
some will do three or four nights together ; and so make
yourself unfit for any business in many days after.

Never play until you be constrained to borrow, or
pawn anything of your own ; which becometh a base
groom better than a Gentleman.

"■ ^^^''i64'^.'] Ways to get a living in 1641. 403

Avoid quarrelling, blasphemous swearing ; and, in a

word, never play for more than you are willing to lose,

that you may find yourself, after your pastime, not the

worse, but the better : which is the end of all recreations.

There are some, I know, so base and penurious, who, for

fear of losing a penny, will never play at anything: yet,

rather than they should want their recreation, I would wish

them to venture at Span-counter and Dust-point, with

schoolboys, upon their ordinary play days, in a market-place

or Church porch !

Of such Jionest zvays that men in wajit may
take to live and get money.

F A man hath fallen into poverty or distress, either
by death of friends, some accident or other \a proper
by sea or land, sickness, or the like ; let ^bTg"ingofa
him not despair ! iorpaupertas non est vituim. ^H^"2V- "*
And since the Common wealth is like unto a the Gentleman
human Body, consisting of many members so use- '^tfd'him ""ft
ful, each to either, as one cannot subsist without "'^'"««^'^"

' .' . , , youth ana

the other; as a Pnnce, his Council and Statesmen, tunbs 7mght be
are as the Head; the Arms, are men-at-arms; the VegT'^where-
Backthe commonality; Hands and Feet are country ^teg^arlaid,
and mechanic trades, &c. : so, GOD hath ordained 'L^,%YeT unth
that all men should have need one of another, that atad duease,
none might live idly or want employment. Where- ^Z'^d^Lmedr
fore Idleness as the bane of a Common wealth, The Centu-

tnan giving

hath a curse attending upon it ; it should be him 2d. (=6d.
clothed with rags ! it should beg its bread ! &c. Hding/or-

I remember I have read in an Italian history, of ZtanlTckto^
one so idle, that he was fain to have one to help ^^^-^/J^^'"*
him to stir his chops, when he should eat his meat. ««j?" The

Now, if you would ask me. What course he \ftMhi{n'but
should take, or what he should do that wanteth ^'J//^^"'"
money ? let him first bethink himself to what cudgeiud, lu
profession or trade of life he hath been formerly ser-^ing-man
brought up? _ lXtf"£-,

If of the inferior rank of people, as a tradesman j'J'^'^^'^
[mechanic] or artificer; for those are the persons some»,en
most concerned in this general complaint. Teet.]'"'^'

404 Loss OF TIME IN COFFEE-HOUSES IN 1 676. ["' ^^^"jg^^.

First, let them be diligent and industrious in their
several trades and callings.

Secondly, let them avoid all such idle society that
squandered away a great deal of time at a cheap rate.

[/ shall instance, in those sober and civil Conventions as at
coffee-houses and clubs, where little Money is pretended to be
spent, but a great deal of precious Time is lost : which the
person never thinks of, but measures his expenses by what goes
out of his pocket ; nor considers what he might have put in
by his labour, and what he might have saved, being employed
in a shop for example.

A mechanic tradesman, it may be, goes to the coffee-house
or ale-house, in the morning, to drink his morning's draught;
where he spends twopence, and in smoking and talkijtg con-
sumes at least an hour : in the evening, about six o'clock, he
goes to his twopenny Club, and there stays for his twopence
till nine or ten. Here are fourpence spent ; and four hours
at least lost, which in most mechanic trades, cannot be
reckoned at less than a shilling : and, if he keep servants,
they may lose him nearly as much by idling and spoiling his
goods, which his presence might have prevented. So that,
upon these considerations, for this, his supposed Groat a day's
expenses, he cannot reckon less than seven groats : which
comes to 14s. [=425. now] a week, Sundays excepted ; this is
£^d IDS. a year [=;£'io9 los. now], a great deal of money in
a poor tradesman's pocket. 1676.]
If brought up to no trade, to what his genius or natural
disposition stands most affected unto.

If he hath a mind to travel, he shall find entertain-
\Thetimesin mcnt iu the Netherlands; who are the best

Tohard"asto paymastcrs ; except the Emperor of Russia,

deny hidnstry ^nd thc Venetians (I mean, for the most

and Ingenuity . ' '

a livelihood. mcans) m Europe.

mayiive'by If you list uot to follow thc wars, you may

liis'swfrd,^ find entertainment among our new Planta-

theSchohirby tions iu America I as New England, Virginia,

the exercise of . " i

his Pen: and thc Barbadocs, St. Christopher's, and the rest :

*'mit'oThc!f' where with a great deal of delight, you may have

Z'^eruandeth Variety of honest employment, as fishing with

not. 1664.] the net or hook, planting, gardening, and the

like ; which, besides your maintenance, you shall find it

H. p«acham.-| Get, and keep a friend! 405

a great content to your conscience to be in action, which
GOD commands us all to be! vrherehno

If you have been ever in Grammar School, *to"ke"want\f
you may everywhere find children to teach ; '^uHZ'man
so many, no doubt, as will keep you from "/"'nunuw/ui

, . •" J-, 1 • /-T^i , and forbidden

starvmg, and it ma}' be m a Gentleman s actions; and,
house. Or if you get entertainment of any sfrlptdo,
who followeth the Law or practiseth Physic ; %%1'f^^ij^
you may, with diligence and practice, prove a Mm an inch
Clerk to himself or some Justice of the Peace. /'«^"/4. i664.]
By the other, you may get the knowledge and nature of
herbs and all foreign drugs from his apothecary ; and
perhaps many good receipts for agues, wounds, and the
like. I have known many, this way, to have proved in
a country town, tolerable physicians, and have grown
rich.
If being born a Gentleman, you scorn, as our Gentlemen do,
to do any of these; you may get to be a Gentleman
Usher to some Lady or other. They are not few that
have thrived passing well this way.
And, in a word, rather than be in miserable and pitiless
want, let a man undertake any vocation and labour ! always
remembering that homely, but true, distich of old Tusser's,

Think no labour slavery,
That brings in Penny saverly!

And as a necessary rule hereto coincident, let every man
endeavour, by a dutiful diligence, to get a friend ! and when
he hath found him (neither are they so easily found in these
days!) with an equal care to keep him 1 and to use him, as one
would do a crystal or Venice glass, to take him up softly and
use him tenderly; or as you would a sword of excellent
temper and mettle, not to hack at every gate or cut every
staple and post therewith, but to keep him to defend you in
your extremest danger.

False and seeming friends are infinite. Such be our
ordinary acquaintance, with the compliment, " Glad to see
you well I " " How have you done, this long time ? " &c. :
and with these, we meet every day.

In a word, for a conclusion, let every one be careful to get

4o6 " We will want money, for no man ! " ["•

Peacham.
? 1641.

and keep money. Know the worth of a Penny ! [There is
no companion like a Penny ! Be a good husband ! and thou
wilt soon get a penny to spend, a penny to lend, and a penny for
thy friend. 1667.]

And since we are born, we must live. Vivons nous ! Let

us live as well, as merrily, as we can, in these hardest

Times 1 and say, every one of us, as Sir Roger Williams,

that brave soldier, said to Queen Elizabeth, when he

wanted pay for himself and his soldiers, " Madam,

I tell you true ! we will be without money for

no man's pleasure ! "

FINIS.

NARRATIVE

OF ALL THE

Proceedings in the Draining of the

GREAT LEVEL of the

FENS,

Extending into the Counties of

'Northampton^ Lincoln^ Norfolk^ Suffolk^

Cambridge, and Huntingdon; and the

ISLE of ELY:

From the time of Queen ELIZABETH,
until this present MAT, 1661.

For the htformation of all concerned.

BY N. N.

LONDON,

Printed by A. W. for the use of the Author, 1 66i

409

A Narrative of all the proceedings in the
Draining of the Great Level^ &^c.

N the 43rd year of Queen Elizabeth — an Act
was made to encourage any that 43-£'^'2-
would undertake the draining of the said Great
Level : which was attempted in several parts ;
by Carril for the draining of Thorn ey, by
Cocking and others for Londoners' Fens —
which were both gained, and lost again.

In the third year of King James — the whole
was attempted to be drained by Sir John Popham Knight,
Chief Justice ; Sir Thomas Fleming, Chief Baron ; 3 y'^.
Sir William Rumney, Knight and Alderman of London ;
and John Eldred citizen of London ; who were to have had
for their recompense 130,000 acres : who did proceed, but
could not effect that work.

In the i6th year of King James — Sir William Ayloffe
Knight and Anthony Thomas Esquire became ^e 7^-
Undertakers to drain the said Level, and were to have had
two thirds of some, and one half of other grounds for their
recompense : but this draining was without success.

Afterwards — King James himself, by a Law of Sewers
was declared Undertaker for the draining the Cambridge
whole ; and was to have had for his recompense ^o'Feb.
120,000 acres: but this attempt likewise failed. 19 y<^-
In the 6th year of King Charles the First (of blessed

4IO The Indenture of 27x11 February 1632. [May'iee..

memory) — the Commissioners of Sewers for the said Great
Sept. 6. Level and parts adjacent; did agree with Sir

c^""- '• Cornelius Vermuyden to undertake the draining

the said Level ; who was to have had for his recompense
95,000 acres : but nothing was done ; in respect of his being
an alien.

After in the said 6th year of King Charles — the then
Commissioners of Sewers for the said Great Level and parts
Jan. 6. adjacent; did make it their request to Francis,

Car. I. then Earl of Bedford to undertake the said work:

who was to have for his recompense 95,000 acres ; whereof
the said King was to have 12,000 acres for his Royal assent
to that law, and concurrence to an Act of Parliament.

In pursuance whereof, the said Earl undertook this great
and hazardous work : and for his assistance therein, and by
an Indenture consisting of fourteen parts; Dated 27 February
[1632] 7 Car. 1^ he took in divers Adventurers and Par-
ticipants with him ; who adventured for these several shares
following, viz.

The said Francis, Earl of Bedford ; for three whole
shares or lots, of 4,000 acres to each lot.

Oliver, Earl of Bolingbroke; for one lot, of 4,000
acres.

Edward, Lord Gorges ; for one.

Sir Robert Heath Knight, for one.

Sir Miles Sandys Knight and Baronet, for two.

Sir William Russell Knight and Baronet, for two.

Sir Robert Bevill Knight, for one.

Sir Thomas Terringham Knight, for two.

Sir Philibert Pernatt, for one.

William Sams, Doctor at Law, for one.

Anthony Hamond Esq., for two.

Samuel Spalding Gent., for one.

Andrew Burwell Gent., for one.

Sir Robert Lovet Knight, for one.

In all twenty lots, each of 4,000 acres, divided between the
said fourteen parties.

May'i66i.] ThE GrEAT LeVEL FIRST DRAINED IN 1 636. 4 II

In and by which said Indenture, amongst other things, it
is agreed as foUoweth.

That if any one of the aforesaid parties or their assigns,
after notice, should fail in the payment of such money as
from time to time should he imposed on them in pursuance
of the said Indenture for the carrying on the said work ;
that then it should be lawful to and for the rest of the said
parties or their assigns to supply the same, or to admit
some other person or persons to have the share of such
defaulture, paying the sum [then] imposed on the said
share : and that all such parties as aforesaid by himself
or his assigns so failing; shall be wholly excluded and for
ever debarred from demanding or receiving all or any
such sum or sums of money, as any such person or persons
had formerly disbursed for and towards the said work.
After the executing of the said fourteen-part Indenture ;
divers of those Participants did assign and conveyed unto
other persons several proportions of their Shares and Ad-
ventures, by them undertaken by the said Indenture.

By virtue of this Agreement, the said Adventurers and
their assigns proceeded so far in this hazardous adventure ;
that after an expense of 5^100,000 therein, it was ^^car.
[in 1636] adjudged drained, at Peterborough.

And in October [1637], in the 13th year of the said King
Charles — by a Law of Sewers made at Saint Ives, 13 Car.
the said 95,000 acres were set out by description and
boundaries therein mentioned: where and how this 95,000
acres should be taken out of each parish or landowner's land
in the whole Level ; according to which setting forth, the
whole 95,000 was thus divided and allotted.

First, 12,000 acres thereof, for the said late King

Charles.
And 80,000 acres thereof, were divided into twenty lots,
each lot containing 4,000 acres ; which were divided
amongst the aforesaid parties to the fourteen-part
Deed and their assigns, as aforesaid.
And 3,000 acres did remain to be disposed of at the
pleasure of the Adventurers.

412 The Level again drowned in 1641. [May*i66i.

In pursuance of this Law, a great part of the 95,000 acres
was divided from the country : and some of the said
Adventurers had possession of some parts of their several
proportions ; but had no conveyances of the same and
received but httle rent.

For that by a Law of Sewers made at Huntingdon in [1638]
14 Car. the 14th year of the said King Charles ; upon
complaint that the said Level was not perfectly drained —
The said King Charles (of happy memory) was declared
Undertaker to drain the same, inter alia, and to have for his
recompense, not only the 95,000 acres set out unto the said
Earl, but also 57,000 acres more out of the same lands and
parishes within the said Level : and the said Earl and his
Participants were to have had 40,000 acres of the said 95,000
acres freed from taxes for their charges expended ; which
would have been of more advantage to them than the whole
95,000 acres on the terms they have it.

After which Law, the inhabitants of the country did
re-enter upon the said 80,000 acres and 3,000 acres ; part of
the said 95,000 acres : and the said King continued in the
possession of the said 12,000 acres.

But about the year 1641, his Majesty gave over his
1641. Undertaking : and soon after the whole Level

became drowned : and then the country entered upon the
said 12,000 acres also, and kept the whole in their own
possession.

In this condition, the said Level returned to be as badly
drowned as ever before: with the loss of £100,000 to the said
Earl and his Participants.

Afterwards a Parliament having been called in the year
1640 — the said Earl and his Participants or their Assigns did
petition the said Parliament : that they would empower the
said Earl to go on and perfect the aforesaid work ; and in
1641, their case was committed [referred to a Committee].
But the said Earl dying about the said year, and the late
unhappy wars being then begun; there was for some time a
stop to the prosecution of the said Act, till about 1646.
When William, now Earl of Bedford, son and heir of the
said Francis; the Honourables John and Edward Russell,
brothers to the said William, Earl of Bedford ; Sir Miles
Sandys, Sir John Marsham ; Anthony Hamond ; and

May^66I.] SeCOND DRAINING OF THE LeVEL, 1 649-5 3. 4^3

Robert Henley Esquires, and others, in numbers and
interest the greatest part concerned in the said 83,000 acres ;
did address themselves to the Parliament then sitting, that
they might be empowered by an Act to prosecute the said
work of Draining, for the recovery of that vast and lost
country : which Act — after several hearings of all parties
before a Committee — was ready to be presented to the House
of Lords ; but the late unhappy differences prevented for
that time its further progress.

Afterwards, about the year 1648— the said William, Earl
of Bedford, by the assistance of Sir Miles Sandys, Robert
Henley Esquire, and divers others his said Participants ; did
prosecute the obtaining of an Act of that pretended Parlia-
ment, in order to the draining of the aforesaid Level. And
after several hearings of all parties both of the Country and
Adventurers before the Committee; an Act passed in the
said pretended Parliament in May 1649.

By colour of which pretended Act, the said Earl and his
Participants did meet together in the prosecution of the
aforesaid fourteen-part Indenture. Accordingly the Earl of
ARUNDEL,under whom Sir William Playter claims; Colonel
John Russell and Edward Russell Esquires, brothers to
the said Earl of Bedford ; Sir Miles Sandys, under whom
Colonel Samuel Sandys claims ; Sir John Hewett ; Sir
William Terringham ; William Dodson ; Sir John
Marsham; Anthony Hamond and Robert HENLEYEsquires,
and divers others interested in the said work of Draining;
who had seven parts out of eight in the said 83,000 acres :
finding themselves out of possession, did in June following
resolve to raise money for carrying on the said work in
prosecuting of the aforesaid fourteen-part Indenture; being
enabled thereto — as the times then were — by the said
pretended Act.

But several persons failing in the due payment of their
money, as aforesaid : the said Earl with the residue of his
said Participants were necessitated about November [1649]
following; either to admit some other persons in the room of
those who failed to supply the payment of such money as
was raised according to the said Agreement, or otherwise
to lose the whole.

By which means, money being raised, the said work was

414 The nature of the Drainage works. [May\66i.

carried on till Lady Day 1653 ; and then the whole Level
being adjudged drained, possession of the said 95,000 acres
was given to them accordingly : and by virtue of an Act
made in the Parliament begun the 25th of April 1660, it still
continues.

There are several banks, which together are above two
hundred miles in length : seventy miles whereof are generally
nine feet high and sixty feet wide at the seat or bottom;
the rest generally five feet high and twenty-four feet wide at
the seat. Besides, they have cut one navigable river twenty
one miles long and one hundred feet broad : besides divers
sewers and drains, altogether above four hundred miles in
length, some forty feet, some thirty, some twenty, and none
under twelve feet wide. Besides, they have made divers
great and navigable sasses and sluices, and bridges.

For the doing whereof, and in other expenses and build-
ings, and improving the said Level ; the said Earl and his
Participants have expended at least ^^500,000 ; and it will
yearly cost great sums to maintain it.

This being the true state of the Case — as indifferent to all
interests, and as an affectionate friend to the whole — I
heartily wish and advise that all parties herein concerned,
would so far recede from their own opinions and private
interests, and — for the preservation of the whole — unani-
mously submit all differences to the determination of the
Parliament, or to such persons as they, in their wisdom, shall
think fit : whereby the whole may be preserved, and all
particular interests may receive justice according to the
equity of their cause.

FINIS.

Edward Leigh, Esquire, M.A

Hints for Travellers.

1571-1671.

4i6

Edward Leigh, Esquire, M. A.

Hints for Travellers.
1571-1671 A.D.

[Three Diairihes &'c.'\

|N SUCH a one going to travel; there is required —
First. A competent age. That he be above
eighteen or twenty years old: although the years
of fourteen or fifteen are more proper for learning
the true accent of any language ; and all exercises
belonging to the body.

Secondly. That he hath the Latin tongue ; and some skill
in the liberal sciences.

Thirdly. That he be skilful in architecture : able so v^^ell
to limn or paint, as to take in paper the situation of a castle
or a city, or the platform [plan] of a fortification.

Fourthly. That he be well grounded in the true religion :
lest he be seduced and perverted.

Fifthly. He should be first well acquainted with his own
country, before he go abroad ; as to the places and govern-
ment. If any came heretofore to the Lords of the Council
for a license to travel : the old Lord Treasurer Burleigh
would examine him of England. If he found him ignorant ;
he would bid him stay at home, and know his own country
first.

Sixthly. It were of use to inform himself, before he
undertakes his voyage, by the best chorographical and
geographical map of the situation of the country he goes to;
both in itself, and relatively to the universe : to compare the
vetus et hodierna regio ; and to carry with him the republics
[gover7inient] of the nations to which he goes ; and a map of
every country he intends to travel through.

E. Leigh, M^A.-| Hints for Travellers. 417

Seventhly. Before his voyage, he should make his peace
with GOD ; receive the Lord's Supper; satisfy his creditors,
if he be in debt ; pray earnestly to GOD to prosper him in
his voyage, and to keep him from danger : and— if he be siii
juris — he should make his last will, and wisely order all his
affairs ; since many that go far abroad, return not home.

In the survey of a country, these things are observable.

First. The Name and its derivation ; the Latitude and
Longitude of the place. The temperature of the climate.
The goodness or barrenness of the ground. The populousness
or scarcity of the people. The limits of the country ; how it
is bounded by sea or land, or both. The commodities,
natural and artificial. The discommodities ; either imper-
fections or wants. The manners, shape, language, and attire
of the people. Their building ; their havens and harbours.
The religion and government. The history of the country
and families.

Secondly. The Courts of Princes are to be seen and
observed ; especially when they give audience to Ambas-
sadors : the Courts of Justice, while they sit and hear
causes; and so of Consistories Ecclesiastical. The churches
and the monuments therein. The walls and fortifications of
cities and towns; Antiquities and Ruins; Libraries, Colleges;
Disputations and Lectures, where they are. Shipping and
Navies ; Houses and Gardens of state and pleasure, near
great cities; Armouries, Arsenals, Magazines, Exchanges,
Bourses, Warehouses; Exercises of horsemanship; fencing;
training of soldiers ; and the like. Treasuries of jewels and
robes ; Cabinets ; and rare Inventions.

AuBERTUS MiR^us, in the life of Lipsius, saith that when
he came first to Rome, he spent all his time, when he was at
leisure, in viewing the stones and ancient places, and other
rarities there : and that he spent his time in the Pope's
Vatican library, in comparing together the manuscripts of
Seneca, Tacitus, Plautus, Propertius, and other ancients.
He viewed also other famous libraries, public and private.

Thirdly. The choice herbs and plants, beasts, birds,
fishes and insects proper to that country ; are to be taken
notice of: together with minerals, metals, stones, and earths.

2D 6

4i8 Hints f o r T r a v e l le r s. L^" ^"'^^' ^e^t

Their proverbs also should be observed ; in which, much of
the wisdom of a nation is found.

Fourthly. Learned men, and such as have abilities of any-
kind ; are worthy to be known : and the best books there,
are to be inquired after.

Men that travel must be very cautious both of speech and
demeanour. The Italian proverb saith, " For a man to
travel safely through the world ; it behoveth him to have a
falcon's eye, an ass's ears, a monkey's face, a merchant's
words, a camel's back, a hog's mouth, and a deer's feet."

Sir Henry Wotton, in his Letters, mentions twice the
answer that was given to him by Alberto Scipioni ; when
he begged his advice, how he might carry himself securely
at Rome. Signior Arrigomio, says he, pensieri stretti, e il viso
sciolto. "Your thoughts close and your countenance loose
[open'] will go safely over the world."

Fifthly. Make choice of the best places for attaining of
the language. As, Valladolid for the Spanish ; Orleans or
Blois for the French ; Florence or Sienna for the Italian ;
Leipsic or Heidelberg for the High-Dutch [German] tongues.
In these places, the best language is spoken.

What profit travelling brings to an architect, ViTRUVius
shows. What, to a soldier, Vegetius. What, to a limner
or statuary [sculptor], the horses of Phidias and Praxiteles
made by art, witness : these, with other colossal statues
and pictures are yet at Rome. Merchandise is almost
maintained by travel. How much are cosmography,
topography and astronomy improved and furthered by
travel !

Change of air by travelling, after one is used to it, is good:
and therefore great travellers have been long lived[!].

In the Philosophical Conferences of the Virtuosi of France,
Conference 87, it is determined whether Travel be necessary
to an ingenuous man. He saith there, if you except
embassies — in which the good of the State drowns all other
considerations — those that would travel must be young
and strong, rich and well-born ; to get any good by their
travels.

The French say Un honnete homme est un homme mile, " An

E.Leigh,M.A.j Hints for Travellers. 419

honest man is a mixed man ; " that is, one who has some-
thing in him, in point of knowledge, of all nations.

Charles V. made nine voyages into Germany ; six into
Spain ; seven into Italy ; four into France ; ten into the Low
Countries ; two into England ; as many into Africa. He
also passed the Ocean and Mediterranean seas, eleven times.

The Emperor Hadrian travelled over a great part of the
world ; and with his head bare, though it were cold and wet :
and so fell into a deadly disease. Whence the verses of
Florus the poet.

Ego nolo Cmsar esse,
Ambulare per Britannos,
Scythicas pati pruinas.

I will in no wise C^sar be,
To walk along in Britainie,
The Scythic frost to feel and se?.

To which the Emperor answered in like strain.

Ego nolo Florus esse,

Ambulare per tabernasy
Latitare per popinas,
Culices pati rotundos.

And I will never Florus be,

To walk from shop to shop, as he,

To lurk in taverns secretly,

And there to feel the Rome wine fly.

Whoever, since the beginning of things and men, hath
been so often, by royal employment, sent Ambassador; or to
so many princes, so distant in place, so different in rites, as
Sir Robert Shirley ? Two Emperors, Rondolph and
Ferdinand; two Popes, Clement VII. and Paul; twice
the King of Spain ; twice the Polonian ; the Muscovite also ;
have given him audience : and twice also — though not the

420 Hints for Travellers. [^' ^^'^''' Jg^'^,

least, for a born subject to be Ambassador to his Sovereign —
His Majesty hath heard his embassage from the remote
Persian. Purchas, Pilgrims, ii. lib. lo. c. lo.

Doctor Nicholas Wotton, uncle to Sir Henry Wotton,
was Privy Councillor to four successive Sovereigns, viz. :
King Henry VHI, King Edward VI, Queen Mary, and
Queen Elizabeth. He was nine times Ambassador for
the crown of England ; to the Emperor, the Kings of France
and Spain, and other Princes. Camden, History of Queen
Klizabeth,

Sir Thomas Roe, after many Embassies — to almost all
the Princes and States in Christendom — all which were
managed with admirable dexterity, success, and satisfaction ;
was last of all, Ambassador Extraordinary to Ferdinand HI,
Emperor of Germany : who gave him this character, " I
have met with many gallant persons of many nations ; but I
scarce ever met with an Ambassador till now."

Paris, Rome and Constantinople are the Court of the
world ; Venice, Genoa and Lisbon the City ; Provence,
Andalusia and Italy, the Garden ; Africa and America, the
Desert and Wilderness. Flecknoe's Relation [of ten years'
travels, S-c] Letter xxii.

Johnson in his Relation of the many famous Kingdoms,
lib. i. Of Travel; adviseth a traveller to take heed of the
pride of Spain, the poison of Italy, the treason of France,
and the drink of Flanders.

Sir Benjamin Rudyard — whose discourse and speeches
were full of apothegms — was wont to say, " France is a good
country to ride through, Italy a good country to look upon,
Spain a good country to understand, but England a good
country to live in."

So wishing the traveller a prosperous voyage : I here cast
anchor.

James Wright.

The Second Generation of English
T^rofessional ^Actors.

1625-1670.

422

[James Wright.]

The second generation of English profes-
sional Actors^ 1625—1670 A.D.

iHisloria Histrlonka. 1699.]

Lovewit.
Truman,

Lovewit.

Onest old Cavalier ! well met ! 'faith I
am glad to see thee !

Truman. Have a care, what you call
me ! Old is a word of disgrace among
the ladies. To be honest is to be poor
and foolish, as some think : and Cavalier is a word as much
out of fashion as any of them.

Lovewit. The more's the pity. But what said the Fortune
Teller, in Ben Johnson's Masque of Gypsies, to the then Lord
Privy Seal,

Honest and old !

In those the good part of a fortune is told !

Truman. Ben Johnson ! How dare you name Ben
Johnson in these times? when we have such a crowd of
poets in a quite different genius : the least of which thinks
himself as well able to correct Ben Johnson as he could a
country schoolmistress that taught to spell.

Lovewit. We have indeed poets of a different genius.
So are the plays. But in my opinion there are all of them,
some few excepted, as much inferior to those of former times ;
as the actors now in being, generally speaking, are, compared
to Hart, Mohun, Burt, Lacy, Clun, and Shatterel; for
T can reach no further backward.

•'■^ISG The Second Generation of our Actors. 423

Truman. I can. And I dare assure you — if my fancy
and memory are not partial, for men of my age are apt to be
over indulgent to the thoughts of their youthful days — I say,
the actors that I have seen, before the [Civil] Wars, Lowin,
Taylor, Pollard, and some others, were almost as far
beyond Hart and his company; as those were, beyond these
now in being.

Lovewit. I am willing to believe it, but cannot readily ;
because I have been told that those whom I mentioned, were
bred up under the others [i.e., actors] of your acquaintance ; and
followed their manner of action : which is now lost. So far,
that when the question has been asked, *' "Why these players
do not receive the Silent Woman and some other of Johnson's
plays, once of highest esteem?" They have answered truly,
" Because there are none now living, who can rightly humour
those parts : for all who [were] related to the ' Blackfriars '
(where they were acted in perfection) are now dead, and
almost forgotten."

Truman. 'Tis very true 1 Hart and Clun were bred up
boys at the '' Blackfriars," and acted women's parts. Hart
was Robinson's boy or apprentice. He acted the Duchess in
the tragedy of the Cardinal ; which was the first part that gave
him reputation. Cartwright and Wintershal belonged
to the " Private House " in Salisbury Court. Burt was a
boy, first under Shank at the " Blackfriars," then under
Beeston at the ** Cockpit " : and Mohun and Shatterel
were in the same condition with him, at the last place.
There Burt used to play the principal women's parts, in
particular CL^i?7^A^^ in Love's cruelty: and, at the same time,
Mohun acted Bellamente, which part he retained after
the Restoration.

Lovewit. That I have seen, and can well remember. I
wish they had printed in the last Age (for so I call the
times before the Rebellion) the actors' names over against
the parts they acted ; as they have done since the Restora-
tion : and thus one might have guessed at the Action of the
men, by the parts which we now read in the old plays.

Truman. It was not the custom and usage of those days,
as it hath been since. Yet some few old plays there are, that
have the names set against the parts : as The Duchess of
Malfy ; the Picture; the Roman Actor; the Deserving

424 The London Theatres before the Wars. P'^'llgJ;

Favourite ; the Wild Goose Chase, at the " Blackfriars " ; the
Wedding; theRenegado; the Fair Maid of the West; Hannibal
and SciPio ; King John and Matilda, at the "Cockpit";
and Holland's leaguer, at " Salisbury Court."

Lovewit. These are but few indeed : but, pray, Sir, what
master-parts can you remember the old " Blackfriars " men
to act, in Johnson's, Shakespeare's, and Fletcher's
plays ?

Truman. What I can at present recollect I'll tell you.
Shakespeare (who, as I have heard, was a much better
Poet than Player), Burbage, Hemmings, and others of the
older sort, were dead before I knew the Town. But, in my
time, before the Wars ; Lowin used to act, with mighty
applause, Falstaff ; MoROSE ; VuLPONE ; and Mammon
in the Alchemist; Melancius in the Maid's tragedy. And at
the same time, Amyntor was played by Stephen Hammer-
ton : who was, at first, a most noted and beautiful Woman-
Actor; but afterwards he acted, with equal grace and applause,
a young lover's part.

Taylor acted Hamlet incomparably well ; J ago [i.e.,
J ago in Othello]; Truewit, in the Silent Woman; and
Face, in the Alchemist.

Swanston used to play Othello.

Pollard and Robinson were Comedians. So was Shank;
who used to act Sir ROGER in the Scornful Lady. These were
of the " Blackfriars."

Those of principal note at the ** Cockpit " were Perkins,
Michael Bowyer, Sumner, William Allen, and Bird,
eminent Actors : and Robins a Comedian.

Of the other Companies, I took little notice.

Lovewit. Were there so many companies ?
Truman. Before the Wars, there were in being, all these
Play Houses at the same time.

The " Blackfriars," and '' Globe " on the Bankside. A
winter, and [a] summer house belonging to the same
Company; called "The King's Servants."
The "Cockpit" or "Phoenix" in DruryLane; called

"The Queen's Servants."
The Private House in Salisbury Court; called "The
Prince's Servants."

^■^lijj:] Our First Actors WERE THE Best. 425

The " Fortune," near White Cross Street : and the
" Red Bull " at the upper end of St. John's Street.
The two last were mostly frequented by citizens, and
the meaner sort of people.

All these Companies got money, and lived in reputation :
especially those of the " Blackfriars," who were men of grave
and sober behaviour.

Lovewit. Which I much admire [wonder] at. That the
Town, [being] much less than at present, could then maintain
Five Companies ; and yet now Two can hardly subsist.

Truman. Do not wonder, but consider ! That though
the Town was then, perhaps, not much more than half so
populous as now ; yet then the prices [of admission] were
small (there being no scenes), and better order kept among
the company that came: which made very good people think
a play an innocent diversion for an idle hour or two ; the
plays being then, for the most part, more instructive and
moral. Whereas of late, the Playhouses are so extremely
with vizard-masks [spectators wearing masks] and their trade,
occasioning continual quarrels and abuses; that many of the
more civilized [refined] part of the Town are uneasy in the com-
pany, and shun the theatre as they would a house of scandal.

It is an argument of the worth of the Plays and Actors of
the last Age, and easily inferred that they were much beyond
ours in this, to consider that they could support themselves
merely from their own merit, the weight of the matter, and
goodness of the action ; without scenes and machines.
Whereas the present plays, with all their show, can hardly
draw an audience, unless there be the additional invitation
of a Signior Fideli, a Monsieur L'Abbe, or some such
foreign regale expressed in the bottom of the Bill.

Lovewit. To waive this digression, I have read of one
Edward Alleyn, a man so famed for excellent action that
among Ben Johnson's Epigrams, I find one directed to him,
full of encomium, and concluding thus —

Wear this renown ! 'Tis just, that who did give
So many poets life, by one should live.

Was he one of the ** Blackfriars " ?
Truman. Never, as I have heard ; for he was dead before

426 The Private Houses were very small. [J ^'|g;

my time. He was Master of a Company of his own ; fot
whom he built the "Fortune" playhouse from the ground:
a large round brick building. This is he that grew so rich,
that he purchased a great estate in Surrey, and elsewhere ;
and, having no issue, he built and largely endowed Dulwich
College in the year 1619, for a Master, a Warden, four
Fellows, twelve aged poor people, and twelve poor boys, &c.
A noble charity !

Lovewit. What kind of Playhouses had they before the
Wars ?

Truman. The " Blackfriars," " Cockpit," and " Salisbury
Court " were called Private Houses ; and were very small to
what we see now. The " Cockpit " was standing since the Re-
storation ; and Rhodes's Company acted there for some time.

Lovewit. I have seen that.

Truman. Then you have seen the other two, in effect ;
for they were all three built almost exactly alike, for form
and bigness. Here they had *' Pits " for the gentry, and
acted by candlelight.

The " Globe," " Fortune," and " Bull " were large houses,
and lay partly open to the weather : and there they always
acted by daylight.

Lovewit. But prithee, Truman ; what became of these
players when the Stage was put down, and the Rebellion
raised [i.e., in the time of the Commonwealth].

Truman. Most of them (except LowiN, Taylor, and
Pollard, who were superannuated) went into the King's
army; and like good men and true, served their old master,
though in a different, yet more honourable capacity.

Robinson was killed at the taking of a place (I think
Basing House) by Harrison, he that was after hanged at
Charing Cross : who refused him quarter, and shot him in
the head when he had laid down his arms; abusing Scripture
at the same time, in saying " Cursed is he that doeth the
work of the LORD negligently! "

MoHUN was a Captain ; and, after the Wars were ended
here, served in Flanders, where he received pay as a Major.

Hart was a Lieutenant of horse under Sir Thomas
Dallison, in Prince Rupert's Regiment. Burt was Cornet
in the same troop ; and Shatterel, Quarter Master.

'■^"i&l Secret Representations, 1648- 1660. 427

Allen of the " Cockpit " was a Major, and Quarter Master
General at Oxford.

I have not heard of one of these players of any note that
sided with the other party, but only Swanston ; and he
professed himself a Presbyterian, took up the trade of a
jeweller, and lived in Aldermanbury, within the territory of
Father Calamy. The rest either lost, or exposed their lives
for their King.

When the Wars were over, and the Royalists totally
subdued : most of them who were left alive gathered to
London ; and for a subsistence, endeavoured to revive their
old trade privately. They made up one Company out of all
the scattered members of several ; and in the winter before
the King's murder, [i.e.] 1648, they ventured to act some
plays, with as much caution and privacy as could be, at the
" Cockpit." They continued undisturbed for three or four
days : but at last, as they were presenting the tragedy of
the Bloody Brother — in which LowiN acted A ubrey ; Taylor,
ROLLO ; Pollard, the Cook ; Burt, La Torche ; and, I
think. Hart, Otto — a party of foot-soldiers beset the house,
surprised them about the middle of the play, and carried them
away, in their habits [dresses] not admitting them to shift
[themselves], to Hatton House, then a prison: where having
detained them some time, they plundered them of their
clothes, and let them loose again.

Afterwards, in Oliver's time, they used to act privately
three or four miles or more out of town, now here, now
there ; sometimes in noblemen's houses, in particular Holland
House at Kensington: where the nobility and gentry who
met, but in no great numbers, used to make a sum for them ;
each giving a broad piece or the like. And Alexander
GoFFE, the Woman Actor at " Blackfriars," who had made
himself known to persons of Quality, used to be the jackal,
and give notice of time and place.

At Christmas and Bartholomew Fair, they used to bribe
the Officer who commanded the guard at White Hall ; and
were thereupon connived at to act for a few days, at the
" Red Bull " : but were sometimes, notwithstanding, disturbed
by soldiers.

Some picked up a little money by publishing copies of
plays never before printed, but kept in manuscript. For

428 The Ends of some of these Actors. [■^•^''Ifgg-

instance, in the year 1652, Beaumont and Fletcher's
Wild Goose Chase was printed in folio, for the public use of all
the ingenious, as the title page says : and private benefit of John
LowiN and Joseph Taylor, Servants to his late Majesty : and
by them dedicated To the honoured Few Lovers of Dramatic
Poesy^ ; wherein they modestly intimate their wants. And
that with sufficient cause: for whatever they were before the
Wars ; they were after reduced to a necessitous condition.

LowiN, in his latter days, kept an inn, The Three Pigeons
at Brentford, where he died very old : for he was an Actor of
eminent note in the reign of King James I., and his poverty
was as great as his age. Taylor died at Richmond, and
was there buried. Pollard, who lived single, and had a
competent estate, retired to some relations he had in the
country ; and there ended his life. Perkins and Sumner of
the "Cockpit," kept house together at Clerkenwell, and were
there buried.

These all died some years before the Restoration. What
followed after, I need not tell you 1 You can easily remem-
ber !

Lovewit. Yes. Presently after the Restoration, the
** King's Players " acted publicly at the " Red Bull" for some
time ; and then removed to a new built Playhouse in Vere
Street, by Clare Market. There they continued for a year
or two ; and then removed to the Theatre Royal in Drury
Lane, where they first made use of scenes [scenery] : which
had been a little before introduced upon the public stage by
Sir William D'Avenant at the Duke's old Theatre in Lin-
coln's Inn Fields ; but afterwards very much improved, with
the addition of curious machines, by Mr. Betterton at the

= The Wild Goose Chase. A Comedy, as it hath been acted with
singular applause at the " Blackfriars " ; being the noble, last, and only-
remains of those incomparable Dramatists, Francis Beaumont and
John Fletcher, gentlemen. Retrieved for the public delight of all the
Ingenious ; and private benefit of John Lowin and JOSEPH Taylor
Servants to his late Majesty ; by a Person of Honour.

^ In this Dedication is mentiofied the following singular fact respecting
Fletcher. The Play was of so general a received acceptance, that, he
himself a spectator, we have known him unconcerned, and to have wished
it to be none of his : he, as well as the thronged theatre (in despite of
his innate modesty), applauding this rare issue of his brain.

■'■^^'S'] Women and Scenery on the Stage. 429

new Theatre in Dorset Garden — to the great expense, and
continual charge of the players. This much impaired their
profit over what it was before. For I have been informed
by one of them, that for several years after the Restoration,
every whole Sharer in Mr. Hart's Company, got ^1,000 per
annum.

About the same time, that Scenes first entered upon the
Stage at London, women were taught to act their own parts.
Since when, we have seen, at both houses, several excellent
actresses, justly famed as well for beauty as perfect good
action. And some plays, in particular The Parson's Wedding,
have been presented all by women ; as formerly all by men.

Thus it continued for about twenty years, when Mr. Hart
and some of the old men began to grow weary ; and were
minded to leave off. Then the two Companies thought fit
to unite : but of late, you see, they have thought it not less
fit to divide again ; though both Companies keep the same
name of " His Majesty's Servants."

All this while, the Playhouse music improved yearly, and is
now arrived to greater perfection than ever I knew it.

Yet for these advantages, the reputation of the Stage and
people's affection to it are much decayed.

Truman. 1^^^^ I NCE the Reformation, in Queen Eliza-
beth's time, plays were frequently acted
by Choristers and Singing Boys ; and
several of our old Comedies have printed
in the title-page. Acted by the Children of Paul's (not the School,
but the Church) ; others, By the Children of Her Majesty's
Chapel. In particular, Cynthia's Revels, and the Poetaster
were played by them ; who were, at that time, famous for
good action.

Among Ben Johnson's Epigrams, you may find An epitaph
on S[AL] P[AVY], one of the Children of Queen Elizabeth's
Chapel ; part of which runs thus :

Years he counted scarce Thirteen

When Fates turned cruel,
Yet three filled zodiacs he had been

The Stage's jewel.

430 The Boy Actors of Elizabeth's time. P^'lf J,';

And did act (what now we moan)

Old Man so duly,
As, sooth, the Parcm thought him one,

He played so truly I

Some of the Chapel Boys, when they grew men, became
Actors at the " Blackfriars." Such were Nathaniel Field
and John Underwood.

Lovewit.

Ut can you inform me, Truman ! when
pubHc theatres were first erected for this
purpose in London.

Truman. Not certainly : but i pre-
sume about the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's reign. For
Stow, in his Stirvey of London, which book was first printed
in the year 1598, says :

Of late years in place of these stage-plays {i.e., those of religious
matters) have been used Comedies, Tragedies, Interludes, and
Histories, both true and feigned : for the acting whereof, certain
public places as the " Theatre," the "Curtain," 6-c., have been
erected.

And [J. Howes] the Continuator of Stow's Annals, p.
1004, says :

That in sixty years before the publication of that book (which
was Anno Domini 1629) no less than seventeen public Stages or
common Playhouses had been built in and about London. In
which number he reckons five Inns or common Holsteries to
have been, in his time, turned into Playhouses ; one Cock-
pit ; St. Paul's Singing School ; one in the Blackfriars ; one
in the Whitefriars ; and one, in former time, at Newington
Butts ; and adds, before the space of sixty years past, I never
knew, heard or read of any such Theatres, set Stages, or
Playhouses, as have been purposely built within man's
memory.

Lovewit. After all, I have been told that stage plays are
inconsistent with the laws of this kingdom; and Players
made Rogues by statute.

Truman. He that told you so, strained a point of truth.
I never met with any law wholly to suppress them. Some-

^■^ISg.] Enactments regulating Players. 431

times, indeed, they have been prohibited for a season : as in
times of Lent, general mourning, or public calamities ; or upon
other occasions when the Government saw fit. Thus by
Proclamation, 7th of April [1559], i Eliz., plays and interludes
were forbidden till Allhallowtide [i November] next following.
HOLINSHED, p. 1184.

Some statutes have been made for their regulation or
reformation, not general suppression. By the statute 39
Eliz. c. 4, which was made for the suppression of Rogues,
Vagabonds, and sturdy Beggars, it is enacted, s. 2 :

That all persons that be, or utter themselves to be Proctors;
Procurers ; Patent gatherers or Collectors for Coals, Prisons, or
Hospitals ; or Fencers ; Bearwards ; common Players of Inter-
ludes, and Minstrels wandering abroad {other than Players of
Interludes belonging to any Baron of this realm or any other
honourable Personage of greater degree, to be authorised to play
under the hand and seal of arms of such Baron or Personage) ;
all Jugglers, Tinkers, Pedlers, and Petty Chapmen wandering
abroad ; &c., able in body, using loitering, and refusing to work
for such reasonable wages as is commonly given, &c. These shall
be adjudged and deemed Rogues, Vagabonds, and sturdy Beggars ;
and punished as such.

Lovewit. But this privilege of authorising or licensing is
taken away by the statute i Jac. I. c. y s. 1 ; and therefore
all of them (as Mr. [Jeremy] Collier says, p. 242) are
expressly brought under the foresaid penalty, without distinc-
tion.

Truman. If he means all Players without distinction, it
is a great mistake. For the force of the Queen's statute
extends only to ^^ wandering Players," and not to such as are
the " King's " or ** Queen's Servants," established in settled
Houses by Royal Authority.

On such, the ill character of vagrant players or (as they
are now called) Strollers, can cast no more aspersion than the
" wandering Proctors," in the same statute mentioned, on
those of Doctor's Commons.

By a statute made 3 Jac. 7. c. 21, it was enacted That if
any person shall in any Stage play, Interlude, Show, Maygame, or
Pageantry jestingly or profanely speak or use the holy name of
GOD, Jesus Christ, the HOLY GHOST, or of the Trinity,
he shall forfeit for every such offence :^io.

432 Plays put down by Long Parliament, [■^•^''igj;

The statute of i Car. I. c. i enacts That no meetings, assem-
blies, or concourse of people shall be out of their own parishes on
the Lord^s Day, for any sports or pastimes whatsoever ; nor any
bearbaiting, bullbaiting, interhtdes, common plays, or other unlaw-
ful exercises and pastimes used by any person or persons within
their own parishes.

These are all the statutes that I can think of relating to
the Stage and Players. But nothing to suppress them totally,
till the two Ordinances of the Long Parliament ; one of the
22nd of October 1647, the other of the nth of February
i647[-8]. By which all Stage Plays and Interludes are abso-
lutely forbidden; the stages, seats, galleries, &c., to be pulled
down. All players, though calling themselves the " King's "
or ** Queen's Servants," if convicted of acting within two
months before such conviction, to be punished as Rogues,
according to law. The money received by them, to go to the
poor of the parish ; and every spectator to pay five shillings
to the use of the poor.

Also Cockfighting was prohibited by one of Oliver's Acts,
of 31st March 1654 : but I suppose nobody pretends these
things to be laws [!].

I could say more on this subject, but I must break off here,
and leave you, Lovewit. My occasions require it.

Lovewit. Farewell, old Cavalier !

Truman. 'Tis properly said ! We are almost all of us
now, gone and forgotten.

FINIS.

ACCOUNT

O F TH E

TORMENTS,

THE

French Protestants

endure aboard the

GALLEYS.

By John Bion, heretofore Priest and Curate of the
parish of Ursy, in the Province of Burgundy; and
Chaplain to the Swperbe Galley, in the French
Service.

L ON D O N,
Printed for John Morphew, near
Stationers' Hall. . 1708

2 E (3

435

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Madam,

May it please your Majesty !
N GRATITUDE to those wretches, whose heroic
constancy raised in me that admiration which
was the first cause of my happy conversion ;
I humbly lay at your Majesty's feet, an
Account of their Sufferings.

Their only hopes, under GOD, are in your Majesty !
the glorious defender and ornament of their faith.
The charity by which you support such numbers of
their brethren in your dominions, the concern you have
expressed for the pressures the French churches labour
under, and the zeal for their restoration to their ancient
splendour, leave no room to doubt of your Majesty's
generous intentions. And that Providence, which
watches over your sacred person, and distinguishes
your reign by so many exploits, both at home and
abroad, from those of your most glorious ancestors,
will, no doubt, reward your piety, and enable your

436 The Dedication to Queen Anne. [^^''" -^^ ^j°8!

Majesty to ease them of their chains, after having
broken those of Europe.

They would not thus presume to make their way
through the crowd of your admirers, and disturb the
acclamation that surrounds your august Person, with
the doleful rehearsal of their misery, did not your
Majesty's known goodness facilitate their access, and
your love of justice, and proneness to redress griev-
ances encourage their presumption.

I am, in particular, happy in being so far instru-
mental in their future deliverance, as to make their
Case known to the best and greatest of Queens ; and I
am proud that it furnishes me with an opportunity of
letting the World know, that I am,
May it please your Majesty !

Your Majesty's most faithful subject,

and obedient humble servant,

John B i o n ,

heretofore Chaplain to the Superbe Galley, in the
French King's service.

437

The Preface.

15 / PURPOSED in this Work, only to make the sufferings
of the Protestants condemned to the galleys for the sake
of Religion, known to the World ; people will be apt to
think that when I speak in general of the different sorts
of forgats or slaves which are on them, I go beside the rules I
prescribed to myself. But if it be considered that it is no little tor-
ment to the Protestants to be amongst malefactors and lewd and
profligate villains, whose continual blasphemies and cursings have
no parallel but among the damned in hell ; it will not be thought
beside my purpose, to have given to the World, a particular account
of the various sorts of those men who live in the galleys.

There is, besides, a block, those who never saw the galleys but in
the port at Marseilles, will infallibly stumble at; if not removed.
Which is, that whereas the galley slaves are not, during that time,
in that wretched condition they are in whilst at sea, and tugging
at the oar. Being allowed to keep shop about the Port, and there
to work and sell all manner of commodities. And someti)nes
having leave to walk in the town : giving only one penny to the
Algousin, as much to the Turk with whom each of them must then
he coupled, and five pence to the Pertuisenier or Partizan Bearer
who guards them. There being some besides, that even have their
wives at Marseilles. A nd all being permitted to hear from their
friends, and receive money from their relations. All such com-
forts and favours, as well as all manner of correspondence
with friends, are utterly denied the Protestants !

/ have not descended to particulars, in what relateth to the
usefulness of galleys in sea fights, for the keeping of the coasts or
convoying of merchant sloops when there is [any] danger of their
being taken or set upon by the brigantines the Duke of Savoy
keeps commonly for that purpose, during the war, in Villa
Franca, St. Hospitio, and Oneglia.

438 The armament of a French galley. [^*''- ^- ^'^os!

Nor did I take notice in this Work, how the galleys, in an
engagement wherein there are Men-of-war, serve to keep ojf, and sink
with their cannon shot out of the Coursier, a gun so called, the
fire-ships the enemy sendeth to set the ship on fire ; and to tow
away such as are disabled in the fight.

I might also have observed how in every galley, there are five
guns upon the for edeck, viz., four six or eight pounders, and a fifth
called the Coursier, which carrieth a 36/6. ball.

And herewith, when an enemy's ship is becalmed, a galley,
which with her oars can do what she pleaseth, may attack that ship
fore and aft, to avoid her broadsides; and ply her with the
Coursier ; so that sometimes, if she happeneth to let [give] her a
shot, which cometh between wind and water, she forceth her to
surrender. Which however happeneth seldom enough : for a ship
needs but a little wind to make nothing of overthrowing five or
six galleys.

I did not think fit either to give here, an account of the number
of galleys in France ; which are twenty-four at Marseilles, and six
upon the ocean. Not to speak of the six small rooms in every
galley, under the deck, wherein ammunition and provisions are
kept; and which they call the Gavon, the Scandclat, the
Campaign, the Paillot, the Tavern, and the Fore-room.

All these particulars woidd have carried me too far out of my
way, and beside my purpose : which is only to give a plain and
faithful Account, without amplifying, of the Sufferings of the
Protestant galley slaves.

If there be anything omitted in this Relation, it will not be
found as to any material point. And as my sole aim in it, hath
been to work a fellowing feeling in other men^s hearts, I shall net
find myself at all disappointed, although their curiosity should not
be fully satisfied.

The LORD, in his mercy, pour out his blessings upon this
Work ! and favourably hear our prayers and supplications, which
we shall never cease to make unto his Divine Majesty, for the
deliverance of our poor distressed brethren.

439

THE

Sufferings of the Protestants

IN the
FRENCH GALLEYS.

He dismal accounts handed down to us by
historians, of the torments afflicted on
Christians by the heathen Emperors, in
the first Ages of the Church, might justly
be suspected, if the woful experience of our
own, did not put the truth of them out of
dispute. For though it be not easy to con-
ceive how men can put off all that is tender
and generous in their natures, and degenerate into the ferity
[ferocity] of brutes ; yet it is but looking on the World around
us, and being convinced that they can even outdo their fellow
animals in cruelty to one another. Nay, we may see many
professing Christianity, under the specious pretence of zeal
for its Interest, commit such barbarities as exceed, 'or] at least
equal, the rage of the persecutors of the primitive Christians.
History abounds in instances that shew the nature of a
spirit of persecution, and how boundless its rage and fury !
but the sad effects it hath, of late years, produced in France,
as they are still fresh and but too obvious, are scarcely to be
parallel in any Age or nation.

All the World knows the Protestants there, lived under
the protection of the Edict of Nantes ; a treaty as full and
solemn as any ever was ! It was at first religiously observed ;
but in time, several breaches were made in it. Many of its

440 Monsieur Bion's honourable testimonials. [J- ^lll'

branches were by degrees lopt off, till at last, under the
present King [Louis XIV.], at the continual teasing and
solicitation of the Jesuits, those restless and busy insects ! it
was perfidiously broken, or, as they please to term it,
repealed.

But Religion and its propagation must be the cloak under
which those crafty silversmiths intend to play their game.
And therefore having first confidently taught that the King
hath a Despotic Power over the Consciences as well as
Estates ; and consequently his Will to be the Rule of their
Religion : they, by several arts and methods, but chiefly by
dreadful punishments, force weak people to play the hypo-
crites, and embrace a Religion which in their hearts they
. detest. Such as were too good Christians to prostitute their
consciences to vile worldly interests, are denied the benefit
of retiring into foreign countries; and punished, if discovered,
often with death : or reserved for more cruel usage, and
condemned to spin out their wretched lives in the galleys.

Of these last, I design to give the public an Account, as
being of all men the most miserable : the barbarities com-
mitted in those horrid machines exceeding all that can
possibly be imagined. The ingenuity of the famous Sicilian
Tyrants in inventing torments deserves no longer to be
proverbial : being far excelled in this pernicious art, by the
modern enemies of Religion and Liberty.

I shall endeavour to satisfy the curiosity of those who
desire to be informed of the treatment, the slaves, and parti-
cularly the Protestants, in the galleys meet with ; and to
convince such, as are loth to harbour any hard thoughts of
the French Court ; that justifies its proceedings, by pre-
tending that what they suffer, is not on the account of
Religion, but a just and lawful punishment for Rebellion and
Disobedience.

My being several campaigns [cruizes], Chaplain aboard
one of the galleys, called La Superbe, gave me a sufficient
opportunity of informing myself of the truth of the following
Relation. And I hope my integrity will not be called in
question by anybody that hears, that during my stay in that
Service, I never received the least disgust or met with any
disobligation. The certificates I have from Monsieur db

Rev,

^' ^JosJGeneral description of a French galley. 441

MoNTOLiEU, Chief Flag Officer of the French galleys ; and
Monsieur D'Autigny, Captain of the aforesaid galley, whose
Chaplain I was ; a reward for my services conferred on me
by the French King in the year 1704, at the recommenda-
tion of Monsieur de Portchartrin ; several good offices
done me by the General, and other officers who knew me :
will I hope screen me from the suspicions or calumny of
such, who, through malice, or perhaps Interest, might be
inclined to misrepresent me.

Neither shall a blind zeal for the Protestant Religion,
which I have lately embraced, hurry me beyond the strict
bounds of truth, or make me represent things in any colours
but their own. I should be an unworthy professor of that
holy Religion, if, on any consideration, I should in the least
deviate from the strictest truth ; to which end, I shall relate
nothing by hearsay, but, like the Apostle, confine myself to
those things, my "eyes have seen."

But before I proceed to shew the sufferings and misery,
the wretches in the galleys, labour under, I shall give a short
description of that vessel.

A Galley is a long flat one-decked vessel, though it hath
two masts. Yet they generally make use of oars, because
they are built so as not to be able to endure a rough sea :
and therefore their sails for the most part are useless, unless
in cruising, when they are out of sight of land ; for then, for
fear of being surprised by ill weather, they make the best of
their way.

There are five slaves to every oar ; one of them, a Turk ;
who being generally stronger than Christians, is set at the
upper end, to work it with more strength.

There are in all 300 slaves ; and 150 men, either Officers,
soldiers, seamen, or servants.

There is at the stern of the galley, a chamber, shaped on
the outside like a cradle, belonging to the Captain : and
solely his, at night or in foul weather ; but in the daytime,
common to the Officers and Chaplain. All the rest of the
crew (the Under Officers excepted, who retire to other con-
venient places) are exposed above deck, to the scorching licat
of the sun by day, and the damps and inclemencies of the

442 Fearful hardships of the slaves. P*'''" ^' ^^og;

night. There is indeed a kind of a tent suspended by a cable
from head to stern, that affords some little shelter : but the
misfortune is, that this is only when they can best be without
it, that is, in fair weather. For in the least wind or storm,
it is taken down ; the galley not being able to endure it for
fear of oversetting.

The two winters (in anno 1703, and in 1704) we kept the
coasts of Monaco, Nice, and Antibes ; those poor creatures,
after hard rowing, could not enjoy the usual benefit of the
night, which puts an end to the fatigues and labours of the
day : but were exposed to the winds, snow, hail, and all other
inconveniences of that season. The only comfort they wished
for, was the liberty of smoking : but that, on pain of the
bastinado, the usual punishment of the place, is forbidden.

The vessel being but small for the number, the men con-
sequently crowded, the continual sweat that streams down
from their bodies whilst rowing, and the scanty allowance
of linen ; one may easily imagine, breed abundance of vermin.
So that, in spite of all the care that can be taken, the galleys
swarm with lice, &c.; which nestling in the plaits and laps of
their clothes, relieve by night, the executioners who beat and
torment them by day.

Their whole yearly allowance for clothes is two shirts
made of the coarsest canvas ; and a little jerkin of red serge,
slit on each side, up to their arm holes ; the sleeves are also
open, and come not down so low as their elbows. And every
three years, a kind of a coarse frock ; and a little cap to
cover their heads, which they are obliged to keep close
shaved, as a mark of infamy.

Instead of a bed, they are allowed, sick or well, only a
board a foot and a half broad. And those who have the
unfortunate honour of lying near the Officers, dare not pre-
sume, though tormented with vermin, to stir so much as a
hand for their ease : for fear their chains should rattle, and
awake any of them ; which would draw on them a punish-
ment more severe than the biting of those insects.

It is hard to give an exact description of the pains and
labours the slaves undergo at sea, especially during a long
campaign [cruize]. The fatigue of tugging at the oar is
extraordinary. They must rise to draw their stroke, and
fall back again almost on their backs : insomuch that, in all

^^""■^"iS'] ^^^^ MERCILESS STROKES OF THE CoMITES. 443

seasons, through the continual and violent motion of their
bodies, the sweat trickles down their harassed limbs.

And for fear they should fail, as they often do through
faintness, there is a gang board, which runs through the
middle of the ship, on which are constantly posted three
Comites, an Officer somewhat like a Boatswain in Her
Majesty's ships, who whenever they find or think that an
oar does not keep touch with the rest, without ever examin-
ing whether it proceeds from weakness or laziness, they
unmercifully exercise a tough wand on the man they sus-
pect : which being long is often felt by two or three of
his innocent neighbours, who being naked when they row,
each blow imprints evident marks of the inhumanity of the
executioner.

And that which adds to their misery, is that they are not
allowed the least sign of discontent or complaint, that small
and last comfort of the miserable ! but must, on the contrary,
endeavour with all their might, to exert the little vigour that
remains, and try by their submission, to pacify the rage of
those relentless tigers ; whose strokes are commonly ushered
in, and followed by a volley of oaths and horrid imprecations.

No sooner are they arrived in any port, but their work,
instead of being at an end, is increased ; several laborious
things previous to casting anchor, being expected from them;
which in a galley is harder than a ship. And as the Comite's
chief skill is seen in dexterously casting anchor, and that
they think Blows are the life and soul of Work ; nothing is
heard for some time, but cries and lamentation : and as the
poor slaves' arms are busy in the execution of his commands,
his are as briskly exercised in lashing them.

To support their strength under all these hardships ;
during the campaign, every morning, at eight of the clock,
they give each man, his proportion of biscuit; of which
indeed, they have enough, and pretty good. At ten, a
porringer made of oil, with peas or beans often rotten, and
commonly musty. I call it soup, according to their use ;
although it be nothing but a little hot water with about a
dozen peas or beans floating on the top. And when on duty,
a Pichone of wine, a m.easure containing about two-thirds of
an English pint, morning and evening.

When at anchor in any port, all who have any money are

444 Employments of the slaves in port. [^^"^ ■'• jJos."

allowed to buy meat ; and the Turk that commands the oar,
and is not chained, is commonly the person employed for this
purpose, as also to see it dressed in the Cook Room. But I
have often seen the Captain's Cook, a brutal passionate man,
take the poor men's pot, under pretence that it troubled him,
and either break or throw it overboard : whilst the poor
wretches were fainting for want of that little refreshment,
without daring so much as to murmur or complain. This
indeed is not usual, but where the Cook happens to be a
villain : of which sort of men there are plenty in the galleys.

The Officer's table is well furnished both for plenty and
delicacy : but this gives slaves only a more exquisite sense
of their misery, and seems to brave their poverty and
hunger.

We spent the Carnival of 1704, in the port of Monaco.
Our Officers frequently treated the Prince of that place
aboard the galley. Their entertainments were splendid.
Music and all things that could promote Mirth were procured.
But who can express the affliction of those poor creatures,
who had only a prospect of pleasure, and whilst others
revelled at their ease, were sinking under a load of chains,
pinched with hunger in their stomachs, and nothing to
support their dejected spirits.

Nay, and what is worse, they are forced to add to the pomp
and honour done to Great Men, who visit their Officers : but
in such a manner as moves the compassion of all who are
not used to such dismal solemnities. When a Person of
Quality comes on board, the Comite gives twice notice with
his whistle. The first time they are all attentive; and the
second, the slaves are obliged to salute, as they call it, three
times : not with a cheerful Huzza as in an English Man-of-
war; but by howling in a piteous tone, making a lamentable
complaining outcry.

When the badness of the weather hinder the galleys from
putting to sea; such as have trades work in the galley.
Such as have none learn to knit coarse stockings ; the Coniiie,
for whose profit they work, gives them 3'arn, and pays them
about half the usual price ; and this not in money, but some
little victuals, or wine which they are obliged to take out of
the Ship's Cellar (of which the Comite is the keeper), though
it be generally bad, and dashed with water. For though

Rev

^■^los:] Walking in the Shades of Death. 445

they had as much gold as they could carry, they durst not,
on pain of a bastinado, send for any wine from the shore.

The most moving spectacle of all, is to see the poor souls
that have no trade. They clean their comrades' clothes, and
destroy the vermin that torment their neighbours : who in
return, give them some small share of that scanty pittance
they purchase by working.

One may imagine that such ill treatment, diet, and in-
fection must needs occasion frequent sickness. In that case,
the usage is thus :

There is in the hold, a close dark room. The air is ad-
mitted only by the scuttle two feet square ; which is the
only passage into it. At each end of the said room, there is
a sort of a scaffold called Taular ; on which the sick are laid
promiscuously, without beds or anything under them. When
these are full, if there be any more, they are stretched all
along the cables : as I saw in the year 1703, when being on
the coast of Italy, in winter time, we had above threescore
sick men.

In this horrid place, all kind of vermin rule with an
arbitrary sway; gnawing the poor sick creatures without
disturbance.

When the duties of my function called me in amongst
them, to confess, advise, or administer some comfort ; which
was constantly twice a day : I was in an instant covered all
over with them, it being impossible to preserve one's self
from their swarms. The only way was to go down in a
night gown, which I stript off when I came out, and by that
means rid myself of them, by putting on my clothes.

But when I was in, methought I walked, in a literal
sense, in the Shades of Death. I was obliged notwithstand-
ing to make considerable stays in this gloomy mansion, to
confess such who were ready to expire. And the whole
space between the ceiling and the Taular being but three
feet ; I was obliged to lie down, and stretch myself along
their sides, to hear their confessions : and often, while I was
confessing one, another expired just by my side.

The stench is most intolerable, insomuch as that there is
no slave, though ever so weak, but will rather choose to tug
at his oar, and expire under his chain, than to retire to this
loathsome hospital.

446 How THE SICK SLAVES ARE ROBBED. [^^''' "^^ ^JoS.'

There is a chirurgeon to take care of the sick. At the
first setting out of the galley, the King lays in drugs for the
use of the crew ; which are always very good : and therefore
the chirurgeons make money of them, in the several places we
arrive at ; so that the persons they are intended for, have the
least benefit of them.

During the sickness, the King orders each man in the room
we have described, i lb. of fresh bread, and the same quantity
of fresh meat, and 2 oz. of rice a day. This is the Steward's
province : and he discharges his office in such a manner, that
five or six campaigns make his fortune. We have frequently
had in our galley, threescore and ten sick men ; and the
quantity of flesh allowed for that number, never exceeded
20 lbs. weight, and that bad meat too : though, as I have ob-
served, the King's allowance is i lb. for every man ; the rest
going into his own pocket.

Once, out of curiosity, I tasted it ; and found it little better
than hot water. I complained to the Chirurgeon and Steward :
but being great [thick] and commensales, they connived at one
another.

I complained to the Officers also : but for what reason (I
only guess !) they did not regard me. And I have too much
respect for the Captain, to say that he had any reason or
Interest to wink at so great a piece of injustice, though he
could, by his own authority, do these wretches justice : who
often refused that water, made only more loathsome by the
little quantity of meat put into it, and the little care used
about it.

I enquired of other Chaplains, whether the same was
practised aboard their galleys ? They frankly confessed it
was ; but durst own no more.

After the campaign of 1704, I, having occasion to go to
Versailles, thought myself obliged, when there, to give an
account to Monsieur DE Pontchartrin, one of the King's
Ministers, whose particular province, the Sea Affairs are.

I offered him a short Memorial, and some Advices which
I thought most proper to prevent the like abuses for the
future.

He was pleased to be so well satisfied, and found them so
agreeable to some intimations given him before ; that he
regarded my advice, and offered me his Interest. The King

Rev. J. Bion.-J 'J'jjg pjyj, CLASSES OF GALLEY SLAVES. 447

was pleased to order me a gratuity. I left the Warrant with
Monsieur Thome, Treasurer General of the Galleys, living
at the Marias du Temple ; to serve as an acquittance for the
several payments he has made me.

This is a brief account of the Galley ; and the government
thereof.

Now proceed to shew what sort of people are con*
demned there.

There are in a galley, five several sorts of people,
under the notion of slaves ; besides seamen and
soldiers : viz., Turks, such as are called Faus-
sioners, deserters, criminals, and Protestants.

The King buys the Turks to manage the stroke of the oar,
as I have already shewn, and they are called Vogucavants ; and
they together with such as are on the seats called banc du
quartier, de la Conille, and les espalliers, have the same allow-
ance with the soldiers. They are generally lusty strong men,
and the least unfortunate of the whole crew. They are not
chained ; but only wear a ring on their foot, as a badge of
slavery.

When they arrive at any port, they have liberty to trade.
Some of them are worth ;£"300 or £400 [ = £7So or £1,000
now] . They frequently send money to their wives and fami-
lies : and, to the shame of Christians be it spoken ! there is
a great deal more charity amongst them, than is to be
found amongst us.

I had taken one, called Tripoli, for my servant. He was
a most religious observer of his law. During the Ramadan,
a feast kept by them, the first Moon of the year ; he never
eat, nor drank, from sun rising to sun setting ; in spite of all
the toil and fatigue of the oar; he never seemed uneasy,
though ready to faint through weakness.

I could never so much as persuade him, to take a little
wine ; though I have often urged him, merely out of com-
passion.

The Offitcers make use of no other servants ; and they are
so trusty, that they are never found out in any theft or
roguery.

448 Monsieur Bion tries to convert a Turk, p*''- ^' ^\°^^_

If any, by chance, commit a fault ; all the Turks importune
their respective masters, to intercede for him with the Cap-
tain. If any be sick ; they are all busy about him, to do him
all the kind offices in their power. They club to buy him
meat, or to purchase anything that may refresh him, or do
him good. In short, in the galleys, one would think that the
Turks and the Christians had made an exchange of prin-
ciples : and that the latter had abjured the Precepts of their
Saviour, and that the others had taken them up. And ac-
cordingly, preach up Christ to a Turk, in a galley ; and his
answer presently is, that " he had rather be transformed to a
dog, than be of a religion that countenances so much barbarity,
and suffer so many crimes."

I cannot omit one remarkable instance of their constancy,
and firm adherence to their religion. One of them who spoke
French, fell sick. I found him stretched on the cable, in the
place I have already described. I had done him some services :
and seeing me do the duties of my function to some of his
neighbours, he called me to him, and bade me farewell; telling
me that he found he could not possibly live four hours longer.

I ventured to talk to him, of GOD, our Saviour Christ, and
the principles of his religion ; and told him that " through him
alone, he was to expect salvation."

I found what I said made some impression.

Whereupon I embraced him, and told him " I would answer
for his soul, if he would renounce Mahomet, who was but an
imposter; and believe in Jesus Christ, the only Redeemer
and Saviour of Mankind, whose holy and excellent doctrine,
he had heard me so often preach."

He told me, he would do what I thought fit.

I answered that all I desired was his consent to receive
baptism : " without which," I told him, " he could expect no
salvation." I explained in a few words, the nature and design
of it : and having induced him to consent, I went for some
water ; and secretly told the Captain what had happened.

But unluckily, another Turk, a friend of his (who also
understood French, and had heard all that had past), whilst
I was away, said something to my proselyte in his own lan-
guage : so that, by the time I came back, he had quite
altered his resolution, in such wise that I could, by no means,
persuade him to perform the promise he made me.

^^^'^' 1708:] The hunger after Salt. 449

Nay his friend threw himself over him, and exhorted him
to continue true to the prophet Mahomet ; in spite of the
Comite, who was present, and threatened severely to beat him,
if he desisted not. He prevailed in despite of all, for the poor
wretch died in my presence in his error.

Had I understood religion as well as I do now, I should not
in that extremity, have insisted so much on the absolute neces-
sity of baptism : but having given him a general notion of the
principles of the Christian religion, I should have admonished
him to repentance, and to implore the Divine mercy for pardon
of his sins through the merits of Christ ; and so in saving his
soul from death, I should have hid a multitude of my own
sins. The reader, I hope, will excuse my former error.

Though, as appears from what hath been said, the Turks
on the galleys are treated somewhat better than the Chris-
tians ; and though they be in no wise molested on the score
of religion, for whilst Mass is a saying, they are put into the
caique or long-boat, where they divert themselves by smoking
and talking : yet there is not one of them, but would give all
the world to be at his liberty. For the very name of a Galley
is terrible to them, because, notwithstanding their treatment
is pretty easy, yet they are slaves during life : unless when
they are very old and unserviceable, they meet with friends who
are willing to lay out a large sum of money for their ransom.
Which shews how little those persons are acquainted with
the affairs of that nature, who say that " there are in the
galleys, men who would not accept of their freedom ; though
it were offered them." It is just like talking of a battle
which one never saw, unless at a great distance ; or knows
nothing of but by hearsay.

Those who are called Faussoniers [deceivers] are generally
poor peasants, who are found to buy salt in such provinces
where it is cheap, such as the country of Burgundy, or the
country of Dombe. In France, what they call a pint of salt,
weighing four pounds, costs 3s. 6d.

There are some poor peasants and their whole families,
who, for want of salt, eat no soup sometimes in a whole
week; though it be their common nourishment. A man in
that case, grieved to see his wife and children in a starving,

2F '•>

450 The Criminal Classes in a galley. [^*''" ^- f Jo";

languishing condition, ventures to go abroad, to buy salt in
the Provinces where it is three parts in four cheaper. If
discovered, he is certainly sent to the galleys. It is a very
melancholy sight, to see a wife and children lament their
father, whom they see ladened with chains and irrevocably
lost ; and that for no other crime but endeavouring to pro-
cure subsistence for those to whom he gave birth.

These, indeed, are condemned only for a time; perhaps
five, six, or eight years : but the misfortune is, that having
served out their time, if they outlive it, they are still unjustly
detained. For Penance or Masses avail nothing in this
Purgatory, Indulgences are excluded, especially if the man
be unfortunately strong and robust, let his sentence be what
it will. The King's orders are that when the time of the
sentence is expired, they should be set at liberty, and sent
home. But in this, as in many other cases, his orders are
not duly put in execution : which indeed does not excuse
him ! since a good Prince is obliged to have an eye on the
administration of his Ministers and servants.

As for Deserters, their sentence runs during life. Formerly,
they used to cut off their nose and ears : but because they
stank, and commonly infected the whole crew, they only
now give them a little slit.

Though these are inexcusable, because desertion is, upon
several accounts, dangerous and base : yet it moves one's pity
to see young men, who often happen to descend from good
families, condemned to so wretched and so miserable a life.

Such as are condemned for Crimes, are generally, filons
[pickpockets], sharpers, rooks [cheats], or highwaymen. The
most notorious villains are least daunted, and take heart
soonest. They presently strike up a friendship with those of
their own gang. They tell over their old rogueries, and
boast of their crimes ; and the greatest villain passes for the
greatest hero.

The misery they have reduced themselves to, is so far from
working any amendment, that it makes them more desperate
and wicked : insomuch that if any stranger chances to come

Rev.

^' ijos"] ^^^ FIRST SUPPLY OF PrOTESTANT SLAVES. 45 I

aboard, though it were but a handkerchief or some such
trifle, they will certainly steal it, if they can. Their common
employment is to forge titles, to engrave false seals, and to
counterfeit handwriting; and these they sell to others as bad
as themselves, that often come in, some time after, to bear
them company. But though they feel no remorse, yet they
feel the Comite; who, with a rope's end, often visits their
shoulders : but then, instead of complaining, they vomit out
oaths and blasphemies enough to make a man's hair stand
on end.

There was one, who, shewing me the mark the rope had
made about his neck, bragged that though he had escaped
the gallows, he was not thereby grown a coward : but that,
as soon as ever he had been at liberty, he had robbed
the first person he met with. And that having been taken,
and brought before a judge who knew him not; he had
been only condemned to the galleys ; where, he thanked
GOD ! he was sure of bread and good company, the remain-
der of his days.

It is certain, that how terrible and hard soever the usage
of such may be in the galleys ; yet it is too mild for them !
for in spite of all the misery they endure, they are guilty of
crimes too abominable to be here related.

Over which, we shall draw a veil ; and go on to the Pro-
testants : who are there purely because they chose rather
to obey GOD than man; and were not willing to exchange
their souls for the gain of the World. It is not the least
aggravating circumstance of their misery, to be condemned
to such hellish company. They who have so great a value
for the truth of religion as to prefer it to their worldly
interest, must be supposed to be indued with too much
virtue, not to be in pain and under concern, for the open
breach of its rules, and the unworthiness of its professors.

He Protestants, now on the galleys, have been
condemned thither, at several times.

The first were put in, after the Revocation of
the Edict of Nantes [October 22, 1685]. The term
prefixed for the fatal choice of either abjuring
their religion, or leaving the Kingdom was a fortnight : and

452 Great injustice of the French system. [R=^-J-^

Bion.

708.

that upon pain of being condemned to the galleys. But this
liberty, by many base artifices and unjust methods was
rendered useless, and of none effect. There were often
secret orders, by the contrivance of the Clergy, to prevent
their embarking, and to hinder the selling of their substance.
Their debtors were absolved by their Confessors, when they
denied [the payment of] a debt. Children were forced from
their fathers' and mothers' arms, in hopes that the tender-
ness of the Parent might prevail over the zeal of the Christian.
They indeed were not massacred, as in Herod's time, but
the blood of the Fathers was mingled with their tears. For
many Ministers, who had zeal and constancy enough to
brave the severest punishments, were broken alive upon
wheels, without mercy, whenever surprised discharging the
duties of their function. The Registers and Courts of Justice
where the sentences were pronounced against them are re-
corded, and the executioners of them are lasting monuments
of the bloody temper and fury of Popery.

The laity were forbidden, on pain of the galleys, leaving
the kingdom, on any pretence whatsoever. But what
posterity will scarcely believe! the Protestants of all sexes,
ages, and conditions used to fly through deserts and wild
impracticable ways, they committed their lives to the mercy
of the seas, and ran innumerable hazards, to avoid either
idolatry or martyrdom. Some escaped very happily [for-
tunately] in spite of the vigilance of the dragoons and bailiffs :
but a great many fell into their hands. The prisons were
filled with Confessors. But the saddest spectacle of all, was
to see 200 men at a time, chained together, going to the
galleys ; and above 100 of that number Protestants. And
what was barbarous and unjust to the last degree, was that
they were obliged, when there, on pain of bastinado, to bow
before the Host, and to hear Mass : and yet that was the only
crime for which they had been condemned thither.

For suppose they were in the wrong, in obstinately refusing
to change their religion ; the galleys were the punishment !
Why then were they required to do that, which had been the
cause of their condemnation ? Especially since there is a
law in France, that positively forbids a double punishment
for one and the same fault, viz., Non his punitur in idem.
But in France, properly speaking, there is no Law where the

^'SoS.] "^^^ ATROCIOUS TREATMENT OF F. SaBATTIER. 453

King's commands are absolute and peremptory. I have seen
a General Bastinado, on that account ; which I shall describe
in its proper place

It is certain, that though there were, at first, a very great
number of Protestants condemned to the galleys, the bastinado
and other torments hath destroyed [between 1685 and 1708]
above three parts of four; and the most of those who are still
alive are in dungeons, as Monsieurs Bansillion, De Serres,
and Sabattier, who are confined to a dungeon, at Chateau
d'lf, a fort built upon a rock in the sea, three miles from
Marseilles,

But the generous constancy of this last, about eight or ten
months ago [or rather in 1689], deserves a place in this History,
and challenges the admiration of all true Protestants.

Monsieur [Franqois] Sabattier, whose charity and zeal
equal those of the primitive Christians, having a little money,
distributed it to his brethren and fellow sufferers in the
galleys. But the Protestants being watched more narrowly
than the rest ; he could not do it so secretly but he was
discovered, and brought before Monsieur de Monmort,
Intendant of the Galleys at Marseilles.

Being asked, he did not deny the fact.

Monsieur Monmort not only promised him his Pardon, but
a reward if he would declare who it was that had given him
that money ?

Monsieur Sabattier modestly answered that, " he should
be guilty of ingratitude before GOD and man, if, by any con-
fession, he should bring them into trouble who had been so
charitable to him": that "his person was at his disposal,
but he desired to be excused, as to the secret expected from
him."

The Intendant replied he " had a way to make him tell,
and that immediately."

Whereupon, he sent for some Turks, who at his command
stripped Sabattier stark naked ; and beat him, at several
times, with rope ends and cudgels, during three days. And
seeing this did not prevail over this generous Confessor, he
himself, which never happened to an Intendant before, turned
Executioner ! striking him with his cane ; and telling the by-
standers, " See, what a devil of a religion this is ! " These

2F2

454 The ferocity of the Abb^ du Chelas. p^"" J- fjos".

were his own expressions, as is credibly reported by persons
that were present. The Gazettes and Public Letters gave us
an account of the same.

At last, seeing he was ready to expire ; he commanded
him into a dungeon : where, maugre all torments, Providence
hath preserved him to this day [He was released in 1713].

But though most of the Protestants of the first date are
destroyed : yet the Wars in the Cevennes [1702-1705] have
furnished them with more than enough to fill the vacant
places. These Wars may be properly called a Second Persecu-
tion, because the cruelty and inveterate malice of a Popish
priest was the occasion and first cause of them.

One of the most bitter and passionate enemies of the Pro-
testants was the Abbot DU Chelas, whose benefice was in
the Cevennes. He kept an exact account of the Protestants
in his district. Whenever he missed them at Mass, he used
to send for them, under some pretence or other, to his house ;
and used to make his servants tie them (whether men, women,
or maidens) to a tree, stripped down to their waist : and then,
with horsewhips, scourged them till the blood gushed out.

This the Papists themselves do not deny, who own that this
Du Chelas was an ill [bad] man : and yet this his proceeding
against the Protestants, being meritorious at Court, he had
encouragement to hope for a reward.

But at last, his Protestant neighbours perceiving there
were no hopes of pacifying this monster by submission and
fair means, grew desperate : and one night invested his
house. He leaped out of his window into his garden ; but
not being able to get out, he begged Quarter : but as he had
never granted any, they served him in his kind, by killing
him.

And because they were sure of being pursued, they kept
the country : and by degrees their numbers increased. All
that were tormented for not going to Mass, made a body and
joined them. GOD blessed their arms with success for some
time : but (for good reasons, no doubt, though unknown to
us) he gave them up into the hands of their enemies ; and
not only them, but the inhabitants of the neighbouring
countries, as the Viverrois and Languedoc. And [onj the bare
suspicion of being in their Interest, those with whom any

Rev. J. Bionj MoNsiEUR AND Madame Salgas. 455

arms were found, those who refused to frequent the Mass,
were either hanged, or broken on the wheel.

That pretended Rebellion was made use of, as a pretence to
send to the galleys, several rich Protestant merchants.

There is, since that time, a Gentleman, Monsieur Salgas
by name, who before the Repealing of the Edict of Nantes,
enjoyed a plentiful estate in the Cevennes. In order to keep
it, he abjured his religion, and promised to go to Mass. His
spouse, a worthy Lady (with whom I have often conversed
at Geneva where she lives) refused ; and generously rejected
all proposals on that subject.

Seeing they threatened her, with a Cloister, she endeavoured
to gain time : but, at last, her husband told her that there
was a positive order from Court, to confine her, if she did not
comply and go to Mass.

This courageous Lady, who deserves to be a pattern of
piety and zoal to posterity, having, by prayer and other acts
of devotion, implored the Divine assistance, resolved to quit
her country, her husband children and estate, and all that is
dear and precious here below.

She took her opportunity, one day, when her husband was
gone a hunting ; without communicating anything of her
design to anybody but to such as were instrumental in her
escape. She retired to Geneva, where she might have liberty
to make an open profession of her religion, and bemoan the
misfortune of her family.

Some time after, the Wars of the Cevennes broke out.
Monsieur de Salgas was accused of assisting the Camisards
with provisions : and, in spite of his hypocrisy and pretended
zeal for his new religion, he was sent to the galleys.

But here we must admire the wisdom of Providence, very
remarkable in this dispensation. For this has proved the
means to open his own eyes, and to let him see his error : as
appears from the penitential letters he writes to his friends,
his Christianlike behaviour under his sufferings, his exhorta-
tions to his fellow sufferers, and the noble and pious example
he shews them.

He hath had frequent offers made him, of being restored
to his estate, on the same conditions he had preserved it
before : but he hath hitherto been proof against all their
attempts.

456 A DESCRIPTION OF A GENERAL BaSTINADO. [^"'"^'^jo^

He was, some years ago, put into the Hospital General
for the Galleys, at Marseilles. This is a kind of manufactory,
where their treatment is somewhat easier than in the galleys.
But at the siege of Toulon [1707J, he and all his brethren
were taken out of that hospital, and reduced to their old
station and former miserable condition ; besides losing 12 or
14 Louis d'Or [about £12 or ^^14] which he had procured, to
purchase such necessaries as might keep up and support his
spirits, under the hardships he endured. This account came
to his Lady, while I was there [therefore BiON was at
Geneva in 1707] ; who is, as one may easily imagine, under
an inexpressible concern for the miseries her husband groans
under.

But it is time to bring this sad Relation to a conclusion.
In order whereunto, I shall according to my promise, give
an account of the General Bastinado^ at which I was present :
and it was not the least means of my conversion! GOD
grant it may be effectual to my salvation !

In the year 1703, several Protestants out of Languedoc
and the Cevennes, were put on board our galley.

They were narrowly watched and observed. I was mightily
surprised, one Sunday morning, after saying Mass on the
Bancasse (a table so placed that all in the galley may see the
priest when he elevates the Host), to hear the Comite say he
was " going to give the Huguenots the bastinado because they
did not kneel, nor shew any respect to the mysteries of the
Mass," and that he was a going to acquaint the Captain
therewith.

The very name of Bastinado terrified me, and though I had
never seen this fearful execution, I begged the Comite to for-
bear till the next Sunday ; and that, in the mean time, I
would endeavour to convince them of what I (then) thought
their duty, and mine own.

Accordingly I used all the means I could possibly think of,
to that effect ; sometimes making use of fair means, giving
them victuals and doing them other good offices ; sometimes
using threats, and representing the torments that were
designed them ; and often urging the King's command ; and
quoting the passage of St. Paul, that/zf who resists the Higher
Powers, resists GOD /

Rev. J. Bion.-j jg PrqtESTANTS BASTINADOED AT ONCE. 457

I had not, at that time, any design to oblige them to do
anything against their consciences. I must confess that
what I did at that time, chiefly proceeded from a motive of
pity and tenderness. This was the cause of my 2eal ;
which had been more fatal to thern, had not GOD endued
them with resolution and virtue sufficient to bear up against
my arguments and the terrible execution they had in view.

I could not but admire, at once both the modesty of their
answers and greatness of their courage. " The King," said
they, ** is indeed master over our bodies, but not of our
consciences."

At last, the dreadful day being come, the Couiite narrowly
observed them, to see the fruit of my labours. There were
only two out of the twenty, that bowed their knee to Baal.

The rest generously refused it, and were accordingly, by
the Captain's command, served in the manner following :

Here, like another ^Eneas (with regret, calling to mind
the miseries and ruin of his own country ; the very memory
whereof struck his soul with horror) ; I may truly say,

Infandum Regina jubes renovare dolorem !

In order to the execution, every man's chains were taken
off; and they were put into the hands of four Turks, who
stripped them stark naked, and stretched them upon the
Coursier, that great gun we have described in the Preface.
There they are so held that they cannot so much as stir.
During that time, there is a horrid silence throughout the
whole galley. It is so cruel a scene that the most profligate
obdurate wretches cannot bear the sight ; but are forced to
turn away their eyes.

The victim thus prepared, the Turk pitched upon to be
the executioner, with a tough cudgel or knotty rope's end,
unmercifully beats the poor wretch ; and that too the more
willingly, because he thinks that it is acceptable to his
prophet Mahomet.

But the most barbarous thing of all is, that after the skin
is flayed off their bones ; the only balsam they apply to their
wounds is a mixture of vinegar and salt.

After this, they are thrown into the hospital already
described.

I went thither, after the execution ; and could not refrain

458 Punishment of Protestants for Religion. [J- ^^l]

from tears at the sight of so much barbarity. They quickly
perceived it, and though scarce able to speak, through pain
and weakness ; they thanked me for the compassion I
expressed, and the kindness I had always shewn them.

I went with a design to administer some comfort ; but I
was glad to find them less moved than I was myself. It was
wonderful to see with what true Christian patience and
constancy, they bore their torments : in the extremity of
their pain, never expressing anything like rage ; but calling
upon Almighty GOD, and imploring his assistance.

I visited them, day by day ; and as often as I did, my
conscience upbraided me for persisting so long in a religion,
whose capital errors I had long before perceived, and above
all, that inspired so much cruelty ; a temper directly opposite
to the spirit of Christianity. At last, their wounds, like so
many mouths, preached to me, made me sensible of my
error, and experimentally taught me the excellency of the
Protestant Religion.

But it is high time to conclude, and draw a curtain over
this horrid scene ; which presents us with none but ghastly
sights, and transactions full of barbarity and injustice : but
which all shew how false what they pretend in France, is,
for detaining the Protestants in the galleys, viz., that they
do not suffer there upon a religious, but a civil account :
being condemned for rebellion and disobedience. The punish-
ments inflicted on them, when they refuse to adore the Host;
the rewards and advantages offered them on their compliance
in that particular; area sufficient argument against them:
there being no such offers made to such, who are condemned
for crimes. It shews the World also, the almost incredible
barbarity used against the French Protestants ; and, at the
same time, sets off in a most glorious manner, their virtue,
constancy, and zeal for their holy Religion.

FINIS.

PR
ir-.i
A''

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