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AN
NGLISH
ARNER,
Volume VI.
=S3=
'\'£flM/STOf^ HATH TRIUMPHED M "/ilRS AND MADRIGRLS
OVER TIME: WHICH BESIDES IT,m THAT WHISPER SOFTNESS
NOTHING BUT ETERNITYHAThW IN CH/JMBERS^'
TRIUMPHED OVERl'riss^ i j'OsS^iv.
Sit (m.EafewTj, I 3f . ^iltojt ,
Hist.ofike World. | Areopagitlca.
E.ARBER. I Montague ROAD,
B IRM INGHAM , En C UND^
1 May, ^rSS==a;^ 1883.
Cd
jlt^HELL INVT.BT-E
'*nm
PR
v. ^
Contents of tf)z %ixtl) Oolume.
PAGE
William of Thorpe. 77^^? Examination of Master William
Thorpe, priest, of Heresy, before Thomas Arundell,
Archbishop of Canterbury , the year of our Lord, M.CCCC. and
seven. (1407.)^ 41
The Examination of the honourable Knight, Sir foHN Old-
CASTLE, Lord CoBHAM, burnt by the said Archbishop in the
first year of King Henry the Fifth. (1413.) 119
[?] Here beginneth a little geste of Robin Hood and his meiny :
\jind6f the proud Sheriff of Nottingham. (Printed about 15 id.) 423
John Chilton. Travels in Mexico. 1 568-1 585 a.d. (? 1586.) n
Richard Ferris. The most dangerous ajid memorable adi/enture
of Richard Ferris,- one of the five ordinary Messengers of
Her Majesty's Chamber : who departed frotn Tower Wharf on
Midsummer Day last past, with Andrew Hill and
William Thomas; who utidertook, in a small wherry boat,
to row, by sea, to the city of Bristow ; and are now safely
returned. Wherein is particularly expressed their perils sus-
tained iti the said Voyage ' and the great entertainment they
had at several places zepon the coast of England, as they went ;
but especially at the said city of Bristow. (August, 1590.) ... 1 53
Michael Drayton, Esq. Idea. (1594-1619.) ... 289
W. Percy. Sonnets to the Fairest Coelia.. (1594.) 135
Lyrics, E LEG I ES,&r='c: The Triumphs of Ori ana. Edited
by Thomas Morley. (1601.) 29
■ An Hour's Recreation in Mtcsic. By
Richard Alison, Gentleman. (1606.) 389
CuN TENTS OF THE S I X T II V O L U M E.
I'AGE
C. Wither. Fidelia. (1615.) 167
[?] The Interpreter. Wherein three principal Terms of State, much
m'.staken by the vulgar, are clearly tmfolded. (1622.) 231
[?] Leather: A Discourse tendered to the High Court of Parlia-
ment. (1627.) -09
H. P[eacham], M.A. The Worth of a Penny: or a Caution to
keep Money. With the Causes of the scarcity and misery of
the want hereof, in these hard and merciless Times. ( 1 64 1 .) . . . 245
Sir William Petty, F.R.S. Political AritJunctic, or a Discoztrse
coiuerning the extent and value of Lands, People, Bidldings ;
Husbandry, Manufactures^, Commerce, Fishery, Artisans,
Seamen, Soldiers; Public Revenues, Interest, Taxes, Super lu-
cration. Registries, Banks; Valuation of Men, Increasing of
Seamen ; of Militias, harbours, situation. Shipping, Power at
sea, ^'c. : as the same relates to every country in general, but
more particularly to the territories of His Majesty of Great
Britain, and his neighbours of Holland, Zealand, atid France, I
1677. (1690.) 323
John Bion. An Account of the Torments, the Frcjtch Protestants
endure aboard the Galleys. (1708.) 397
The Controversy between Isaac Bickerstapf [Jonathan
S w 1 n] and John Pa r 7 ridge i 708- 1 7 1 o.
1. Isaac Bickerstaff, Esq. Predictions for the Year lyoS.
IV herein the Month ajid Day of the Month are set down,
the Persons named, and the great Actions and Events of
next Year particularly related, as they will come to pass.
(Feb. 1708.) 469
2. A Revenue Officer [Jonathan Swift]. A Letter to a
Lord. (30 March 170S.) 480
3. [Jonathan Swift.] An Elegy on Mr. Pa trige, the Alma-
nack maker, who died on the 2(jth of this instant March,
1708. (30 March 170S.) 483
4. John Partridge, Student in Physic and Astrology. Squire
HiCKER.sTAEF detected; or the Astrological Impostor coti-
viclcd. (1708.) 4S7
A true and impartial Account of the Proceedings of ISAAC
BicKEKrAFi; Esq., against Me. (? 1708.) ... 489
Contents of the Sixth Volume. 7
PAGE
5. Isaac Bickerstaff, Esq. A Vindication of Isaac
BiCKERSTAFF, Esq.; against what is objected to him, by
Mr. Patridge, in his Almanack for the present Year
1709. (1709.) 495
J. Gay. The PreseJtt State of Wit, in a Letter to a Friend in the
Country. (3 May 1711.) 503
[J. Arbuthnot, M.D.] Law is a Bottomless Pit. In Five Parts.
1. Exe7nplified in the Case of the Lord Strutt, John BulLj
Nicholas Frog, and Lewis Baboon: who spent all they
had in a Lawsuit. (28 February 1712.) 537
2. yoHN Bull in his Senses. (18 March 17 12.) 557
■^. fOHN Bull Still in his Senses. (10 April 1712.) 577
4. An Appendix to John Bull still in his Senses. (2 May
1712.) 611
5. Lewis Baboon turned honest, and John Bull, politician.
(24july 1714.) 625
Henry Carey. The Ballad of Sally in our Alley. (Before
1719-) 150
The Cojttroversy between Thomas Tick ell and Sir Richard
Steele, 172 1-2.
1. Thomas TiCKELL. Lifeof Joseph Addison. (1721.)... 513
2. Sir Richard Steele. Dedicatory Epistle to William
CONGREVE. (1722.) 523
FIRST LINES OF POEMS AND STANZAS,
PAGE
AH creatures now are ... 33
Al! ihe people of 465
An evil Spirit (your 301
A Protestant is such 237
A Puritan is such 233
Arise! awake ! you 36
A Romanist is such 243
As in some countries ... 316
As Luvc and I late 320
As other men, so I 295
As Vesta was from 37
A Witless Gallant 301
Bright Ph(euus greets... 39
Bright Star of Beauty 1 293
But now, my lines 203
But now we may behold 165
But, O (I pray 204
But tell, " What Fruit... 207
But yet it seems a 393
Calfmg to mind since .. 316
Calm was the air and ... 34
Can I abide this 395
Christ have mercy 468
Clear Ankor, on whose 317
C<KLIA, of all sweet 145
Cume, blessed bird 40
Come, gentle swains ... 35
Come, old and young !... 164
CuriD, I hatetheel 315
Dear ! why nhould you 309
Define my Weal, and ... 321
' Earth 't but a point to ... 396
Fair Cvth area presents 39
I'l r i.ymphs I hcird ... 37
I I < h.iANA, Beauty's 33
Kur I ii lANA in the 38
Fair Ukiana, seeming... 39
Fair Queen of Cniilos I 141
Vuf Lust ii frail 31^4
PAGE
From London city 164
Good Andrew Hill ... 165
Good God! how 142
Had Robin dwelled 466
Hard by a crystal 40
Hast thou any 464
Hath silly wherry done 165
Hence stars ! too dim ... 31
He only can behold 391
Htre five foot deep 486
Her father, he makes ... 151
His boat not bulged ... 164
How many paltry 294
I can no more but hope 393
" I cannot conquer 748
I end with prayers to ... 166
I ever love, where never 304
If he, from heaven that 298
If it be sin, so dearly ... 142
I hear some say 303
Into tluse Loves, who ... 290
In former times, such as 320
In hope, a king doth .. 392
In pride of Wit, wnen... 314
Is not Love here, as 'tis 304
It shall be said I died ... 148
Judged by my Goddess' 139
Letters and lines, we ... 297
Lightly She whipped ... 32
Like an .idventurous ... 291
Lithe and listen 423
Lithe and listen 454
Lithe and listen 437
Long live fair 32
Love banished heaven 302
Love, in a humour 294
Marvel not. Love! 308
Mcthinks, I sec some ... 306
'Mongst all the 299
PAGE
Muses ! which sadly ... 313
My Fair! if thou wilt... 318
My Genius! say 207
My heart the anvil 311
My heart was slain 2q2
My master and the 152
My master carries me to 152
My prime of youth is ... 394
Nothing but " No ! " ... 293
Now hath the Knight ... 451
Now is the Knight 431
Now let we that 448
Of all the women 144
Of all the girls that 151
Of all the days that's in 152
Oft I heard tell, and 175
O gallant minds and ... 165
O happy hour, and yet 140
O heavenly Ccelia 141
O heavy heart ! whose... 392
O mighty Jove ! thou... 164
Our floods' Queen 307
O, why should Nature... 303
Plain pathed Experience 314
Prove her ! Ah, nol ... 140
Receive these 7vrits 149
Relent, my dear 147
Rest with yourselves ... 394
Robin dwelled in 468
Round about her chariot 38
Shall I abide this 395
Shall I prefer this to ... 165
Since there's no help ... 321
Since to obtain thee ... 298
Sing shepherds all 35
Sitting alone, Love bids 310
Some men there be 312
Some misbelievinp; and 308
Some, when in rhyme ... 310
First Lines of Poems and Stanzas. 9
PAGE
Stay, speedy Time ! 299
Strike up, my Lute ! ... 143
Taking my pen, with ... 292
That learned Father ... 297
That the unwise may ... 232
The Fauns and Satyrs... 35
The King came to 458
The Knight started 435
The Lady Oriana 37
The man upright of life 391
The nymphs and 33
The Sheriff dwelled 443
The spring is past 394
The stately stag that ... 39s
The sturdy rock, for all 395
Then bespake good 468
There's nothing grieve 293
This Knight then 436
Those priests which first 306
Though Wit bids Will... 392
PAGE
Thou leaden brain 315
Thou purblind Boy I ... 309
Thus BoNNY-BOOTES ... 34
Thus our King and 463
Thus then helped him ... 450
To nothing fitter can I 296
To such as say, thy 305
To this our World, to ... 300
" To what new Study ... 208
To win the Fort 144
Truce, gentle Love ! 322
Well, Ferris, now, the 166
Well, 'tis as 483
What dost thou mean 317
What if a day, or a 396
What is the Fair 146
What may be thought ... 147
When Christmas comes 152
When conquering Love 305
When first I ended 322
PAGB
When first I heard 149
When he came to 467
When like an Eaglet ... 319
When once I saw 146
When she is by 151
Whilst others ween 143
Whilst thus my pen 313
Whilst yet mine Eyes... 307
Who loves his life 393
Why do I speak of joy 3x1
Why should your fair ... 312
With angel's face and ... 31
Withdraw yourselves ... 36
With fools and children 302
With grievous thoughts 143
Yet read at last the 318
You best discerned of ... 319
You cannot love, my ... 300
You're not alone when... 296
lO
PREFACE.
Ew OF us adequately realize the immense
Literature which has descended to us from our
ancestors. Generation after generation has
passed away ; each of which has produced {in
the order of its own thought, and with the
tuition of its inherited or acquired experience)
many a wise, bright, or beautiful thing : which
having served its own brief day, has straightway passed away into
utter forgctfulness, there to remain till Doomsday ; unless some
effort like the present, shall restore it to the knowledge and enjoy-
ment of English-reading peoples.
This Collection is to gather, for the gratification of this and
future Ages, a vast amount of incomparable poesy and most stirring
prose; which hardly any one woidd imagine to be in existence at all.
Of many of the original impressions there survive but one or two
copies, and these often are most difficidt of access ; so that it is not
too much to say of the following contents as a whole, that they
have never hitherto come within the ken of any single English
scholar.
The reader must be prepared often to find most crude and
imperfect theories or beliefs, which later experience has exploded^
mixed up with most important facts or allusions as to the timeSy
manners, or customs of the period then tinder illustration : leaving
to us the obligation to reject the one, and to receive the other.
Many of the following books and tracts are the original
materials out of which modern historians have culled the most
graphic touches of their most brilliant pages. In fact, the Series
is, in regard to much of its prose, a Study on a large scale of
detached areas of English history; and stands in the same relation
to the general national Story, as a selected Collection of Parish
Maps would do to the Ordnance Survey of English land.
Vol. VI.
John Chilton.
Travels in Mexico, 1568 — 1585 a.d,
[Hakluyt. Voyages. 1589I
A notable Discourse of Master John Chilton, touching the
people, manners, mines, cities, riches, forces, and other
memorable things of the West Indias; seen and noted
by himself in the time of his travels, continued in those
parts the space of seventeen or eighteen years.
These travels, which also refer to Sir JOHN Hawkins's disaster at
San Juan de Ulua, conclude our series of pieces relating to the tirst
English residents in Mexico and the West Indies.
J 2 Chilton's arrival at Vera Cruz. \J-f^.
N THE year of our Lord 1561, in the month of
July, I, John Chilton, went out of this city
of London into Spain ; where I remained for
the space of seven years : and from thence, I
sailed into New Spain, and so travelled there,
and by the South Sea [Pacific] into Peru, the
space of seventeen or eighteen years.
After that time expired, I returned into
Spain; and so, in the year 1586, in the month of July, I
arrived at the foresaid city of London : where perusing the
notes which I had taken in the time of my travel in those
years, I have set down, as followeth.
In the year 1568, in the month of March, being desirous
to see the world, I embarked myself in the Bay of Cadiz, in
Andalusia, in a ship bound for the isles of the Canaries ;
where she took in her lading, and set forth from thence for
the voyage, in the month of June the same year.
Within a month after, we fell with the isle of Santo
Domingo; and from thence, sailing directly to New Spain,
we came into the port of San Juan de Ulua [about two months
before Ha WKINS's arrival at the same port on September 16, 1568 :
sec Vol. V. p. 221, and the following description probably describes
the island as Sir John found it] : which is a little island stand-
ing in the sea, about two miles [?J from the land : where the
King maintaineth about 50 soldiers, and Captains, that keep
the forts ; and about 150 Negroes, who, all the year long, are
{iccupied in carrying stone for building and other uses, and
to help to make fast the ships that come in there with their
cables. There are two Bulwarks [batteries], d-t each end of a
wall, that standeth likewise in the said island ; where the
ships use [are accustomed ] to ride, made fast to the said wall
with their cables; so near, that a man may leap ashore.
l-'rom this port, I journeyed by land to a town called Vera
Cruz, standing by a river's side : where all the Factors of the
Spanish merchants dwell, which receive the goods of such
bhips as come thither ; and also lade the same with such
treasure and merchandize as they return back into Spain.
^•^''^sej The Tlascalan tax of a handful of wheat, i 3
They are in number, about 400 : who only remain here durin^:^
the time that the Spanish Fleet dischargeth and is ladened
again ; which is from the end of August, to the beginning of
April following : and then, for the unwholesomeness of the
place, they depart thence sixteen miles further up within the
country, to a town called Xalapa [sec Vol. V. p. 301], a very
healthful soil.
There is never any woman delivered of child in this town ;
for so soon as they perceive themselves conceived with child,
they get them up into the country, to avoid the peril of the
infected air: although they use [are accustomed], every morn-
ing, to drive through the town, about 2,000 head of cattle, to
take away the ill vapours of the earth.
From Xalapa, seven leagues, I came to another place
named Perota; wherein are certain houses built of straw,
called by the name of Ventz : the inhabitants whereof are
Spaniards, who accustom to harbour such travellers as are
occasioned to journey that way, up into the land. It standeth
in a great wood of pine and cedar trees ; the soil being very
cold, by reason of store of snow, which lieth on the mountains
there, all the year long. There are in that place, an infinite
number of deer, of highness like unto great mules, having
also horns of great length.
From Perota, nineleagues, I came to the fo[u]ntsof Ozumba ;
which fo[u]nts are springs of water issuing out of certain
rocks into the midst of the highway : where likewise are
certain ranges ; and houses for the uses before mentioned.
Eight leagues off, from this place, I came to the City of
Angels [Piiebla de los Angeles], so called by that name, of the
Spaniards ; who inhabit there to the number of 1,000, besides
a great number of Indians. This city standeth in very plain
fields, having near adjoining to it many sumptuous cities:
as, namely, the city of Tlascala, a city of 200,000 Indians,
tributary to the King [of Spain] ; although he exacteth no
other tribute of them than a handful of wheat a piece,
which amounteth to 13,000 hannegas [2,600 English Quarters]
yearly, as appeareth by the King's Books of Account. And
the reason why he contenteth himself with this tribute only
from them, is because they were the occasion that he took
the city of Mexico : with which, the Tlascalans had war at
the same time that the Spaniards came into the country.
14 The Mexican Indians taxed at 12s. each, p-f^^.'^^e.
The Governor of this city is a Spaniard, called among them
Alcadc Major, who administereth chiefest causes of justice,
both unto the Christians and Indians ; referring smaller and
lighter vices, as drunkenness and such like, to the judgement
and discretion of such of the Indians as are chosen, every
year, to rule amongst them, and called by the name of
Alcades.
These Indians [at Piiehla de los Angeles], from fourteen
years old and upwards, pay unto the King for their yearly
tribute one ounce of silver [the Peso = 6s. 8d. {or in present
value 53s.); see Vol. V. p. 227] and a hannega [}th of an
English Quarter] of maise, which is valued among them com-
monly at 12 Rials of Plate [or silver = 6s. {or in present valu
48s.)]. The widows among them pay half of this.
The Indians both of this city, and of the rest lying about
Mexico, go clothed with mantles of linen cloth made of cotton
wool, painted throughout with works of divers and fine
colours.
Distant from the City of the Angels, four leagues to the
northward, and fourteen from Mexico; there is another city
called Cholula, consisting of more than 60,000 Indians,
tributaries : and there dwelleth not above twelve Spaniards
there.
From it, about two leagues, there is another called
Acassingo, of about 5,000 Indians, and eight or twelve
Spaniards ; which standeth at the foot of the Volcano of
Mexico [Popocatepetl].
There are besides these, three other great cities, the one
named Tepeaca, a very famous city; Huexotzinco, and
Tetzmellocan.
All these, in times past, belonged to the kingdom Tlascala:
and from these cities they bring all their cochineal into Spain
[sec Vol. V.p. 60].
The distance from the City of the Angels to the city of
Mexico is twenty leagues. This city, Mexico, is the city
of greatest fame in all the Indias : having goodly and
costly houses in it, built all of lime and stone; and seven
streets in length, and seven in breadth, with rivers running
through every second street, by which they bring their pro-
vibiuns in canoes.
•^■?^5.'] First trip to New Biscay in 1569. 15
It is situated at the foot of certain hills, which contain in
compass by estimation above twenty leagues, compassing
the said city on the one side ; and a lake, which is fourteen
leagues about, on the other side. Upon which lake, there
are built many notable and sumptuous cities, as the city of
Tescuco : where the Spaniards built six frigates at that time
when they conquered Mexico; and where also Hernando
Cortes made his abode five or six months, in curing of the
sickness of his people, which they had taken at their coming
into the country. There dwell in this city about 60,000
Indians, which pay tribute to the King.
In this city [Mexico] the said Hernando built the finest
Church that ever was built in the Indias ; the name whereof
is St. Peter's.
After I had continued six months in this city; being
desirous to see farther the countries, I employed [invested]
that which I had, and took my voyage [in 1569J towards the
Provinces of the California : in the which was discovered a
certain country by a Biscayan, whose name was Diego de
Guiara, and called it after the name of his country, New
Biscay ; where I sold my merchandise for exchange of silver,
for there were there certain rich mines discovered by the
aforesaid Biscayan.
Going from Mexico, I directed my voyage towards the
south-west, to certain mines called Tamalxaltepec ; and so
travelled forward, the space of twenty days, through desert
uninhabited places, till I came to the Valley of St. Bar-
tholomew, which joineth to the province of New Biscay. In
all these places, the Indians are for the most part naked, and
are wild people. Their common armour is bows and arrows.
They use [are accustomed] to eat up such Christians as they
come by.
At my return to Mexico, I came along by the coast of the
South Sea, through the Province of Zacatula ; from thence in
the Province of Coloa : where I employed the silver that I had
in a certain grain growing like an almond, called among the
Indians Cacao [Cocoa beans] which in New Spain is current
for money, to buy things of small value, as fruits, &c. ; fof
they have no small money there ; and in which, also, they pay
1 6 Chilton loses igoo ducats by Drake, [^-f^'l'^l
the King his tribute. They grind this grain to a powder, and
mingle it with water; and so is made both bread and drink
to them; which is a provision of great profit and good
strength.
From thence departing, I came to another province named
Xalisco, and from thence to the port of Navidad which is
sixty-six leagues from Mexico. In which port arrive, always
in the month of April, all the ships that come out of the South
Sea, from China and the Philippines; and there they lay
their merchandise ashore : the most part whereof is mantles
made of cotton wool, wax, and fine platters gilt made of earth,
and much gold.
The next summer following, being in the year 1570, which
was the first year that the Pope's Bidls were brought into
the Indias ; I undertook another voyage towards the Province
of Sonsonate, which is in the kingdom of Guatemala ; whither
I carried di\ers merchandise of Spain, all by land on mules'
backs. The way thitherward, from Mexico, is to the City of
the Angels ; and from thence to another city of Christians,
eighty leagues off, called Guaxaca, in which there dwelt about
fifty Spaniards and many Indians. All the Indians of this
Province pay their tribute in mantles of cotton wool, and
cochineal, whereof there growelh great abundance about this
country.
Near to this place, there lieth a port in the South Sea,
called Aquatulca [Acapulco] : in which there dwelleth not
above three or four Spaniards, with certain Negroes which
the King maintaineth there. In which place, Sir Francis
Drake arrived in the year 1579, in the month of April [see
Vol. V. p. 294] : where I lost with his being there, about
1,000 ducats* [=;^275 =now about ;^2,20o] : which he took
away, with much other of goods of other merchants of Mexico,
from one Fkanxiso Gomes Kangifa, Factor there, for all the
Spanish merchants that then traded in the South Sea. For
from this port, they use to embark all their goods that go for
Peru, and to the kingdom of Honduras.
From Guaxaca, I came to a town named Nixapa, which
* This loss was subsequent to the conclusion of Chilton's narrative
of his personal adventures ; which ends with his journey to Yucatan ia
//. 25, 26.
■^■?^'''i586.'] Hawkins's brass tiece at Teiiuantepec. 17
standeth upon certain very high hills in the Province of
Zapatecos, wherein inhabit about the number of twenty
Spaniards by the King of Spain's commandment, to keep
that country in peace ; for that the Indians are very rebel-
lious : and for this purpose he bestoweth on them the towns
and cities that be within that Province.
From hence, I went to a city called Tehuantepec, which
is the furthest town to the eastward in all New Spain,
which sometime did belong to [Hernando Cortes] the
Marquis de la Valle : and because it is a very fit port,
standing in the South Sea, the King of Spain, upon a re-
bellion [!] made by the said Marquis against him, took it from
him, and doth now possess it as his own.
Here, in the year 1572, I saw a piece of ordnance of brass,
called a Demi-Culverin, which came out of a ship called the
Jesus of Lubeck [See Vol. V. pp. 223, 238], which Captain
Hawkins left in San Juan de Ulua, being in fight with the
Spaniards, in the year 1568, which piece they afterward
carried a hundred leagues by land, over mighty mountains,
to the said city, to be embarked for the Philippines.
Leaving Tehuantepec, I went still along by the South Sea,
about 150 leagues, in the desolate Province of Soconusco : in
which Province there groweth Cacao, which the Christians
carry from thence into New Spain ; for that it will not grow
in any cold country. The Indians of this country pay the
King their tribute in Cacao, giving him 400 Cargas (every
Carge is 2,400 almonds) which Carge is worth in Mexico, 30
pieces of Rials of Plate [15s. {^£6 now)]. They are men of
great riches, and withal very proud : and in all this Province
throughout, there dwell not twenty Christians.
I travelled through another Province called Suchetepec^
and thence to the Province of Guasacapan, in both of which
Provinces are very few people ; the biggest town therein
having not above 200 Indians. The chiefest merchandise
there is Cacao.
Hence, I went to the city of Guatemala, which is the
chief city of all this Kingdom. In this city, do inhabit about
eighty Spaniards : and here the King hath his Governors
and Council, to whom all the people of the kingdom repair
for justice. This city standeth from the coast of the South
Sea, fourteen leagues within the land, and is very rich,
£ng. Gar. VI. 2,
1 8 Second trip, in 1570-71, to Guatemala, P-p.'fg^;
by reason of the gold that they fetch out of the coast of
\'eragua.
From this city, to the Eastward, sixty leagues, hath the
Province of Sonsonate; where I sold the merchandise I
carried out of New Spain. The chiefest city of this Province
is San Salvador, which hath seven leagues from the coast of
the South Sea, and hath a port lying by the sea coast,
called Acaxutla, where the ships arrive with the merchandise
they bring from New Spain ; and from thence, lade back the
Cacao. There dwell there to the number of sixty Spaniards.
From Sonsonate, I travelled to Nicoya, which is the
Kingdom of Nicaragua. In which port, the King buildeth
all the shipping that travel out of the Indies to the Moluccas.
I went forward from thence to Costa Rica, where the
Indians, both men and women, go all naked ; and the land
lieth between Panama and the Kingdom of Guatemala.
And for that the Indians there, live as warriors, I durst
not pass by land : so that here, in a town called San Salvador,
I bestowed that which I carried in anil [indigo], which is a
kind of thing to dye blue withal, which I carried with me
to the port of Cavallos [see Vol. V.p. 302. At present, called
Puerto Cortes or Cabellos], lying in the Kingdom of Honduras:
which port is a mighty huge river; and at the coming in
of the one side of it, there lieth a town of little force, without
ordnance or any other strength, having in it houses of straw.
At which town, the Spaniards use yearly, in the month of
August, to unlade four ships which come out of Spain laden
with rich merchandise, and receive in again here, a kind of
merchandise called anil, cochineal (although it be not of such
value as that of New Spain), silver of the mines of Toma
Angua, gold of Nicaragua, hides, and salsaparilla the best in
all the Indies. All which merchandise they return [take back',
and depart from thence always in the month of April following
[Chilton evidently ivcnt this voyage in April, 1571], taking their
course by the island of Jamaica : in which island, there dwell
on the west side of it certain Spaniards of no great number.
From this place, they go to Cape St. Antonio ; which is the
uttermost part of the westward of the isle of Cuba.
And from thence, to Havanna, lying hard by ; which is the
chiefest port that the King of Spain hath in all the countries
of tiic Indies, and of greatest importance. For all the ships
J-^'^'^i'^g";] Honduras, Havanna, and Peru; and back. 19
from Peru, Honduras, Porto Rico, Santo Domingo, Jamaica,
and all other places in his Indies, arrive there, on their
return to Spain; for that in this port, they take in victuals
and water, and the most part of their lading. Here they
meet from all the foresaid places, always in the beginning of
May, by the King's commandment. At the entrance of
this port, it is so narrow that there can scarce come in two
ships together ; although it be above six fathoms deep in
the narrowest place of it.
In the north side of the coming in, there standeth a tower,
in which there watcheth every day a man to descry the sail
of ships which he can see on the sea : and as many as he
discovereth, so many banners he setteth upon the tower,
that the people of the town (which standeth within the port
about a mile from the tower) may understand thereof. [See
Vol. III. p. 444, for a similar arrangement at Terceira.]
Under this tower, there lieth a sandy shore, where men
may easily go aland : and by the tower, there runneth a hill
along by the water's side ; which easily, with small store of
ordnance, subdueth the town and port. The port within is
so large, that there may easily ride a thousand sail of ships,
without anchor or cable : for no wind is able to hurt them.
There inhabit within the town of Havanna, about 300
Spaniards, and about sixty soldiers ; which the King main-
taineth there, for the keeping of a certain castle which he
hath of late erected, which hath planted in it about twelve
pieces of small ordnance. It is compassed round with a small
ditch, wherethrough, at their pleasure, they may let in the sea.
About two leagues from Havanna, there lieth another town
called Guanabacoa, in which there are dwelling about 100
Indians : and from this place sixty leagues, there lieth
another town named Bahama, situated on the north side of
the island. The chiefest city of this island of Cuba, which
is above 200 miles in length, is also called Cuba [Santiago
de Cuba] ; where dwelleth a Bishop and about 200 Spaniards:
which town standeth on the south side of the island about
a hundred leagues from Havanna.
All the trade of this island is cattle ; which they kill only
for the hides that are brought thence into Spain. For which
end, the Spaniards maintain there many negroes to kill their
cattle : and foster [breed] a great number of hogs, which
20 Returning by Guatemala, to Mexico, [^f^'l^,
being killed and cut into small pieces, they dry in the sun ;
and so make provision for the ships which come for Spain.
Having remained in this island two months, I took shipping
[ ? in July, 1571] in a frigate [briganiine], and went over to
Nombre de Dios ; and from thence by land to Panama, which
standeth upon the South Sea. From Nombre de Dios to
Panama is seventeen leagues [see Vol. V. pp. 537 and 552I.
From which town ^Nombre] there runneth a river, which is
called the River of Chagres, which runneth [up] within five
leagues of Panama, to a place called [Venta de] Cruzes : by
which river they carry their goods and disembark it at the said
Cruzes ; and from thence it is conveyed on mules' backs to
Panama by land : where they again embark it, in certain
small ships, in the South Sea for all the coast of Peru. In
one of these ships, I went to [started for] Potosi, and from
thence by land to Cuzco, and from thence to Paita. Here
I remained the space of seven months.
I then returned towards the Kingdom of Quatemala ; and
arrived in the Provinces of Nicoya and Nicaragua.
From Nicaragua, I travelled by land to a Province called
Nicamula, which lieth towards the North Sea [Giilf of
Mexico] in certain high mountains : for that I could not pass
through the kingdom of Quatemala at that time, for the
waters wherewith all the low countries of the Province of
Soconusco, lying by the South Sea, are drowned with the
rain that falleth above in the mountains, enduring always
from April to September ; which season for that cause they
call their winter.
From this Province, I came into another called Vera
Paz ; in which the chiefest city is also called after that name,
where there dwelleth a Bishop, and about forty Spaniards.
Among the mountains of this country towards the North
Sea, there is a Province called La C and on a, \wherQ are Indian
men of war which the King cannot subdue : for they have
towns and forts in a great lake of water above, in the said
mountains. The most part of them go naked, and some
wear mantles of cotton wool.
Distant from this, about eighty leagues, I came into an-
other Province, called the Province of Chiapa ; wherein the
chiefest city is called Zacatlan [Ciudad Real] : where dwelleth
a Bishop and about a hundred Spaniards. In this country
J-j^^'^e;] Third trip, 1572-3, toTampico & Zacatecas. 2 1
there is great store of cotton wool; whereof the Indians make
line linen cloth, which the Christians bu}' and carry into New
Spain. The people of this Province pay their tribute to the
King all in cotton wool and feathers.
Fourteen leagues from this city, there is another city
called Chiapa ; where are the finest gennets in all the Indies,
which are carried hence to Mexico, 300 leagues from it.
From this city, I travelled still [going now southward]
through hills and mountains till I came to the end of this
Province, to a hill called Ecatepec, which in English signi-
fieth, the " Hill of Wind " : for that they say it is the highest
hill that was ever discovered, for from the top of it may be
discovered both the North and South Seas ; and it is in height
supposed to be nine leagues. They which travel over it, lie
always at the foot of it overnight, and begin their journey
about midnight to travel to the top of it before the sunrise
of the next day : because the wind bloweth with such force
afterwards, that it is impossible for any man to go up.
From the foot of this hill to Tehuantepec, the first town
of New Spain, is about fifteen leagues. And so from thence, I
journeyed to Mexico.
By and by, after I came to Mexico, which was in the year
1572 ; in the company of another Spaniard, who was my
companion in this journey [to Peru and hack] ; we went to-
gether toward the Province of Panuco which lieth upon the
coast of the North Sea.
Within three days' journey, we entered a city called Mez-
titlan, where there dwelt twelve Spaniards. The Indian
inhabitants there were about 30,000. This city standeth in
certain high mountains, which are very thick planted with
trees; very wholesome and fruitful, having plentiful fountains
of water running through them. The highways of these hills
are all set with fruits and most pleasant trees of divers kinds.
In every town, as we passed through, the Indians presented
us with victuals.
Within twenty leagues of this place, there is another city,
called Tlanchinoltepec, belonging to a gentleman, where
there inhabit about 40,000 Indians: and there are among
them, eight or nine Friars of the order of Saint Augustine,
who have there a monastery.
2 2 C HILTON 41 DAYS SICK AT PaNUCO. [■^•,^"''^'386;
Within three days after, we departed from this place, and
came to a city called Guaxutla; where there is another
Monastery of Friars of the same order. There dwell in this
town about twelve Spaniards.
From this place forwards, beginneth a Province called
Guastecan ; which is all plain grounds without any hills.
The first town we came unto is called Tanguilabe, in which
there dwell many Indians high of stature, having all their
bodies painted with blue, and wear their hair long down to
their knees, tied as women used to do with their hairlaces.
When they go out of their doors, they carry with them their
bows and arrows, being very great archers : going for the
most part naked.
In those countries, they take neither gold nor silver for
exchange of anything; but only salt: which they greatly
esteem, and use it as a principal medicine for certain v/orms
which breed in their lips and in their gums.
After nine days' travel from this place, we came to a town
called Tampico, which is a port town upon the sea ; wherein
there dwell, I think, forty Christians : of which number,
whilst we abode there, the Indians [Chichimics] killed four-
teen, as they were gathering salt ; which is all the trade that
they have in this place. It standeth upon the entry of the
river of Panuco, which is a mighty great river : and were it
not for a sand that lieth at the mouth of it, ships of 500
tons might go up into it above threescore leagues.
From hence, we went to Panuco, fourteen leagues from
Tampico ; which in times past had been a goodly city, where
the King of Spain had his Governor : but by reason that the
Indians [Chichimics] there destroyed the Christians, it lieth
in a manner waste, containing in it not above ten Christians,
with a priest.
In this town, I fell sick : where I lay forty-one days, having
no other sustenance than fruit and water : which water I sent
for, about six leagues off within the country. Here I remained
till my companion came to me, who had departed from
me another way ; I having kept in my company only a slave
which I brouglit with me from Mexico : and the last day in
Easter week [1572 or 1573], my companion came to me,
finding me in a very weak state, by reason of the unwhole-
bomencss of the place.
^■j^H'sse."] Nearly eaten by the Ciiiciiimic Indians. 23
Notwithstanding my weakness, I being set on a horse and
an Indian behind me to hold me ; we went forward in our
voyage all that day till night.
The next day, in the morning, we passed over the river in
a canoe : and being on the other side, I went myself before
alone ; and by reason there met many ways trailed by the
wild beasts, I lost my way : and so travelled through a great
wood about two leagues ; and at length fell into the hands
of certain wild Indians [Chicldmics], which were in certain
cottages made of straw. Who seeing me, came out, to the
number of twenty of them, with their bows and arrows ;
and spake unto me in their language ; which I understood
not.
So I made signs unto them to help me from my horse ;
which they did, by commandment of their lord [chief] which
was there with them : and [a] lighted down, they carried me
under one of their cottages, and laid me upon a mat on the
ground.
Perceiving that I could not understand them, they brought
unto me a little Indian wench, of Mexico, of fifteen or sixteen
years of age ; whom they commanded to ask me in her
language, from whence I came, and for what intent I am
among them ? " For," said she, " dost thou not know,
Christian ! how that these people will kill and eat thee ? "
To whom I answered, " Let them do with me, what they
will ! here now I am ! "
She replied, saying, " Thou mayst thank GOD thou art
lean ! for they do fear thou hast the [small] pox, otherwise
they would eat thee ! "
So I presented to the King [caique or chief] a little wine,
which I had with me in a bottle ; which he esteemed above
any treasure : for for wine they will sell their wives and
children.
Afterwards the wench asked me, " What I would have,
and whether I would eat anything ? "
I answered that " I desired a little water to drink, for that
the country is very hot! "
She brought me a great gilded Venice glass full of
water. Marvelling at the glass, I demanded, " How they
came by it ? "
She told me that " the Caique brought it from Shallapa
24
On the march from Panuco to Zacatecas. [^-Pf^l
r? Jalapa^, a town on the hills distant from this place thirty
leagues; whereas dwelt certain Christians and certain Friars
of the order of St. Augustine : which this Caique with his
people, on a night, slew ; and burning the Friars' Monastery,
among other thmgs, reserved this glass; and from hence also
brought me."
Having now been conversant with them, three or four
hours, they bid her ask me, " if I would go my way ? "
I answered her that " I desired nothing else."
So the Caique caused two of the Indians to lead me for-
ward in my way, going before me, with their naked bows and
arrows, the space of three leagues, till they brought me to a
highway : and then making a sign to me, they signified that
in a short time, I should come to a town where Christians
inhabited ; which was called Santiago de las Villas, standing
in the plain fields, walled about with a mud wall. The num-
ber of Christians that dwelt therein were not above four or
five and twenty : unto which the King of Spain giveth Indians
and towns, to keep the country subject unto him.
Here the Christians have their mighty mules, with which
they carry to all parts of the Indies, and into Peru ; for all
their merchandise is carried by land by this means.
In this town aforesaid, I found my company [his Spanish
friend, &c.] which I had lost before ; who made no other
account of me but that I had been slain. And the Christians
there likewise marvelled to hear that I came from those kind
of Indians alive : which was a thing never seen, nor heard of
before. For they take great pride in killing a Christian, and
to wear any part of him where he hath any hair growing
[r.^^, the scalp], hanging it about their necks, and so are
accounted for valiant men.
In this town, I remained eighteen days, till I recovered
my health. In the mean space, there came one Don
Fkanxisco de Pago, whom the Viceroy, Don HenricoManki-
QUEs, had sent, for Captain General, to open and discover a
certain way from the seaside to the mines of Zacatecas,
which is from this place i6o leagues ; for to transport
their merchandise that way : and to leave the way by Mexico,
whicli is se\'cn or eight months' travel.
So tiiis Captain took me and my company [Iiis slave,
•^■?*^^is86.'] Fourth trip, to Campeche and Yucatan. 25
Spanish friend, &c.] with the rest of his soldiers, to the num-
ber of forty, which he had brought with him, and 500 Indians
which we took out of two towns in this Province called
Tanchipa and Tamadelipa, all good archers and naked men ;
and went thence to the river de las Palmas [ ? Rio Satander]
of great bigness, parting the kingdom of New Spain and
Florida.
Going still along by this river the space of three days, seek-
ing a passage to pass over and finding none : we were at length
enforced to cut timber to make a balsa [raft] which when we
had made, we sat on it, and the Indians swimming in the
water and thrusting it before them to the other side.
Within thirty days after, after travelling through woods,
hills, and mountains, we came to the mines of Zacatecas :
which are the richest mines in all the Indies, and from
thence they fetch most silver. In which mines, there dwelt
above 300 Christians.
There, our Captain gave us leave to depart. So we came
to the Valley of Saint Michael, toward Mexico; and from
thence to Puebla Neuva.
And from that place, to the Province of Mechuacan (after
which name, the chiefest city of that place is called, where
dwell a Bishop and above a hundred Spaniards in it). It
aboundeth with all kinds of Spanish fruits, and hath woods
full of nut trees and wild vines. Here are many mines of
copper, and great store of cattle. It lieth sixty leagues from
Mexico (whither we came within four days after). The
Indians of this country are very mighty and big men.
Afterwards, I returned another way, to the Province of Son-
sonate, by Vera Cruz; and so to the Rio Alvarado ; and from
thence to the Province of Campeche [now Yncatan], which
lieth on the south side of the Bay of Mexico. The chief town
of this Province is called Merida, in which is a Bishop and
almost a hundred Spaniards. The Indians of this Province
pay all their tribute in mantles of cotton wool and cocoa.
There is no port in all this Province for a ship of a 100 tons
to ride in, but only in the river of Tabasco, by which river
the city of Merida standeth. The chiefest merchandise with
which they lade there in small frigates, is a certain wood
26 The King of Spain's W. Indian revenue. P^^'^S":
called campcche [logwood] wherewith they use to dye, as also
hides and anil.
By this, there lieth the Province of Yucatan near the
Honduras, by the North Sea coast; where there is also
another Bishop, and a town likewise named Yucatans
[ ? Valladolid], where dwell a few Spaniards. They have no
force at all, in all this coast, to defend themselves withal ;
save only that the land is low, and there is no port to receive
any shipping unless they be frigates, which carry from thence
to the port of San Juan de Ulua, wax, cocoa, honey: also
mantles of cotton wool, whereof they make their great store ;
and of which kind of merchandise there is great trade thence
to Mexico. Of the same also, they pay their tribute to the
King.
The King hath tribute brought him yearly out of the Indies
into Spain of between nine and ten millions of gold and silver
[t.e., crowns, equal to seventy to eighty millions of the present day].
Yov he receiveth of every Indian that is subject to him, ex-
cepting those which do belong to the Inconimenderos (which
are the children of those Spaniards who first conquered the
land ; to whom the King gave and granted the government
of the cities and towns subdued, for three lives) 12 Rials of
Plate [= 6s., or in present value 485.] and a hannega (five of
them make a Quarter of English measure) of maize which is
a wheat of the country : and of every widow woman, he had
6\ rials [^s.^^d., or 26s. noiv] and half a hannega of maize.
So if an infidel [heathen] have twenty children in his house,
he payeth for every one of them, being above fifteen years
old, after that rate. This wheat, being duly brought to the
Governor of every Province and city, is sold in Mexico, by
the King's Governors there, every year. So that the money
received for it is put into the King's Treasury there ; and so
is yearly carried from thence into Spain.
Of the Spaniards which are owners of the mines of gold
and silver, he receiveth the Fifth Part, which he calleth his
(,)uinlas : which being taken out of the heap, there are his
arms set on it ; for, otherwise, it may not be brought out of
the land into Spain, under pain of death.
Ihc Mark of Silver, wiiich ib 8 ounces, when it cometh
j.chiuon.-i The Christians and Indians rebellious. 27
! 1585.J
carry it to the Km^ s ^^reabu thereby, to
?;yrofTl"t:Vr/s: Ve' K^rfh for his custom ,a.,
"'^Stltear Sirc^Mifwas the year that the Pope;;s
flSfhef car;'^o?h "P^.r with then, into the Indies
^r^'ZwhiifiltVanVway, stolen; and so is par-
^Tlfe'ilvenue'of his Bulk, after this manner, yieldeth unto
"Sf do^re^to t^:VBuns: for t\at thev perce.ve
?il:r t.Lr fo'r^ :.Tr e^.'^- ^vheLl' n former
rral'ttXttna'm'nrsSl^^^^^^
house), and tearetn uic ^..^ sav n? thus,
^-^-l^r:^^f:^^r:^, 'in^Lr^hlch tLy%ou,ht
28 No WINE OR OIL MAY GROW IN MeXICO. [^-f^l'^^e.
the year before they had above 10,000 years' Pardon.''
These pieces they stick up in the wall of the houses where
they lie.
Both the Christians and Indians are weary with these
infinite taxes and customs, which, of late, he hath imposed
upon them more than in the years before.
So the people of both sorts did rebel twice in the time
that I was among them [1568-1585 ? ] ; and would have set
up another King of themselves. For which cause, the King
hath commanded, upon pain of death, that they should not
plant either wine or oil there ; but should always stand in
need of them to be brought out of Spain : although there
would more grow there in four years, than there groweth in
Spain in twenty, it is so fertile a country.
And the King, to keep the country always in subjection
and to his own use, hath straitly provided by law, upon pain
of death and loss of goods, that none of these countries
should traffic with any other nation, although the people
themselves do much now desire to trade with any other
that with them [than with them] ; which they would un-
doubtedly do, if they feared not the peril.
About Mexico and other places in New Spain, there groweth
a certain plant called Nc<^e [ilic Mexican A^avc], which yieldeth
wine, vinegar, honey, and black sugar ; and of the leaves of it
dried, they make hemp, ropes, shoes which they use, and tiles
for their houses : and at the end of every leaf there groweth a
sharp point like an awl, wherewith they use to bore or pierce
through anything.
Thus I make an end. I have here set down the sum of
all the chiefest things that I have observed and noted in my
seventeen years' travels in those parts.
29
Lyrics, Elegies, &'c. from Madrigals,
Canzonets, &c.
The Triumph 3 of Oriana.
Edited by Thomas Morley.
I 6 o I.
To THE Right Honourable
The Lord CHARLES HOWARD,
Earl of Nottingham, Baron of Effingham,
Knight of the noble Order of the Garter;
Lord High Admiral of England, Ireland, and
Wales, &c.; and one of Her Majesty's most
honourable Privy Council.
Right Honourable.
Have adventured to dedicate these few discordant
tunes, to be censured by the ingenious disposition of
your Lordship's honourable rare perfection ; persuad-
ing myself that these labours, composed by me and
others-as in "the survey hereof, your Lordship may well perceive
—may not, by any means, pass without the malignity of some
30 Dedication to the Earl of Nottingham. [^-^^T'o^;
malicious MoMUS, whose malice, being as toothsome as adder's
sti7ig, couched in the progress of a wayfaring man's passage, might
make him retire, though almost at his journey's end.
Two special motives have emboldened me. Right Honourable !
in this my proceeding. First, for that I consider that as the body
cannot be without the shadow ; so HOMER, the prince of poets,
may not be without a Zoilist. The second and last is the most
forcible motive : I know not only by report, by also by experience,
your Lordship to be not only Philomusus, a Lover of the Mnses
and of Learning ; but Philomathes, a personage always desirous,
though in all arts sufficiently skilful, to come to a more high per-
fection or summum bonum.
/ will not trouble your Lordship with too too tedious circum-
stances, only I humbly entreat your Lordship — in the name of
many — to patronage this work, with not less acceptance, than I
with a willing and kind heart, dedicate it. So shall I think
the initium of this work not only happily began, but to be finited
with a more happy period.
Your Honour's devoted in all duty,
T II O M a S M O R L E Y .
31
Lyrics^ Elegies^ Sf r. from Madrigals^
Canzonets^ &'c.
The Triumph^ of Oriana.
MICHAEL ESTE.
Ence Stars ! too dim of light !
You dazzle but the sight !
You teach to grope by night !
See here the shepherd's star I
Excelling you so far."
Then Phcebus wiped his eye,
And Zephyr cleared the skies
In sweet accented cries,
Then sang the shepherds and nymphs of Diana,
Long live fair Oriana !
IT This Song being sent too late, and all my others printed,
I placed it before the rest, rather than to leave it out.
DANIEL NORCOME.
|ITH Angel's face and brightness, and orient hue,
' Fair Oriana shining, with nimble foot she tripped
o'er hills and mountains ;
Hard by Diana's fountains;
At last in dale she rested.
This is that maiden Queen of the Fairy Land,
With sceptre in her hand. [lightness.
The Fawns and Satyrs dancing, did show their nimble
Fair Nais and the nymphs did leave their bowers,
And brought their baskets full of herbs and flowers:
Then sang the shepherds and nymphs of Diana,
Long live fair ORIANA !
Lyrics, Elegies, &c. from [
Ed. by T. Morley.
1601.
JOHN MUNDY.
Ightly She whipped o'er the dales.
Making the woods proud with her presence ;
Gently She trode the flowers, and they as gently
kissed her tender feet.
The birds in their best language bade her welcome,
Being proud that Oriana heard their song.
The clove-foot Satyrs singing, made music to the Fauns
a-dancing,
And both together, with an emphasis,sang Oriana's praises
Whilst the adjoining woods with melody did entertain their
sweet harmony.
Then sang the shepherds and nymphs of Diana,
Long live fair Oriana !
ELLIS GIBBONS.
Also set to music by Thomas hunt.
OxG live fair Oriana !
Hark ! did you ever hear so sweet a singing?
They sing, young Love to waken !
The nymphs unto the woods, their Queen are
bringing.
There was a note well taken !
O good.', hark ! how joyfully 'tis ditticd !
A Queen and Song most excellently fitted.
I never saw a fairer,
I never heard a rarer :
Then sing, ye shepherds and nymphs of DiANA,
Long live fair Oriana !
Ed. by T. Moriey.i Madrigals, Canzonets, &c. 33
I60I. J
JOHN BENET.
ILL creatures now are merry-minded,
The shepherd's daughters playing :
The nymphs are " Fa, la la-ing,"
Yon bugle was well winded !
At Oriana's presence, each thing smileth !
The flowers themselves discover !
Birds over her do hover !
Music, the time beguileth !
See, where She comes, with flow'ry garlands crowned,
Queen of all queens renowned.
Then sang the shepherds and nymphs of Diana,
Long live fair Oriana !
JOHN HILTON.
Air Oriana, Beauty's Queen !
Tripped along the verdant green ;
The Fauns and Satyrs running out,
Skipped and danced round about.
Flora forsook her painted bowers,
And made a coronet of flowers.
Then sang the nymphs of chaste Diana,
Long live fair OrianA !
GEORGE MARSON.
|He nymphs and shepherds danced
^' La Voltos in a daisy-tapestred valley ;
Love from their face-lamps glanced,
Till wantonly they dally :
Till in a rose-banked alley
Bright Majesty advanced,
A crown-graced Virgin, whom all people honour;
ENG. Gar. VI. ■J
34
Lyrics, Elegies, &c. from [^^^^ '^^ ^- '^^tT.
They leave their sport, amazed,
Run all to look upon her.
A moment scarce they gazed,
Ere Beauty's splendour all their eyes had dazed,
Desire to see yet ever fixed on her.
Then sang the shepherds and nymphs of Diana,
Long live fair Oriana !
RICHARD CARLTON.
Alm was the air and clear the sky,
Fair Oriana passing by,
Over the downs to Ida plains,
Where heaven-born Sisters with their trains.
Did all attend her sacred Beauty,
Striving to excel in duty.
Satyrs and Nymphs dancing together,
Shepherds triumphing, flocking thither.
Seeing their sov'reign Mistress there.
That kept their flocks and them from fear ;
With high-strained voice
And hearts rejoice.
Thus sang the shepherds and nymphs of Diana,
Long live fair Oriana !
!^
JOHN HOLMES,
Hus BoxNY-BOOTES the birthday celebrated,
Of her, his Lady dearest,
Fair Oriana, which to his heart was nearest.
The Nymphs and Shepherds feasted
With clouted cream, and were to sing requested.
" Lo here, the Fair created," quoth he, "the world's chief
Goddess ; "
Sing then, for She is Bonny-bootes sweet Mistress !
Then sang the shepherds and nymphs of Diana,
Long live fair Oriana !
^'^•''■^•''TH Madrigals, Canzonets, &c. 35
RICHARD NICOLSON.
Ing shepherds all, and in your roundelays,
Sing only of fair Oriaxa's praise.
The gods above will help to bear a part,
And men below will try their greatest art,
Though neither gods nor men can well apply
Fit song or tune to praise her worthily.
Then sang the shepherds and nymphs of DiANA,
Long live fair Oriana !
THOMAS TOM KINS.
He Fauns and Satyrs tripping,
With lively Nymphs of fresh cool brooks and foun-
tains.
And those of woods and mountains,
Like roes came nimbly skipping.
By signs, their mirth unripping,
My fairy Queen, they presented.
With Amaltheas twenty.
Brim full of wealthy plenty.
And still to give frequented,
With bare gifts not contented,
The demi-gods pray to the gods supernal.
Her life, her wealth, her fame may be eternal !
Then sang the shepherds and nymphs of Diana,
Long live fair Oriana !
MICHAEL CAVENDISH.
Ome, gentle swains and shepherds' dainty daughters,
Adorned with courtesy, and comely duties I
Come sing, and joy, and grace with lovely laughters,
The birthday of the beauties 1
Then sang the shepherds and nymphs of Diana,
Long live fair Oriana I
-6 Lyrics, Elegies, &c. from [Ed- by t. Moriey.
WILLIAM COBBOLD.
Ithdraw yourselves, ye shepherds ! from your bowers,
And strew the path with flowers.
The Nymphs are coming !
Sweetly the birds are chirping,
The swift beasts running,
As all amazed, they stand still gazing,
To see such bright stars blazing,
To DiAN bravely treading.
The powers divine, to her do vail their bonnets.
Prepare yourselves to sound your pastoral sonnets.
Then sang the shepherds and nymphs of Diana,
Lo7ig live fair Oriana !
THOMAS MORLEY.
Rise ! awake ! you silly shepherds sleeping,
Devise some honour for her sake by mirth to banish
weeping,
Lo ! where she comes in gaudy green arraying !
A Prince of beauty, rich and rare, for her delighting
pretends to go a-Maying.
You stately nymphs, draw near, and strew your
paths with roses.
In you, her trust reposes !
Then sang the shepherds and nymphs of DiANA,
Long live fair OlilANA !
Ed.byT.Mo,^^y.-| Madrigals, Canzonets, &c. z7
JOHN- FARMER.
Air Nymphs, I heard one telling
Diana's train are hunting in this Chace.
To beautify this place
The Fauns are running;
The Shepherds their pipes tuning,
To show their cunning :
The lambs amazed, leave off their grazing,
And blind their eyes with gazing :
While the earth's Goddess doth draw nearyour places,
Attended by the Muses and the Graces,
Then sang the shepherds and nymphs of Diana,
Long live fair Oriana !
JOHN WILBY.
He Lady Oriana
Was dight all in the treasures of Guiana ;
And on her Grace, a thousand graces tended,
And thus sang they, "Fair Queen of Peace and
Plenty !
The fairest Queen of twenty ! "
Then with an olive wreath, for peace renowned,
Her virgin head, they crowned.
Which ceremony ended.
Unto her Grace, the thousand graces bended.
Then sang the shepherds and nymphs of Diana,
Long live fair Oriana !
THOMAS WEELKES.
S Vesta was from Latmos hill descending,
She spied a Maiden Queen the same ascending,
Attended on by all the shepherds' swain.
To whom Diana's darlings came running down
a-main :
2S Lyrics, Elegies, & c . from [
Ed. by T. IMorley.
1601.
First two by two, then three by three together,
Leaving their goddess all alone, hasted thither
And rningling with the shepherds of her train,
With mirthful tunes her presence entertain.
Then sang the shepherds and nymphs of DiANA,
Long live fair OjilANA !
JOHN MILTON [the father of the Pod],
Air Oriana in the morn,
Before the day was born ;
With velvet steps on ground,
Which made nor print nor sound,
Would see her Nymphs a-bed ;
What lives those Ladies led.
The roses, blushing, said,
♦' O stay thou Shepherd's Maid ! "
And on a sudden all.
They rose and heard her call.
Then sang those shepherds and nymphs of Diana,
Lo7tg liv^ fair Oriana !
ELLIS gibbons,
OuND about her chariot with all admiring strains,
The Hyades and Uryades give sweetest entertains,
Lo, how the gods, in revels, do accord,
Whilst doth each goddess melodies afford.
Now Bacchus is consorting,
Silvanus falls a sporting,
Amphion's harp reporting,
To the shepherds' pipes, sing the nymphs of Diana,
Long live fair Oriana !
Ed. by T. MorW.J M A D R I G A L S , C A N Z O N E T S , & C. 2,9
GEORGE KIRBYE.
Right Phcebus greets most clearly,
With radiant beams, fair Oriana sitting !
Her apple, Venus yields, as most befitting !
A Queen beloved most dearly !
Rich Pluto leaves his treasures !
And Proserpine, glad, runs in her best array *
Nymphs deck her crown with bay !
Her feet, are lions kissing !
No joy can there be missing!
Now Thetis leaves the Mermaids' tunes admired,
And swells with pride, to see her Queen desired !
Then sang the shepherds and nymphs of Diana,
Long live fair Oriana !
Robert jones,
Air Oriana, seeming to wink at folly,
Lay softly down to sleeping ;
But hearing that the world was grown unholy,
Her rest was turned to weeping.
So waked, she sighed ; and with crossed arms.
Sat drinking tears for others' harms ;
Then sang the nymphs and shepherds of Diana,
Long live fair ORIANA !
JOHN LISLE Y.
Air Cytharea presents her doves ! Minerva singeth !
Jove gives a crown ! a garland Juno bringeth !
Fame summoned each celestial power
To bring their gifts to Oriana's bower.
Then sang the shepherds and nymphs of Diana,
Long live fair Oriana !
40
Lyrics, Elegies, &c. [^■'^^
by T. Morley.
1601.
THOMAS MORLEY.
Ard by a crystal fountain,
Oriana the bright, lay down a sleeping.
The birds they finely chirped, the winds were stilled
Sweetly with these accenting, the air was filled,
This is that Fair whose head a crown deserveth,
Which heaven for her reserveth.
Leave, shepherds, your lambs' keeping upon the barren
mountain !
And Nymphs attend on her, and leave your bowers !
For She, the shepherd's life maintains, and yours.
Then sang the shepherds and nymphs of Diana,
Long live fair Oriana !
EDWARD JOHNSON.
Ome, blessed bird, and with thy sugared relish,
Help our declining quire now to embellish :
For BoNNY-BOOTES that so aloft would fetch it,
O he is dead ! and none of us can reach it.
Then tune to us, sweet bird ! thy shrill recorder.
For fault of better, will serve in the chorus !
Begin, and we will follow thee in order !
Then sang the wood-born Minstrel of DiANA,
Long live fair Oriana !
FINIS.
urije €jcammation
of fl^aster cmtUiam CDorpc, priest,
of l)eresp, before Cl)omas i^runtiell,
:arcl)bt6t)op of Canterbury,
tl)e pear of our 3LorD,
S^X€€€. auD
setjen.
«C!)e Cjcammation
of m l)onouraftle iSimgl)t, ^ir 3o\^n
£)lDca6tle, JLorU Cobi)am, burnt
ftp tl)e saiD ;arcl)bi6l)op/ in
tl)e first pear of iBitng
i^enrp m fiftt).
C TBe no more asbamen to ftear it, tban ge toete
ann be, to no it
[=;^ This is incorrect, Archbishop AR^deix condemned Sir John Old-
castle on September 25th, 141 3- who was then sent to the Tower, see
5fTi? 132 Som which he escaped ; and being recaptured m Wales in
IAI7 was burnt on the 14th December of that year. But m the mean-
time,' Xrchbiship ARUNDLLL had died on the 14th February, 1414 ; and
Henry Chicheley had become Archbi?hop.J
43
C 5anto tl)e Ct)ristian ^aeaDer.
Race and peace in our Lord Jesus Christ. Read
here with jtidgewent, good Reader ! the Examination
of the blessed Ma7i of GOD, and there thou shalt
easily perceive wherefore our Holy Church (as the
most iinholy sort of all the people will be called) make all their
examinations in darkness ; all the lay people clean excluded from
their counsels.
For if their lies had been openly confuted, and also that the
Accused of Heresy might as well have been admitted to reason
their Articles with Counsel, whether they were heresy or no[t] , as
the A ccused of Treason against the King is admitted to his Council
to confute his cause and Articles, whether they be treason or not,
they should never have murdered nor prisoned so many good
Christian men as they have done.
For their cloaked lies could never have continued so long in the
light, as they have done in corners. They, good men ! when they
come in the pulpit, and preach against the Truth, cry, "If their
learning [i.e., of the Protestants] were good and true, they would
never go in corners ; but speak it openly I "
Whereunto I answer, that besides that Christ and his Apostles
were compelled (for because of the furiousncss of their fathers, the
Bishops and Priests, which only, that time also, would be called
Holy Church) oftentimes for to walk secretly, and absent them-
selves, and give place to their malice. Yet we have daily examples,
of more than one or two, that have not spared nor feared for to
speak, and also [to] preach openly the Truth ; which have been taken
of them, prisoned, and brent: besides others that for fear of death,
have abjured and carried faggots. Of whose Articles and
Examination there is no layman that can shew a word.
Who can tell ivhcrcfore, not many years past, there ivcrc Seven
44 Deaths of seven at Coventry, &c. [
W. Tindale.
1530.
burnt in Coventry on one day ? Who can tell wherefore that
good priest and holy martyr, Sir [the reverend] THOMAS
HiTTON was brent, now this year, at Maidstone in Kent ? I
am sure, no man ! For this is their cast [contrivance] ever when
they have put to death or punished any man : after their secret
Examinations, to slander him of such things as he never thought ;
as they may do well enough, seeing there is no man to contrary
them.
Wherefore I exhort thee, good brother! whosoever thou be that
rcadest this treatise, mark it well, and consider it seriously ! and
there thou shall find, not only what the Church is, their doctrine
of the Sacrament, the Worshipping of Images, Pilgrimage, Con-
fession, Swearing, and Paying of Tithes : but also thou may est see
what strong and substantial arguments of Scripture and Doctors,
and what clerkly reasons my Lord the head and Primate of the
Holy Church in England (as he will be taken) bringeth against
this poor, foolish, simple, and mad loscll, knave, and heretic, as he
calleth him. And also the very cause wherefore all their Examina-
tions are made in darkness.
And the Lord of all Light shall lighten thee with the candle of
II is grace, for to see the Truth ! Amen.
C This I have corrected and put forth in the English that
now is used in England, for our Southern men ;
nothing thereto adding, ne yet therefrom
minishing. And I intend hereafter,
with the help of GOD to put it
forth in his own old English,
which shall well serve, I
doubt not, both for the
Northern men and
the faithful
brethren
of Scot-
land.
45
[
tlliam of Cijorpe's
preface.]
He lord god that knoweth all things,
wotteth well that I am right sorrowful for
to write or make known this Sentence
beneath written, where that of mine even
Christian, set in high state and dignity, so
great blindness and malice may be known ;
that they, that presume of themselves to
destroy vices and to plant in men virtues, neither dread
to offend GOD, nor lust [desire] to please Him: as their
works shew. For, certes, the bidding of GOD and His
Law (which, in the praising of His most Holy Name, He
commandeth to be known and kept of all men and women,
young and old ; after the cunning and power that He hath
given to them), the Prelates of this land and their ministers,
with the comente [community] of priests chiefly consenting to
them, enforce them most busily to withstand and destroy the
holy Ordinance of GOD. And therethrough, GOD is greatly
wroth and moved to take hard vengeance, not only on them
that do the evil, but also on them all that consent to the Anti-
christ's limbs ; which know or might know their malice and
their falsehood, and [adjdress them not to withstand their
malice and great pride.
Nevertheless, four things moveth me to write this Sentence
beneath.
The first thing, that moveth me hereto is this, that where-
as it was known to certain friends that I came from the
prison of Shrewsbury, and (as it befell in deed), that I
should to the prison of Canterbury ; then divers friends,
46 Truth impugned, iiatii a sweet smell. [W'"-- of Thorp.
in divers places, spake to me full lieartfully and full
tenderly, and commanded me then, if it so were that I
should be examined before the Archbishop of Canter-
bury, that, if I might in any wise, I should write mine
Apposing and mine Answering. And I promised to my
special friends, that if I might, I would gladly do their
biddings, as I might.
The second thing that moveth me to write this Sentence is
this. Divers friends which have heard that I have been
examined before the Archbishop, have come to me in
prison and counselled me busily, and coveted greatly that
I should do the same thing. And other brethren have
sent to me, and required me, on GOD's behalf! that I
should write out and make known both mine Apposing
and mine Answering "for the proht that," as they say,
"over my [ac]knowledging may come thereof." But
this, they bade me, that I should be busy in all my wits
to go as near the Sentence and the words as I could ;
both that were spoken to me, and that I spake: up[on]
adventure this Writing came another time, before the
Archbishop and his Council. And of this counselling I
was right glad ! for in my conscience, I was moved to do
this thing; and to ask hereto the special help of GOD.
And so then, I considering the great desire of divers
friends of sundry places, according all in one; I occupied
all my mind and my wits so busily, that through GOD's
grace, I perceived by their meaning and their charitable
desire some profit might come therethrough.
For Soothfastness and Truth hath these conditions.
Wherever it is impugned, it hath a sweet smell, and
thereof comes a sweet savour. And the more violent the
enemies [adjdress themselves to oppress and to with-
stand the Truth, the greater and the sweeter smell
comcth thereof. And tlierefore this heavenly smicU of
GOU's Word will n(;t, as a smoke, pass away with the
William or Thorpe.-j'pjjg FOUR MOTIVES TO THIS Narrative. 47
wind ; but it will descend and rest in some clean soul
that thirsteth thereafter.
And thus, some deal, by this Writing, may be perceived,
through GOD's grace, how that the enemies of the
Truth, standing boldly in their malice, enforce them to
withstand the freedom of Christ's Gospel ; for which
freedom, Christ became man, and shed his heart's
blood. And therefore it is great pity and sorrow that
many men and women do their own wayward will ; nor
busy them not to know nor to do the pleasant will of GOD.
Ye men and women that hear the Truth and Soothfast-
ness,and hear or knowofthis,perceiving what isnow in the
Church, ought therethrough to be the more moved in all
their wits to able them to grace, and set lesser price by
themselves : that they, without tarrying, forsake wilfully
[voluntarily] and bodily all the wretchedness of this life ;
since they know not how soon, nor when, nor where, nor
by whom GOD will teach them, and assay their patience.
For, no doubt, who that ever will live piteously, that is
charitably, in Christ Jesu shall suffer now, here in this
life, persecution in one wise or another, that is, if we
shall be saved.
It behoveth us to imagine full busily, the vilite and
foulness of sin, and how the LORD GOD is displeased
therefore: and of this vilite of hideousness of sin, it be-
hoveth us to busy us in all our wits for to abhor and hold
in our mind a great shame of sin, ever ! and so then we
owe [ought] to sorrow heartily therefore, and ever flying
all occasion thereof. And then [it] behoveth us to take
upon us sharp penance, continuing therein, for to obtain
of the LORD, forgiveness of our foredone sins, and
grace to abstain us hereafter from sin ! And but if
[except] we enforce us to do this wilfully and in con-
venient time, the LORD (if He will not utterly destroy
and cast us away ! ) will, in divers manners, move
tyrants against us, for to constrain us violently for to do
48 This Storv may startle some consciences. [^^ZTi-
penance, which we would not do wilfully. And, trust !
that this doing is a special grace of the LORD, and a
great token of life and mercy !
And, no doubt, whoever will not apply himself, as is
said before, to punish himself wilfully, neither will suffer
patiently, meekly, and gladly the rod of the LORD,
howsoever that He will punish him : their wayward
wills and their impatience are unto them earnest of ever-
lasting damnation.
But because there are but few in number that do able
them thus faithfully to grace, for to live here simply and
purely, and without gall of malice and of grudging,
herefore the lovers of this world hate and pursue them
that they know patient, meek, chaste, and wilfully poor,
hating and fleeing all worldly vanities and fleshly lusts.
For, surely, their virtuous conditions are even contrary
to the manners of this world.
The third thing that moveth me to write this Sentence is
this. I thought I shall busy me in myself to do faith-
fully, that all men and women occupying all their
business in knowing and in keeping of GOD's com-
mandments, able them so to grace, that they might
understand truly the Truth, and have and use virtue and
prudence ; and so to serve to be lightened from above
with heavenly wisdom : so that all their words and their
works may be hereby made pleasant sacrifices unto the
LORD GOD ; and not only for help for their own souls,
but also for ediiic^.tion of all Holy Church.
For I doubt not but all they that will apply them to
have this foresaid business shall profit full mickle both
to friends and to foes. For some enemies of the Truth,
through the grace of GOD, shall, through charitable
folks, be made astonied in their conscience, and perad-
venture converted from vices to virtues ; and also they
that labour to know and to keep faithfully the biddings
William of Thorpe.1 Innocence RECEIVES Dtvine help. 49
of GOD, and to suffer patiently all adversities, shall
hereby comfort many friends.
And the fourth thing that moveth me to write this Sentence
is this. I know my sudden and unwarned Apposing
and Answering that all they that will of good heart
without feigning able themselves wilfully and gladl}',
after their cunning and their power, to follow Christ
patiently, travailing busily, privily and apertly, in work
and in word, to withdraw whomsoever that they may
from vices, planting in them (if they may) virtues, com-
forting them and furthering them that standeth in grace ;
so that therewith they be not borne up into vainglory
through presumption of their wisdom, nor enflamed with
any worldly prosperity : but ever meek and patient,
purposing to abide steadfastly in the Will of GOD,
suffering wilfully and gladly, without any grudging
whatsoever, the rod the LORD will chastise them with.
Then this good LORD will not forget to comfort all such
men and women in all their tribulations, and at every
point of temptation that any enemy purposeth for to do
against them ([to] such faithful lovers specially, and patient
followers of Christ), the LORD sendeth His wisdom
from above to them ! which the adversaries of the Truth
may not know nor understand ; but through their old
and new unshamefast sins, those tyrants and enemies of
Soothfastness shall be so blinded and obstinate in evil,
that they shall ween themselves to do pleasant sacrifices
unto the LORD GOD in their malicious and wrongful
pursuing and destroying of innocent men's and women's
bodies ; which men and women for their very virtuous
living and for their true knowledging of the Truth and
their patient, wilful, and glad suffering of persecution for
righteousness, deserve through the grace of GOD to
be heirs of the endless bliss of heaven.
And for [on account of] the fervent desire and the great
Eng. Gar. VI. 4
:o Heaven IS THE LORD GOD Himself! ['
iam of Thorpe,
1407.
love that those men have, as to stand in Soothfastness
and witness of it, though they be, suddenly and unwarned,
brought forth to be Apposed of their adversaries : the
HOLY GHOST yet, that moveth and ruleth them,
through His charity, will, in the hour of their Answering,
speak in them, and shew His wisdom, that all their
enemies shall not again say [gainsay] and against stand
lawfully [by rigid].
And therefore all they that are stedfast in the faith of
GOD, yea, which (through diligent keeping of His com-
mandments, and for their patient suffering of whatsoever
adversity that cometh to them) hope surely in His mercy,
purposing to stand continually in perfect charity : for those
men and women dread not so the adversities of this life, that
they will fear (after their cunning and their power) to
[acjknowledge prudently the truth of GOD's Word! when,
where, and to whom that they think their [acjknowledging
may profit. Yea, and though therefore, persecution come to
them, in one wise or another, certes, they patiently take it !
knowing their conversation to be in heaven.
It is a high reward and a special grace of GOD for to
have and enjoy as the everlasting inheritance of heaven, for
the suffering of one persecution in so short a time as is the
term of this life. For, lo, this heavenly heritage and end-
less reward is the LORD GOD Himself! which is the best
thing that may be. This Sentence witnesseth the LORD
GOD Himself, whereas He said to Abraham, / am thy uicde !
And as the LORD said He was, and is the mede of Abraham;
so He is of all His other saints.
This most blessed and best mede He grant to us all I for
His holy name, that made us of nought, and sent His only
most dear worthy Son, our Lord Jesu Christ, for to redeem
us with His most precious
heart's blood.
Amen.
51
[C|)e Cxamtnatton of sir
illiam of C|)orpe.]
NowN be it to all men that read or hear
this Writing beneath, that on the Sunday
next [August yth] after the Feast of St. Peter
that we call Lammas [August ist], in the
year of our Lord a thousand four hundred
seventh year, I, William of Thorpe, being
in prison in the castle of Saltwood [near
Hythe, in Kent], was brought before Thomas
Arundell, Archbishop of Canterbury, and i^LordJ Chan-
cellor then of England.
And when that I came to him, he stood in a great chamber,
and much people [were] about him ; and when that he saw
me, he went fast into a closet [private room], bidding all
secular men [laymen] that followed him, to go forth from him
soon ; so that no man was left then in that closet, but the
Archbishop himself, a physician that was called Malveren
[i.e., John Malverne, S.T.P.], Parson of St. Dunstan's
[Church, in Tower Street] in London, and two other persons
unknown to me, which were Ministers of the Law [i.e., the
Canon Law : later on, they are called Clerks, i.e., Chaplains].
Archbishop. And I standing before them, by and by, the
Archbishop said to me, "' William ! I know well, that thou
hast, this twenty winter and more [i.e., from before 1387], tra-
velled about busily, in the North country and in other divers
countries [counties] of England, sowing about false doctrine :
having great business, if thou might, with thine untrue teach-
ing and shrewd will, for to infect and poison all this land. But,
through the grace of GOD ! thou art now withstanded, and
brought into my ward ! so that I shall now sequester thee
from thine evil purpose, and let [hinder] thee to envenom the
sheep of my Province. Nevertheless, St. Paul saith, // it
may be, as far as in us is, we owe [ought] to have peace with all
men. Therefore, William ! if thou wilt now, meekly, and
of good heart, without any feigning, kneel down and lay thy
52 A PRECISE & AUTHENTIC LOLLARD CrEED. [T'lt"!
hand upon a book, and kiss it ; promising faithfully as I shall
here charge thee, that ' thou wilt submit thee to my correc-
tion and stand to mine ordinance, and fulfil it duly by all
thy cunning and power,' thou shalt yet find me gracious
unto thee ! "
William. Then said I, to the Archbishop, "Sir, since ye
deem me an heretic out of belief, will ye give me here
audience to tell my Belief y
Archbishop. And he said, " Yea, tell on ! "
William. And I said, " / believe that there is not but one GOD
Almighty, and in this Godhead and of this Godhead are three
Persons ; that is the Father, the Son, and the soothfast HOLY
GHOST. And I believe that all these tJiree Persons are even
in power, in cunning, and in might, fidl of grace and of all
goodness : for whatever that the Father doth or can or will,
that thing also the Son doth can and will ; and in all their
power cunning and will, the HOLY GHOST is equal to
the Father and to the Son.
Over this, I believe that, through counsel of this most blessed
Trinity {in most convenient time, before ordained), for the
salvation of mankind, the second Person of this Trinity
was ordained to take the form of Man, that is the Kind of
man. And I believe that this second Person, onr Lord
Jesu Christ was conceived, through the HOLY GHOST,
into the womb of the most blessed Virgin Mary without any
man's seed. And I believe that after nine months, CHRIST
was born of this most blessed Virgin without any pain or
breaking of the closter of her womb, and without filth of her
virginity.
And I believe that CHRIST our Saviour was circumcised in the
eighth day after his birth, in fulfilment of the Law ; and his
name was called Jesus, which was called of the angel before
he was conceived in the womb of Mary his mother.
And I believe that Christ, as he was about thirty years old,
was baptized in the flood of Jordan of John [the] Baptist,
and in likeness of a dove the HOLY GHOST descended
there upon him ; and a voice was heard from heaven, saying.
Thou art my well beloved Son ! In Thee, I am full
pleased !
And I believe that CllRiST -was moved then by the HOLY
GHOST for to go into [the] desert, and there he fasted forty
William.! ^ PRECISE & AUTHENTIC LoLLARD CrEED. 5,
1407. J
days and forty nights without bodily meat and drink. And
I believe that by and by, after his fasting, when the manhood
of Christ hungered, the Fiend came to him and tempted him
in gluttony, in vainglory, and in covdise : but in all those
temptations CHRIST concluded [confounded] the Fiend and
withstood him.
And then, without tarrying, Jesu began to preach, and to say
unto the people. Do ye penance ! for the Realm of Heaven
is now at hand !
And I believe that CHRIST, in all his time here, lived most holily;
and taught the Will of his Father most truly : and I believe
that he suffered therefore most wrongfully, greatest reproofs
and dcspisings.
And after this, when CHRIST woidd make an end here, of his
temporal life, I believe that, in the day next before that^ he
would suffer passion on the morn, in form of bread and ivinc,
he ordained the Sacrament of his flesh and blood, that is his
own precious body, and gave it to his Apostles for to eat,
commanding them, and by them all their after-comers, that
they should do it, in this form that he shaved to them, use
themselves and teach and common forth to other men and
women this most worshipful holiest Sacrament ; in mindful-
ness of his holiest Living and of his most true Teaching, and
of his wilful and patieni Suffering of the most painful Passion.
And I believe that thus, CHRIST our Saviour, after that he had
ordained this most worthy Sacrament of his own precious
body, he went forth wilfully against his enemies, and he suffered
them most patiently to lay their hands most violently upon
him, and to bind him, and to lead him forth as a tliief,
and to scorn and buffet him, and all to blow or [de]file him
with their spittings.
Over this, I believe tJiat Christ suffered, most meekly and
patiently, ' his enemies for to ding [beat] _ out laith sharp
scourges, the blood that ivas between his skin and his flesh :
yea, without grudging, CHRIST suffered wicked Jews to
crown him with most sharp thorns, and to strilie him with
a reed. And, after, CHRIST suffered wicked Jews to draw
[lay] him out upon the Cross, and for to nail him
there, upon foot and hand; and so, through this pitiful
nailing, CHRIST shed out wilfully, for man's life, the
blood that was in his veins : and then, Christ gave
54 A PRECISE & AUTHENTIC LOLLARD CrEED. \^V\
am.
407.
wilfully his spirit into the hands or power of his Father.
And so, as he would, and when he would, Christ
died wilfully, for man's sake, upon the Cross. And not-
withstanding that Christ was wilfully, painfully, and
most shaiJiefnlly pnt to death as to the world, tJicre was
left blood and water in his heart, as he before ordained
that he would shed out this blood and this water for
man's salvation. And therefore he suffered the Jeivs to
make a blind [ignorant] Knight to thrust him into the heart
with a spear ; and this the blood and water that was in his
heart, Christ would shed oid for mart's love.
And, after this, I believe that Christ was taken down from the
Cross, and buried.
And I believe that on the third day, by the power of his godhead,
Christ rose again from death to life. And forty days there-
after, I believe that Christ ascended up into heaven ; and that
he there sitteth on the right hand of GOD the Father Almighty.
And the tenth day after his up going, he sent to his Apostles
the HOLY GHOST, that he had promised them before.
And I believe that Christ shall come and judge all mankind,
some to everlasting peace, and some to everlasting pains.
And as I believe in the Father, and in the Son, that they are one
GOD Almighty ; so I believe in the HOLY GHOST that is
also, with them, the same GOD Almighty.
And I believe [in] an Holy Church, that is, all they that have been,
and that now are, and always to the end of the world shall be,
a people the ivhich shall endeavour them to know, and keep the
commandments of GOD ; dreading over all things to offend
GOD, and loving and seeking most to please Him. And I
believe that all they that have had, and yet have, and all they
that yet shall have the foresaid virtues, surely standing in
the Belief of GOD, hoping steadfastly in His mcrcifid doings,
continuing to their end in perfect charity, wilfully patiently
and gladly suffering persecutions by the example of CHRIST
chiefly and His Apostles; and these have their names written in
the Book of Life. Therefore I believe that the gathering together
of this people living now in this life, is the Holy Church of
GOD, fighting here on earth against the Fiend, the prosperity
of the world, and their fleshly lusts. Wherefore, seeing that all
the gathering together of this Church beforesaid, and every part
thereof, neither covctcth, nor willeth, nor loveth, nor seeketh
T'1407'.] A TRECISE & AUTHENTIC LoLLARD CrEED. 55
anytliing, but to eschew the offence of GOD, and to do His
pleasing will : meekly, gladly, and wilfully, of all mine
heart, I submit myself unto tins Holy Church of Christ ; to
be ever buxom and obedient to tlie ordinance of it, and of every
member thereof, after my knowledge and power, by the help of
GOD.
Therefore I [ac]knowledge noiv, and evermore shall {if GOD will !)
that, of all my heart, and of all my might, I will submit me
only to the rule and governance of them whom, after my
knowledge, I may perceive, by the having and nsing of the
beforcsaid virtues, to be members of the Holy Church.
Wherefore these Articles of Belief and all others, both of the Old
Law and of the New, which, after the commandment of GOD,
any man ought to believe, I believe verily in my soul, as a
sinftd deadly wretch of my cunning and power ought to be-
lieve ; praying the LORD GOD, for His holy name, for to
increase my belief, and help my unbelief. '
And for because, to the praising of GOD's name, I desire above
all things to be a faithful member of Holy Church, I make
this Protestation before you all four that are now here present,
coveting that all men and women that [are] now absent knew
the same ; that what thing soever before this time I have said
of done, or what thing here I shall do or say at any time
hereafter, I believe that all the Old Law and the Neiv Law
given and ordained by the counsel of these three Persons in
the Trinity, were given and written to [for] the salvation of
mankind. And I believe these Laws are sufficient for the
man's salvation. And I believe every Article of these Laws
to the intent that these Articles were ordained and commanded,
of these three Persons of the most blessed Trinity, to be believed.
And therefore to the rule and the ordinance of these, GOD's
Laics, meekly, gladly, and wilfully, I submit me with all mine
heart: that whoever can or will, by authority of GOD'sLaw,
or by open reason, tell me that I have erred, or now err, or
any time hereafter shall err in any Article of Belief {from
which inconvenience, GOD keep me, for his goodness ! ) I
submit me to be reconciled, and to be buxom and obedient
tinto these Laws of GOD, and to every Article of them. For
by authority specially of tJiese Laws, I will, through the grace
of GOD, be tmied [united] charitably unto these Lavvs.
Yea, Sir, and over this, I believe and admit all the Sentences,
56 Archbishop's conditions to William. [^^''''
am of Thorpe.
? 1407.
autlwritics, and reasons of the Saints and Doctors, according
iinto Holy Scripture, and declaring it truly. I submit me
wilfnlly and meekly to be ever obedient, after my cunning and
power, to all these Saints and Doctors as they are obedient in
work and in word to GOD and his Law : and further, not
tomy knowledge; nor for any cartJily power, dignity, or state,
through the help of GOD.
" But, Sir, I pray you tell me, if after your biddin<;, I
shall lay my hand upon the book, to the intent to swear
thereby ? "
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said unto me, "Yea!
wheretore else ? "
William. And I said to him, " Sir, a book is nothing else
but a thing coupled together of diverse creatures [created
things] ; and to swear by any creature, both GOD's Law and
man's law is against. But, Sir, this thing I say here to you,
before these your Clerks, with my foresaid Protestation, that
how, where, when, and to whom, men are boundento swear
or to obey, in any wise, after GOD's Laws, and Saints and
good Doctors according with GOD's Law; I will, through
GOD's grace, be ever ready thereto, with all my cunning and
power !
"But I pray you. Sir, for the charity of GOD! that ye
will, before that I swear as I have rehearsed to you, tell me
how or whereto that I shall submit me ; and shew me
whereof that ye will correct me, and what is the ordinance
that ye will thus oblige me to fulfil ? "
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said unto me, " I will,
shortly, that now thou swear here to me, that thou shalt for-
sake all the opinions which the Sect of Lollards hold, and is
slandered [charged] with ; so that, after this time, neither
privily nor apertly, thou hold any opinion which I shall, after
that thou hast sworn, rehearse to thee here. Nor thou shalt
favour no man nor woman, young nor old, that holdeth any
of these foresaid opinions ; but, after thy knowledge and
power, thou shalt enforce thee to withstand all such dis-
troublers of Holy Church in every diocese that thou comest
m ; and them that will not leave their false and damnable
opmions, thou shalt put them up, publishing them and their
names ; and make them known to the Bishop of the diocese
William of Thorpe. -| J-Jj- jg TO BE THE BiSHOPS STY. 57
that they are in, or to the Bishop's Ministers And, over
thfs I will that thou preach no more, unto the time that
I fcow, bv good witness and true, that thy conversation
be such that thy heart and thy mouth accord truly m one
conti-arying [of] all the lewd learning that thou nast taught
^Itdt' hearing these words, thought in my heart that this
was an unlawfSl asking; and I deemed myself curbed ^f
GOD, if I consented hereto: and I thought how Susanna
said, Anguish is to me on every side I ^ .,, , , ^ . .
Archbishop. And in that I stood still, and spake not
the Archbishop said to me, " Answer one wise or ano her 1
William. And I said, " Sir, if I consented to >-ou thus, as
ye have here rehearsed to me; I should become an Appealei% or
every Bishop s Spy! Summonerof all England! For an [vf\ I
Tould thus'put upland publish the names of men and women
I should herein deceive lull many persons: yea, Su asit is
il ly%y the doom of my conscience I should herein be
causl of the death, both of men ^^^^ ™T.en; >ea, both
hoHilv and ehostlv. For many men and women that stand
now m thef uthfandare in the way of salvation if I should
for the learning and reading of their Belief publish them
or pit them therefore up to ^Bishops or to their unpiteous
Ministers, I know some deal by experience, that they
should be so distroubled and dis-eased with persecution or
otherwise, that many of them, I think, would rather choose
to forlake the Way of Truth than to be travailed scorned,
and sTand "d or^nished as Bishops and their Ministers
now use rar. accustlned] for to constrain men and women to
'^^"Tut'l tT in no place in Holy Scripture that this
office that ye would now enfeoff me with, ^---^^^^^J^^'^^
Driest of Christ's sect, nor to any other Chiistian man.
indU.ei.foreto do thus, were to me a ^ ^^ ->--^^;;^^^^
bounden with, and over grievous charge, l^'^.^r^!! Sir
if I thus did, many men and women m the ^^f ^' >^^' .^'^^
mi-ht iustlv, unto my confusion say to me that I weie a
"litor^o GOD and\o them 1 ' since, as thin^c m -n
heart, many men and women trust_ so mickle n me tl. s
case that I would not, for the saving of my life, do thus to
Sem. For if I thus should do, full many men and women
58 ArUxXdell threatens to burx\ William. [
William of Thorpe
1407.
would, as they might full truly, say that ' I had falsely and
cowardly forsaken the Truth, and slandered shamefully the
Word of GOD! ' For if I consented to you, to do hereafter
your will, for bonchief and mischief that may befall to me in
this life, I deem in my conscience that I were worthy here-
fore to be cursed of GOD, as also of all His Saints ! From
which inconvenience keep me and all Christian people,
Almighty GOD ! now and ever, for His holy name ! "
Archbishop. And then the Archbishop said unto me,
" O thine heart is full hard, endured [hardened] as was the
heart of Pharaoh ; and the Devil hath overcome thee, and
perverted thee ! and he hath so blinded thee in all thy wits,
that thou hast no grace to know the truth, nor the measure
of mercy that I have proffered to thee ! Therefore, as I per-
ceive now by thy foolish answer, thou hast no will to leave
thine old errors. But I say to thee, lewd loseli ! [base lost
one ! or base son of perdition !] either thou quickly consent to
mine ordinance, and submit thee to stand to my decrees, or,
by Saint Thomas! thou shalt be disgraded [degraded], and
follow thy fellow in Smithfield !"
And at this saying, I stood still and spake not ; but I
thought in mine heart that GOD did to me a great grace, if
He would, of His great mercy, bring me to such an end. And
in mine heart, I was nothing [a^fraid with this menacing of
the Archbishop.
And I considered, there, two things in him. One, that he
was not jet sorrowful, for that he had made William Sautre
wrongfully to be burnt [on Feb. 12, 1401, at Smithfield].
And as I considered that the Archbishop thirsted yet after
more shedding out of innocent blood. And fast therefore
I was moved in all my wits, for to hold the Archbishop
neither for Prelate, nor for priest of GOD ; and for that mine
inward man was thus altogether departed from the Arch-
bishop, methought I should not have any dread of him.
But I was right heavy and sorrowful for that there was none
audience of secular [lay] men by: but in mine heart, I prayed
the LORD GOD to comfort me and strengthen me against
them that there were against the Soothfastness. And I pur-
posed to speak no more to the Archbishop and his Clerks
[Chaplains] than me need behoved.
And all thus I prayed GOD, for Plis goodness, to give me
William,
? 1407.
] How William came to Wycliffe, about 1377. 59
then and always grace to speak with a meek and an easy
spirit ; and whatsoever thing that I should speak, that I
might thereto have true authorities of Scriptures and open
reason.
A Clerk. And for that I stood still, and nothing spake,
one of the Archbishop's Clerks said unto me, " What thing
musest thou ? Do thou, as my Lord hath now commanded
to thee here ! "
And yet I stood still, and answered him not.
Archbishop. And then, soon after, the Archbishop said
to me, " Art thou not yet bethought, whether thou wilt do as
I have here said to thee ? "
"William. And I said then to him, *' Sir, my father and
mother (on whose souls GOD have mercy ! if it be His will)
spent mickle money in divers places about my learning; for
the intent to have made me a priest to GOD. But when
I came to years of discretion, I had no will to be priest;
and therefore my friends were right heavy to me. And then
methought their grudging against me was so painful to
me, that I purposed therefore to have left their company.
And when they perceived this in me, they spake some time
full fair and pleasant words to me : but for that they might
not make me to consent, of good heart, to be a priest, they
spake to me full ofttimes very grievous words, and menaced
me in divers manners, shewing to me full heavy cheer.
And thus, one while in fair manner, another while in
grievous, they were long time, as methought, full busy
about me, ere I consented to them to be a priest.
"But, at the last, when, in this matter, they would no
longer suffer mine excusations ; but either I should consent
to them, or I should ever bear their indignation ; yea, ' their
curse,' as they said. Then I seeing this, prayed them that
they would give me license for to go to them that were
named wise priests and of virtuous conversation, to have
their counsel, and to know of them the office and the charge
of priesthood.
"And hereto my father and my mother consented full
gladly, and gave me their blessing and good leave to go, and
also money to spend in this journey.
"And so then I went to those priests whom I heard to be of
best name and of most holy living, and best learned and
rWilliam.
60 Wycliffe's co-workers in translating the |_
most wise of heavenly wisdom: and so I communed with
them unto the time that I perceived, by their virtuous and
continual occupations, that their honest and charitable
works [sur] passed their fame, which I heard before of them.
Wherefore, sir, by the example of the doctrine of them, and
specially for the godly and innocent works which I perceived
of them and in them ; after my cunning and power I have
exercised me then, and in this time, to know perfectly GOD's
Law: having a will and desire to live thereafter, willing that
all men and women exercised themselves faithfully there-
about.
" If then, Sir, either for pleasure or displeasure of them
that are neither so wise, nor of so virtuous conversation
(to my knowledge, nor by common fame of other men's
knowledge in this land) as these men were, of whom I
took my counsel and information ; I should now forsake,
thus suddenly and shortly, and unwarned, all the learning
that I have exercised myself in, this thirty winter [i.e., from
1377J and more, my conscience should ever be herewith out
of measure unquieted. And as. Sir, I know well that many
men and women should be therethrough greatly troubled
and slandered ; and (as I said, Sir, to you before) for mine
untruth and false cowardness many a one should be put
into full great vq^v tie' [reproof]. Yea, Sir, I dread that many
a one, as they might then justly, would curse me full
bitterly: and, Sir, I fear not but the curse of GOD (which
I should deserve herein) would bring me to a full evil end,
if I continued thus.
"And if through remorse of conscience, I repented me
at any time, returning into the Way which you do your dili-
gence to constrain me now to forsake ; yea, Sir, all the
Bishops of this land, with full many other priests, would
defame me, and pursue me as a Relapse : and they that now
have (though I be unworthy) some confidence in me, here-
after would never trust to me, though I could teach and live
never so virtuously more that I can or may.
" For if, after your counsel, I left utterly all my Learning:
I should hereby, first wound and defile mine own soul ; and
also I should herethrough give occasion to many men and
women of full sore hurting. Yea, Sir, it is likely to me, if I
consented to your will, 1 should herein by mine evil example
^''|'^^'^;]i?/i?Z^,HEREF0RD&PuRVEY,GIVEUpL0LLARDISM.6l
in it, as far as in me were, slay many folk ghostly, that
I should never deserve for to have grace of GOD to the
edifying of His Church, neither of myself, nor of none other
man's life, and [be] undone both before GOD and man.
" But, Sir, by example chiefly of some, whose names I will
not now rehearse, [Nicholas de] H[ereford], of J[ohn]
PTurvey], and B[owland] ; and also by the present doing of
Philip of Repington that [after being a Lollard] is now
become Bishop of Lincoln [consecrated on March 28, 1405 ;
and about a year folloiaing this Examination ivas made, on Sep-
tember 19, 1408, a Cardinal] : I am now learned, as many
more hereafter through GOD's grace shall be learned, to hate
and to flee all such slander that these foresaid men chiefly
hath defiled principally themselves with. And in it that in
them is, they have envenomed all the Church of GOD ; for the
slanderous revoking at the Cross of Paul's, of H[ereford],
P[urvey], and of B'owland], and how now Philip Reping-
ton pursueth Christ's people. And the feigning that these
men dissemble by worldly prudence, keeping them cowardly
in their preaching and communing, within the bonds and
terms, which, without blame, may be spoken and shewed out
to the most worldly livers, will not be unpunished of GOD.
For to the point of truth that these men shewed out some
time, they not will now stretch forth their lives: but by
example, each one of them, as their words and works shew,
they busy them, through their feigning, for to slander and
to pursue Christ in his members, rather than they will be
pursued."
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said to me, "These
men the which thou speakest of now, were fools and
heretics, when they were counted wise men of thee and
other such losells : but now they are wise men, though thou
and such others deem them unwise. Nevertheless, I wist
never none, that right said ; that any while were envenomed
with your contagiousness, that is contaminated and spotted
doctrine."
William. And I said to the Archbishop, " Sir, I think
well that these men and such others are now wise as to this
world, but as their words sounded sometime and their works
shewed outwardly, it was likely to move me that they had
earnest of the wisdom of GOD, and that they should have
William.
■'. 1407.
62 J. Purvey, Vicar of West Hytiie, 140 1-3
deserved mickle grace of GOD to have saved their own souls
and many other men's, if they had continued faithful in wilful
poverty and in other simple virtuous living; and specially if
they had with these foresaid virtues, continued in their busy
fruitful sowing of GOD's Word, as, to many men's knowledge,
they occupied them a season in all their wits full busily to
know the pleasant Will of GOD, travailing all their members
full busily for to do thereafter purely, and chiefly to the
praising of the most holy name of GOD and for grace of
edification and salvation of Christian people. But woe worth
false covetise ! and evil counsel ! and tyranny ! by which
they and many men and women are led blindly into an evil
end."
Archbishop. Then the Archbishop said to me, " Thou
and such other losells of thy sect would shave your beards
full near, for to have a benefice ! For, by Jesu ! I know
none more covetous shrews than ye are, when that ye have a
benefice. For, lo, I gave to John Purvey a benefice but a
mile out of this Castle [i.e., the vicarage of West Hythe, near
Saltwood Castle in Kent, which PURVEY held from August 11,
1401, till he resigned it on October 8, 1403], and I heard more
complaints about his covetousness for tithes and other mis-
doings, than I did of all men that were advanced within my
diocese."
William, And I said to the Archbishop, " Sir, Purvey is
neither with you now for the benefice that ye gave him, nor
holdeth he faithfully with the learning that he taught and
writ before time ; and thus he sheweth himself neither to be
hot nor cold: and therefore he and his fellows may sorcLly]
dread that if they turn not hastily to the Way that they have
forsaken, peradventure they be put out of the number of
Christ's chosen people."
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said, "Though
Pi'RVEY be now a false harlot [debased man. This term was at
this time applied also to men], I quite me [absolve myself in
respect] to him : but come he more for such cause before me,
ere we depart, I shall know with whom he holdeth ! But I
say to thee. Which are these holy men and wise of whom
thou hast taken thine information ? "
William. And I said, " Sir, Master John Wycliffe was
holdcn ol full many men, the greatest Clerk [Divine] that they
Willbm of Thorpe.-| -pjjj^ FIRST LEADERS OF THE LoLLARDS. 63
knew then living; and therewith he was named a passing
ruely man and an innocent in his living : and herefore great
many commoned [communed] oft with him, and they loved so
much his learning that they writ it, and busily enforced
them to rule themselves thereafter. Therefore, Sir, this fore-
said learning of Master John Wycliffe is yet holden of full
many men and women, the most agreeable learning unto the
living and teaching of Christ and his Apostles, and most
openly shewing and declaring how the Church of Christ
hath been, and yet should be, ruled and governed. There-
fore so many men and women covet this learning, and pur-
pose, through GOD's grace, to conform their living like to
this learning of Wycliffe.
" Master John Aiston taught and writ accordingly, and full
busily, where, and when, and to whom that he might : and
he used it himself right perfectly, unto his life's end.
" And also Philip of Repington, while he was a Canon of
Leicester [He was CJiancellor of Oxford in 1397, ^^^'^ again
in 1400]; Nicholas Her[e]ford; David Gotray of
Pakring, Monk of Bylande and a Master of Divinity ; and
John Purvey, and many others, which were holden right
wise men and prudent, taught and writ busily this foresaid
learning, and conformed them thereto. And with all these
men I was oft right homely [qnite at home], and communed
with them long time and oft : and so, before all other men,
I choose wilfully to be informed of them and by them, and
especially of Wycliffe himself; as of the most virtuous and
godly wise men that I heard of or knew. And therefore of
him specially, and of these men I took my learning, that I
have taught ; and purpose to live thereafter, if GOD will ! to
my life's end.
" For though some of these men be contrary to the learning
that they taught before, I wot well that their learning was
true which they taught ; and therefore, with the help of GOD,
I purpose to hold and to use the learning which I heard of
them while they sat on Moses' chair, and specially while they
sat on the chair of Christ. But after the works that they
now do, I will not do! with GOD's help. For they feign and
hide and contrary the Truth which before they taught out
plainly and truly. For as I know well, when some of these
men hath been blamed for their slanderous doing, they grant
64 William's Sermon at St. Chad's, [wim- of xho^pe.
not that they have taught amiss, or erred before time ; but
that they were constrained by pain[s] to leave to tell out the
Sooth : and thus they choose now rather to blaspheme GOD
than to suffer awhile here bodily persecution for Soothfastness
that Christ shed out his heart-blood for."
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said, "That learning
that thou callest Truth and Soothfastness is open slander to
Holy Church, as it is proved of Holy Church. For albeit
that Wycliffe your author [founder] was a great Clerk, and
though that many men held him a perfect liver : yet his
doctrine is not approved of Holy Church, but many Sen-
tences of his learning are damned [condemned] as they are well
worthy.
" But as touching Philip of Repington that was first
Canon, and after Abbot of Leicester, which is now Bishop of
Lincoln; I tell thee that the Day is now comen for which he
fasted the Even 1 For neither he holdeth now, now will hold
the learning that he thought when he was Canon of Leicester ;
for no Bishop of this land pursueth now more sharply them
that hold thy Way than he doth."
William. And I said, " Sir, full many men and women
wondereth upon him, and speaketh him mickle shame, and
holdeth him for a cursed enemy of the Truth."
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said to me, " Where-
fore tarriest thou me thus here, with such fables ? Wilt thou
shr)rtly, as I said to thee, submit thee to me or no ? "
William. And I said, " Sir, I tell you at one word. I dare
not, for the dread of GOD, submit me to you after the tenour
and Sentence that ye have above rehearsed to me."
Archbishop. And then, as if he had been wroth, he said
to one of his Clerks, " Fetch hither quickly the Certification
that came to me from Shrewsbury, under the Bailiff's seal,
witnessing the errors and heresies which this losell hath
venemously witnessed there ! "
Then hastily the Clerk took out and laid forth on a cup-
board divers rolls and writings ; among which there was a
little one, which the Clerk delivered to the Archbishop.
And by and by ihe Archbishop read this roll containing this
sentence.
William of Thorpe.-j ^^j^ DESIRE OF THE SHREWSBURY MEN. 65
tr The third Sunday [April 17th] after Easter [March 27th],
the year of our Lord 1407, William Thorpe came unto the
town of Shrewsbury, and, through leave granted to him to preach,
he said openly in St. Chad's Church, in his sermon,
That the Sacrament of the Altar after the consecration was
material bread.
And that images should in no wise be worshipped.
And that men shotdd not go on any pilgrimages.
And that priests have no title to tithes.
And that it is not lawful to swear in any wise.
Archbishop. And when the Archbishop had read thus
this roll, he rolled it up again, and said to me, " Is this
wholesome learning to be among the people ? "
William. And I said to him, " Sir, I am both ashamed on
their behalf, and right sorrowful for them that have certified
you these things thus untruly : for I never preached nor taught
thus, privily nor apertly."
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said to me, " I will give
credence to these worshipful men which have written to me
and witnessed under their seals there among them. Though
thou now deniest this, weenest thou that I will credence to
thee ! Thou, losell ! hast troubled the worshipful com-
minalty of Shrewsbury, so that the Bailiffs and commin-
alty of that town have written to me, praying me, that am
Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate, and Chancellor of
England, that I will vouchsafe to grant them, that if thou shalt
be made, as thou art worthy ! to suffer open jotiresse [? penance or
pillory] for thine heresies, that thou may have thy jouresse openly
there among them ; so that all they whom thou and such like losells
have there perverted, may, through fear of thy deed [i.e., martyr-
dom] be reconciled again to the unity of Holy Church ; and also
they that stand in true faith of Holy Church may through thy
deed be more stablished therein." And as if this asking had
pleased the Archbishop, he said, *' By my thrift ! this hearty
prayer and fervent request shall be thought on ! "
But certainly neither the prayer of the men of Shrewsbury,
nor the menacing of the Archbishop made me anything afraid :
but, in the rehearsing of this malice, and in the hearing of it,
my heart greatly rejoiced, and yet doth. I thank GOD, for the
grace that I then thought, and yet think, shall come to all
Eng. Gar. VI. 5
66 A DAUNTLESS LOLLARD SPEECH. [
William of Thorpe.
i 1407.
the Church of GOD herethrough, by the special merciful
doing of the LORD.
William. And as having no dread of the mahce of tyrants,
by trusting stedfastly in the help of the LORD, with full
purpose for to [ac] knowledge the Soothfastness, and to stand
thereby after my cunning and power, I said to the Arch-
bishop, " Sir, if the truth of GOD's Word might now be
accepted as it should be, I doubt not to prove by likely
evidence, that they that are famed to be out of the faith of
Holy Church in Shrewsbury and in other places also, are in
the true faith of Holy Church. For as their words sound
and their works shew to man's judgement, dreading and
loving faithfully GOD ; their will, their desire, their love,
and their business, are most set to dread to offend GOD
and to love for to please Him in true and faithful keeping
of His commandments.
" And again, they that are said to be in the faith of Holy
Church at Shrewsbury and in other places, by open evidence
of their proud, envious, malicious, covetous, lecherous, and
other foul words and works, neither know nor have will to
know nor to occupy their wits truly and effectuously in the right
faith of Holy Church. Wherefore [none of] all these, nor
none that follow their manners, shall any time come verily
in the faith of Holy Church, except they enforce them more
truly to come in the way which now they despise. For
these men and women that are now called Faithful and
holden Just, neither know, nor will exercise themselves to
know, ot faithfulness, one commandment of GOD. And thus
full many men and women now, and specially men that are
named to be " principal limbs of Holy Church," stir GOD to
great wrath ; and deserve His curse for that they call or hold
them "just men" which are full unjust, as their vicious
words, their great customable swearing, and their slanderous
and shameful works shew openly and witness. And here-
fore such vicious men and unjust in their own confusion call
them " unjust men and women," which after their power and
cunning, busy themselves to live justly after the command-
ment of GOD.
*' And where. Sir, ye say, that I have distroubled the com-
minalty of Shrewsbury and many other men and women with
my teaching; if it thus be, it is not to be wondered [atj of
William.
? 1407
•] The office of every Priest is to preach. 67
wise men, since all the comminalty of the city of Jerusalem
was distroubled of Christ's own person, that was Very GOD
and Man, and [the] most prudent preacher that ever was or
shall be. And also all the Synagogue of Nazareth was
moved against Christ, and so full-filled with ire towards him
for his preaching, that the men of the Synagogue rose up and
cast Christ out of their city, and led him up to the top of a
mountain for to cast him down there headlong. Also accord-
ing hereto, the LORD witnesseth by Moses, that He shall
put dissension betwixt His people, and the people that con-
trarieth and pursueth His people. Who, Sir, is he that shall
preach the truth of GOD's Word to that unfaithful people,
and shall let [hinder] the Soothfastness of the gospel, and the
prophecy of GOD Almighty to be fulfilled ? "
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said tome, "Itfolloweth
of these thy words, that thou, and such other, thinkest that
ye do right well for to preach and teach as ye do, without
authority of any Bishop. For ye presume that the LORD
hath chosen you only, for to preach as faithful disciples and
special followers of Christ ! "
William. And I said, " Sir, by authority of GOD's law,
and also of Saints and Doctors, I am learned to deem that it
is every priest's office and duty for to preach busily, freely,
and truly the Word of GOD.
" For, no doubt, every priest should purpose first in his soul
and covet to take the order of priesthood chiefly for to make
known to the people the Word of GOD, after his cunning and
power, approving his words ever to be true by his virtuous
works ; and for this intent we suppose that Bishops and
other prelates of Holy Church should chiefly take and use
their prelacy. And for the same cause, Bishops should give
to priests their orders. For Bishops should accept no man to
priesthood, except that he had good will and full purpose,
and were well disposed and well learned to preach. Where-
fore, Sir, by the bidding of Christ, and by example of His
most holy living, and also by the witnessing of His holy
apostles and prophets, we are bound under full great pain to
exercise us after our cunning and power (as every priest is
likewise charged of GOD), to fulfil duly the office of priest-
hood. We presume not hereof, ourselves, for to be es-
teemed, neither in our own reputation nor in none other
68 GOD WILL BE A Letter of License! [wm-m -r Thorpe.
man's, faithful disciples and special followers of Christ:
but, Sir, as I said to you before, we deem this, by authority
chiefly of GOD's Word, that it is the chief duty of every priest
to busy him faithfully to make the law of GOD known to
His people; and so to comune [communicate] the command-
ment of GOD charitably, how that we best, where, when, and
to whom that ever we may, is our very duty. And for the
will and business that we owe of due debt to do justly our
office, through the stirring and special help, as we trust, of
GOD, hoping stedfastly in His mercy, we desire to be the
faithful disciples of Christ : and we pray this gracious
LORD, for His holy name ! that He make us able for to
please Him with devout prayers and charitable priestly
works, that we may obtain of Him to follow Him thankfully."
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said to me, " Lewd losell !
whereto makest thou such vain reasons to me ? Asketh not
Saint Paul, How should priests preach, except they be sent ?
But I sent thee never to preach ! For thy venomous doctrine
is so known throughout England, that no Bishop will admit
thee for to preach, by witnessing of their Letters ! Why then,
lewd idiot ! willst thou presume to preach, since thou art
not sent nor licensed of thy Sovereign to preach ? Saith not
Saint Paul that Subjects owe [ought] to obey their Sovereigns ;
and not only good and virtuous, but also tyrants that are vicious ! "
William. And I said to the Archbishop, " Sir, as touching
your Letter of License or other Bishops', which, ye say, we
should have to witness that we were able to be sent for to
preach ; we know well that neither you, Sir, nor any other
Bishop of this land will grant to us any such Letters of
License but [except] we should oblige [bind] us to you and to
other Bishops by unlawful oaths for to pass not the bounds
and terms which ye, Sir, or other Bishops will limit to us.
And since in this matter, your terms be some too large, and
some too strait ; we dare not oblige us thus to be bound to you
for to keep the terms which you will limit to us, as ye do to
Friars and such other preachers : and therefore, though we
have not your Letter, Sir, nor Letters of other Bishops written
with ink upon parchment ; we dare not herefore leave the
office of preaching ; to which preaching, all priests, after
their cunning and power are bound, by divers testimonies of
GOD's Law andof great Doctors, without any mention making
of Bishops' Letters.
William
? 1407
;] Both good and bad are witnesses. 69
" For as mickle as we have taken upon us the office of
priesthood, though we are unworthy thereto, we come and
purpose to fulfil it, with the help of GOD, by authority of
His own law, and by witness of great Doctors and Saints
according hereto, trusting stedfastly in the mercy of GOD.
For that [because] He commandeth us to do the office of
priesthood. He will be our sufficient Letters and witness, if
we, by the example of his living and teaching specially
occupy us faithfully to do our office justly : yea, that people
to whom we preach, be they faithful or unfaithful, shall be
our Letters, that is, our witness bearers; for that Truth where
it is sown may not be unwitnessed. For all that are con-
verted and saved by learning of GOD's Word and by working
thereafter are witness bearers, that the Truth and Soothfast-
ness which they heard and did after, is cause of their
salvation. And again, all unfaithful men and women which
heard the Truth told out to them and would not do thereafter,
also all they that might have heard the Truth and would
not hear it, because that they would not do thereafter, all
these shall bear witness against themselves, and the Truth
(which they would not hear, or else heard it and despised to
do thereafter through their unfaithfulness) is and shall be
cause of their damnation.
" Therefore, Sir, since this foresaid witnessing of GOD, and
of divers Saints and Doctors, and of all the people good and
evil sufficeth to all true preachers : we think that we do not
the office of the priesthood, if that we leave our preaching
because that we have not or may not have duly Bishops'
Letters to witness that we are sent of them to preach. This
Sentence approveth Saint Paul where he speaketh of him-
self and of faithful Apostles and disciples, saying thus. We
need 110 letters of conuncndation as some other preachers do ; which
preach for covetousness of temporal goods, and for men's praising.
" And where ye say. Sir, Saint Paul biddeth subjects obey
their Sovereigns ; this is Sooth, and may not be denied. But
there are two manner of Sovereigns ; virtuous sovereigns
and vicious tyrants. Therefore to these last Sovereigns,
neither men nor women that be subject owe [ought] to obey.
In two manners. To virtuous Sovereigns and charitable,
subjects owe to obey wilfully and gladly in hearing of their
good counsel, in consenting to their charitable biddings, and
70 The old theory of Political Responsibility. lT'^o^"
in working after their fruitful works. This Sentence, Paul
approveth where he saith thus to subjects, Be ye mindful of
your Sovereigns that speak to you the Word of GOD ; and follow
you the faith of them, whose conversation yoii know to be virtuous.
" For as Paul saith after, These Sovereigns to whom sub-
jects owe to obey in following of their manners, work busily
in holy studying how they may withstand and destroy vices,
first in themselves and after in all their subjects, and
and how they may best plant in them virtues. Also these
Sovereigns make devout and fervent prayers for to purchase
[obtain] grace of GOD, that they and their subjects may,
over all things, dread to offend Him, and to love for to
please Him. Also these Sovereigns to whom Paul bid-
deth us obey, as it is said before, live so virtuously that
all they that will live well may take of them good example
to know and to keep the commandments of GOD.
" But, in this foresaid wise, subjects owe [ought] not to obey
nor to be obedient to tyrants, while they are vicious tyrants;
since their will, their counsel, their biddings, and their works
are so vicious that they owe [ought] to be hated and left.
And though such tyrants be masterful and cruel in boasting
and menacing, in oppressions and divers punishings ; Saint
Peter biddeth the servants of such tyrants to obey meekly
to such tyrants, suffering patiently their malicious cruelness.
But Peter counselleth not any servant or subject to obey to
any Lord, or Prince, or Sovereign, in anything that is not
pleasing to GOD."
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said unto me, " If the
Sovereign bid his subject do that thing that is vicious, this
Sovereign herein is to blame : but the subject, for his
obedience, deserveth meed of GOD. For obedience pleaseth
more to GOD than any sacrifice."
William. And I said, " Samuel the Prophet said to
Saul the wicked King, that GOD was more pleased with
the obedience of His commandment, than with a^iy sacrifice of
beasts: but David saith, and Saint Paul and Saint Gre-
gory accordingly together, that not only they that do evil
are worthy of death and damnation ; but also all they that
consent to evil doers. And, Sir, the law of Holy Church
teacheth, in the Decrees, that no servant to his Lord, nor
child to the father or mother, nor wife to her husband,
William of Thorpe.j ^ Priest NOT PREACHING, IS Antichrist. 7 1
nor monk to his abbot, ought to obey, except in lefull
[loyal] things and lawful."
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said to me, " All these
allegings that thou bringest forth are nought else but proud
presumptuousness. For hereby thou enforcest [endcavourest]
thee to prove, that thou and such others are so just, that
ye owe [ought] not to obey to Prelates : and thus against
the learning of Saint Paul that telleth you not to preach, but
if ye were sent, of your own authority, ye will go forth and
preach, and do what ye list ! "
William. And I said, " Sir, [re]presenteth not every
priest the office of the Apostles or the office of the disciples
of Christ?"
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said, "Yea !"
William. And I said, "Sir, as the loth Chapter of Matthew
and the last Chapter of Mark witnesseth, Christ sent his
Apostles for to preach. And the loth Chapter of Luke wit-
nesseth Christ sent his two and seventy disciples for to
preach in every place that Christ was to come to. And
Saint Gregory in the Conunon Law saith, that every man
that goeth to priesthood taketh upon him the office of
preaching : for as he saith, tliat priest stirreth GOD to great
wratli, of whose mouth is not heard the voice of prcacJiing. And
as other more glosses upon Ezekiel witness, that the priest
that preacheth not busily to the people shall be partaker of
their damnation, that perish through his default : and though
the people be saved by other special grace of GOD than by the
priest's preaching ; yet the priests (in that they are ordained
to preach, and preach not) as before GOD, they are man-
slayers. For as far as in them is, such priests as preach not
busily and truly, slayeth all the people ghostly, in that they
withhold from them the Word of GOD, that is [the] life and
sustenance of men's souls. And Saint Isidore saith. Priests
shall be damned for [the] wickedness of the people, if they teach
not them that are ignorant, and condemn them that are sinners. For
all the work and witness of priests standeth in preaching
and teaching ; that they edify all men, as well by cunning of
faith, as by discipline of works, that is virtuous teaching.
And, as the gospel witnesseth, Christ said in his teaching,
/ am born and come into this world to bear witness to the Truth,
and he that is of the TrutJi heafctJi my voice.
72 The Psalter taken from William. P^'
llianTof Tliorpe.
1407.
" C Then, Sir, since by the word of Christ specially, that
is his voice, priests are commanded to preach ; whatsoever
priest that it be, that hath not goodwill and full purpose
to do thus, and ableth not himself after his cunning and
power to do his office, by the example of Christ and his
Apostles : whatsoever other thing that he doeth, displeaseth
GOD. For, lo, Saint Gregory saith, That thing left, that a
man is bound chiefly to do ; whatsoever other thing that a man
doeth, it is unihankful to the HOLY GHOST. And therefore
saith [Robert Grosset£te, Bishop of] Lincoln, That priest
that preacheth not the Word of GOD, though he be seen to have
none other default, he is Antichrist and Sathanas, a night-thief
and a day-thief, a slayer of souls, and an angel of light turned
into darkness.
" Wlierefore, Sir, these authorities and others well con-
sidered, I deem myself damnable, if I, either for pleasure
or displeasure of any creature, apply me not diligently to
preach the Word of GOD : and in the same damnation, I
deem all those priests which, of good purpose and will, en-
force them not busily to do thus, and also all them that have
purpose or will to let [hinder] any priest of this business."
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said to those three
Clerks that stood before him, " Lo, Sirs, this is the manner
and business of this losell and such others, to pick out
such sharp sentences of Holy Scripture and of Doctors to
maintain their sect and lore [teaching] against the ordinance
of Holy Church. And therefore, losell ! is it, that thou
covetest to have again the Psalter that I made to be taken
from thee at Canterbury, to record sharp verses against us !
But thou shalt never have that Psalter, nor none other book,
till that I know that thy heart and thy mouth accord fully
to be governed by Holy Church."
William. And I said, " Sir, all my will and power is, and
ever shall be, I trust to GOD ! to be governed by Holy
Church."
Archbishop. And the Archbishop asked me, " What was
Holv Church?"
William. And I said, "Sir, I told you before, what was
Holy Church : but since ye ask me this demand, I call
CiiKisT and liis saints, Holy Church."
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said unto me, " 1 wot
^''l4c^.'] The 1ST CHARGE of the Shrewsbury men. jt,
well that Christ and his saints are Holy Church in heaven ;
but what is Holy Church in earth ? "
William. And I said, "Sir, though Holy Church be every
one in charity ; yet it hath two parts. The first and princi-
pal part hath overcomen perfectly all the wretchedness of this
life, and reigneth joyfully in heaven with Christ. And the
other part is here yet in earth, busily and continually fight-
ing, day and night, against temptations of the Fiend, forsaking
and hating the prosperity of this world, despising and with-
standing their fleshly lusts ; which only are the pilgrims of
Christ, wandering towards heaven by steadfast faith, and
grounded hope, and by perfect charity. For these heavenly
pilgrims may not, nor will not, be letted [hindered ] of their
good purpose by reason of any Doctors discording from Holy
Scripture, nor by the floods of any tribulation temporal, nor
by the wind of any pride of boast, or of menacing of any crea-
ture ; for they are all fast grounded upon the sure stone
Christ, hearing his word and loving it, exercising them
faithfully and continually in all their wits to do thereafter."
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said to his Clerks, " See
ye not how his heart is endured [hardened], and how he is
travailled with the Devil, occupying him thus busily to allege
such Sentences to maintain his errors and heresies ! Certain,
thus, he would occupy us here all day, if we would suffer him 1"
Ne of the Clerks answered, " Sir, he said, right now,
that this Certification \.h.^.t came to you from Shrews-
bury is untruly forged against him. Therefore, Sir,
appose you him now here, in all the points which
are certified against him ; and so we shall hear of his own
mouth his answers, and witness them."
Archbishop. And the Archbishop took the Certification in
his hand, and looked thereon awhile ; and then he said to me,
" Lo, herein is certified against thee, by worthy men and
faithful of Shrewsbury, that thou preachedst there openly in
Saint Chad's Church, that the Sacrament of the Altar was material
bread after the consecration. What sayest thou ? Was this
truly preached ? "
William. And I said, " Sir, I tell you truly that I touched
nothing there of the Sacrament of the Altar, but in this
wise, as I will, with GOD's grace, tell you here.
74 Material bread not found in ScRirxuRE. P?'''';^?:
" As I stood there in the pulpit, busying me to teach the com-
mandment of GOD, there knelled a sacring-bell ; and there-
fore mickle people turned away hastily, and with great noise ran
from towards me. And I seeing this, say to them thus, ' Good
men! ye were better to stand here full still and to hear GOD's
Word. For, certes, the virtue and the mede of the most holy
Sacrament of the Altar standeth much more in the Belief
thereof that ye ought to have in your soul, than it doth in the
outward Sight thereof. And therefore ye were better to stand
quietly to hear GOD's Word, because that through the hear-
ing thereof, men come to very true belief.' And otherwise,
Sir, I am certain I spake not there, of the worthy Sacrament
of the Altar."
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said to me, " I believe
thee not! whatsoeverthou sayest, since so worshipful menhave
witnessed against thee. But since thou deniest that thou
saidest thus there, what sayest thou now ? Resteth there,
after the consecration, in the [h]ost, material bread or no ? "
William. And I said, " Sir, I know of no place in Holy
Scripture, where this term, material bread, is written : and
therefore. Sir, when I speak of this matter, I use not [am not
accustomed ] to speak of material bread."
Archbishop. Then the Archbishop said to me, " How
teachest thou men to believe in this Sacrament ? "
William. And I said, " Sir, as I believe myself, so I teach
other men."
Archbishop. He said, "Tell out plainly thy belief
hereof! "
William. And I said, with my Protestation, " Sir, I believe
that the iii<^ht before that Christ Jesu would suffer wilfully
Passion for mankind on the morn after, he took bread in his holy
and most worshipful hands, lifting np his eyes, and giving
thanks to GOD Iiis Father, blessed this bread and brake it, and
gave it to his disciples, saying to tJiem, Take, and eat of this, all
of you ! This is my body !
"And that this is, and ought to be all men's belief, Mat-
thew, Mark, Luke, and Paul witnesseth.
" Other belief, Sir, have I none, nor will have, nor teach :
for I believe that this sufficeth in this matter. For in this
belief, with GOD's grace, I purpose to live and die : lac]-
knowlcdging as I believe and teach other men to believe,
William of Thorpe.-] 3t. Paul, A DocTOR OF HoLY Church. 75
that the worshipful Sacrament of the Altar is the Sacrament of
Christ's flesh and his blood, in form of bread and wine.''
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said to me, " It is sooth ,
that this Sacrament is very Christ's body in form of bread :
but thou and thy sect teachest it to be the substance of bread !
Think you this true teaching? "
William. And I said, " Neither I nor any other of the
sect that ye damn [condemn], teach any otherwise than I have
told you, nor beheve otherwise, to my knowing.
" Nevertheless, Sir, I ask of you, for charity ! that will ye
tell me plainly, how ye shall understand this text of Saint
Paul, where he saith thus, This thing feel you in yourselves,
that is, in CHRIST Jesu, while he was in the form of GOD.
Sir, calleth not Paul here, the form of GOD, the substance or
kind of GOD ? Also, Sir, saith not the Church, in iht Hours
of the most blessed Virgin, accordingly hereto, where it is
written thus. Thou Author of Health ! remember that some time
thou took, of the imdcfiled Virgin, the form of our body ! Tell me,
for charity! therefore, Whether the form of our body be called
here, the kind of our body, or no ? "
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said to me, " Wouldst
thou make me declare this text after thy purpose, since the
Church hath now determined that 'there abideth no substance
of bread after the consecration in the Sacrament of the
Altar ! ' Believest thou not, on this Ordinance of the Church ? "
William. And I said, " Sir, whatsoever Prelates have or-
dained in the Church, our Belief standeth ever whole. I have
not heard that the ordinance of men under Belief, should be
put into Belief."
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said to me, *' If thou
hast not learned this before, learn now, to know that thoa art
out of belief, if, in this matter, and others, thou believest
not as Holy Church believeth ! What say Doctors treating
of this Sacrament ? "
William. And I said, " Sir, Saint Paul, that was a great
Doctor of Holy Church, speaking to the people and teaching
the right belief of this most holy Sacrament, calleth it bread
that we break. And also in the Canon of the Masse, after the
consecration, this most worthy Sacrament is called holy bread.
And every priest in this land, after he hath received this
Sacrament, saith to this wise, That thing wliichwchavctakenwith
76 The FxMTIi of the Church for 1,000 years. P7i
am.
407.
our mo7ifh,wcpray GOD, that we may take it with a pure and dean
mind : that is, as I understand, ' We pray GOD, that we may
receive, through very beHef, this holy Sacrament worthily.'
And, Sir, Saint Augustine saith. That thin^ that is sense is
bread, but that men's faith asketh to be informed of is very Christ's
body. And also Fulgentius, an ententif Doctor, saith,
As if were an error to say that Christ was bid a substance, that
is Very Man and not Very GOD, or to say that Christ was
Very GOD and not Very Man ; so is it, this Doctor saith, an
error to say that the Sacrament of the Altar is but a snhstance.
And also, Sir, accordingly hereto, in the Secret of the mid-
Mass of Christmas day, it is written thus, Idem refnlsit
DEUS, sic terrena substantia nobis confer at quod divinum est ;
which sentence, with the Secret of the fourth ferye quatuor
iemporum Scptemhris, I pray you, Sir, declare here openly in
English ! "
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said to me, " I perceive
well enough whereabout thou art ! and how the Devil blindeth
thee, that thou maist not understand the ordinance of Holy
Church, nor consent thereto ! But I command thee now,
answer me shortly, ' Believest thou that, after the consecra-
tion of this foresaid Sacrament, there abideth substance of
bread or not ? ' "
William. And I said, " Sir, as I understand, it is all one
to grant or to believe that there dwelleth substance of bread,
and to grant or to believe that this most worthy Sacrament
of Christ's own body is one Accident without Subject. But,
Sir, for as mickle as your asking passeth mine understanding,
I dare neither deny it nor grant it, for it is a School matter
[a subject for debate in the University Schools], about which I
busied me never for to know it : and therefore I commit this
term accidens sine subjecto, to those Clerks which delight them
so in curious and subtle sophistry, because they determine oft
so difficult and strange matters, and wade and wander so in
them, from argument to argument, with pro and contra, till
they wot not where they are ! nor understand not themselves!
But the shame that these proud sophisters have to yield
them to men and before men, maketh them oft fools, and to
be concluded shamefully before GOD."
Al'chbishop. And the Archbishop said to me, *' I purpose
not to oblige thee to the subtle arguments of Clerks, since
William.
? 1407
■J The 2ND CHARGE OF THE SHREWSBURY MEN. "]"]
thou art unable thereto ! but I purpose to make thee obey to
the determination of Holy Church."
William. And I said, " Sir, by open evidence and ,£;reat
witness, a thousand years after the Incarnation of Christ,
that determination which I have, here before you, rehearsed
w^as accepted of Holy Church, as sufficient to the salvation
of all them that would believe it faithfully, and work there-
after charitably. But, Sir, the determination of this matter,
which was brought in since the Fiend was loosed by Friar
Thomas [Acquinas, d. 1274] again, specially calling the most
worshipful Sacrament of Christ's own body, an Accident with-
out Subject ; which term, since I know not that GOD's law
approveth it in this matter, I dare not grant : but utterly I
deny to make this friar's sentence [emendation] or any such
other my belief; do with me, GOD ! what Thou wilt ! "
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said to me, " Well,
well ! thou shalt say otherwise ere that I leave thee ! "
Ut what sayest thou to this second point that is re-
corded against thee, by worthy men of Shrewsbury,
saying that thou preachedst openly there that the
images ought not to he worshipped in any wise ? "
William. And I said, " Sir, I preached never thus, nor,
through GOD's grace, I will not, any time, consent to think
nor to say thus ; neither privily, nor apertly. For, lo, the
LORD witnesseth by Moses, that the things which He made
were right good, and so then they were, and yet are, and shall
be good and worshipful in their kind. And thereto, to the
end that GOD made them to, they are all preisable [valuable]
and worshipful ; and specially man that was made after the
image and likeness of GOD is full worshipful in his kind :
yea, this holy image, that is man, GOD v^0Y^h\Y>^&i}\[respecteth].
And herefore every man should worship others in kind, and
also for heavenly virtues that men use charitably. Also I
say, wood, tin, gold, silver, or any other matter that images
are made of; all these creatures [created things] are worshipful
in their kind, and to the end that GOD made them for.
" But the carving, casting, nor painting of any imagery
made with man's hands (albeit that this doing be accepted of
men of highest state and dignity, and ordained of them to be
a calendar [horn book] to lewd men that neither can nor will
yS How Image-carvers SHRIVE THEMSELVES FIRST. \^^
lam.
407.
be learned to know GOD in His Word, neither by His crea-
tures, nor by His wonderful and divers workings) ; yet this
imagery ought not to be worshipped in the form, nor in the
likeness of man's craft : nevertheless that every matter that
painters paint with, since it is GOD's creature ought to be
worshipped in the kind and to the end that GOD made and
ordained it to serve man."
Archbishop. Then the Archbishop said to me, " I grant
well that nobody oweth [ought] to do worship to any such
images for themselves ; but a crucifix ought to be worshipped
for the Passion of Christ that is painted therein, and so
brought therethrough to man's mind : and thus the images
of the blessed Trinity and of [the] Virgin Mary, Christ's
mother, and other images of the saints ought to be worshipped.
For, lo, earthly kings and lords, which use to send their
letters ensealed with their arms or with their privy signet, to
men that are with them, are worshipped of these men. For
when these men receive their lord's letters, in which they see
and know the wills and biddings of their lords, in worship of their
lords, they do off their caps to these letters : why not, then,
since in images made with man's hands, we may read and
know many divers things of GOD and of His saints, shall we
not worship their images? "
William. And I said, with my foresaid Protestation, " I
say that these worldly usages of temporal lords that ye speak
now of, may be done in case without sin : but this is no simi-
litude to worship images made by man's hand, since that
Moses, David, Solomon, Baruch, and other saints in the
Bible, forbid so plainly the worshipping of all such images."
Archbishop. Then the Archbishop said to me, " Lewd
losell ! In the Old Law, before that Christ took mankind
[human nature], was no likeness of any person of the Trinity
neither shewed to man nor known of man ; but now since
Christ became man, it is lawful to have images to shew His
manhood. Yea, though many men which are right great
Clerks, and others also, hold it an error to paint the Trinity ;
I say, it is well done to make and to paint the Trinity
in images. For it is a great moving of devotion to men, to
have and to behold the Trinity and other images of Saints
carved, cast, and painted. For beyond the sea, are the best
painters that ever I saw. And, sirs ! I tell you, this is their
^'"'4^!] Great boldness of the Lollard Apostle. 79
manner; and it is a good manner ! When that an image-
maker shall carve, cast in mould, or paint any images ; he
shall go to a priest, and shrive him as clean as if he should
die, and take penance, and make some certain vow of fasting,
or of praying, or of pilgrimages doing : praying the priest
specially to pray for him, that he may have grace to make a
fair and a devout image."
William. And I said, " Sir, I doubt not, if these painters
that ye speak of, or any other painters understood truly the
text of Moses, of David, of the Wise Man [i.e., Solomon], of
Baruch, and of other Saints and Doctors, these painters
should be moved to shrive them to GOD, with full inward
sorrow of heart ; taking upon them to do right sharp penance
for the sinful and vain craft of painting, carving, or casting
that they had used ; promising GOD faithfully never to do so
after, [acjknowledging openly before all men, their reprovable
earning. And also, sir, these priests, that shrive, as ye do sa}',
painters, and enjoin them to do penance, and pray for their
speed, promising to them help of their prayers for to be curious
[cunning] in their sinful crafts, sin herein more grievously
than the painters. For these priests do comfort and give
them counsel to do that thing, which of great pain (yea,
under the pain of GOD's curse !) they should utterly forbid
them. For, certes, Sir, if the wonderful working of GOD,
and the holy living and teaching of Christ and of his
Apostles and Prophets were made known to the people by
holy living and true and busy teaching of priests ; these
things, Sir, were sufficient books and kalendarsto know GOD
by, and His Saints : without any images made with man's
hand : but, certes, the vicious living of priests and their
covetousness are [the] chief cause of this error and all other
viciousness that reigneth among the people."
Archbishop. Then the Archbishop said to me, ** I hold
thee a vicious priest, and a curst ! and all them that are of
thy sect ! for all priests of Holy Church and all images that
move men to devotion ; thou and such others go about to
destroy ! Losell ! were it a fair thing to come into a church,
and see therein none image ? "
William. And I said, " Sir, they that come to the church,
for to pray devoutly to the LORD GOD, may in their inward
wits be the more fervent [when] that all their outward wits
8o There is no miracle in an Image, [wniiam of Thorpe.
be closed from all outward seeing and hearing and from all
distroublance and lettings [hindrances]. And since Christ
blessed them that saw him not bodily,' and have believed
faithfully in him: it sufficeth then, to all men, through hearing
and knowing of GOD's Word, and to do thereafter, for to be-
lieve in GOD, though they see never images made with man's
hands, after any Person of the Trinity, or of any other Saint."
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said to me with a
fervent spirit, " I say to thee, losell ! that it is right well
done to make and to have an image of the Trinity ! Yea,
what sayest thou ? Is it not a stirring thing to behold such
an image ? "
William. And I said, " Sir, ye said, right now, that in the
Old Law, ere Christ took mankind, no likeness of any Person
of the Trinity was shewed to men ; wherefore. Sir, ye said it
was not then lawful to have images : but now ye say, since
Christ is become man, it is lawful to make and to have an
image of the Trinity, and also of other saints. But, sir, this
thing would I learn of you ! Since the Father of heaven,
yea, and every Person of the Trinity was, without beginning,
GOD Almighty, and many holy prophets, that were dedely
[deathly, i.e., liable to death] men, were martyrized violently in
the Old Law, and also many men and women then died holy
Confessors : why was it not then, as lawful and necessary as
now, to have made an image of the Father of heaven, and to
have made and had other images of martyrs, prophets, and
holy confessors to have been kalendars to advise men and
move them to devotion, as ye say that images now do ? "
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said, " The Synagogue
of jews had not authority to approve these things, as the
Church of Christ hath now."
William. And I said, " Sir, Saint Gregory was a great
man in the New Law, and of great dignity ; and as the
Common [? Canon] Law witnesseth, he commended greatly
a Bishop, in that he forbade utterly the images made with
man's hand, should be worshipped."
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said, " Ungracious
losell ! thou lavourest no more the truth, than a hound !
Since at the RoodI_s] at the North Door [of Saint Patd's
Chunlii at London, at our Lady at Walsingham, and many
other divers places in England, are many great and preisable
William of Thi
I'w.] In what image, may god be shewed ? 8i
[precioiis] miracles done : should not the images of such holy
saints and places, at [on account of \ the reverence of GOD,
and our Lady, and other saints, be more worshipped, than
other places and images where no such miracles are done ? "
William. And I said, " Sir, there is no such virtue in any
imagery, that any images should herefore be worshipped ;
wherefore I am certain that there is no miracle done of GOD
in any place in earth, because that any images made with
man's hand, should be worshipped. And herefore, Sir, as
I preached openly at Shrewsbury and other places, I say now
here before you : that nobody should trust that there were
any virtue in imagery made with man's hand, and herefore
nobody should vow to them, nor seek them, nor kneel to
them, nor bow to them, nor pray to them, nor offer any-
thing to them, nor kiss them, nor incense them. For,
lo, the most worthy of such images, the Brazen Serpent, by
Moses made, at GOD's bidding! the good King Hezekiah
destroyed worthily and thankfully ; for because it was
incensed. Therefore, Sir, if men take good heed to the
writing and to the learning of Saint Augustine, of Saint
Gregory, and of Saint John Chrysostom, and of other
Saints and Doctors, how they speak and write of miracles
that shall be done now in the last end of the world ; it is to
dread that, for the unfaithfulness of men and women, the
Fiend hath great power for to work many of the miracles that
now are done in such places. For both men and women
delight now, more for to hear and know miracles, than they do
to know GOD's Word or to hear it effectuously. Wherefore,
to the great confusion of all them that thus do, Christ saith.
The generation of adulterers requircth tokens, miracles, and wonders.
Nevertheless, as divers Saints say, now, when the faith of
GOD is published in Christendom, the Word of God sufhceth
to man's salvation, without such miracles; and thus also the
Word of GOD sufhceth to all faithful men and women, with-
out any such images.
"But, good Sir, since the Father of heaven, that is GOD in
His Godhead, is the most unknown thing that may be, and the
most wonderful Spirit, having in it no shape or likeness of
any members of any dedely [deadly, i.e., liable to death] crea-
ture : in what likeness, or what image, may GOD the Father
be shewed or painted ? "
Emg Car. VI, 6
82 The 3RD charge of the Shrewsbury men. [T.'r/.
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said, "As Holy Church
hath suffered, and yet suffereth the images of all the Trinity,
and other images to be painted and shewed, sufficeth to them
that are members of Holy Church. But since thou art a
rotten member cut away from Holy Church, thou favourest
not the ordinance thereof! But since the day passeth, leave
we this matter 1 "
IRchbishop. And then he said to me, " What sayest
thou, to the third point that is certified against
thee, preaching openly in Shrewsbury that Pilgrim-
age is not laivfnl ? And, over this, thou saidest that
those men and women that go on pilgrimages to Canterbury, to
Beverley, to Carlington,to Walsingham,and to any such other places,
arc accursed; and made foolish, spending their goods in waste.'"
William. And I said, " Sir, by this Certification, I am ac-
cused to you, that I should teach that no pilgrimage is lawful.
But I never said thus. For I know that there be true pilgrim-
ages, and lawful and full pleasant to GOD ; and therefore,
Sir, howsoever mine enemies have certified you of me, I told
at Shrevv'sbury of tw^o manner of pilgrimages."
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said to me, "Whom
callest thou true pilgrims ? "
William. And I said, " Sir, v^'ith my Protestation, I call
them true pilgrims travelling towards the bliss of heaven,
which (in the state, degree, or order that GOD calleth them)
do busy them faithfully for to occupy all their wits bodily and
ghostly, to know truly and keep faithfully the biddings of
GOD, hating and fleeing all the seven deadly sins and every
branch of them, ruling them virtuously, as it is said before,
with all their wits, doing discreetly wilfully and gladly all
the works of mercy, bodily and ghostly, after their cunning
and power abling them to the gifts of the HOLY GHOST,
disposing them to receive in their souls, and to hold therein
the right blessings of Christ ; busying them to know and to
keep the seven principal virtues : and so then they shall
obtain herethrough grace for to use thankfully to GOD all
the conditions of charity; and then they shall be moved with
the good Spirit of GOD for to examine oft and diligently
their conscience, that neither wilfully nor wittingly they err
in any Article of Belief, having continually (as frailty will
WilHam.
? 1407.
] Every good thought is a step heavenward. 8;
suffer) all their business to dread and to flee the offence of
GOD, and to love over all things and to seek ever to do His
pleasant will.
"Of these pilgrims, I said, * Whatsoever good thought that
they any time think, what virtuous word that they speak, and
what fruitful work that they work; every such thought, word,
and work is a step numbered of GOD towards Him into heaven.
These foresaid pilgrims of GOD delight sore, when they hear
of saints or of virtuous men and women, how they forsook
wilfully the prosperity of this life, how they withstood the
suggestion of the Fiend, how they restrained their fleshly
lusts, how discreet they were in their penance doing, how
patient they were in all their adversities, how prudent they
were in counselling of men and women, moving them to
hate all sin and to flee them and to shame ever greatly
thereof, and to love all virtues and to draw to them, imagin-
ing how Christ and his followers (by example of him) suffered
scorns and slanders, and how patiently they abode and took
the wrongful menacing of tyrants, how homely they were and
serviceable to poor men to relieve and comfort them bodily
and ghostly after their power and cunning, and how devout
they were in prayers, how fervent they were in heavenly
desires, and how they absented them from spectacles of vain
seeings and hearings, and how stable they were to let [hinder]
and to destroy all vices, and how laborious and joyful they
were to sow and plant virtues. These heavenly conditions
and such others, have the pilgrims, or endeavour them for to
have, whose pilgrimage GOD accepteth.'
"And again I said, ' As their works shew, the most part of
men or women that go now on pilgrimages have not these
foresaid conditions ; nor loveth to busy them faithfully for to
have. For (as I well know, since I have full oft assayed)
examine, whosoever will, twenty of these pilgrims ! and he
shall not find three men or women that know surely a Com-
mandment of GOD [i.e., one of the Ten Couwiandmcnts], nor
can say their Pater nostcr and Ave Maria ! nor their Credo,
readily in any manner of language. And as I have learned,
and also know somewhat by experience of these same pilgrims,
telling the cause why that many men and women go hither
and thither now on pilgrimages, it is more for the health of
their bodies, than of their souls ! more for to have richesse and
84 The singing and jangling of pilgrims, pviuiam of Thorpe.
prosperity of this world, than for to be enriched with virtues
in their souls ! more to have here worldly and fleshly friend-
ship, than for to have friendship of GOD and of His saints in
heaven. For whatsoever thing a man or woman doth, the
friendship of GOD, nor of any other Saint, cannot be had
without keeping of GOD's commandments.'
" For with my Protestation, I say now, as I said at Shrews-
bury,'though they thathave fleshlywills, travel for their bodies,
and spend mickle money to seek and to visit the bones or
images, as they say they do, of this saint and of that : such
pilgrimage-going is neither praisable nor thankful to GOD,
nor to any Saint of GOD ; since, in effect, all such pilgrims
despise GOD and all His commandments and Saints. For
the commandments of GOD they will neither know nor keep,
nor conform them to live virtuously by example of Christ
and of his Saints.'
"Wherefore, Sir, I have preached and taught openly, and
so I purpose all my lifetime to do, with GOD's help, saying
that 'such fond people waste blamefully GOD's goods in their
vain pilgrimages, spending their goods upon vicious hostelars
[innkeepers], which are oft unclean women of their bodies; and
at the least, those goods with the which, they should do works
of mercy, after GOD's bidding, to poor needy men and women.'
" ([ These poor men's goods and their livelihood, these
runners about offer to rich priests! which have mickle more
livelihood than they need : and thus those goods, they waste
wilfully, and spend them unjustly, against GOD's bidding,
upon strangers; with which they should help and relieve, after
GOD's will, their poor needy neighbours at home. Yea, and
over this folly, ofttimes divers men and women of these
runners thus madly hither and thither into pilgrimage, borrow
hereto other men's goods (yea, and sometimes they steal
men's goods hereto), and they pay them never again.
" Also, Sir, I know well, that when divers men and women
will go thus after their own wills, and finding out one pil-
grimage, they will ordain with them before^hand] to have
with them both men and women that can well sing wanton
songs; and some other pilgrims will have with them bagpipes:
so that every town that they come through, what with the
noise of their singing, and with the sound of their piping, and
with the jangling of their Canterbury bells, and with the
William of Thorpe.-| 'YuE ArCIIBP.'s CURE FOR A TOEACIIE. 85
barking out of dogs after them, they make more noise than
if the King came there away, with all his clarions and many
other minstrels. And if these men and women be a month
out in their pilgrimage, many of them shall be, a half year
after, great janglers, tale-tellers, and liars."
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said to me, " Lewd
losell ! thou seest not far enough in this matter! for thou
considerest not the great travail of pilgrims ; therefore thou
blamest that thing that is praisable ! I say to thee, that it
is right well done ; that pilgrims have with them both singers
and also pipers : that when one of them that goeth barefoot
striketh his toe upon a stone and hurteth him sore and
maketh him to bleed ; it is well done, that he or his fellow,
begin then a song or else take out of his bosom a bagpipe for to
drive away with such mirth, the hurt of his fellow. For with
such solace, the travail and weariness of pilgrims is lightly
and merrily brought forth."
William. And I said, " Sir, Saint Paul teacheth men, to
weep with them that iceep."
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said, " What janglest
thou against men's devotion ? Whatsoever thou or such
other say, I say, that the pilgrimage that now is used, is to
them that do it, a praisable and a good mean[s] to come the
rather to grace. But I hold thee unable to know this grace !
for thou enforcest thee to let [hinder] the devotion of the
people, since by authority of Holy Scripture, men may law-
fully have and use such solace as thou reprovest ! For
David in his last Psalm, teacheth me to have divers instru-
ments of music for to praise therewith GOD."
William. And I said, "Sir, by the sentence [opinions] of
divers Doctors expounding the Psalms of David, the music
and minstrelsy that David and other Saints of the Old Law
spake of, owe [ouglit], now, neither to be taken nor used by
the letter ; but these instruments with their music ought to
be interpreted ghostly [spiritually] : for all those figures are
called Virtues and Grace, with which virtues men should
please GOD and praise His name. For Saint Paul saith,
All such things befell to them in figure. Therefore, Sir, I
understand that the letter of this Psalm of David and of such
other Psalms and sentences, doth slay them that taken them
now literally. This sentence, I understand, Sir, CiiRisT ap-
86 The 4TH charge of the Shrewsbury men. [V^l^^i.
proveth himself, putting out the minstrels, ere that he would
quicken the dead damsel."
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said to me, *' Lewd
Josell ! is it not lawful for us to have organs in the church,
for to worship therewithal GOD ? "
William. And I said, "Yea, Sir, by man's ordinance ; but,
by the ordinance of GOD, a good sermon to the people's
understanding, were mickle more pleasant to GOD 1 "
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said that " organs and
good delectable songs quickened and sharpened more men's
wits, than should any sermon ! "
William. But I said, " Sir, lusty men and worldly lovers
delight and covet and travail to have all their wits quickened
and sharpened with divers sensible solace : but all the faithful,
lovers and followers of Christ have all their delight to hear
GOD's Word, and to understand it truly, and to work there-
after faithfully and continually. For, no doubt, to dread to
offend GOD, and to love to please Him in all things,
quickeneth and sharpeneth all the wits of Christ's chosen
people, and ableth them so to grace, that they joy greatly to
withdraw their ears, and all their wits and members from all
worldly delight, and from all fleshly solace. For Saint
Jerome, as I think, saith, Nobody may joy with this world,
and rci:j:n with CHRIST.''
Archbishop. And the Archbishop, as if he had been dis-
pleased with mine answer, said to his Clerks, " What guess
ye this idiot will speak there, where he hath none dread ; since
he spaketh thus now, here in my presence ? Well, well, by
God ! thou shalt be ordained for ! "
|Nd then he spake to me, all angerly, " What sayest
thou to this fourth point that is certified against
thee, preaching openly and boldly in Shrewsbury,
That priests have no title to tithes ? "
William. And I said, " Sir, I named there no word of
tithes in my preaching. F)Ut, more than a month after [? June,
1407] that I was arrested, there in prison \at Shreicsbury], a man
came to me into the prison, asking me 'What I said of tithes ?'
" And I said to him, ' Sir, in this town, are many Clerks and
Priests; of which some of them are called Religious Men,
though many of them be Seculars. Therefore, ask ye of
them this question ! '
William of Thorpe.j ClIRIST & HIS ApOSTLES TOOK NO TITHES. 87
" And this man said to me, * Sir, our prelates say that we
are also obliged to pay our tithes of all things that renew to
us ; and that they are accursed that withdraw any part
wittingly from them of their tithes,'
"And I said, Sir, to that man, as with my Protestation, I
say now here before you, that ' I had wonder[ed] that any
priest dare say men to be accursed, without ground of GOD's
Word.'
" And the man said, 'Sir, our priests say that they curse
men thus, by authority of GOD's Law.'
" And I said, ' Sir, I know not where this sentence of
cursing is authorized now in the Bible. And therefore, Sir, I
pray you that ye will ask the most cunning Clerk of this
town, that 5'e may know where this sentence, " cursing them
that tythe not now," is written in GOD's Law : for if it were
written there, I would right gladly be learned [informed] where.'
" But, shortly, this man would not go from me, to ask this
question of another body ; but required me, there, as I would
answer before GOD ! if, in this case, the cursing of priests
were lawful and approved of GOD ?
" And, shortly, therewith came to my mind the learning of
Saint Peter, teaching priests especially, to halloiv the LORD
Christ in their hearts, being evermore ready, as far as in. them
is, to answer throtigh faith and hope, to them that ask of them a
reason. And this lesson Peter teacheth me to use, with a
meek spirit, and with dread of the LORD.
" Wherefore, Sir, I said to this man, in this wise, ' In
the Old Law, which ended not fully till the time that Christ
rose up again from death to life, GOD commanded tithes to
be given to the Levites for the great business and daily
travail that pertained to their office : but Priests, because
their travail was mickle more easy and light than was the
office of the Levites, GOD ordained that Priests should
take for their lifelode [livcliJwod] to do their office, the tenth
part of those tithes that were given to the Levites.
" ' But now,' I said, ' in the New Law, neither Christ
nor any of his Apostles took tithes of the people, nor com-
manded the people to pay tithes, neither to Priests nor to
Deacons. But Christ taught the people to do almesse
[alms], that is, works of mercy to poor needy men, of surplus
that is superfluouse [superfluity] of their temporal goods which
88 Apostle Paul worked witti ins hands. [^^'"^7°^ '^"^-p^^;
they had more than them needed reasonably to their necessary
livelihood. And thus,' I said, ' not of tithes, but of pure
alms of the people Christ lived and his Apostles, when they
were so busy in teaching of the Word of GOD to the people,
that they might not travail otherwise for to get their liveli-
hood. But after Christ's Ascension, and when the Apostles
had received the HOLY GHOST, they travailed with their
hands for to get their livelihood when that they might thus
do for [on account of] busy preaching. Therefore, by example
of himself, St. Paul teacheth all the priests of Christ for
to travail with their hands, when for busy teaching of the
people, they might thus do. And thus all these priests
(whose priesthood GOD accepteth now, or will accept ; or
did [accept] in the Apostles' time, and after their decease)
will do, to the world's end.
'" But as Cistcrcicnsis telleth, in the thousand year of our
Lord Jesus Christ, two hundred and eleventh year, one
Pope, the tenth Gregory, ordained new tithes first to be
given to priests now in the New Law. But Saint Paul in
his time (whose trace or example, all priests of GOD enforce
them to follow), seeing the covetousness that was among the
people (desiring to destroy this foul sin, through the grace
of GOD, and true virtuous living and example of himself)
wrote and taught all priests for to follou' him, as he followed
Christ, patiently, willingly, and gladly in high poverty.
Wherefore Paul saith this, The LORD hath ordained, that
they that preach the Gospel shall live by the Gospel. But we,
saith Paul, that covet and busy us to be faithful followers of
Christ, use not this power. For, lo, as Paul witnessed after-
ward, when he was full poor and needy, preaching among
the people, he was not chargeous \clwirgeable] unto them, but
with his hands he travailed, not only to get his own living,
but also the living of other poor and needy creatures. And
since the people were never so covetous nor so avarous
[avaricious], I guess, as they are now ; it were good counsel
that all priests took good heed to this heavenly learning of
Paul : following him here, in wilful poverty, nothing charging
the people for their bodily livelihood.
'" But because that many priests do contrary Paul in this
foresaid doctrine, Paul biddeth the people take heed to those
pricbts, that follow him, as he had given them example : as if
William of Thorpe. J p^iEyTs SPEND THE PARISH OFFERINGS. 89
Paul would say thus to the people, "Accept ye none other
priests, than they that live after the form that I have taught
you ! " For, certain, in whatsoever dignity or order that any
priest is in, if he conform him not to follow Christ and his
Apostles in wilful poverty and in other heavenly virtues, and
specially in true preaching of GOD's Word ; though such
a one he named a Priest, yet he is no more but a Priest in
name : for the work of a very Priest such a one wanteth !
This sentence [opinion] approveth Augustine, Gregory,
Chrysostom, and [Grosset£te, Bishop of] Lincoln
plainly.' "
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said to me, " Thinkest
thou this wholesome learning for to sow openly, or yet privily
among the people I Certain, this doctrine contrarieth
plainly the ordinance of Holy Fathers : which have ordained,
granted, and licensed priests to be in divers degrees ; and to
live by tithes and offerings of the people, and by other duties."
William. And I said, " Sir, if priests were now in mea-
surable measure and number; and lived virtuously, and taught
busily and truly the Word by the example of Christ and of
his Apostles, without tithes offerings and other duties that
priests now challenge and take : the people would give them
freely sufficient livelihood."
A Clerk. And a Clerk said to me, " How wilt thou make
this good, that the people will give freely to priests their
livelihood; since that now, by the law, every priest can
scarcelv constrain the people to give them their livelihood ? "
William. And I said, " Sir, it is now no wonder, though
the people grudge to give the priests the livelihood that they
ask ! for mickle people know, now, how that priests should
live ; and how that they live contrary to Christ and His
Apostles. And therefore the people are full heavy to pay, as
they do, their temporal goods to Parsons and to other Vicars
and Priests; which should be faithful dispensators of the
parish's goods, taking to themselves no more but a scarce
living of tithes nor of offerings by the Ordinance of the Coni-
mon Law. For whatsoever priests take of the people, be it
tithes or offering, or any other duty or service, the priests
ought not to have thereof no more but a bare living : and to
depart [give away] the residue to the poor men and women,
specially of the parish of whom they take this temporal living.
90 Christ lived wholly upon alms, [wmiam of Thorp.
But the most deal [greater portion] of priests now waste their
parish's goods, and spendeth them at their own will, after the
world in their vain lusts: so that in few places poor men have
duly, as they should have, their own sustenance, neither of
tithes nor of offerings, nor of other large wages and foundations
that priests take of the people in divers manners, above that
they need for needful sustenance of meat and clothing. But
the poor needy people are forsaken and left of priests, to be
sustained of the paroshenis [parishioners]; as if the priests took
nothing of the parishioners, for to help the poor people with.
And thus. Sir, into over great charges of the parishioners,
they pay their temporal goods twice ; where once might
suffice, if priests were true dispensators.
" Also, Sir, the parishioners that pay their temporal goods,
be they tithes or offerings, to priests that do not their office
among them justly, are partners of every sin of those priests:
because that they sustain those priests' folly in their sin, with
their temporal goods. If these things be well considered,
what wonder is it then. Sir, if the parishioners grudge against
these dispensators ? "
Archbishop. Then the Archbishop said to me," Thou that
shouldest be judged and ruled by Holy Church, presump-
tuously, thou deemest Holy Church to have erred in the ordi-
nance of tithes and other duties to be paid to priests ! It
shall be long ere thou thrive, losell ! that thou despisest thy
ghostly Mother! How darest thou speak this, losell ! among
the people ? Are not tithes given to priests for to live by ? "
William. And I said, " Sir, Saint Paul saith that tithes
were given in the Old Law to Levites and to Priests, that
came of the lineage of Levi. But onr priest, he saith, came not
of the lineage of LEVI, but of the lineage ofJUDAH; to which
JUDAH, no tithes were promised to be given. And therefore Paul
saith. Since the priesthood is changed from the generation of Levi
to the generation of JUDAH, it is necessary t/iat changing also be
made of the Law. So that priests live now without tithes and
other duties that they now claim ; following Christ and his
Apostles in wilful poverty, as they have given them ex-
ample. For since Christ lived all the time of His preaching
by pure [the simple] alms of the people, and (by example of
him) his Apostles lived in the same wise, or else by the
travail of their hands, as it is said above; every priest, whose
William of Thorpe.-| u HeARD YE EVER LOSELL SPEAK THUS ! " 9I
priesthood Christ approveth, knoweth well, and confesseth
in word and in work that a disciple oivdh [ought] not to be above
his Master, but it snjjiccth to a disciple to be as his Master, simple
and pure, meek and patient : and by example specially of his
Master Christ, every priest should rule him in all his living;
and so, after his cunning and power, a priest should busy
him to inform and to rule whomsoever he might charitably."
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said to me, with a great
spirit, " GOD's curse have thou and thine for this teaching !
for thou wouldest hereby make the Old Law more free and
perfect than the New Law ! For thou say est it is lawful for
Levites and to Priests to take tithes in the Old Law, and so
to enjoy their privileges; but to us priests in the New Law,
thou sayest it is not lawful to take tithes ! And thus, thou
givest the Levites of the Old Law more freedom, than to
priests of the New Law ! "
"William. And I said, " Sir, I marvel, that ye understand
this plain text of Paul thus ! Ye wot well, that the Levites
and Priests in the Old Law, that took tithes, were not so free
nor so perfect as Christ and his Apostles that took no tithes !
And, Sir, there is a Doctor, I think that it is Saint Jerome,
that saith thus, The priests that challenge now in the Neie) Law,
tithes, say, in effect that Christ is not become Man, nor that he
hath yet suffered death for man's love. Whereupon, this Doctor
saith this sentence, Since tithes were the hires and wages limited
to Levites and to Priests of the Old Law, for bearing about of
the Tabernacle, and for slaying and flaying of beasts, and for
burning of sacrifice, and for keeping of the Temple, and for trwnping
of battle before the host of Israel, and other divers observances that
pertained to their office; those priests, that ivill challenge or take
tithes, deny that Christ is comen in flesh, and do the Pricsfs office
of the Old Law, for whom tithes were granted : for else, as the
Doctor saith, priests take now tithes wrongfullyJ"
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said to his Clerks,
*' Heard ye ever losell speak thus ! Certain, this is the
learning of them all, that wheresoever they come, and they
may be suffered, they enforce them to expugn the freedom of
Holy Church ! "
William. And I said, " Sir, why call you the taking of
tithes and of such other duties that priests challenge now
wrongfully * the freedom of Holy Church ' ; since neither
92 Priests are the stomach of the people ! \y^.
Christ nor his Apostles challenged nor took such duties?
Herefore these takings of priests now, are not called justly
'the freedom of Holy Church ' : but all such giving and tak-
ing ought to be called and holden ' the slanderous covetous-
ness of men of the Holy Church.' "
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said to me, " Why,
losell ! wilt not thou and others that are confedered \con-
fcdcratcd] with thee, seek out of Holy Scripture and of the
sentence of Doctors, all sharp authorities against Lords and
Knights and Squires, and against other secular men, as thou
dost against priests ? "
"William. And I said, " Sir, whatsoever men or women.
Lords or Ladies, or any others that are present in our
preaching specially, or in our communing, after our cunning,
we to tell to them their office and their charges: but. Sir, since
Chrvsostom saith the priests are the stomach of the people, it is
needful in preaching and also in communing, to be most busy
about this priesthood, since by the viciousness of priests,
both Lords and Commons are most sinfully infected and led
into the worst. And because that the covetousness of priests,
and pride and the boast that they have and make, of their
dignity and power, destroyeth not only the virtues of priest-
hood in priests themselves : but also, over this, it stirreth
GOD to take great vengeance both upon Lords and Com-
mons, which suffer these priests charitably."
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said to me, " Thou
judgest ever)' priest proud that will not go arrayed as thou
dost ! By God ! I deem him to be more meek that goeth
every day in a scarlet gown, than thou, in that threadbare
blue gown ! Whereby knowest thou a proud man ? "
William. And I said, " Sir, a proud priest may be known
when he denieth to follow Christ and his Apostles in wilful
poverty and other virtues ; and coveteth worldly worship,
and taketh it gladly, and gathereth together with pleting
[? pleading] menacing or with flattering, or with simony, any
worldly goods : and most if a priest busy him not chieliy in
himself, and after in all other men and women, after his
cunning and power, to withstand sin."
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said to me, " Though
thou knewest a priest to have all these vices, and though
thou sawest a priest, lovely, lie now by a woman, knowing
Will
l'^';';^;] The 5x11 charge of the Shrewsbury men. 93
her fleshly ; wouldest thou herefore deem this priest damn-
able ? I say to thee, that in the turning about of thy hand,
such a sinner may be verily repented! "
William. And I said, " Sir, I will not damn any man for
any sin that I know done or may be done ; so that the sinner
leaveth his sin ! But, by authority of Holy Scripture, he
that sinneth thus openly, as ye shew here, is damnable for
doing of such a sin ; and most specially a priest that should
be [an] example to all others for to hate and fly sin : and in
how short time that ever ye say, that such a sinner may be
repented, he oweth [ought] not, of him that knoweth his
sinning, to be judged verily repentant, without open evidence
of great shame and hearty sorrow for his sin. For whosoever,
and specially a priest, that useth pride, envy, covetousness,
lechery, simony, or any other vices ; and sheweth not, as open
evidence of repentance, as he hath given evil example and
occasion of sinning : if he continue in any such sin as long as
he may, it is likely that sin leaveth him and he not sin ; and,
as I understand, such a one sinneth unto death, for whom
nobody oweth [ought] to pay, as Saint John saith."
A Clerk. And a Clerk said to the Archbishop, " Sir, the
longer that ye appose him, the worse he is ! and the more
that ye busy you to amend him, the waywarder he is ! for he
is of so shrewd a kind, that he shameth not only to be himself
a foul nest ; but, without shame, he busieth him to make his
nest fouler ! "
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said to his Clerk,
*' Suffer a while, for I am at an end with him ! for there is
one other point certified against him ; and I will hear what
he saith thereto."
Nd so then, he said to me, *' Lo, it is here certified
against thee, that thou preachedst openly at Shrews-
burv tJiat it is not lawful to swear in any case.''
William. And I said, " Sir, I preached never so
openly, nor I have not taught in this wise, in any place. But,
Sir, as I preached in Shrewsbury, with my Protestation I say
to you now here. That by the authority of the Gospel and of
Saint James, and by witness of divers Saints and Doctors, I
have preached openly, in one place or other, that it is not law-
ful in any case to swear by any creature. And, over this, Sir,
94 A Man of Law and a Master of Divinity.
rWlllIrim.
L '! 1407-
have also preached and taught, by the foresaid authorities,
that nobody should swear in any case, if that without oath, in
any wise, he that is charged to swear, might excuse him to
them that have power to compel him to swear in leful things
and lawful : but if a man may not excuse him without oath to
them that have power to compel him to swear, then he ought
to swear only by GOD, taking Him only, that is Soothfast-
ness, for to witness the soothfastness."
A Clerk. And then a Clerk asked me, " If it were not
leful [lawful] to a subject, at the bidding of his Prelate, for to
kneel down and touch the Holy Gospel book, and kiss it
saying, So help me, GOD ! and this holy doom! for he should,
after his cunning and power, do all things, that his Prelate
commandeth him?"
William. And I said to them, ** Sirs, ye speak here full
generally and largely ! What, if a Prelate commanded his
subject to do an unlawful thing, should he obey thereto?"
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said to me, " A subject
ought not to suppose that his Prelate will bid him do an
unlawful thing. For a subject ought to think that his Pre-
late will bid him do nothing but that he will answer for
before GOD, that it is lefull [lawful] : and then, though the
bidding of the Prelate be unlawful, the subject hath no peril
to fulfil it ; since that he thinketh and judgeth that what-
soever thing his Prelate biddeth him do, that is leful to
him for to do it."
William. And I said, ** Sir, I trust not hereto 1 But to
our lirst purpose 1 Sir, I tell you that I was once in a
gentleman's house, and there were then two Clerks there, a
Master of Divinity and a Man of Law ; which Man of Law
was also communing in divinity. And among other things,
these men spake of oaths. And the Man of Law said, ' At
the bidding of his Sovereign which had power to charge him
to swear, he would lay his hand upon a book, and hear
his charge; and if his charge, to his understanding were
unlawful, he would hastily withdraw his hand from the
book ; and if he perceived his charge to be leful he would
hold still his hand upon the book, taking there only GOD to
witness that he would fulfil that leful charge after his
power.' And the Master of Divinity said then to him thus,
' Certain, he that layeth his hand upon a book in this wise,
Will
ri'w.'] William to explain Ciirvsostom's Homil v. 95
and maketh there a promise to do that thing that he is
commanded, is obliged there, by book oath, then, to fulfil
his charge. For, no doubt, he that chargeth him to lay his
hand thus upon a book, touching the book and swearing by
it, and kissing it, promising in this form, to do this thing or
that, will say and witness, that he that toucheth thus a book
and kisseth it, hath sworn upon that book ; and all other
men that see that men thus do, and also all those that
hear thereof in the same wise, will say and witness that
this man hath sworn upon a book ! Wherefore,' the Master
of Divinity said, ' it was not leful, neither to give nor to
take any such charge upon a book! for every book is
nothing else but divers creatures [created tilings], of which it
is made of: therefore to swear upon a book, is to swear by
creatures ! and this swearing is ever unlefuL'
" This sentence witnesseth Chrysostom, plainly blaming
them greatly, that bring forth a book for to swear upon,
charging Clerks that in nowise they constrain anybody to
swear, whether they think a man to swear true or false."
And the Archbishop and his Clerks scorned me, and
blamed me greatly for this saying. And the Archbishop
menaced me with great punishment and sharp, except I
left this opinion of swearing.
"William. And I said, " Sir, this is not mine opinion ; but
it- is the opinion of Christ our Saviour ! and of Saint James !
and of Chrysostom ! and of other divers Saints and Doctors ! "
Then the Archbishop bad a Clerk read this Homily of
Chrysostom, which Homily this Clerk held in his hand
written in a roll ; which roll the Archbishop caused to be
taken from my fellow at Canterbury : and so then this Clerk
read this roll, till he came to a clause where Chrysostom
saith that it is sin, to swear well.
A Clerk (?Malveren). And then a Clerk, Malveren
as I guess, said to the Archbishop, *' Sir, I pray you wit
of him, how that he understandeth Chrysostom here, saying
it to be sin, to swear well."
Archbishop. And so the Archbishop asked me, " How I
understood here Chrysostom ?
William. And, certain, I was somewhat afraid to answer
hereto ; for I had not busied me to study about the sense
hereof: but lifting up my mind to GOD, I prayed Him, of
96 ArCIIBP.'s views enforced by force. [Wnuam of Thorpe.
j^race. And, as fast, as I thought how Christ said to
his apostles, When, for my name, ye shall be brott^ht before
judges, I will give into your month, wisdom, that your adver-
saries shall not against say [gainsay] ; and trusting faithfully
in the Word of GOD, I said, " Sir, I know well, that many
men and women have now swearing so in custom, that they
know not, nor will not know that they do evil for to swear
as they do : but they think and say, that they do well
for to swear as they do ; though they know well that they
swear untruly. For they say, ' They may by their swearing,
though it be false, [a]void blame or temporal harm; which
they should have, if they swore not thus.'
" And, Sir, many men and women maintain strongly that
they swear well, when that thing is sooth that they swear for.
" Also full many men and women say now that ' It is
well done to swear by creatures, when they may not (as they
say) otherwise be believed.'
" And also full many men and women now say that * It is
well done to swear by GOD and by our Lady, and by other
Saints ; for to have them in mind ! '
" But since all these sayings are but excusations [excuses]
and sin, methinketh, Sir, that this sentence of Chrysostom
may be alleged well against all such swearers : witnessing that
these sin grievously ; though they think themselves for to
swear in this foresaid wise, well. For it is evil done and
great sin for to swear truth, when, in any manner, a man
may excuse him without oath."
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said that " Chrysos-
tom might be thus understood."
A Clerk. And then a Clerk said to me, " Wilt thou tarry my
Lord no longer ! but submit thee here meekly to the ordinance
of Holy Church ; and lay thine hand upon a book, touching
the Holy Gospel of GOD, promising, not only with thy moutli
but also with thine heart, to stand to my Lord's ordinance ?"
William. And I said, " Sir, have I not told you here, how
that I heard a Master of Divinity say that, in such a case,
it is all one to touch a book, and to swear by a book ?"
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said, " There is no
Master of Divinity in England so great, that if he hold this
opinion before me, but I shall punish him as I shall do thee,
except thou swear as I shall charge thee ! ■'
William
1 1407,
;] Specimen of the arguments of Schoolmen. 97
William. And I said," Sir, is not Chrysostom an ententil
Doctor? "
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said, " Yea ! "
"William. And I said, " If Chrysostom proveth him
worthy great blame that bringeth forth a book to swear upon,
it must needs follow that he is more to blame that sweareth
on that book ! "
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said, " If Chrysostom
meant according to the ordinance of Holy Church, we will
accept him ! "
A Clerk. And then said a Clerk to me, " Is not the Word
of GOD, and GOD Himself equipollent^ that is, of one
authority ? "
William. And I said, " Yea ! "
A Clerk. Then he said to me, *' Why wilt thou not swear,
then, by the Gospel of GOD, that is, GOD's Word ; since it is
all one to swear by the Word of GOD and by GOD Himself ? "
William. And I said, " Sir, since I may not, now, other-
wise be believed but by swearing, I perceive, as Augustine
saith, that it is not speedful that ye, that should be my
brethren, should not believe me : therefore I am ready, by
the Word of GOD (as the LORD commanded me by His
Word), to swear."
A Clerk. Then the Clerk said to me, " Lay, then, thine
hand upon the book, touching the Holy Gospel of GOD ; and
take th}^ charge ! "
William. And I said, " Sir, I understand that the Holy
Gospel of GOD may not be touched with man's hands ! "
A Clerk. And the Clerk said I fonded [Jooled], and that I
said not truth.
William. And I asked this Clerk, " Whether it were
more to read the Gospel, or to touch the Gospel ? "
A Clerk. And he said, " It was more to read the Gospel ! "
William. Then I said, " Sir, by authority of Saint
Jerome, the Gospel is not the Gospel for [through] reading
of the letter, but for the belief that men have in the Word of
GOD ; that it is the Gospel that we believe, and not the
letter we read : for because the letter that is touched with
man's hand is not the Gospel, but the sentence that is verily
believed in man's heart is the Gospel. For so Saint Jerome
saith, The Gospel, that is the virtue of GOD's Word is not in the
£ng. Gar. VI. 7
98 Gospel hid in the Letter of Scripture. [Y''
lam.
leaves of the hook, but it is in the root of reason. Neither the
Gospel, he saith, is in the writing above of the letters ; but the
Gospel is in the marking of the sentence of Scriptures.
" This sentence approveth Saint Paul, saying thus, The
Kingdom of GOD is not in word, but in virtue. And David
saith. The voice of the LORD, that is, His Word, is in virtue.
And, after, David saith, Through the Word of GOD, the heavens
were formed ; and in the Spirit of His mouth is all the virtue of
them. And I pray you, Sir, understand ye well how David
saith that, in the Spirit of the mouth of the LORD is all the virtue
of angels and of men'' ?
A Clerk. And the Clerk said to me, " Thou wouldst make
us to fond with thee ! Say we not that the Gospels are
written in the Mass book ? "
William. And I said, " Sir, though men use [are accus-
tomed] to say thus, yet it is unperfect speech. For the
principal part of a thing is properly the whole thing : for,
lo, man's soul that may not now be seen here, nor touched
with any sensible thing, is properly Man ! And all the virtue
of a tree is in the root thereof, that may not be seen ; for do
away with the root, and the tree is destroyed ! And, Sir, as
ye said to me, right now, GOD and His Word are of one
authority; and. Sir, Saint Jerome witnesseth that Christ,
Very GOD and Very Man, is hid in the letter of his Law;
thus also, Sir, the Gospel is hid in the letter !
" For, Sir, as it is full likely many divers men and women
here in the earth touched Christ, and saw him, and knew
his bodily person ; which neither touched, nor saw, nor knew
ghostly his Godhead : right thus. Sir, many men now touch,
and see, and write, and read the Scriptures of GOD's Law,
which neither touch, see, nor read effectually the Gospel.
For as the Godhead of Christ, that is, the virtue of GOD, is
known by the virtue through belief ; so is the Gospel, that is
Christ's Word ! "
A Clerk. And a Clerk said to me, " These be full misty
matters and unsavoury, that thou showest here to us ! "
"William. And I said, " Sir, if ye, that are Masters, know
not plainly this sentence, ye may sore dread that the Kingdom
ot Heaven be taken from you ! as it was from the Princes
of Priests and from the Elders of the Jews."
A Clerk (? Malveren). And then a Clerk, as I guess
T'"moT] Tiiey layed wait to entrap William. 99
Malveren, said to me, " Thou knowest not thine equivoca-
tions! for the ' King-dom of Heaven' hath diverse under-
standings. What callest thou the ' Kingdom of Heaven ' in
this sentence, that thou shewest here ? "
William. And I said, " Sir, by good reason, and sentence
of Doctors, the Realm of Heaven is called here, the under-
standing of GOD'S Word."
A Clerk. And a Clerk said to me, *' From whom, thinkest
thou, that this understanding is taken away ? "
William. And I said, " Sir, by authority of Christ
himself, the effectual understanding of Christ's word is
taken away from all them chiefly which are great-lettered
[learned] men, and presume to understand high things, and
will be holden wise men, and desire mastership and high
state and dignity : but they will not conform them to the
living and teaching of Christ and of His Apostles."
Archbishop. Then the Archbishop said, " Well, well,
thou wilt judge thy sovereigns ! By God ! the King [Henry
IV.] doeth not his duty, but he suffer thee to be condemned ! "
A Clerk. [^^^^1 N d then another Clerk said to me, " Why,
on Friday last, that was [August 5, 1407],
counselledst thou a man of my Lord's, that
he should not shrive him to Man, but
only to GOD?"
And with this asking, I was abashed ; and then, by and
by, I knew that I was surely betrayed of a man that came
to me in prison [ ? at Saltwood Castle] on the Friday before,
communing with me in this matter of confession : and,
certain, by his words, I thought that this man came then to
me of full fervent and charitable will. But now I know, he
came to tempt me and to accuse me. GOD forgive him, if
it be His holy will !
And with all mine heart, when I had thought thus, I said
to this Clerk, " Sir, I pray you that ye would fetch this man
hither ! and all the words, as near as I can repeat them,
which that I spake to him on Friday in the prison, I will
rehearse now here, before you all, and before him."
Archbishop. And, as I guess, the Archbishop then said
to me, " They that are now here, suffice to repeat them. How
saidest thou to him ? "
lOO Talk on Confession, in Saltwood Castle.
rwiiii
William. And I said, " Sir, that man came and asked me
of divers things ; and after his asldng, I answered him, as I
understood that good was. And, as he shewed to me by his
words, he was sorry for his living in Court, and right heavy
for his own vicious living, and also for the viciousness of
other men, and specially of priests' evil living; and herefore,
he said to me with a sorrowful heart, as I guessed, that he pur-
posed fully, within short time, for to leave the Court, and busy
him to know GOD's Law, and to conform all his life hereafter.
" And when he had said to me these words, and others more,
which I would rehearse and [if] he were present, he prayed
me to hear his confession.
" And I said to him, ' Sir, wherefore come ye to me, to be
confessed of me ? Ye wot well that the Archbishop putteth
and holdeth me here, as one unworthy either to give or to
take any Sacrament of Holy Church ! '
" And he said to me, ' i3rother, I wot well, and so wot
many others more, that you and such others are wrongfully
vexed ; and herefore I will common [coinmune] with you the
more gladly.'
"And I said to him, * Certain, I wot well that many men
of this Court [i.e., the Archbishop's], and specially Priests of
this household [Chaplains], would be full evil a paid, both with
you and me, if they wist that ye were confessed of me ! '
" And he said that he cared not therefore, for he had full
little affection in them ! and, as methought, he spake these
words and many others of so good v.'ill and of so high desire
for to have known and done the pleasant Will of GOD.
" And I said then to him, as with my foresaid Protesta-
tion, I say to you now here, ' Sir, I counsel you for to absent
you from all evil company, and to draw you to them that
love and busy them to know and to keep the precepts of GOD ;
and then the good Spirit of GOD will move you for to
occupy busily all your wits in gathering together of all your
sins, as far as ye can bethink you ; shaming greatly of them,
and sorrowing heartily for them. Yea, Sir, the HOLY
GHOST will then put in your heart a good will and a fervent
desire for to take and to hold a good purpose, to hate ever
and to lly, after your cunning and power, all occasion of sin :
and so then wisdom shall come to you from above, lightening
with divers beams of grace and of heavenly desire all your
William of Thorpe.-| QQD ALONE CAN FORGIVE SINS ! lOI
wits, informing you how ye shall trust stedfastly in the mercy
of the LORD, [acjknowledging to Him only all your vicious
living, praying to Him ever devoutly of charitable counsel
and continuance, hoping without doubt that if ye continue
thus busying you faithfully to know and keep his biddings,
that He will, for He only may, forgive you all your sins ! '
"And this man said then to me, ' Though GOD forgive
men their sins, yet it behoveth men to be assoiled [absolved]
of priests, and to do the penance that they enjoin them ! '
" And I said to him, ' Sir, it is all one to assoil men of
their sins, and to forgive men their sins: wherefore since it
pertaineth only to GOD to forgive sin, it sufficeth in this
case, to counsel men and women for to leave their sin, and
to comfort them that busy them thus to do, for to hope
stedfastly in the mercy of GOD. And againward, priests
ought to tell sharply to customable sinners, that if they will
not make an end of their sin, but continue in divers sins
while that they may sin, all such deserve pain without
end. And herefore priests should ever busy them to live well
and holily, and to teach the people busily and truly the
Word of GOD ; shewing to all folk, in open preaching and in
privy counselling, that the LORD GOD only forgiveth sin.
And therefore those priests that take upon them to assoil
men of their sins, blaspheme GOD ; since that it pertaineth
only to the LORD to assoil men of all their sins. For, no
doubt, a thousand years after that Christ was man, no
priest of Christ durst take upon him to teach the people,
neither privil}^ nor apertly, that they behoved needs to come
to be assoiled of them ; as priests do now. But by authority
of Christ's word, priests bound indured [hardened] custom-
able sinners to everlasting pains, [those] which, in no time of
their living, would busy them faithfully to know the biddings
of GOD, nor to keep them. And, again, all they that would
occupy all their wits to hate and to flee all occasion of sin,
dreading over all things to offend GOD, and loving for to
please Him continually; to these men and women, priests
shewed how the LORD assoileth them of their sins. And
thus Christ promised to confirm in heaven, all the binding
and loosing that priests, by authority of his Word, bind men
in sin that are indured therein ; or loose them out of sin here
upon earth that are verily repentant.'
I02 The Monk of Faversiiam's sermon, [wniiam of Thorpe.
" And this man hearing these words, said that he ' might
well in conscience consent to this sentence. But,' he said,
* is it not needful to the lay people that cannot thus do, to
go shrive them to priests ? '
" And I said, ' If a man feel himself so distroubled with
any sin, that he cannot by his own wit, avoid this sin without
counsel of them that are herein wiser than he ; in such a case,
the counsel of a good priest is full necessary. And if a good
priest fail, as they do now commonly, in such a case ; Saint
Augustine saith that a man may lefully comon [lawfidly
commune] and take counsel of a virtuous secular man. But,
certain, that man or woman is overladen and too beastly,
which cannot bring their own sins into their mind, busying
them night and day for to hate and for to forsake all their
sins, doing a sigh for them, after their cunning and power.
And, Sir, full accordingly to this sentence, upon mid-Lenton
Sunday, two years [March 29, 1405], as I guess, now agone, I
heard a Monk of Feversham, that men called Moredom,
preach at Canterbury, at the Cross within Christchurch
Abbey, saying thus of Confession : As through the suggestion
of the Fiend, without counsel of any other body than of themselves,
many men and women can imagine and find means and ways
enough to come to pride, to theft, to lechery, and to other divers
vices : in contrary wise, this Alonk said, since the LORD GOD
is more ready to forgive sin than the Fiend is or may be of power
to move anybody to sin, then u'hoever will shame and sorroiv
heartily for their sins, [ac]knowlcdging them faithfully to GOD,
amending them after their power and cunning, without counsel of
any other body than of GOD and himself, through the grace of
GOD, all such men and women may find sufficient means to
come to GOD's mercy, and so to be clean assoiled of all their sins.''
This sentence I said, Sir, to this man of yours, and the self
words, as near as I can guess."
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said, " Holy Church
approveth not this learning."
William. And I said, " Sir, Holy Church, of which
Christ is head in heaven and in earth, must needs approve
this sentence. For, lo, hereby all m.en and women may, if
they will, be sufficiently taught to know and to keep the
commandments of GOD, and to hate and to fly continually
all occasion of sin, and to love and to seek virtues busily,
Willinm,
? 1407.
] William calls Alkerton, Flatterer! 10;
and to believe in GOD stably, and to trust in His mercy
stedfastly, and so to come to perfect charity and continue
therein perseverantly : and more, the LORD asketh not of
any man here now in this life. And, certain, since Jesus
Christ died upon the cross wilfully to make men free ; Men
of the Church are too bold and too busy to make men thrall !
binding them ' under the pains of endless curse, ' as they say, to
do many observances and ordinances, which neither the living
nor the teaching of Christ, nor of his Apostles approveth."
A Clerk. And a Clerk said then to me, " Thou shewest
plainly here thy deceit, which thou hast learned of them that
travail to sow popil \tare^'\ among wheat ! But I counsel thee to
go away clean from this learning, and submit thee lowly to
my Lord, and thou shalt find him yet to be gracious to thee ! "
Another Clerk. And as fast, another Clerk said to me,
" How wast thou so bold at Paul's Cross in London, to stand
there hard, with thy tippet \cape'\ bounden about thine head,
and to reprove in his sermon, the worthy Clerk Alkerton,
drawing away all, that thou mightest ! Yea, and the same
day at afternoon, thou meeting that worthy Doctor in VVat-
lins: street, calledst him, ' False flatterer, and hypocrite ! ' "
William. And I said, " Sir, I think certainly, that there
was no man nor woman that hated verily sin and loved
virtues, hearing the sermon of the Clerk of Oxford, and also
Alkerton's sermon, but they said, and might justly say, that
Alkerton reproved the Clerk untruly, and slandered him
wrongfully and uncharitably. For, no doubt, if the living and
teaching of Christ chiefly and his Apostles be true, nobody
that loveth GOD and His Law will blame any sentence that
the Clerk then preached there ; since, by authority of GOD's
Word, and by approved Saints and Doctors, and by open
reason, this Clerk approved all things clearly that he preached
there."
A Clerk. And a Clerk of theArchbishop said to me, " His
sermon was false, and that he sheweth openly, since he dare
not stand forth and defend his preaching, that he then
preached there."
William. And I said, " Sir, I think that he purposeth to
stand stedfastly thereby, or else he slandereth foully himself
and many others that have great trust that he will stand by
the truth of the Gospel. For I wot well his sermon is writ-
I04 The Clerk at Oxford, a Lollard. [
William of Thorpe.
? 1407.
ten both in Latin and in English ; and many men have it,
and they set great price thereby. And, Sir, if ye were
present with the Archbishop [i.e., of CANTERBURY, in whose
presence he was then standing] at Lambeth, when this Clerk
appeared ; and were at his Answer before the Archbishop : ye
wot well that this Clerk denied not there his sermon ; but, two
days, he maintained it before the Archbishop and his Clerks."
Archbishop or a Clerk. And then the Archbishop, or
one of his Clerks said (I wot not which of them !), " That
harlot [at this time applied to men also] shall be met with, for
that sermon. For no man but he, and thou, and such other
false harlots, praiseth any such preaching."
Archbishop. And then the Archbishop said, ** Your cursed
sect is busy, and it joyeth right greatly to contrary and to
destroy the privilege and freedom of Holy Church."
William. And I said, " Sir, I know no men travail so
busily as this sect doth, which you reprove, to make rest and
peace in Holy Church. For pride, covetousness, and simony
which distrouble most Holy Church, this sect hateth and
flyeth, and travaileth busily to move all other men in like
manner unto meekness and wilful poverty and charity, and
free ministring of the sacraments : this sect loveth, and useth,
and is full busy to move all other folks, thus to do. For these
virtues oweall membersof Holy Church to their head, Christ."
A Clerk. Then a Clerk said to the Archbishop, " Sir, it is
far day, and ye have far to ride to-night ; therefore make an
end with him, for he will none make ! But the more. Sir,
that ye busy you for to draw him towards you, the more con-
tumax \coniuuiacious] he is made, and the further from you."
Malveren, And then Malveren said to me, " William !
kneel down, and pray my Lord, of grace ! and leave all thy
fantasies, and become a child of Holy Church !"
William. And I said, '* Sir, I have prayed the Archbishop
oft, and yet I pray him, for the love of Christ ! that he will
leave his indignation that he hath against me ; and that he
will suffer me, after my cunning and power, for to do mine
office of priesthood, as I am charged of GOD to do it. For I
covet nought else, but to serve my GOD to His pleasing, in
the state that I stand in, and have taken me to."
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said to me, " If, of
good heart, thou wilt submit thee now, here, meekly to be
William of Thovpe.-| \YiLLIAM QUESTIONS THE ArCHBISIIOP. IO5
ruled, from this time forth by my counsel, obeying meekly
and wilfully to mine ordinance, thou shalt find it most profit-
able and best to thee for to do thus. Therefore, tarry thou
me no longer ! Grant to do this,- that I have said to thee
now, here, shortly ; or deny it utterly ! "
William. And I said to the Archbishop, " Sir, owe [ought]
we to believe that Jesus Christ was and is Very GOD and
Very Man ? "
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said, " Yea ! "
William. And I said, " Sir, owe we to believe that all
Christ's living and his teaching is true in every point ? "
Archbishop. And he said, " Yea ! "
William. And I said, " Sir, owe we to believe that the
living of the Apostles and the teaching of Christ and of all
Prophets are true, which are written in the Bible for the
health and salvation of GOD's people ? "
Archbishop. And he said, " Yea ! "
William. And I said, " Sir, owe all Christian men and
women, after their cunning and power, for to conform their
living to the teaching specially of Christ; and also to the
teaching and living of his Apostles and of Prophets, in all
things that are pleasant to GOD, and edification to His
Church ? "
Archbishop. And he said, " Yea ! "
William. And I said, "Sir, oughtthe doctrine, the bidding,
or the counsel of anybody to be accepted or obeyed unto,
except this counsel, these biddings, or this counsel may be
granted and affirmed by Christ's living and his teaching,
or by the living and teaching of his Apostles and Pro-
phets?"
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said to me, " Other
doctrine ought not to be accepted, nor we owe not to obey to
any man's bidding or counsel ; except we can perceive that
this bidding or counsel accordeth with the bidding and
teaching of Christ and of his Apostles and Prophets ? "
William. And I said, " Sir, are not all the learning and
biddings and counsels of Holy Church means and healthful
remedies to know, and to withstand the privy suggestions
and the apert temptations of the Fiend ; and also ways and
healthful remedies to slay pride and all other deadly sins and
the branches of them ; and sovereign means to purchase
io6 William VERY firm; Abp. in a passion, [wnuam of Thorpe.
grace, for to withstand and overcome all fleshly lusts and
moving?. ? "
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said, " Yea ! "
William. And I said, " Sir, whatsoever thing ye or any
other body bid or counsel me to do ; according to this foresaid
learning, after my cunning and power, through the help of
GOD, I will meekly, with all mine heart, obey thereto ! "
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said to me, " Submit
thee then, now, here, meekly and wilfully to the ordinance of
Holv Church, which I shall shew to thee ! "
William. And I said, " Sir, according as I have here, now
before you, rehearsed, I will now be ready to obey full gladly
to Christ, the Head of all Holy Church, and to the learning
and biddings and counsels of every pleasing member of Him."
Archbishop. Then the Archbishop striking with his hand
fiercely upon a cupboard, spake to me^ with a great spirit,
saying, " By Jesu ! but if thou leave such additions, obliging
thee now here without any exception to mine ordinance, ere
that I go out of this place, I shall make thee as sure as any
thief that is in the prison of Lantern. Advise thee now,
what thou wilt do ! " And then, as if he had been angered,
he went from the cupboard where he stood, to a window.
And then Malveren and another Clerk came nearer me, and
they spake to me many words full pleasantly, and another
while they menaced me and counselled full busily to submit
me, or else they said I should not escape punishing over
measure ; for they said I should be degraded, cursed, and
burned, and so then damned !
Malveren and a Clerk. " But now," they said, " thou
mayest eschew all these mischiefs, if thou will submit thee
wilfully and meekly to this worthy Prelate, that hath cure of
thy soul ! And for the pity of Christ ! " said they, " bethink
thee, how great clerks [Philip de Repington] the Bishop of
Lincoln, Hereford, and Purvey were, and yet are; and
also B;owton] that is a well understanding man : which also
have forsaken and revoked all the learning and opinions that
thou and such others hold ! Wherefore, since each of them
is mickle wiser than thou art ; we counsel thee for the best,
that, by the example of these four Clerks, thou follow them,
submitting thee as they did ! "
A Clerk. And one of the [Arch'bishop's Clerks said, then,
William
? 1407,
'] The Chaplains try their hands on him, 107
there, that " he heard Nicholas Hereford say, that ' since
he forsook and revoked all the learning and opinions of the
Lollards, he hath had mickle greater favour and more delight
to hold against them ; than ever he had to hold with them,
while he held with them. ' "
Malveren. And therefore Malveren said to me, "I un-
derstand and [if] thou wilt take thee to a priest, and shrive
thee clean, forsake all such opinions, and take thy penance of
my Lord here, for the holding and teaching of them, within
short time thou shalt be greatly comforted in this doing ! "
William. And I said to the Clerks, that thus busily coun-
selled me to follow these foresaid men, " Sirs, if these men, of
whom ye counsel me to take example, had forsaken benefices
of temporal profit and of worldly worship, so that they had
absented them and eschewed from all occasions of covetous-
ness and of fleshly lusts; and had taken them to simple living
and wilful poverty : they had herein given good example to
me and many others to have followed them. But now, since
all these four men have slanderously and shamefully done
the contrary, consenting to receive and to have and to hold
temporal benefices, living now more worldly and more fleshly
than they did before, conforming them to the manners of this
world ; I forsake them herein, and in all their foresaid slan-
derous doing !
" For I purpose, with the help of GOD into remission of
all my sins and of my foul cursed living, to hate and to fly,
privily and apertly, to follow these men ! teaching and coun-
selling whomsoever that I may, for to fly and eschew the way
that they have chosen to go in, which will lead them to the
worst end, if, in convenient time, they repent them not, verily
forsaking and revoking openly the slander that they have put,
and every day yet put to Christ's Church. For, certain,
so open blasphemy and slander, as they have spoken and done
in their revoking and forsaking of the Truth, ought not, nor
may not, privily be amended duly. Wherefore, Sirs, I pray
you that ye busy you not for to move me to follow these men
in revoking and forsaking of the Truth and Soothfastness !
as they have done, and yet do ; wherein by open evidence, they
stir GOD to great wroth, and not only against themselves,
but also against all them that favour them or consent to them
herein, or that comoneth [coimnundh] with them, except it be
io8 William rejects the Lollard turncoats. [
rWilliam
1407.
for their amendment. For whereas these men first were
pursued of enemies, now they have obliged them by oath for
to slander and pursue Christ in his members ! Wherefore,
as I trust stedfastly in the goodness of GOD, the worldly
covetousness, and the lusty living, and the sliding from the
truth of these runagates [renegades] shall be to me, and to
many other men and women, an example and an evidence to
stand the more stiffly by the Truth of Christ.
" For, certain, right many men and women do mark and
abhor the foulness and cowardice of these aforesaid untrue
men, how that they are overcome, and stopped with benefices,
and withdrawn from the truth of GOD's Word, forsaking
utterly to suffer therefore bodily persecution. For by this
unfaithful doing and apostasy, of them specially that are
great lettered men, and have [acjknowledged openly the truth ;
and now either for pleasure or displeasure of tyrants have
taken hire and temporal wages, to forsake the Truth and to
hold against it, slandering and pursuing them that covet to
follow Christ in the way of righteousness: many men and
women therefore are now moved. But many more, through
the grace of GOD, shall be moved hereby, for to learn the
Truth of GOD, and to do thereafter, and to stand boldly
thereby."
Archbishop. Then the Archbishop said to his Clerks,
" Busy you no longer about him ! for he, and others such as
he is, are confeder[at]ed so together, that they will not swear
to be obedient, and to submit them to Prelates of Holy
Church. For now, since I stood here, his fellow sent me
word that he will not swear, and that he [William of Thorpe]
counselled him that he should not swear to me. But, losell ! in
that thing that in thee is, thou hast busied thee to lose this
3''oung man; but, blessed be GOD! thou shalt not have
thy purpose of him ! For he hath forsaken all thy learning,
submitting him to be buxom [submissive] and obedient to the
ordinance of Holy Church ; and weepeth full bitterly, and
curseth thee full heartily for the venomous teaching which
thou hast shewed to him, counselling him to do thereafter.
And for thy false counselling of many others and him, thou
hast great cause to be right sorry ! For, long time, thou hast
busied thee to pervert whomsoever thou mightest ! Therefore
as many deaths thou art worthy of, as thou hast given evil
William.
? 1407.
] AbP. says, " HE SHALL CONFORM IN 8 DAYS ! " IO9
counsels. And therefore, by Jesu ! thou shalt go thither
where Nicholas Hereford and John Purvey were har-
boured ! and I undertake, ere this day eiji^ht days, thou shalt
be right glad for to do what thing that ever I bid thee do !
"And, losell ! I shall assay if can make thee there, as
sorrowful as, it was told me, thou wast glad of my last going
out of England [in 1397]. By St. Thomas ! I shall turn thy
joy into sorrow ! "
William. And I said, " Sir, there can nobody prove law-
fully that I joyed ever of the manner of your going out of
this land [the Archbishop had been banished]. But, Sir, to
say the sooth, I was joyful when ye were gone ! for [Robert
DE Braybrooke] the Bishop of London (in whose prison ye
left me !) found in me no cause for to hold me longer in his
prison ; but, at the request of my friends, he delivered me
to them, asking of me no manner of submitting."
Archbishop. Then the Archbishop said to me, " Where-
fore that I yede [went] out of England is unknown to thee 1
But be this thing well known to thee ! that GOD, as I wot
well, hath called me again and brought me into this land,
for to destroy thee and the false sect that thou art of 1 as, by
God ! I shall pursue you so narrowly that I shall not leave
a step of you in this land ! "
William. And I said to the Archbishop, " Sir, the holy
prophet Jeremy said to the false prophet Hananiah, When
the word, that is, the prophecy, of a prophet is known or ful-
filled ; then it shall be known that the LORD sent the prophet in
truth ! "
Archbishop. And the Archbishop, as if he had not been
pleased with my saying, turned him away-ward, hither and
thither, and said, " By God ! I shall set on thy shins a pair
of perils [? pearls], that thou shalt be glad to change thy voice !"
These and many more wondrous and convicious [railing]
words were spoken to me ; menacing me and all others of the
same sect, for to be punished and destroyed to the utter-
most.
And the Archbishop called then to him, a Clerk; and
rounded with him [whispered in his ear], and that Clerk went
forth : and soon he brought in the Constable of Saltwood
Castle, and the Archbishop rounded a good while with him.
And then the Constable went forth, and then came in
I lo The Constable places him in a den. [wnnam of Thorpe.
divers secular [laymen] ; and they scorned me on every side,
and menaced me greatly. And some counselled the Arch-
bishop to burn me by and by [at once] : and some others
counselled him to drown me in the sea, for it is near [at]
hand there.
A Clerk. And a Clerk standing besides me there, kneeled
down to the Archbishop, praying him that he would deliver
me to him for to say Matins with him ; and he would under-
take that, within three days, I should not resist anything
that was commanded me to do, of my Prelate.
And the Archbishop said that he would ordain for me
himself.
And then, after, came in again the Constable and spake
privily to the Archbishop,
And then the Archbishop commanded the Constable to lead
me forth thence, with him : and so he did.
And when we were gone forth thence, we were sent after
again.
And when I came in again before the Archbishop, a Clerk
bade me kneel down, and ask grace, and submit me lowly,
and I should find it for the best.
William. And I said then to the Archbishop, "Sir, as I
have said to you, divers times, to-day, I will wilfully and
lowly obey and submit me to be ordained ever, after my
cunning and power, to GOD and His Law, and to every
member of Holy Church ; as far forth as I can perceive that
these members accord with their head, Christ, and will
teach me, rule me, or chastise me by authority specially of
GOD'S Law."
Archbishop. And the Archbishop said, " I wist well,
he would not, without such additions, submit him ! "
And then, I was rebuked, scorned, and menaced on every
side ; and yet, after this, divers persons cried upon me to
kneel down and submit me : but I stood still, and spake no
word.
And then there was spoken of me and to me many great
words ; and I stood, and heard them menace, curse, and
scorn me : but I said nothing.
Archbishop. Then a while after, the Archbishop said to
me, " Wilt thou not submit thee to the ordinance of Holy
Church ? "
T'hoT] ^^ THANKS GOD, HE IS, AT LAST, ALONE. I I I
William. And I said, " Sir, I will full gladly submit me,
as I have shewed 5'ou before."
And then, the Archbishop bade the Constable to have me
forth thence in haste.
And so then I was led forth, and brought into a foul
unhonest prison, where I came never before. But, thanked
be GOD ! when all men were gone forth then from me, and
had sparred [barred] fast the prison door after them, by and
by [immediately] after, I therein by myself busied me to think
on GOD, and to thank Him of His goodness.
And I was then greatly comforted in all my wits, not only
for that I was then delivered, for a time, from the sight, from
the hearing, from the presence, from the scorning, and from
the menacing of my enemies : but much more I rejoiced in
the LORD, because that through His grace, He kept me so,
both among the flattering specially, and among the men-
acing of mine adversaries, that without heaviness and
anguish of my conscience, I passed away from them. For
as a tree laid upon another tree overthwart or on cross wise,
so was the Archbishop and his three Clerks always contrary
to me, and I to them.
Now, good GOD ! (for Thine holy name and for the praising
of Thy most blessed name, make us one together), if it be
Thy will, by authority of thy Word that is true perfect
charity : and else not ! And that it may thus be, all that
this writing read or hear, pray heartily to the LORD GOD !
that He (for His great goodness that cannot be with tongue
expressed) grant to us and to all others, that in the same
wise and for the same cause specially, or for any other
cause be at [a] distance, to be knit and made
One in true Faith, in stedfast Hope, and
in perfect Charity.
Amen.
C C)[)U0 entiett) i\)t 6;camination of
fl^aster aHJiUiam i:i)orpe.
I 12
Znh l)ereafter follotoetl) Us
Cestament.
Atthew, an Apostle of Christ and his
gospeller, witnesseth truly in the Holy Gospel,
the most holy living and the most wholesome
teaching of Christ. He rehearseth how that
Christ likeneth them that hear his words and
keep them, to a wise man that buildeth his
house upon a stone, that is a stable and a sad
[firm] ground.
This house is man's soul, in whom Christ delighteth to dwell,
if it he grounded, that is, stablished, faithfully in his living, and
in his true teaching, adorned or made fair with divers virtues,
which Christ used and taught without any meddling of any
error, as are chiefly the conditions of charity.
This foresaid stone is CHRIST, upon lohich every faithf id soul
must be buildcd, since upon none other ground than upon Christ's
living and his teaching, nobody may make any building or house-
ing wherein Christ will come and dwell. This sentence wit-
nesseth Paul to the Corinthians, shewing them that nobody may
set any other ground than is set, that is, Christ's living and his
teaching.
And because that all men and women shordd give all their
business here in this life to build them virtuously upon this sure
foundation. Saint Paul [ac]knowledging the fervent desire and
the good will of the people of Ephesus, wrote to them comfortably,
saying, Now ye are not strangers, guests, nor yet comeHngs,
but ye are the citizens and of the household of GOD,
builded above upon the foundament of the Apostles and
Prophets. In which foundament, every building that is
builded and made through the grace of GOD, it increaseth
or groweth into a holy temple ; that is, everybody that is
19 Sept. i46o.] William of Thorpe's Testament. 113
grounded and hnildcd faithfully in the teaching and living of
Christ is theretJirungh made the holy tonple of GOD.
This is the stable ground and stedfast stone, Christ ! which is
the sure corner-stone fast joining and holding mightily together
two walls. For through Christ Jesu, mean or middle Person
of the Trinity, the Father of Heaven is piteous or mercifidly joined
and made one together to Mankind : and through dread to offend
GOD, and fervent love to please him, men be unseparably made
one to GOD, and defended surely under His protection.
Also this foresaid stone Christ was figured by the square
stones of which the Temple of GOD was made. For as a square
stone, wheresoever it is cast or laid, it abideth and lieth stably ; so
Christ and every faithful member of his Church, by example of
him, abideth and dwelleth stably in true faith and in all other
heavenly virtues, in all adversities that they suffer in this Valley of
Tears. For, lo, when these foresaid square stones were hewen and
wrought for to be laid in the walls or pillars of GOD's Temple,
none noise or stroke of the workmen was heard. Certain, this
silence in working of this stone figureth Christ chiefly, and his
faithful members, which by example of him have been, and yet are,
and ever to the world's end shall be, so meek and patient in every
adversity, that no sound nor yet any grudging shall any time be
perceived in them.
Nevertheless this chief and most worshipfid corner-stone, which
only is ground of all virtues, proud beggars reproved ! but this
despite and reproof CHRIST suffered most meekly in his own
person, for to give example of all meekness and patience to all his
faithful followers. Certain, this world is now so full of proud
beggars which are named priests ; but the very office of working of
priesthood which CHRIST approveth true, and accepteth, is far
from the multitude of priests that now reign in this world.
For, from the highest priest to the lowest, all (as who say)
study, that is, they imagine and travail busily how they may please
this world and their flesh. This sentence and many such others
dcpendeth upon them, if it be well considered ; either GOD the
Father of heaven hath deceived all mankind by the living specially
£.VG. Gar. VI. 8
114 William of Tiiorle's Te st a me NT.[_^9'^^vi-M^o.
and teaching of Jesvs Christ, and by the living and teaching
of his Apostles and Prophets ; all else all the Popes that have been
since I had any knozvlcdge or discretion, with all the College
of Cardinals, Archbisliops, and Bishops, Monks, Canons, and
Friars, with all the contagious flock of the comminalty of priest-
hood, which have, all my life-time and inichlc longer, reigned and
yet reign and increase damnably from sin into sin, have been and
yet be proud obstinate heretics, covetous simoners [trafficers in
ecclesiastical preferments], ajid defouled adulterers in the minis-
tering of the Sacraments, and especially in the ministering of the
Sacrament of the Altar,
For, as their works shew (whereto Christ biddeth ns take
heed !) the highest priests and Prelates of this priesthood challenge
and occupy [hold] unlawfully temporal lordships. And for
temporal favour and mcde, they sell and give benefices to unworthy
and Jiuable persons ; yea, these simoners sell sin ! suffering men
and women in every degree and estate, to lie and contimie, from
year to year, in divers vices slanderously. And thus, by evil
example of high priests in the Church, lower priests under tlicm are
not only suffered, but they are maintained to sell full dear to the
people for temporal mede, all the Sacraments. And tJius all this
foresaid priesthood is bloimi so high, and borne up in pride and
vainglory of their estate and dignity, and so blinded with worldly
covetousness, that they disdain to follow CHRIST in very meekness
and wilful poverty, living holily, and preaching GOD's Word
truly, freely, and continually; taking their livelihood at the free
will of the people, of their pure almose [alms], wliere and when,
they suffice not (for their true and busy preaching) to get their
sustenance with their hands.
To this true sentence, grounded on Christ's own living and
teaching of his Apostles; these foresaid worldly and fleshly priests
will not consent effectually. But, as their works and also their words
shew, boldly and imshamefastly these foresaid named priests and
Prelates covet, and enforce them mightily and busily, that all Holy
Scripture lucre expounded and drawn according to their manners,
and to their ungrounded [unwarranted] usages and findings.
19 Sept. 1460.] WiLiJA^r OF Thorpe's T e st a me nt. 115
For they will not (since they hold it but folly and madness !)
conform their manners to the pure and simple living of CHRIST
and his Apostles, nor they will not follow freely their learning*
Wherefore all the Emperors and Kings, and all other lords and
ladies, and all the common people in every degree and state, which
have before time known or might have known ; and also all they
that now yet know or might know this foresaid witness of priest-
hood ; and would not, nor yet will enforce them, after their cun-
ning and power, to withstand charitably the foresaid enemies and
traitors of Christ and his Church : all these strive, with Anti-
christ, against Jesu ! And they shall bear the indignation of
GOD Almighty without end, if in convenient time they amend
them not, and repent them verily ; doing therefore due mourning
and sorrow, after their cunning and power.
For through presumptions and negligence of priests and Pre-
lates (not of the Church of Christ, but occupying their prelacy,
unduly in the Church, and also by flattering and false covetousncss
of other divers named priests), lousengers, and lonnderers are
wrongfidly made and called Hermits ; and have leave to defraud
poor and needy creatures of their livelihood, and to live by their
false winning and begging in sloth and other divers vices. And
also of these Prelates, these cokir noses [ ? ] are suffered to live in
pride and hypocrisy, and to dcfoul themselves both bodily and
ghostly.
Also by the suffering and counsel of these foresaid Prelates and
of other priests, are made vain, both Brotherhoods and Sisterhoods,
full of pride and envy ; which are full contrary to the Brotherhood
of Christ, since they are cause of mickle dissension : and tJicy
multiply and sustained it uncharitably, for in lusty eating, and
drinking immeasurably and out of time, they exercise themselves.
Also this vain confederacy of Brotherhoods is permitted to be of
one clothing, and to hold together. A nd in all these ungrounded
and unlawful doings, priests are partners and great meddlers and
counsellors.
And over this viciousness, herinits and pardoners, ankers
[anchorites], and strange beggars are licensed and admitted of
ii6 William of Thorpe's Te sta men t.\j9?>^v^-h('o.
Prelates and priests for to he<;iiile the people with flatterings
and leasings [falsehoods] slanderously, against all good reason
and true belief ; and so to increase divers vices in themselves, and
also among all them that accept them or consent to them.
And thus, the viciousncss of these forenamcd priests and Pre-
lates, has been long time, and yet is, and shall be cause of wars,
both within the realm and without.
And, in the same wise, these unable [useless] priests have been,
and yet are, and shall be, the chief cause of pestilence of men, and
murrain of beasts, and of bareness of the earth, and of all other
mischiefs, to the time that Lords and Commons able them through
grace for to know and to keep the Commandments of GOD, enforc-
ing them then faithfully and charitably by one assent, for to redress
and make one, this foresaid priesthood to the wilfid poor, meek, and
innocent living and teaching, specially of CHRIST and his
Apostles.
Therefore all they that know, or might knoio the viciousness that
reigncih noiv cursedly in these priests and in their learning, if
they suffice not to ivitlistand this contagious viciousness : let them
pray to the LORD heartily for the health of his Church! abstain-
ing them prudently from these endured [hardened] enemies of
Christ and his people, and from all their Sacraments ! since to
them all that knonD them, or may knoiv, they are but fleshly deeds
and false: as Saint Cyprian ivitnesseth in the first Question of
Decrees and in the first Cause. Ca. Si quis inquit.
For as this Saint, and great Doctors witness there, that not only
vicious priests, but also all tJiey tJiat favour them or consent to them
in their viciousness, shall together perish with them, if they aniend
them not duly: as all they perished tJiat consented to Dathan
and Abiram. For nothing ivere more confusion to these foresaid
vicious priests, than to eschew them prudently in all their unlawful
Sacraments, while they continue in their sinful living slanderously,
as they have long time done and yet do. And nobody need to be
afraid, though death did follow by any wise or other, for to die out
of this world ivithout taking of any Sacrament of these foresaid
Christ's enemies: since Christ will not fail for to minister
19 Sept. 1460.] William of Thorpe's Testament. 117
himself all lawful and heal-ful sacraments, and necessary at all
time ; and especially at the end, to all them that are in true faith,
in steadfast hope, and in perfect charity.
But yet some mad fools say, for to eschew slander they will be
shriven once a year and comuned [receive the Sacrament] of their
proper priests ; though they know them defouled with slanderous
vices. No doubt, but all they that thus do or consent, privily or
apertly, to such doing, are culpable of great sin ; since St. Paul
witnesseth that not only they that do evil are worthy of death and
damnation, but also they that consent to evil doers. Also, as their
slanderous works ivitness, these foresaid vicious priests despise and
cast from them heavenly cunning that is given of the HOLY
GHOST. Wherefore the LORD throw etli all such despisers from
Him, that they use nor do any priesthood to Him. No doubt
then, all they that wittingly or wilfully take, or consent that any
other body should take any Sacrament of any such named priest,
sinncth openly and damnably against all the Trinity, and are
unable to any Sacrament of health.
And that this foresaid sentence [opinion] is altogether true unto
remission of all my sinful living, trusting steadfastly in the mercy
of GOD, I offer to Him my soul !
And to prove also this foresaid sentence true, with the help of
GOD, I purpose fully to suffer meekly and gladly my most wretched
body to be tormented, where GOD will! and of whom He will ! how
He will and when He will ! and as long as He will I and what
temporal pain He will ! and death ! to the praising of His name,
and to the edification of His Church. And I, that am most un-
worthy and wretched caitiff, shall now, through the special grace
of GOD, make to Him pleasant sacrifice of my most sinful and
unworthy body.
Beseech heartily all folk that read or hear this end of
my purposed Testament, that, through the grace of
GOD, they dispose verily and virtuously all their wits,
and able, in like manner, all their members for to under-
stand truly and to keep faithfully, charitably, and continually all
ii8 William of Thorpe's T es ta m e nt .\^9?><^v^-^^^o.
the commandments of GOD, and so then to pray devoutly to all
the blessed Trinity, that I may have grace with wisdom andprndence
from above, to end my life here, in this foresaid Truth and for this
Cause in true faith
and steadfast hope
and in perfect
charity,
AMEN,
m
Ere endeth, sir [the Reverend] William Thorpe's
Testament on the Friday after the Rood Day [Holy
Rood-day, or Exaltation of the Holy Cross, falls on
Sept. 14th], and the twenty [ ? nineteenth] day of September,
in the year of our Lord a thousand four hundred and sixty.
And on the Sunday [August yth] next after the feast of Saint
Peter that we called Lammas Day [August 1st] in the year of
our Lord a thousand four hundred and seven, the said sir
William Thorpe was accused of these points, before written
in this book, before Thomas Arundell, Archbishop of
Canterbury, as it is said before.
And so was it then betwixt the Pay of his Accusing, and
the Day that this was written three and fifty years;
and as mickle more as from the Lammas
[Aiigust 1st] to the Woodmas
[September igth].
Behold the end !
^ The strength of a tale is in its end.
119
jj)ere foUotoetb
Clje examination of tt)e
JLorD Cobl)am*
[The following is but an abridgement of the Story of Sir John Old-
C^STl E • respecting which, Miss L. TOULMIN SMITH has recently pub-
lished, in \h^Ani^lia for April 1882, THOMAS OcCLKVE's Ballad against
Lord COBHAM and the Lollards, in 1415-]
Cbe "JSclief of t})e Lorn Cobbam.
"lE IT known to all men ! that in the year of
our LORD a thousand four hundred and
thirteen, in the first year of King Henry
the Fifth; the King gave to [Thomas
Arundell] the Bishop of Canterbury,
leave to correct the Lord Cobham.
And because no man durst summon him
personally, the Archbishop set up a Citation
on his Cathedral Church door on the Wednesday [September
6, 14131 next before the nativity of our Lady [September mi m
the foresaid year: and that Citation was taken down by the
friends of the Lord Cobham.
And, after that, the Bishop set up another on our Lady
Day [September 8, 1413I ; which also was rent down.
And because he came not to answer on the day assigned
in the Citation, the Bishop cursed him for contumacy.
And the Lord Cobham seeing all this malice purposed
against him, wrote this Belief that followeth, with his own
hand; and noted [signed] it himself; and also answered to
Four Points put against him by the Bishop : and he went to
the King, supposing to get of him good favour and lordship.
C Cl)e 15elief.
Believe in GOD the Father Almighty, Maher of
heaven and earth; and in Jesu Christ His only
Son our Lord, which was conceived of the HOLY
GHOST, born of the Virgin Mary, and suffered
death under PoNTius PiLATE, crucified, dead, and buried. He
I20 The Belief oy Sir John Oldcastle. [sept. 1413.
went down to hells. The third day He rose again from death.
He ascended up into heavens. He sitteth on the right hand of
GOD, the Father Almighty. From thence, He is to come to judge
the quick and dead.
I believe in the HOLY GHOST, all Holy Church, the Com-
miinion of Saints, forgiveness of sins, uprising of flesh, and ever-
lasting life. Amen.
Nd for to declare more plainly my soothfastness in the
belief of Holy Church, I believe faithfully and verily,
that there is but one GOD Almighty; and in this God-
head and of this Godhead be TJirce Persons, the Father,
the Son, and the HOLY GHOST ; and these Three Persons be the
same GOD Almighty.
Furthermore, I believe that the Second Person of this most
blessed Trinity, in most convenient time before ordained, took flesh
and blood of the most blessed Virgin, our Lady Saint Mary, for
the redemption and salvation of mankind; that was lost before, for
Adam's sin.
And I believe that Jesu Christ our Lord, which is both GOD
and Man, is head of all Holy Church ; and that all those that be,
and shall be saved, be members of this most Holy Church. Which
Holy Church is departed [divided] in three parts. Of the which,
one part is now in Heaven; that is to say, the saints that in this life
live accordingly with the most blessed Law of Christ and his
living, despising and forsaking the Devil and his works, the pros-
perities of this world, and the foul lust of the flesh.
The seco7idpart is in Purgatory, abiding the mercy of GOD, and
purging them there of their sins; of the wliich they have been truly
confessed in deed, or else in will to have been.
The third part of this Church is here in Earth, the which is called
the Fighting Church ; for it fighteth, every day and night, against
the temptation of the Devil, the prosperity of this false failing
world, and the proud rebellion of the flesh against the soid. This
Church is departed [divided] by the most blessed ordinance of GOD
Sept. 1413-] The Belief oy Sir John Oldcastle. 121
into three Estates; that is to say, Priesthood, Knighthood, and
Commons : to every Estate of the which, GOD gave charge that
one should help another, and none destroy other.
As to Priests, they should be most holy and least worldly ; and
tndy living as near as they could, after the example of CHRIST
and his Apostles. And all their business should be, day and
night, in holy example of living, and true preaching and teaching
of GOD' s Law to both the other parts. And also they should be
most meek, most serviceable, and most lovely in spirit, both to GOD
and man.
In the second part of this Church, that is Knighthood, be con-
tained all that bear the sword by the law of Office : which should
maintain GOD' s Law to be preached and taught to the people;
and principally the Gospel of Christ ; and truly to live thereafter.
The which part should rather put themselves to peril of death, than
to suffer any Law or Constitution [referring to the Constitutions
of Arundel in 1408] to be made of man, wherethrough the free-
dom of GOD' s Law might be letted to be preached and taught to
the people, or whereof any error or heresy might grow in the
Church. For I suppose fully that there may come none heresy nor
error among the people, but by false Laws, Constitutions, or teachings
contrary to Christ's Law, or by false leasings [lies].
Also the second part should defend the common people from
tyrants, oppressors, and extortioners : and maintain the Clergy,
doing tndy their office, in preaching, teaching, praying, and freely
ministering the Sacraments of Holy Churcli. And if this Clergy
he negligent in doing this office, this second part of the Church
ought, by their office that they have taken of GOD, to constrain
the Clergy in due wise, to do their office in the form that GOD
hath ordained to be done.
The third part of this Fighting Church oweth [ought] to bear
good will to Lords and Priests, truly to do their bodily labour in
tilling the earth, and with their true merchandise doing their duties
that they owe both to Knighthood and to Priesthood, as GOD's
Law limitcth ; keeping faithfully the commandments of GOD.
Moreover, I believe all the Sacraments of Holy Church for to be
122 The Bel//- F OF Sir John Oldcastle. [sept. 1413.
meedful and prcfitable to nil that shall be saved ; taking them after
the intent that GOD and Holy Church have ordained.
And for as mickle as I am slandered falsely in my Belief in the
Sacrament of the Altar, I do all Christian men to wit, that I believe
verily that the most blessed Sacrament of the Altar is very
Christ's body inform of bread ; the same body that was born of
the blessed Virgin our Lady Saint Mary, done on the cross, dead,
hnried, and on the third day rose from death to life, the which
body is now glorified in heaven.
Also I believe that all GOD's Law is true; and who that
liveth contrary to this blessed Law, and so continueth to his life's
end, and dieth so breaking the holy commandments of GOD, that
he shall be damned into everlasting pains. And he that will
learn this most blessed Law, and live thereafter, keeping these holy
commandments of GOD, and endeth in charity shall have ever-
lasting bliss.
Also I understand that this followeth of Belief, that our Lord
Jesu Christ (tliat is both GOD and Man) askcth no more here
in earth, but that he obey to him after the form of his Law,
in truly keeping of it. And if any Prelate of the Church ask
more obedience than this, of any man living ; he exalteth himself, in
that, above CHRIST : and so lie is an open Antichrist.
Also tJiese points I hold as of Belief in especial.
And in general, I believe all that GOD wills that I believe^
praying, at the reverence of Almighty GOD, to you my liege Lord
[Henry V.] that tliis Belief might be examined by the wisest and
truest Clerks of your realm : and if it be truth, that it might be
confirmed, and I to be holden for a true Christian man; and if it
be false, that it might be damned [condemned], and I taught a
better Belief by GOD's Law; and I will gladly obey thereto.
This foresaid Belief, the Lord Cobham wrote ; and took it
with him, and offered it to the King \Henry V.], for to see:
and the King would not receive it, but bade him take it to
them that should be his judges
And then the Lord of Cobham offered to bring before the
Sept. 1413-] His Answer to the Four Points. 123
King, to purge him of all error and heresy, that they would
put against him, a hundred Knights and Squires.
And also he offered to fight with any man, Christian or
heathen, that would say he were false in his belief; except
the King and his brethren.
And after, he said " He would submit him to all manner [ofj
correction, that any man would correct him, after GOD's
Law."
And notwithstanding all this, the King suffered him to be
summoned personally, in his own \the. King's] chamber.
And the Lord of Cobham said to the King, that he had
appealed to the Pope from the Archbishop ; and therefore, he
said, " he ought not to take him for his judge " : and so he had
there his Appeal ready written, and shewed to the King.
And therewith the King was more angry, and said, " He
should not pursue his appeal : but rather he should be in
ward till his appeal were admitted, and then (would he or
not !) he should be his judge ! "
And thus nothing of all this was allowed; but, because he
would not swear to submit him to the Church, and take what
penance the Archbishop would enjoin Lim, he was arrested,
and sent to the Tower of London to kedp his day that the
[archjbishop assigned him in the King's Chamber.
And then he made the Be/z>/ aforesaid, with the Answer to
Four Points that now follow, to be written in two parts of an
Indenture.
And when he came to answer ; he gave that one part to
the [archjbishop, and that other part he kept to himself.
Cbe 3lnnenture of tfje Lorn Cotiftam*
, John Oldcastle Knight, and Lord of COBHAM,
will that all Christian men wit, how that THOMAS of
Arundell, Archbishop of CANTERBURY hath not
only laid it to my charge maliciously, but also very
untruly, by his Letter and his Seal written against me in most
slanderous wise, that I should otherwise feel and teach of the
Sacraments of the Holy Chtirch ; assigning in special the
Sacrament of the Altar, the Sacrament of Penance, and also in
Worshipping of Images, and in Going on Pilgrimages, otherwise
124 The Answer to the Four Points, [sept. 1413.
than fcdeth and teacheth the universal Holy Church. I take Al-
mighty GOD to witness, that it hath been, and now is, and ever,
with the help of GOD, shall be, mine intent and my will to believe
faithfully and truly in all the Sacraments that ever GOD ordained
to be done in Holy Church.
And, moreover, for to declare me in these points aforesaid.
I believe that the jnost worshipful Sacrament of the Altar is very
Christ's body in form of bread : the same body that was born of
the blessed Virgin our Lady Saint Mary, done on the cross, dead
and buried, and the third day rose from death to life ; the which
body is now glorified in heaven.
Also as for the Sacrament of Penance, I believe that it is need-
ful to every man that shall be saved, to forsake sin, and to do due
penance for sin before done, with true confession, very contrition,
and due satisfaction, as GOD' s Law limiteth and teacheth; and
else, may he not be saved ; which penance I desire all men to do.
And as for Images, I understand that they be not of Belief , but
they were ordained (since Belief was given of Christ) by suffer-
ance of the Church for to be Kalenders to laymen, to represent and
bring to mind the Passion of our Lord Jesu Christ, and [the]
martyrdom and good living of other Saints. And that who so it
be, that doeth the ivorship to dead images that is due to GOD ; or
puiteth hope, faith, or trust in help of them as he should do to GOD ;
or hath affection in one more than in another : he doth in that, the
great sin- of Idolatry.
Also I suppose this fully, that every man in this earth is a
Pilgrim towards Bliss or towards Pains. And he that knowcth not,
nor will not know, nor keep the holy commandments of GOD in
his living (albeit that he gocth on pilgrimage in all parts of tlie
world), and he die so, he shall be damned. And he that knoweth the
holy commandments of GOD and kecpcth them to his end, he shall
be saved ; though he never in his life, go on pilgrimage as men use
[are accustomed] now to Canterbury, or to Rome, or to any other
place.
This Belief indented, containing the foresaid Belief with
Sept. I4I3.] Lord Cobham's final ExaminatiOxM. 125
these foresaid Answers, he took to the Bishops when he came
to answer [in the Chapter House of St. PauFs] on the Saturday
next before Michaelmas in the year beforesaid [September
23, 1413].
And whatsoever the Bishops asked him, he bade them look
what his Bill said thereto ; and thereby he would stand to
the death. Other answer gave he not that day : but the
Bishops were not quieted herewith.
And the Archbishop bade him take avisement [coimsel] till
Monday [September z^th] next following, to answer to this
point :
// there remained material bread in the Sacrament of the Altar,
after the words of consecration ?
And in the meantime, he perceived that the uttermost
malice was purposed against him, howsoever he answered :
therefore he put his life in GOD's hand, and answered thus,
as foUoweth.
This is the judgement and sentence given upon Sir
John Oldcastlb Knight and Lord of Cobham, the
Monday [September 25th] next before Michaelmas Day,
at the Friar Preachcrs's [the Dominican Friary within
Ludgate] in London, in the year of our Lord, a thou-
sand, four hundred and thirteen.
[Thomas Arundell] the Archbishop of Canterbury,
[Richard Clifford] the Bishop of London, [Henry Beau-
fort] the Bishop of Winchester, [Benedict Nicolls] the
Bishop of Bangor; Master John Witnam, Master John
Whitehead [both of New College, Oxford], Doctors of
Divinity; Master Philip Morgan, Master Henry Ware,
Master John Kemp, Doctors of [Canon] Law; and sir [i^^y.]
Robert Wombewell, Vicar of St. Lawrence in the Jewry ;
Master John Stevens, Master James Cole, Notaries:
with the Four Orders of Friars, and many other Clerks,
deeming and convicting him for an heretic and a cursed man.
The Archbishop made all these Clerks, both Religious and
Secular, to swear upon a book, that they should not, for love
or favour of the one party, nor for any envy or hatred of the
■other party, say, nor witness but the truth.
And the two foresaid Notaries were sworn also to write and
126 The Abp. again offers to absolve iiim. [sept. 1413.
to witness the words and process that were to be said on
both the parties, and to say the sooth if it otherwise were.
After this, the Lord of Cobham came, and was brought
before them all, to his Examination, and to his Answer.
Then the Archbishop said to him, " Lord of Cobham, ye be
advised well enough of the words and Process that were said
to you, upon Saturday last past, in the Chapter House of
Paul's : the which Process were now too long to rehearse.
Then I proffered to have assoiled [absolve] you (for ye were
accursed !) of your contumacy and disobedience to Holy
Church."
Then said the Lord Cobham forthwith, " GOD saith,
Maledicam benedictionibus vcstns, that is to say, ' I shall curse
your blessings ! ' "
Then said the Archbishop, " Sir, then I proffered to have
assoiled you, if ye would have asked it ; and }et I do the
same ! "
Then said the Lord of Cobham, " Nay, forsooth, I tres-
passed never against you ! and therefore will I not do it."
And with that, he kneeled down on the pavement, and
held up his hands and said, " I shrive me to GOD ! and to
j^ou all, Sirs ! that, in my youth, I have sinned greatly
and grievously in lechery and in pride, and hurt many men,
and done many other horrible sins ; Good Lord ! I cry Thee,
mercy ! "
And therewith weepingly, he stood up again and said, "Here,
for the breaking of GOD's Law and His commandments,
ye cursed me not ! but for your own laws and traditions,
above GOD's Law : and therefore it shall be destroyed."
Then the Archbishop examined the Lord of his Belief.
And the Lord of Cobham said, "I believe fully in all GOD's
Law, and I believe that it is all true ! and I believe all that
GOD wills that I believe."
Then the Archbishop examined him of the Sacrament of
the Altar, how he believed therein ?
The Lord of Cobham said, "Christ upon Shere [or Shrive
or Maunday] Thursday [the day be/ore Good Friday] at night,
sitting with his disciples at the Supper, after that he had
supped, he took bread and giving thanks to the Father, he
blessed it and brake it, and gave it to his disciples saying,
Sept. I4I3.] Smiling THEY say, "It is an pieresy ! " 127
Take, and eat ye of this, all ! This is my body that shall be betrayed
Joy yoit ! Do you this, in the remembrance of me. This I
believe ! " said he.
Then the Archbishop asked him, " If it were bread after the
consecration, and the sacramental words said ? "
The Lord of Cobham said, " I believe that the Sacrament
of the Altar is very Christ's body in form of bread ; the same
body that was born of theVirgin Mary, done on the cross,
dead and buried, and the third day rose from death to life :
which body is now glorified in heaven."
Then said one of the Doctors of the Law, " After the sacra-
mental words said, there remaineth no bread but the body of
Christ!"
Then the Lord of Cobham said to one, Master John
Whitehead, " You said to me in the Castle of Cowling
[Lord Cobham' s home], that the host sacred was not Christ's
body: but I said, ' It was Christ's body ! ' though Seculars
and Friars hold each one against other in this opinion."
Then said they, " We say all that it is GOD's body ! "
And they asked him, " Whether it were material bread
after the consecration ?"
Then said the Lord, " I believe it is Christ's body in
form of bread. Sir, believe ye not thus ? "
And the Archbishop said, " Yea ! "
Then the Doctors asked him, "Whether it were only
Christ's body after the consecration, and no bread ? "
And he said to them, " It is Christ's body and bread.
For right as Christ was here in manhood, and the godhead
hid in the manhood : so I believe verily that Christ's flesh
and his blood is hid there in the form of bread."
Then they smiled each on other, deeming him taken in
heresy ; and said, " It is an heresy ! "
The Archbishop asked him, " What bread it was?" and
the Clerks also, " Whether it were material or not ? "
Then the Lord said, " The Gospel speaketh not of this
term material', and therefore I will not! but say, it is
Christ's body and bread ! For the Gospel saith, Ego sum
panis vivus qtn de coelo descendi, that is to say, " I am quick
bread that came down from heaven." For as our Lord
Jesus Christ is Very GOD and Very Man; so the most
blessed Sacrament of the Altar is Christ's body and bread.
128 Lollard definition of "Holy Church." [sept. 1413.
Then they said, "It is an heresy, to say that it is bread
after the consecration and the sacramental words said, but
only Christ's body."
The Lord said, " Saint Paul the Apostle was as wise as
ye be ! and he called it bread ; where he saith thus The bread
that we break, is it not the partaking of the body of the
LORD ? "
Then they said, " Paul must be otherwise understanded ;
for it is an heresy to say, that it is bread after the conse-
cration, but only Christ's body : for it is against the deter-
mination of the Church."
Then they asked him, " Whether he believed not in the
determination of the Church ? "
And he said, *' No, forsooth ! but I believe all GOD's
Law, and all that GOD wills that I believe; but not in your
law nor in your determination : for ye be no part of
Holy Church, as openly your deeds shew ; but very Anti-
christs, contrary to GOD's law. For ye have made laws for
your covetousness."
" This," they said, " was heresy : not for to believe in the
determination of the Church."
Then the Archbishop asked him, " What was Holy
Church?"
He said, " I believe that Holy Church is the number of all
them that shall be saved ; of whom Christ is head : of the
which Church, one part is in Heaven, another in Pur^^^atory,
and the third here in Earth. This part here, standeth in
three degrees and estates, Priesthood, Knighthood, and the
Comminalty, as I said plainly in my Belief.'"
Then the Archbishop said to him, " Wot you who is ot
this Church ? It is doubt to you who is thereof ? Ye should
not judge ! "
The Lord said, "Operibiis credite ! jnstiun judicium judicate ! "
that is to say, " Believe ye the works ! judge ye rightful
judgement ! "
Also he said to them all, " Where find ye by GOD's Law,
that ye should set thus upon any man, or any man's death, as
ye do? But Annas and Caiaphas sat and judged Christ;
and so do you ! "
Then said they, " Yes, Sir, Christ judged Judas ! "
The Lord of Cobham said, " No, Christ judged not Judas!
sept.1413.] The venom of worldly possessions. 129
but he judged himself, and went and hanged himself : but
Christ said, Woe to him, as he doth to many of you ! For
since the venom was shed into the Church ; ye followed
never Christ, nor ye stood never in perfection of GOD's
Law ! "
Then the Archbishop asked him, " What was that venom ?"
The Lord said, " The lordships and possessions. For
then, cried an angel, ' Woe ! woe ! woe ! This day is venom
shed into the Church of GOD ! ' For before that time,
there many martyrs of Popes ; and since I can tell of none !
but, sooth it is, since that time one hath put down another,
and one hath slain another, and one hath cursed another,
as the Chronicles tell ; also of much more cursedness."
Also he said, " Christ was meek, and the Pope is proud.
Christ was poor and forgave ; the Pope is rich and a man-
slayer, as it is openly proved. And thus this is the nest of
Antichrist, and out of this nest cometh Antichrist's disciples,
of whom these Monks and Friars be the tail."
Then said [Richard Dodington] Prior of the Friars
Augustines, " Sir, why say ye so ? "
And the Lord of Cobham said, ** For as ye be Pharisees,
** divided," and divided in habit [dress] ; so ye make division
among the people. And thus these friars and monks with
such others be the members of the nest of Antichrist."
And he said, " Christ saith. Woe be to you, Scribes and
Pharisees, hypocrites ! for ye close ttp the Kingdom of Heaven before
men : for, sooth, ye enter not yourselves ! nor ye will not suffer
them that would, to enter in ! And thus, ye be the disciples
of Antichrist ! For ye will not suffer GOD's Law to go
through, nor to be taught and preached of good priests; which
will speak against your sinsv, and reprove them : but of such
that be flatterers, which sustain you in your sins and cursed-
ness."
Then said the Archbishop, ** By our Lady ! Sir, there
shall no such preach, that preacheth dissension and division,
if GOD will!"
Then said the Lord of Cobham to the Archbishop, " Christ
saith that there shall be so great tribidation, as never was since
the beginning. And this shall be in your days ! and by you !
for ye have slain many men, and shall more hereafter: but
Christ saith. Except that those days were shortened, no flesh
Eng. Gar. VI. 9
130 The 4 Determinations of the Church. [?ept. 1413.
should he saved : but hastily GOD will short[en] your days !
Furthermore, Bishops, Priests, and Deacons be grounded in
GOD'sLaw: but not these other Religious [Monks and Friars]
as far as I can wit."
Then a Doctor of Law, one Master John Kemp, put to
him these four Points that follow :
" The faith and determination oj HolyChurchtouching the blessed
Sacrament of the Altar is this. That after the sacramental words
be said of a priest in his Mass, the material bread that was before,
is turned into Christ's body, and the material wine that was
before, is turned into Christ's very blood : and so there remaineth
in the Sacrament of the Altar, no material bread nor material
wine; the which were there, before the saying of the sacramental
words. Sir, believe you this ? "
The Lord of Cobham said, " This is not my belief. For
my belief is, as I said to you before, that the worshipful
Sacrament of the Altar is very Christ's body in form of
bread."
Then said the Archbishop, " Sir John! ye must say other-
wise ! "
The Lord of Cobham said, " Nay, if GOD will ! but that
it is Christ's body in form of bread, as all the common
belief is."
The Doctor [John Kemp] said, "The second is this,
The Holy Church hath determined that every Christian man living
bodily upon the earth oweth [ought] to be shriven to a priest
ordained by the Church, if he may come to him. Sir, what say
ye to this ? "
The Lord answered and said, " A sick man and sore
wounded had need to have a sure Leech and a true, knowing
his cure ; and therefore a man should be principally
shriven to GOD ; and else his confession is nought. And a
man should rather go and be counselled with a good priest
that knoweth GOD's Law, and liveth thereafter ; than with
his own priest, if he were an evil man, or with any other
such."
The Doctor said, "The Third is this, Christ ordained
Saint Peter to be his Vicar in earth, whose See is the Church of
Rome ; ordaining and granting that the same power tJiat he gave
Sept. 1413] "Where is the cross Christ died on ? " 131
to Peter sJionld succeed to all Peter's successors, the which we
call now the Popes of Rome : by whose power in the Church par-
ticularly and specially, be ordained Prelates as Archbishops,
Bishops, and other degrees; to whom Christian men owe [ought]
to obey after the law of the Church of Rome. This is the
determination of the Church."
To this, he answered and said, " Who that followeth next
Peter in living, is next him in succession : but your living
refuseth poor Peter's living, and many other Popes that
were martyrs in Rome that followed Peter in manner of
living; whose conditions ye have clean forsaken, all the
world may know it well ! "
The Doctor said, " The fourth point is this. Holy Church
hath determined that it is meedful to a Christian man, to go on
pilgrimages to holy places ; and there especially to worship holy
relics of Saints, Apostles, Martyrs, Confessors, and all Saints
approved by the Church of Rome."
To this, he said, " It were enough to bury Saints fair in
the earth ; but now Saints that be dead, be compelled to beg
for covetousness ! the which in their life, hated covetousness
and begging. But I say to you all, and know it for a truth,
that with your shrines and idols, and your feigned absolu-
tions and indulgences, and your temporalities, ye draw to
you all the richesse of this world."
*' Why Sir," said one of the Clerks, " will ye not worship
images ? "
** What worship ? " said the Lord.
Then said Friar [Thomas] Palmer [Warden of the
Minorites], " Sir, ye will worship the Cross of Christ that
he died on ? "
*' Where is it ? " said the Lord.
The Friar said, " I put case, Sir, that it were here before
you ! "
The Lord said, *' This is a ready man ! to put to me a
question of a thing, that they wot never where it is ? And
yet I ask you, What worship? "
A Clerk said, " Such worship as Paul speaketh of, that is
this, GOD forbid me to joy, but in the cross of our Lord Jesu
Christ."'
Then said the Lord, and spread his arms abroad, " This is
a very cross ! "
132 Lord Cobiiam adjudged a heretic, [sept. 1413.
Then said the [Henry Beauclerc] Bishop of London,
" Sir, ye wot well ! that he died on a material cross."
Then said the Lord, " Our salvation come in only by him
that died on the cross, and by the material cross. And, well
I wot, that this was the cross that Paul joyed on, that is, in
the Passion of our LORD Jesu Christ."
The Archbishop said, "Sir John ! ye must submit you to
the ordinance of the Church ! "
The Lord said, " I wot not whereto ? "
Then the Archbishop read a bill of his judgement, and
convicted him for a heretic.
After the reading of the bill, the Lord said, "Though ye
judge my body, I hope to GOD ! that He will save my soul ! "
and he said that he "would stand to the death, by these things
beforesaid; with the help of Jesu !"
And then he said to all the people, " Sirs, for GOD's love!
be well ware of these men ! for they will beguile you else !
and lead you blindlings into hell, and themselves also ! For
Christ saith, ' If one blind man lead another, both fall into the
ditch!"
And after this, thus he prayed for his enemies, and said,
" LORD GOD ! I beseech thee, forgive my pursuers! if it be
thy will ! "
And then he was led again to the Tower of London : and
thus was the end.
|HiLEtheLordof Cobiiam was in the Tower, he sent out
privily to his friends ; and they, at his desire, in-
formed and writ this bill that followeth next, com-
mending it to the people, that they should cease the
slanders and leasings that his enemies made on him.
Sept. 1413] The MS. notice in London Streets.
Or as mickle as Sir John Oldcastle, Kni<^ht and
Lord of COBHAM, is untruly convicted and prisoned,
and falsely reported and slandered among the people
by his adversaries, that he should othemvise
feel and speak of the Sacraments of Holy
Church, and especially of the blessed
Sacrament of the Altar, than
was written in his Belief,
which was indented
and taken to the
Clergy, and set
up in divers
open places
in the city of
London: Known
he it to all the world,
that he never varied in any
point therefrom ; but this is plainly
his Belief, that all the Sacraments of
Holy Church be profitable and meedful to
all them that shall be saved, taking them after
the intent that GOD and Holy Church hath
ordained. Furthermore he believeth
that the blessed Sacrament of the
Altar is verily and
tndy Christ's
body inform
of bread.
Truth long-hid now is disclosed.
Praised be GOD! Amen.
134
>^:^^^
f^ .fv .O/' 'H- V
^^^
Sonnets
TO THE FAIREST
C O E L I A.
Pan'e, nee jnvideo, sine me liber iHs ad illam,
Hei »iihi quod dovuno >ton licet jVf U40. — J'KIST. i.
LONDON,
Primed by Adam I slip,
for IV. P.
1594.
>l^^^^'
■ •^ -gir -titr tir -tja- -d^ i
To the Reader.
Courteous Reader,
Hereas I was fully determined to have con-
cealed my Sonnets as tilings privy to myself ;
yet, of courtesy, having lent them to some,
they were secretly committed to the Pi'ess and almost
finished, before it came to my knowledge.
Wherefore making, as they say. Virtue of Necessity,
I did deem it most convenient to prepose ?ny Epistle, ^;z/)/
to beseech you to acco2int of them as of toys and amorous
devices ; and, ere long, 1 will impart unto the World
another" Poem, which shall be both more fruitful
and ponderotcs.
In the mean while, I commit these, as a pledge, to your
i7idifferent censures.
London, 1594.
W. PERCY.
^ «^^ -j^ j^ u^ V
138
139
COELI A.
SO N N ET I.
Udged by my Goddess' doom to endless pain ;
Lo, here I ope my Sorrow's Passion !
That every silly eye may view most plain
A Sentence given on no occasion.
If that, by chance, they fall most fortunate
Within those cruel hands that did enact it ;
Say but " Alas, he was too Passionate ! "
My doom is passed, nor can be now unactit."
So mayst Thou see I was a spotless lover !
And grieve withal that, ere, thou dealt so sore !
Unto remorse, who goes about to move her.
Pursues the winged winds, and tills the shore !
Lovely is her Semblance, hard is her Heart ;
Wavering is her Mind, sure is her Dart !
140
C CE L T A
r
Percy.
1594-
SONNET II.
Happy hour, and yet unhappy hour !
When first by chance I had my Goddess viewed ;
Then first I tasted of the sweetest sour
Wherewith the cup of Cypria is embrued.
For gazing firm without suspicion,
Love, cooped behind the chariot of her eye,
Justly to school my bold presumption,
Against my heart did let an arrow fly.
" Fair Sir," quoth he, " to practise have you nought
But to be gazing on Divinity ?
Before you part, your leare you shall be taught ! "
With that, at once, he made his arrows hie.
" Imperious God ! I did it not to love her!
Ah, stay thy hand ! I did it but to prove her ! "
SONNET III.
Rove her ! Ah, no ! I did it but to love her !
Then shoot amain, dread Liege ! I stand unarmed.
Although no hope that anything may move her ;
Some ease it is, to be by beauty charmed.
Then quick, my Liege! then quick, and end thy game!
That all the World may see how thou hast plagued us ;
Then cruel She shall view, unto her blame,
That "all men be not fickle," as they've termed us.
May be, my words may win contrition !
If not my words, my sobs ! if not my sobs,
My tears may move her to compassion !
If tears do fail, my tears, my words, my throbs.
Ay me ! ah no ! tears, words, throbs, all in vain !
She scorns my dole, and smileth at my pain !
W. Percy.'
I594-.
C (E L I A .
SONNET IV.
141
Heavenly Ccelia, as fair as virtuous!
The only Mirror of true Chastity !
Have I been 'gainst thy godhead impious,
That thus am guerdoned for my fealty ?
Have I not shed upon thine iv'ry shrme
Huge drops of tears with large eruptions?
Have I not offered, Evening, and at Prime,
My sighs, my Psalms of invocations ?
«' What be men's sighs but cauls of guilefulness^.^
" They shew, dear Love ! true proofs of firmity ! ^^
" What be your tears but mere ungraciousness?
*' Tears only plead for our simplicity ! "
When all strike mute, She says " It is my duty !
And claims as much as to her deity.
SONNET V,
Air Queen of Cnidos! come, adorn my forehead!
And crown me with the laurel. Emperor!
U, thrice sing 16 about thy poet !
Lo, on my goddess, I am conqueror ! _
For once, by chance, not sure or wittingly,
Upon my foot, her tender foot alighted
With that, she plucked it off full nimbly
As though the very touch had her affrighted.
Dear Mistress! will you deal so cruelly,
To 'prive me of so small a benefit ?
What ! do you jerk it off so nimbly _ _
As though, in very sooth, a snake had bit it .
Yea bit perhaps indeed ! Ho, Muses, blab you ?
Not' a word, Pieanncts ! or I will gag you !
142
C CE L 1 A .
fW. Percy.
L 1394-
SONNET VI.
OoD God ! how senseless be we paramours,
So proudly on a Nothing for to vaunt it !
We cannot reap the meanest of all favours,
But, by-and-by, we think our suit is grantit !
Had ye observed two Planets which then mounted,
Two certain signs of indignation ;
Ye would have deemed rather both consented
To turn all hopes to desperation.
Then can you waver so inconstantly
To shew first Love, and then Disdainfulness ?
First for to bring a dram of courtesy.
Then mix it with an ounce of scornfulness ?
No, no, the doubt is answered ! Certainly,
She trod by chance ; She trod not wittingly !
SONNET VII.
F IT be sin, so dearly for to love thee ;
Come bind my hands ! I am thy prisoner!
If yet a spark of pity may but move thee,
First sit, upon the cause, Commissioner !
The same, well heard, may wrest incontinent,
Two floods from forth those rocks of adamant ;
Which streaming down with force impatient
May melt the breast of my fierce Rhadamant.
Dearest Cruel, the cause, I see dislikes thee !
On us thy brows thou bends so direfully !
Enjoin me penance whatsoever likes thee ;
Whate'er it be, I'll take it thankfully !
Yet since, for love it is, I am thy Bondman ;
Good CcELiA, use me like a Gentleman !
Percy "
C (E L I A
14:
SONNET VIII.
Trike lip, my Lute ! and ease my heavy cares,
The only solace to my Passions :
Impart unto the airs, thy pleasing airs !
More sweet than heavenly consolations.
Rehearse the songs of forlorn amor'us
Driven to despair by dames tyrannical 1
Of Alpheus' loss, of woes of Troilus,
Of Rowland's rage, of Iphis' funeral !
Ay me ! what warbles yields mine instrument !
The Basses shriek as though they were amiss 1
The Means, no means, too sad the merriment !
No, no ! the music good, but thus it is
I loath both Means, merriment. Diapasons ;
So She and I may be but Unisons.
SONNET IX.
HiLST others ween sole hopes to be a sa[l]ve,
Sole hopes I find to be my corrosive !
Whilst others found in hopes, an harbour have ;
From hopes, I feel a sea of sorrows rise 1
For when mild hopes should ease my raging fires,
They fester more, in that they are but ropes ;
Then whilst I touch the foot of my Desires,
A storm of hate doth burst mine anchor ropes.
Were I but once resolved certainly.
Soon should I know which point my helm to steer ;
But She denies my suit most womanly,
As hidden documents for us to hear.
Lo, this the cause my hell forsakes me never.
"Tell me," dear Sweet, "thus shall I live for ever?"
144
C CE L I A .
"W. Percy.
1594-
SONNET X.
'li A Mystery.
[Seir Vol. I. //. 74, 128, 460, 651 : V. p. 370-]
O WIN the Fort, how oft have I assayed !
Wherein the heart of my fair Mistress lies.
What rams, what mines, what plots have I not laid!
Yet still am frighted fiom mine enterprise.
First from the leads of that proud citadel
Do foulder forth two fiery Culverins,
Under, two red coats keep the Larum Bell
For fear of close or open venturings ;
Before the gates, Scorn, Fear, and Modesty
Do toss amain their pikes ; but 'bove them all
Pudicity wields her staff most manfully,
Guarded with blocks, that keep me from the wall.
Yet if this staff will ford me clear the way ;
In spite of all, I'll bear my Dame away !
SONNET XI.
To POLYXENA.
F ALL the women which of yore have been,
Alcest for virtue may be glorified ;
For courage, Teuce; for features, Sparta's Queen;
For all in one, Polyxen deified.
If true it be, by old philosophy,
These souls to have, since destin, entered
To other bodies of like sympathy ;
Thou art the last of these metampsychosed !
Thy courage wondrous ! thy virtues peerless !
Thy features have the fairest ladies blamed !
Then (if thou scorn'st not such a Monarchess)
Henceforth, by reason good, thou shalt be named,
Nor Teuce, nor Alcest, nor fair Helena ;
Thou shalt be named my dear Polvxena !
VV. Percy.'
»594-.
C (E L I A
145
SONNET XII.
^Rlia, of all sweet courtesies resolve me !
For wished grace, how must I now be doing ?
Since Ops, the completest frame which did absolve
thee,
Hath made each parcel to my sole undoing !
Those wires which should thy corps to mine unite,
Be rays to daze us from so near approach.
Thine eyne, which should my 'nighted sailors light,
Be shot to keep them off with foul reproach.
Those ruddy plums embrued with heavenly foods,
When I would suck them, turn to driest coral ;
And when I couch between her lily buds,
They surge, like frothy water mounts above all.
Surely, they were all made unto good uses ;
But She, them all untowardly abuses.
SONNET XIII.
^rn grievous thoughts and weighty care opprest,
One day, I went to Venus's Fanacle ;
Of Cyprian dreams, which did me sore molest,
To be resolved by certain Oracle.
No sooner was I past the temple's gate.
But from the shrine, where Venus wont to stand,
I saw a Lady fair and delicate
Did beckon to me with her ivory hand.
Weening She was the Goddess of the Fane,
With cheerful looks I towards bent my pace :
Soon when I came, I found unto my bane,
A Gorgon shadowed under Venus' face ;
Whereat affright, when back I would be gone,
I stood transformed to a speechless stone.
Eng. Gar. VI. 10
146 ccELiA. r^:;::
SONNET XIV.
[Hen once I saw that no intreats would move her;
All means I sought to be delivered:
Against white Cupid and his golden Mother,
In high contempt, base words I uttered :
When both, from clouds of her bright firmament,
With heavy griefs and strong disdain surmounted,
Upon my thoughts and me did shoot revengement.
Whilst in our highest prides we were amounted.
Nor be they pleased to give us all these wounds,
To make me languish as a dying liver :
But from her orbs they fling their firebrands.
Thereby to quite consume both heart and liver.
Pardon, dread Powers ! pardon my rash offence !
By Heaven's bright vail ! 'twas 'gainst my conscience !
SONNET XV.
Echo.
Mat is the Fair, to whom so long I plead ?
Lead.
What is her face, so angel-like ? Angel-like.
Then unto Saints in mind, Sh'is not unlike ? Unlike.
What may be hoped of one so evil nat'red ? Hatred.
O then my woes how shall I ope best ? Hope best !
Then She is flexible ? She is flexible.
Fie, no, it is impossible ! Possible.
About her straight then only our best ! You're best !
How must I first her loves to me approve ? Prove !
How if She say I may not kiss her? Kiss her!
r^or all her bobs I must them bear, or miss her? Yes, sir !
Then will She 3'ield at length to Love ? To love !
Iwcn so ! Even so ! By Narcisse ! is it true ? True !
Of thine honesty ? /. Adieu ! Adieu !
SONNET XVI. '
^Hat may be thought of thine untowardness,
That movest still at every motion ?
What may be hoped of so strange uncouthness,
That scorns all vows, scorns all devotion ?
If I but sue, thou wouldst relieve mine anguish,
Two threatening arcs thou bendest rigorously !
Then if I swear thy love did make me languish.
Thou turn'st away, and smilest scornfully !
Then if I wish thou would'st not tyrannize ;
Of Tyranny thou mak'st but a mockery !
And if I weep, my tears thou dost despise !
And if I stir, thou threatenest battery !
Frown on ! smile on ! mock me ! despise me ! threat me !
All shall not make me leave for to intreat thee !
SONNET X VII.
Elent, my dear, yet unkind Ccelia !
At length, relent, and give my sorrows end !
So shall I keep my long-wished holiday,
And set a trophy on a froward friend !
Nor tributes, nor imposts, nor other duties
Demand I will, as lawful Conqueror !
Duties, tributes, imposts unto thy beauties,
Myself will pay as yielded Servitor !
Then quick relent ! thyself surrender us !
"Brave Sir, and why," quoth She, "must I relent ? "
" Relent," cried I, " thyself doth conquer us ! "
When eftsoons with my proper instrument
She cut me off, ay me ! and answered,
**You cannot conquer, and be conquered."
148
C Oi. L I A
'ercy.
1504.
SONNET XVIII.
Cannot conquer and be conquered ! "
Then whole myself I yield unto thy favour !
Behold my thoughts float in an ocean, battered ;
To be cast off, or wafted to thine harbour !
If of the fame, thou wilt then take acceptance,
Stretch out thy fairest hand, as flag of peace !
If not, no longer keep us in attendance ;
But all at once thy fiery shafts release !
If thus I die, an honest cause of love
Will of my fates the rigour mitigate ;
Those gracious ey'n, which will a Tartar move.
Will prove my case the less unfortunate.
Although my friends may rue my chance for aye,
It will be said, " He died for Ccelia ! "
SONNET XIX.
T SHALL be said I died for Ccelia !
riien quick, thou grisly man of Erebus,
Transport me hence unto Proserpina,
To be adjudged as "wilful amorous."
To be hung up within the liquid air !
For all the sighs which I in vain have wasted :
To be through Lethe's waters cleansed fair !
For those dark clouds which have my looks o'ercasted
To be condemned to everlasting fire !
Because at Cupid's fire, I wilful brent me,
And to be clad for deadly dumps in mire.
Among so many plagues which shall torment me,
One solace I shall find, when I am over;
It will be known I died a constant lover!
W. lercy."!
C (E L I A .
149
SONNET XX.
KcEiVE these writs, my sweet and dearest Friend !
The lively patterns of my lifeless body ;
Where thou shall find in ebon pictures penned.
How I was meek, but thou extremely bloody !
ril walk forlorn along the willow shades,
Alone, complaining of a ruthless Dame :
Where'er I pass, the rocks, the hills, the g!ades.
In piteous yells shall sound her cruel name !
There will I wail the lot that Fortune sent me,
And make my moans tmto the savage ears !
The remnant of the days which Nature lent me ;
ril spend them all, concealed, in ceaseless tears !
Since unkind Fates permit me not Venjoy her ;
No more, burst eyes ! I mean for to annoy her !
FINIS.
To Parthenophil!
Upon hisLAYAand Parthenophe.
[See Vol. V. pp. 335-486.I
MA D R I G A L.
Hen first I heard thy loves to Lay A,
I wished the gods to turn it to good hap !
Yet since I hear thy blessed flight away,
I joy thy chance, for fear of aftcrclap !
Unwily man I why couldst not keep thee there ?
But must with Parthenoph\ thee 'gain entrap !
I little rue thy well deserved tears !
The beast once 'scaped will ever shim the trap !
What telVst thou me, ''By spells,* th' hast won thy Dear!''
Believe her, Friend ! no more than La ya past !
Charmed Love endures but whilst the Charm doth last !
[* See the Sestine at Vol. V. pp. 479-482.]
I50
Henry Carey.
The Ballad of
Sally in our alley,
[Poems on several occasions. 3rd. ^</. 1729.]
The Argument.
A vulgar error having long prevailed among many persons,
who imagine Sally Salisbury the subject of this ballad ;
the Author begs leave to undeceive and assure them it has
not the least allusion to her ; he being a stranger to her very
name, at the time this Song was composed. For as Innocence
and Virtue were ever the boundaries of his Muse, so in this
little poem, he had no other view than to set forth the beauty
of a chaste and disinterested Passion, even in the lowest
class of human life.
The real occasion was this. A shoemaker's apprentice
making holiday with his sweetheart, treated her with a sight
of Bedlam [Bethlehem Hospital for the insane, in London] ; the
Puppet Shows, the Flying Chairs, and all the elegancies of
Moorfields. From whence, proceeding to the Farthing Pie
House, he gave her a collation of buns, cheesecakes, gammon
of bacon, stuffed beef, and bottled ale. Through all which
scenes, the Author dodged them, charmed with the simplicity
of their courtship ; from whence he drew this little sketch of
Nature. But being then young and obscure, he was very
much ridiculed by some of his acquaintance, for this per-
formance : which, nevertheless, made its way into the polite
H. Carey."]
Before 1719. J
Sally in our Alley
151
world, and amply recompensed him by the applause of the
Divine Addison ; who was pleased, more than once, to men-
lion it with approbation.
^^
^
Wm
^1
mS
^M
^^^
M^M
F all the girls that are so smart,
There's none like pretty Sally !
She is the darling of my heart,
And she lives in our alley !
There is no Lady in the land
Is half so sweet as Sally !
She is the darling of my heart,
And she lives in our alley !
Her father, he makes cabbage nets ;
And through the streets, does cry 'em
Her mother, she sells laces long,
To such as please to buy 'em.
But, sure, such folks could ne'er beget
So sweet a girl as Sally !
She is the darling of my heart.
And she lives in our alley !
When she is by, I leave my work
(I love her so sincerely !) ;
My Master comes, like any Turk,
And bangs me most severely.
But let him bang his belly full !
I'll bear it all for Sally !
She is the darling of my heart,
And she lives in our alley !
152 SaLLYINOUrAlLEY. [BeLe '7'
Of all the days that's in the week,
I dearly love but one day !
And that's the day that comes betwixt
A Saturday and Monday ;
For then I'm drest, all in my best,
To walk abroad with Sally :
She is the darling of my heart,
And she lives in our alley !
My master carries me to Church,
And often am I blamed,
Because I leave him in the lurch.
As soon as Text is named.
I leave the Church in sermon time,
And slink away to Sally ;
She is the darling of my heart, ">
And she lives in our alley !
When Christmas comes about again,
O then I shall have money !
I'll hoard it up, and box and all
I'll give it to my Honey !
And would it were ten thousand pounds,
I'd give it all to Sally !
She is the darling of my heart,
And she lives in our alley !
My master and the neighbours all.
Make game of me and Sally :
And (but for her !) I'd better be
A slave, and row a galley !
But when my seven long years are out,
O then, I'll marry Sally !
And then we'll wed, and then we'll bed ;
But not in our alley !
rey.
9-
The most dangerous
and memorable adventure
of Richard Ferris, one of the five
ordinary Messengers of Her Majesty's Chamber :
who departed from Tower Wharf, on Midsummer
Day last past, with Andrew Hill and William Thomas;
who undertook, in a small wherry boat,
to row, by sea, to the city of Bristow j
and are now safely returned.
Wherein is particularly expressed their perils
sustained in the said Voyage: and the great entertain-
ment they had at several places upon the coast of
England, as they iventj but especially at the
said city of Bristoiv.
Published by the said Richard Ferris.
LONDON
Printed by John Wolfe for Edward White, and
aie to be sold at his shop, being at the Little North Door ot
Paul's, at the sign of the Gun. i 5 9 ^ •
155
To the Right Honourable Sir Thomas
H E N E A G E Knight, one of Her
Majesty's honourable Privy Council,
Vice-Chamberlain to Her High-
ness, and Treasurer of Her
Majesty's Chamber ;
prosperous health ! long life ! and much increase
of honour !
Right Honourable,
He late dangerous attempt, rashly by me under-
taken, to row in a small boat to the city of
Bristow [Bristol], along the perilous rocks,
breaches, races, shelves, quicksands, and very
unlikely places for passage with such small boats, along the
coast of England, is now, by the assistance of Almighty
GOD, truly performed : as appeareth by our several certifi-
cates ready to be seen; with our safe return, contrary to
the expectation of sundry persons. Which being truly and
particularly discoursed, I have presumed to dedicate unto your
Honour; wherein may plainly be seen, how we adventured
to pass the force of dangerous flaws and rough seas, which
we found in our voyage ; and proveth the attempt the more
^^^^
1
I :;6 Dedication to Sir T. H e x p: a g e. [Aug^rsgo:
strange in respect that I was never trained up on the water.
Not doubting but the same may be a just occasion to prick
forward others of my native countrymen, to practise an
ordinary passage through the like dangers, in such small
wherry boats ; especially when necessary occasion shall serve,
the better to daunt the enemies [the Spaniards] of this nation ;
who in such flaws and frets at sea, dare not hazard their
galleys to go forth, though they be of far greater force to brook
the seas.
Thus humbly desiring your Honour's favourable accept-
tance hereof, I end : beseeching GOD to send health and
long life to Her Majesty, my dread Sovereign and most
gracious Mistress ! peace to this land ! and to your Honour,
even your heart's desire !
Your Honour's
Most humble to command,
Richard Ferris.
-v.g>^
157
Richard Ferris, his travels
to Bristow.
Fter that I had rashly determined to pass
the seas in a wherry, and to row myself in
the same to the city of Bristow, though
with the evil will of sundry my good
friends; and especially full sore against my
aged father's consent, now dwelling in the
city of Westminster, where I was born : I
thought it convenient to seek out some one
expert pilot, to direct me and my companion by his skill, the
better to pass the perils and dangers, whereof I was foretold.
Whereupon, I took unto me one W. Thomas, a man of
sufficient skill and approved experience ; by whom I was still
content to be advised, even from my first going forth, until
my last coming home.
The boat wherein I determined to perform my promise
was new built; which I procured to be painted with green,
and the oars and sail of the same colour, with the Red Cross
for England, and Her Majesty's arms, with a vane [pennon]
standing fast to the stern of the said boat : which being in
full readiness, upon Midsummer Day last [Jnne 24, 15901,
myself, wdth my companions, Andrew Hill and William
Thomas, with a great many of our friends and well-willers
accompanying us to the Tower Wharf of London, there we
entered our boat : and so, with a great many of our friends in
other like boats, rowed to the Court at Greenwich : where
before the Court Gate, we gave a volley of shot.
Then we landed and went into the Court, where we had
great entertainment at every Office; and many of our friends
were full sorry for our departing.
158 The track of the Voyage. [,{;
Ferris.
ig- isyo-
And having obtained leave before, of the Right Honourable
the Lord Chamberlain [Lord HuNSDON], the Lord Admiral
[Earl of Nottingham], and Master Vice-Chamberlain [Sir
Thomas Heneage] for my departure: I took my leave, and so
departed. Setting up our sails, and taking to our oars, we
departed towards this our doubtful course.
And first we took our way to Gravesend ; and from thence,
to these places hereafter mentioned, namely :
To Margate.
To Dover.
To Newhaven, in Sussex.
To Portsmouth.
To Sandwich [? Swanage] in
Dorsetshire.
To Abbotsbury.
To Lyme.
To Seaton.
To Teignmouth.
To Dartmouth.
To Salcombe.
To Plymouth.
To Low [Looe], in Cornwall.
To St. Mawes, in Falmouth.
To the great bay at Pen-
zance, called Alounts Bay.
To St. Ives, at the further
side of Land's End.
To Godrevy.
To Padstow.
To Bottrick's Castle, which
is in the race of Hart-
land alias Harty Point.
To Clevelley [Clovelly].
To IlfordCoume [Ilfracombc],
To Mynett [? Minehead] high
cliffs.
And, lastly, to the City of
Bristow.
At these places before recited, we stayed and refreshed
ourselves. Sometimes we were constrained to put into these
places for want of victuals ; sometimes, for to have their
certificates to testify of our being there ; sometimes, we were
weather bound ; and sundry accidents worth the noting,
happened unto us in many of these places : and our welcome
in all places deserveth due commendations, the particulars
whereof hereafter followeth.
After we had passed Gravesend as is aforesaid, we came to
the land's end ; then we bent our course to Margate ; which
place having passed, we wan the Foreland, with some high
JdIHows.
From thence, to the South Foreland : and soon after, we
put in at Dover; where we stayed about six hours, and where
we were greatly entertained.
From thence, we took to the Camber nestes [?J which
A^g^isQoG ^L^'^*^ THE South Coast of England. 159
is between Rye and Dover; and so along the main sea towards
fair Lee [? Fair light].
Then we rowed or sailed along the coast, until we came to
Beachy [Head], and passing by it, we harboured at Newhaven,
in Sussex.
Where we had reasonable good weather, till we came
between the Isle of Wight and Portsmouth. There, we had a
great storm ; and were in such sort, overpressed with weather
that we were constrained to make towards a castle called
Hurst Castle : from whence, at the fall of wind and tide, we
put forth again to sea, and recovered Sandwich [? Swanage] in
Dorsetshire.
From thence, we passed through a race called St. Albans,
which is a headland ; where we were in a great fret by reason
of the race ; and so continued hazarding our lives by means
of that fret, to the great and dangerous race of Portland :
where, by the good direction of our pilot and master, we sought
and strove by great labour, to take the advantage of the tide
and weather ; whereby we passed through it in one hour.
Here did the billows rise very high, so that we were in great
danger : yet, GOD be thanked ! we escaped them without
any damage.
From thence, we passed to Lyme Bay, where we stayed
but one night : and from thence to Seaton.
At which place, we were compelled to carry and lift up our
boat on shore, by extremity of foul weather ; for we were
there in great danger, by reason of frets, sands, and foul
weather, which greatly troubled us.
From thence, we went to Teignmouth ; and so to Dart-
mouth. There we remained two days, and had good enter-
tainment and great courtesy offered us by the inhabitants
thereof.
And upon the next day morning, being Sunday, we put to
sea again. There being a fair wind and tide, we came to the
Start, where the wind rose and hemmed us in round about
into a very dangerous race (this was on the 15th of July) ;
where we were in such an extremity that we had like to have
been drowned : yet it pleased GOD so far to work for us, that
we escaped the danger thereof.
Which done, we went to the Westward, to Salcombe.
There, we were constrained to haul up our boat in a cove
l6o KrXDLY TREATED BY H.M.^. AT PLYMOUTH. K/t^^o;
called Sower Mill, behind a rock, near to Sir William
Courtney's, a very bountiful Knigjht; at whose house we lay
all that night, and he would have had us to have stayed
longer.
But from thence, having fair weather, we came to
Plymouth.
Here we met with Her Majesty's ships, where Master
Captain Fenner and Master Captain Wilkinson gave us
great entertainment, especially for that they saw we had
leave given us from the Right Honourable Her Majesty's
Council, for our quiet and safe passage. And for that I was
Her Majesty's Messenger, they gave us the greater entertain-
ment. We stayed there one night.
From thence, we went to Lowe [Looe], and there stayed
one night.
And from thence, to St. Maws, with very calm and good
weather, until we came to the Lizard, being a place well
known to be most dangerous, and full of rocks and races :
where, GOD be thanked ! we passed in the current of the
tide, with great swiftness but with wonderful danger ; where,
had it not been well looked unto, of the Master, we had been
all cast away.
Then we did cut over the Mouse Bay to Mouse hole; which
is four miles beyond the Mount : where we were constrained
for want of necessary victuals, to come back again to
Penzance ; where we lodged all night.
The next morning [Jtdy 20th], we set out to go for Land's
End ; where setting from Penzance with our half tide, to
recover the first of the tide at Land's End, we being in our
boat a great way from the shore : our Master descried a pirate,
having a vessel of four tons ; who made towards us amain,
meaning doubtless to have robbed us. But doubting [feavbig]
such a matter, we rowed so near the shore as we might.
And by that time as he was almost come at us, we were near
to a rock standing in the sea ; where this pirate thought to
have taken us at an advantage. For being come close to the
outside of the said rock, called Raynalde stones ! ? RnniUcsfouc] ;
he was becalmed, and could make no way, and so were we.
But GOD (who never faileth those that put their trust in
Him !) sent us a comfort unlooked for. For as we rowed to
come about by this rock, suddenly we espied a plain and veiy
A^ug^iS] Narrow escape from a Pirate. i6i
easy way to pass on the inner side of the said rock ; where
we went through very pleasantly ; and by reason thereof, he
could not follow us. Thus we escaped safely ; but he was
soon after taken, and brought in at Bristow.
Here we found great breaches, races, and rocks; the wind
being then northerly and altogether against us : which was
wonderfullLy] painful, troublesome, and dangerous to us.
Nevertheless, GOD be thanked ! we escaped in safety; and
recovered St. Ives: where we were well entertained.
The next day, we put to sea again : but being within five
miles of St. Ives, we were constrained to seek for a cove ;
which we found called St. Dryvey, in Cornwall.
Here, for that we wanted victuals, our Master was con-
strained to go climb the great cliff at Godrevy, which is at
least forty fathoms high and wonderfull[y] steep ; which none
of us durst venture to do: and GOD be blessed for it!
he had no harm at all ; but surely, to all likelihoods, had his
foot once slipped, there could have been no recovery to have
saved him, but that he would have been bruised to pieces.
At this place we stayed two days, at Master Arundel's
house ; where we were greatly welcomed.
And from thence, we went to Bottrick's Castle, where
dwelleth a Gentleman called Master Hynder. There we
were weatherbound, and constrained to stay full seventeen
days ; where we had great entertainment : he himself offer-
ing us " if we would stay a whole year, we should be wel-
come !" and the rather, for that I was one of Her Majesty's
servants.
But upon the eighteenth day, the foul weather ceasing,
we did again put to sea, through the race of Hartland alias
Harty Point ; which is as ill as the race at Portland : which
we escaped, and recovered to Clevelley \Clovelly] ; where we
were entertained by a very courteous Gentleman, called
Carey.
And from thence, we came to Ilford Coume [Ilfracomhe] ;
which was on Saturday at night, the ist of August last
past.
Whereupon for that we were so near Bristow, I desired
my company, that we might put to sea that night ; which
they were loth to do ; yet, at my importunate suit, they
granted thereto. But being at sea, the wind arose very sore
Ei\G. Gar. VI. 11
1 62 Grand reception by the Bristol people, [^,/j; J.
from the land ; which put us all in great fear : whereby I
myself was constrained to row four hours alone, on the
larboard side ; and my fellow rower was compelled_ to lade
forth water (so fast as it came into the boat) which beat
upon me and over me very sore, the wind then being East-
and-by-South.
Thus was I constrained to labour for life, and yet had
almost killed myself through the heat I took, in that time :
rowing, as is aforesaid, until we came to Mynette [Minchead].
This done, we went from Mynette ; and so, between the two
homes [?] came to Bristow, in one tide : and arrived at the
back of Bristow, about six of the clock at night. _
But it was wonderful to see and hear what rejoicing there
was, on all sides, at our coming ! The Mayor of Bristow,
with his brethren the Aldermen, came to the water side, and
welcomed us most lovingly ; and the people came in great
multitudes to see us ; insomuch as, by the consent of the
IMagistrates, they took our boat from us, not suffering us
once to meddle with it, in that we were extremely weary :
and carried our said boat to the High Cross in the city.
From thence, it was conveyed to the Town House, and there
locked safe all night.
And on the next morning, the people gathered themselves
together, and had prepared trumpets, drums, fifes, and
ensigns [flags] to go before the boat ; which was carried
upon men's shoulders round about the city, with the Waits
of the said city playing orderly, in honour of our rare and
dangerous attempt achieved.
Afterwards, we were had to Master Mayor's, to the
Aldermen's and Sheriffs' houses; where we were feasted most
royally, and spared for no cost, all the time that we remained
there.
Thus having a while refreshed ourselves after our so
tedious labours; we came to London, on Saturday, being
the 8th of August, 1590 : where, to speak our truth with-
out dissembling, our entertainment at our coming was great
and honourable ; especially at the Court, and in the cities of
London and Westminster. And generally, I found that the
people greatly rejoiced to see us in all places.
Augl'is'^ Triumph of the boat in London. 163
To conclude. I have given order that the said boat shall
be brought by land from Bristovv to London ; where the
vi'atermen and sundry others have promised to grace the
said boat with great melody and sundry volleys of shot ;
which is very shortly intended to be performed.
Here is to be remembered that between Harty Point and
Clevelley, the wind being very strong, my companion and
oar-fellow, Andrew Hill, in taking down our sail, fell over-
board into the sea : where, by great goodhap, and by means
that he held fast to a piece of our sail, we recovered him
and got him up again, although he were a very weighty
man ; which if we had not done, I could not have gotten any
man to have supplied his room. But when we saw that he
was amended ; we gave GOD thanks for his recovery.
Thus to GOD, I, with my fellow mates, give most hearty
prayers and thanks for our safe deliverance from so imminent
dangers as we have been in, since our departure from the
Court at Greenwich : being still defended by the mighty and
handy work of Almighty GOD. To whom, we, in all
obedience and duty, daily pray for the prosperous health of
Her Majesty and her honourable Council, whose lives and wel-
fare are the strength and maintenance of this land; and
whom Almighty GOD prosper and preserve, now and ever !
Amen.
Richard Ferris.
FINIS.
164
A new Sonnet made upon the arrival
and brave entertainment of R i c h a r d
Ferris with his boat ; who
arrived at the city of Bristow,
the 3rd day of August 1590.
JJOme, old and young ! behold and view !
A thing most rare is to be seen !
A silly wherry, it is most true !
Is come to town, with sail of green ;
With oars, colour of the same :
To happy Ferris' worthy fame !
From London city, this wager sure,
Was for to bring his wherry small,
On surging seas if life endure,
From port to port, hap what hap will !
To Bristow city of worthy name.
Where Ferris now hath spread his fame.
His boat not bulged, but at High Cross,
Was seen the third of August, sure ;
Whereby the man hath had no loss,
But did each willing heart procure
For to be ready there in haste,
To see the boat that there was placed.
O mighty Jove ! thou guide of guides !
Which brought this boat from surging seas,
Clean from the rage of furious tides ;
No doubt, Ferris ! GOD thou didst please !
Both thou and thine which were with thee.
You served GOD ! He set you free !
auJTmo.'] Song on Ferris's voyage to Bristol. 165
Good Andrew Hill, thy pains were great!
And William Thomas', in this wherry !
And honour, Ferris, sure, doth get !
He doubtless means to" make you merry !
Your fame is such, through travail's toil,
You win the spur within our soil.
Shall I prefer this to 3-our skill :
No, no ! 'twas GOD that did you guide !
For this, be sure ! without His will
You could not pass each bitter tide.
But, pray I you did no doubt, each hour,
Whereby GOD blest you, by His power.
O gallant minds and venturous bold !
That took in hand, a thing most rare.
'Twill make the Spaniards' hearts wax cold !
If that this news to them repair,
That three men hath this voyage done,
And thereby wagers great have won.
But now we may behold and view
That English hearts are not afraid.
Their Sovereign's foes for to subdue :
No tempest can make us dismayed !
Let monstrous Papists spit their fill !
Their force is full against GOD's will.
Hath silly wherry done the deed,
That gallejs great dare not to try!
And hath she had such happy speed,
That now in rest on shore she lie !
Doubtless the LORD, her pilot was !
It could not else been brought to pass.
1 66 Song on Ferris's voyage to Bristol. [iuJ''f;9o:
Well, Ferris, now, the game is thine !
No loss thou hast ! (thank Him above !)
From thy two mates, do not decline ;
But still in heart, do thou them love !
So shall thy store increase, no doubt ;
Through Him that brought thy boat about.
I end with prayers to the LORD,
To save and keep our royal Queen !
Let all true hearts, with one accord.
Say, " LORD, preserve Her Grace from teen !
JBless, LORD ! her friends ! confound her foes!
For aye, LORD save our royal Rose ! "
James Sargent.
FINIS,
i;'ij^'ijff''»j*--'*j*--%ii''ijfs--4*-"^^ 1^ I^P !!^
Fidelia.
^^.
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L O ND O N,
Printed by Nicholas
O K E s. i6 I 5.
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'>^.a::i.jij.^*l?.^J^'&u-fyy^.f^..^.&>^.&>^.^^.f^^'^\f
l6q
^^ The Occasion of the
private Impression of this Elegy.
Omnlius ad quos pervenerit,
0 PREVENT [anticipate] tJiose that would else be
inquisitive after my intent in the dispersing of this
Elegy among my private friends ; I have left this
Preface to inform them, that after my liberty seemed
to add a period to my troubles, and I, thinking the worst
past, had afresh settled myself to some serious study : wanting
consideration to foresee at first what was expedient for him to
he furnished withal, that ivoidd compass so great a business, as
my Phantasy had begun ; I ivas forced to wrestle with so many
lets and discouragements in my fortune, that, with all my
endeavours, the best forwardness I could bring it unto was, that I
had gotten together a confused heap of some materials, necessary
for such a structure as I had already fashioned in my brain. Yet
despairing not, but comforting myself with hope, that I should,
notwithstanding all disadvantages, one day, be able to set together
in a uniform building, what my Invention had yet drawn to
nothing but an undigested Pile of different matters ; I still added
something more to that chaos of conceits ; such as I deemed necessary
either to strengthen or adorn.
Which, whilst I was so busied about, that I almost seemed
wholly to forget the looking to my estate ; Providence, a friend
lyo The Occasion of the trivate [g- wither.
1615.
that I was never yet well acquainted withal ! whispered such
doubts, provisoes, and considerations into my ears, as half startled
my Muse, and so distempered the whole frame of my studies, that
I could no sooner bend my Invention to any intended piece, but
it was presently confounded by the intrusion of some molested
thoughts, ofttimes even in the very height of conceit.
Wherewith, as it were, awakened; I began to foresee my future,
and weigh my present estate. And having noted the general
condition of Man, with the uncertainty of this world's favours ;
and how soon, for the most part, the want of outward fortunes or
a little trouble will make the best friends weary of their dearest
familiars, if they become but a little chargeable ; I saw reason
enough to doubt [fear] that if I should (by neglecting my worthy
friends to apply me wholly to my studies) wear myself out of their
respect and acquaintance : perhaps, hereafter, when I had, with
my Youth, wasted my Fortunes, and by much labour, brought to
^ass somewhat for others' contentments; one mighty Fool or other,
incensed by some great Villain, might, for all my pains, pick an
nnjiLst quarrel, and cause me to be shut ivhere, despised of tJie
world, forgotten of my friends, and beggared in my estate, I may
lis and hear myself pitied, only by a few good natures that were
not able to help me.
A7id for the present, I perceived my late troubles had already,
not only wasted my time ivith the hindrance of my fortunes ;
but also brought me so far behind, that I was fain to engage my
credit firther than ever I thought in that kind to do : which,
though I should forfeit but a day [and that never so much against
my will) many, I see, would be ready to take that advantage to
my disgrace ; whilst few or none are of so good nature or noble
disposition as to excuse me, by considering the troubles I had
passed, and the many unlocked for occasions that might force me
to such an inconvenience.
Hereupon, I resolved, before I woidd busy my head with any more
inventions than for recreation only, to try, if, by any means, I might,
first cither recover my former hindrances; or suit my mind with
such an estate as might make me hereafter able, of myself, without
^■?^^i6iT] impression of this Elegy. 171
relying on any others' friendships, to bear out the brunt of ensuing
misadventures.
Once, I was determined, since most men deemed me a prisoner
at His Majesty's charge, to petition that it would please him, to
make me as happy in deed as I was in opinion : but when I
remembered how little I had in me to deserve it, and tmderstood
how far my Sovereign was from being so much as acquainted
with my endurance till his justice delivered me ; and withal,
knowing how many that had nothing but begging to live by,
depended on his royal bounty, I was loth to rob them of their
occupation. And, in truth, I feared also, lest, if ought were
granted me, I should have been fain, after twelve months' dancing
attendance, to part with three moieties to get one ! and perhaps to
some Under Officer ! to whom the being beholding, woidd be worse
to me than three years' close imprisonment !
But knowing somewhat was suddenly to be determined of, to
prevent loss of time ; and seeing the best men, with their noblest
actions, obscured by poverty, while wealth made the owners
thereof esteemed of those that once scorned them, and the base
means by which they obtained it, quite forgotten : when I perceived
also, the greatest men thought nothing base that might increase
their profit, and that this was no Age to stand on curious terms,
I found small reason why I shoidd think scorn to undertake any
course, so it were honest, that might bring me any such reasonable
benefit, whereby I might be enabled to keep even with the world,
and to go forward with what I intended, as well for the good of
others as mine own contentment.
Therefore finding how helpful a little travel with some com-
modity might prove to my intended studies, at first I proposing a
voyage, meant to put out somewhat among my friends, to be repaid
me again with reasonable advantage at my return.
But having many well willers that outwardly professing me
more than an ordinary love, seemed desirous of occasion to shew
it; I was advised by divers of my best friends to imprint this
Elegy, and to put it out for an adventure [a speculation] amongst
my acquaintance, upon a certain consideration : yet I thought it
172 The Occasion of the private [^'-riS:
fit, before I presumed too much upon them, to make trial how they
stood affected to such a project. And indeed, no sooner had I
discovered my intent, hut I found every man in whom I had any
confidence, so voluntarily ready to accept it, that I have now set it
on foot; and hope thereby, to make myself able to compass that
which shall make both me and them gainers by the bargain.
Yet I trust no man will imagine, that I am driven to nse this,
as my ultimum refugium ; for let this fail, and the worst that
can betide me ! yet I am verily persuaded GOD will so provide for
me, that I shall ever find an estate [position] {or, stcre, a mind at
least) as shall make me content.
And therefore I have undertaken this, not altogether in hope of
profit ; but being an honest enterprise, I rather attempt it, partly
to make trial who are friends ? and partly to shew this great
world, that the Little World of my Mind is not so barren but it
can, out of itself, spare somewhat wherewithal to make traffic for
others' best commodities. In which my comfort is, if I have an ill
voyage, none but I myself shall be in danger to lose anything ;
whereas if I make a prosperous return, many are like[ly] to gain,
and perhaps, too, more than they had ever hope of.
Now this {among other poems in my hand, long since penned;
whereof some might peradventure have been thought fitter for such
a purpose) for two reasons, I have made use of. First, for that it
pleased sundry of my friends to make choice hereof. Secondly, I
knowing how jealous these Times are of my writings, and hoiv
ready some would be to take occasion of hurtin^g me (though they
everlastingly disgraced themselves), thought it good policy to take
such a piece as, I was certain, would be free from the least
exception : whereas else, when I shall look to have the liberty of
the whole world to wander in, I may chance, once again, to be
scarce allowed two rooms to walk in ! The subject is but light,
yet those I know that desire to do me good, will no less accept
thereof, than if it were a jewel of some greater value.
Examples of such undertakings, we daily see in Gentlemen, both
of good birth and reasonable fortunes : only this difference there is,
ihcy put out their money ; and I, not only that wliich some will
G. W
'll;l;^ IMPRESSION OF THIS Elegv. I 73
mo7x esteem, but what, without me, no money can purchase. They
seek their own commodity ; and I, with my particular profit, to
be able to do my friends and country good.
By this means also, I shall be sure to be beholding to none but
those that love Virtue and Me ! and [shall] preserve the unequalled
happiness of a Free Spirit ! Whereas else, being forced to accept
of some particular bounties : it may be, blinded by seeming
courtesies, I might fall into the common baseness incident to
flatterers ; and so, at length, become like those great Clergy-men of
our Times, who dare not upbraid all sins, for fear they should
seem so saucy as to reprehend their patrons.
Yet the best is, I see few apt to corrupt any with their liberality ;
though I make no question there be such, and some Phillips too,
that if they knew the danger of a flatterer, woidd think themselves
as much honoured by that boy who should every day remember
them, They were but men ! as Alexander could be by his sly
courtiers, who hourly proclaimed him, the son of Jupiter !
But I d) not greatly doubt any such alternation ! for whatever
my fortunes be, so far is my Mi)id in love with her own liberty,
that with more contentment could I die in poverty, than live in
abundance subjected to baseness. For I cannot admire any one
because he is rich, nor believe a man aught the wiser for his titles !
I shall never praise my Lord's running horse that is a jade, to
please him; nor fashion myself to humour his follies for his
revenues ! I cannot laugh, when he doth, unless I see some
occasion ; nor be sad, when he is so, unless I love him ! Nor
shall I ever need to do so, if my friends continue but so much
love as they have now begun to make shew of. For some of
my acquaintance, out of their oivn worth only ; others, merely
moved by their good loill towards me, ha.ve freely proffered more
than ever I could, of myself, have requested: yea, many, in a sort
strangers (partly in consideration of the good they seemed to have
received from my former pains, and partly in hope to make me
able to perform some greater matter), have, both by their promises
and persuasions, so encouraged me, as I have resolved to make
trial of the world's fair shews of new professed friendship.
174 The Occasion OF PRIVATE PRINTING, &c. [^-riS:
If it take effect, I shall thereby find means to free myself from
those cares ivhich might else much abate the vigour of my spirit,
trouble my inventions, and consume my youth before I could be
fit to settle myself about that, which, if I may live to effect accord-
ing to my intent, will require, besides an tmdistetnpered mind, all
the best assistances of Nature, with the utmost of my endeavours.
And if I fail in my hopes, it shall never discontent me ! for my
greatest loss will be but a little labour, which will be, another way,
very well recompensed. For when I shall perceive the No Trust
that is to be reposed on this world's love, I shall, ever after, be so
far from flattering myself again with any such confidence, or
troubling my mind with studying after others' satisfactions, as I
will persuade myself all my former determinations were but
impossible Ideas / and with less charge and pain, enjoy alone
that delight and contentment which with dis-easing myself, I
shoidd but share amongst an unthankful multitude.
But I make no question, I shall find as good success in this as
I do or can justly expect : and the sooner, because as the project is
honest, so it is unhurtful to all. And my comfort is, if any
should, in their foolish imagination, deem me aught disparaged
thereby ; it were but their weakness to think so ! for in respect of
those base courses, suits, and enterprises {by which some men, now
of great account) have increased aud raised their fortunes out of
the dunghill; I hold this honourable ! seeing I shall receive
willingly with love, what they, against men's wills, have either
defrauded by subtilties, or extorted by violence.
But what mean I ? My intent is, by this time, sujficiently
tmderstood ! and there needs no more Apologies to my Friends :
because they will approve or hold it indifferent ; and, questionless,
to their power, further it. Now, as for others, they shall, by my
will, never come to the honour or credit to be acquainted with a
Fidelia !
Valete.
175
An Elegiacal Epistle
of Fl DELIA:
to her unconstant friend.
The Argument.
Thh Elegiacal Epistle, being a fragment of some
greater poem, discovers the modest affections of a dis-
creet and constant woman, shadowed under the name of
Fidelia ; wherein you may perceive the height of her
Passions so far as they seem to agree with Reason, and
keep within such decent bounds as beseemeth their Sex :
but further it meddles not.
The occasion seems to proceed from some mutability in
her friend ; whose objections she here presupposing, con-
futeth : and, in the person of him, justly upbraideth all
that are subject to the like change or fickleness in
mind.
Among the rest, some more weighty arguments than
are, perhaps, expected in such a subject, arc briefly, and
yet somcivhat seriously handled.
Ft I heard tell, and now for truth I find,
"Once out of sight, and quickly out of
mind!"
And that it hath been rightly said of old,
" Love that's soonest hot, is ever soonest
cold!"
Or else my tears at this time had not
stained
The spotless paper, nor my lines complained!
I had not now been forced to have sent
These for the Nuncios of my discontent ;
Or thus exchanged, so unhappily,
I ;6 Fidelia. ['
G. Wither.
1615.
My Songs of Mirth, to write an Elegy !
But now I must ! and since I must do so ;
Let me but crave, thou wilt not flout my woe!
Nor entertain my sorrows with a scoff;
But, at least, read them ! ere thou cast them off.
And though thy heart's too hard to have compassion,
If thou'It not pity, do not blame my Passion !
For, well thou knowst ! (alas, that e'er 'twas known !)
There was a time, although that time be gonej^
I, that for this, scarce dare a beggar be;
Presumed for more ! to have commanded thee !
Yea, the day was (but see how things may change !)
When thou and I have not been half so strange ;
But oft embraced, with a gentle greeting,
And no worse words than " Turtle-dove !" and " Sweeting
Yea, had thy meaning, and those vows of thine
Proved but as faithful and as true as mine,
It still had been so ! (for, I do not feign !)
I should rejoice, it might be so again.
But sith thy love grows cold, and thou, unkind ;
Be not displeased I somewhat breathe my mind !
I am in hope, my words may prove a mirror ;
Whereon, thou looking, mayest behold thine error!
And yet the Heaven, and my sad heart doth know,
How grieved I am ! and with what feeling woe
My mind is tortured, to think that I
Should be the brand of thy disloyalty !
Or live, to be the author of a line
That shall be tainted with a fault of thine !
Since if that thou but slightly touched be ;
Deep wounds of grief and shame, it strikes in me !
And yet I must ! Ill hap compels me to !
What I ne'er thought to have had cause to do.
And therefore seeing that some angry Fate
Imposes on me what I so much hate;
Or since it is so, that the Powers divine,
Me miserable ! to such cares assign :
O that Love's Patron, or some sacred Muse,
Amongst my Passions, would such Art infuse,
My well-framed words and airy sighs might prove
The happy blasts to re-inflame thy love I
G- Wither.-! Fidelia, 1^7
Or, at least, touch thee with thy fault so near.
That thou mightst see thou wrongedst who held thee dear !
Seeing, confess the same ! and so, abhor it !
Abhorring, pity ! and repent thee for it !
But, Dear ! I hope that I may call thee so !
(For thou art dear to me, although a foe)
Tell me, is't true that I do hear of thee
And by thy absence now, so seems to be ?
Can such abuse be in thy Court of Love ?
False and inconstant now, thou He shouldst prove ;
He that so woful and so pensive sate,
Vowing his service at my feet, of late?
Art thou that quondam lover, whose sad eye
I never saw yet, in my presence dry ?
And from whose gentle-seem.ing tongue, I know
So many pity-moving words could flow ?
Was't thou ! so soughtst my love ? so seeking that
As if it had been all th' hadst aimed at !
Making me think th}' Passion without stain,
And gently quite thee with my love again ?
With this persuasion, I so fairly placed it ;
Nor Time, nor Envy should have e'er defaced it !
Is 't so ? Have I done thus much ? and art thou
So over-cloyed with my favours now ?
Art weary since with loving, and estranged
So far ? Is thy affection so much changed,
That I, of all my hopes must be deceived ;
And all good thoughts of thee be quite bereaved ?
Then I find true, which, long before this day,
I feared myself, and heard some wiser say,
" That there is nought on earth so sweet, that can
Long relish with the curious taste of Man ! "
Happy was I ! Yea, well it was with me !
Before I came to be bewitched by thee,
I joyed the sweet'st content that ever Maid
Possessed yet ! and, truly well-a-paid.
Made to myself alone, as pleasant mirth
As ever any Virgin did on earth !
The melody I used was free, and such
As that bird makes, whom never hand did touch ;
But unallured with fowlers, whistling flies
Ea-g. Gar. VI. j_2
r-S Fidelia. \^^^
A:cvc the reach of human treacheries-
And well I do remember, often then,
Cou'.i I read o'er the policies of men !
Disc: ver v. jij.: uncertatnttes they were !
How they wonld s- ,. k sad ! protest \ and swear [
Nay, feign to die : ./ ey did never prove
The slenderest touch of a right worthy love :
But had chilled hearts, whose dulness understood
No more of Passion, than they did of Good !
All which I noted well, and in my —•- -'
(A general humour amongst womer.
This vow I made (thinking to keep :i LJicn !j,
*^ That never the fair tongue of any man.
Nor his Complaint, though never so much grieved.
Should move my heart to liking, whilst I lived \ "
But who can say what she shall live to do ?
I have beheved, and let in liking too I
And that so far, I cannot %-et see how
I mav so much as hope, to help it now !
Wliich makes me think, whate'er we women say,
'■ Another mind will come another day !
And that men may to things unhoped for climb,
Who watch but Opportunity and Time."
For 'tis well known, we were not made of clay.
Or such coarse and Ol-tempered stnff as they I
For He that framed us of their fiesh, diddeign,
\\lien 'twas at best, to new refine 't again !
Which makes ns, ever since, the kinder creatures.
Of far more fiesble and yielding natures.
And as we oft excel in outward parts.
So have we nobler and more gentle hearts !
Which you, well knowing, daily do devise.
How to imprint on them, your cruelties !
But do I find my cause thus bad indeed;
Or else on things imaginary- feed ?
Am I the Lass that late so truly jolly.
Made myself merr}*, oft, at others' folly ?
Am I the Nj-mph that, Cupid's fancies blamed :
That was so cold, so hard to be inflamed ?
Am I myself ? or is myself that She.
Who, irom this thraldom, or such falsehoods free.
G. Wither.
16
^s.] Fidelia. i 79
Late owned mine own heart ? and, full merry then,
Did forewarn others to beware of men !
And could not, having taught them what to do,
Now learn myself to take heed of you too ?
Fool that I am ! I fear my guerdon's just !
In that I knew this, and presumed to trust.
And yet, alas, for aught that I could tell.
One Spark of Goodness in the world might dwell !
And then I thought, " If such a thing might be,
Why might not that One Spark remain in thee ? "
For thy fair outside, and thy fairer tongue,
Promised much, although thy years were young !
And Virtue (wheresoever she be now!).
Seemed then, to sit enthroned upon thy brow !
Yea, sure it was ! But whether 'twere or no ;
Certain I am, I was persuaded so !
Which made me loth to think that words of fashion
Could be so framed, so overlaid with Passion !
Or sighs so feelingly feigned from any breast !
Nay, say thou hadst been false in all the rest ;
Yet from thine eye, my heart such notice took,
Methought Guile could not feign so sad a look !
But now I've tried, my bought experience knows,
" They are oft worst, that make the fairest shows ! "
*' And howsoe'er men feign an outward grieving;
'Tis neither worth respecting, nor believing ! "
For She that doth one to her mercy take,
Warms in her bosom but a frozen snake ;
Which heated with her favours, gathers sense,
And stings her to the heart, in recompense !
But tell me why, and for what secret spite,
You, in poor women's miseries delight ?
For so it seems ! Else what d' ye labour for
That, which, when 'tis obtained, ye do abhor ?
Or to what end, do you endure such pain
To win our love, and cast it off again ?
O that we either, your hard hearts could borrow ;
Or else your strengths, to help us bear our sorrow ?
But we are cause of all this grief and shame ;
And we have none but our own selves to blame !
For still we see your falsehoods for our learning,
i8o Fidelia, [«-^^=;^-
Yet never can have power to take 't for warning ;
But, as if born to be deluded by you,
We know you, trustless ; and yet, still we try you !
Alas, what wrong was in my power to do thee !
Or what despite have I e'er done unto thee,
That thou shouldst choose Me ! above all the rest,
To be thy scorn ! and thus be made a jest !
Must men's ill natures such true villains prove them,
To make them only wrong those that most love them !
Couldst thou find none in Country, Town, or Court,
But only Me ! to make thy fool ! thy sport !
Thou knowst I have no wanton courses run,
Nor seemed easy unto lewdness won.
And though I cannot boast me of much Wit ;
Thou sawst no sign of fondness in me yet !
Nor did ill-nature ever so o'ersway me.
To flout at any, that did woo or pray me !
But grant, I had been guilty of abusage ;
Of thee (I'm sure !) I ne'er deserved such usage !
But thou wert grieved to behold my smilings,
When I was free from love and thy beguilings :
Or to what purpose else, didst thou bestow
Thy time and study to deceive me so ?
Hast thou good parts ! and dost thou bend them all
To bring those that ne'er hated thee in thrall ?
Prithee, take heed ! although thou yet enjoy'st them !
They'll be took from thee, if thou so employst them !
For though I wish not the least harm to thee !
I fear, the just Heavens will revenged be !
0, what of Me, by this time, had become ;
If my desires, with thine had happed to roam ?
Or I, unwisely, had consented to
What, shameless, once, thou didst attempt to do !
I might have fallen by those immodest tricks,
Had not some Power been stronger than my sex.
And if I should have so been drawn to folly,
I saw thee apt enough to be unholy !
Or if my Weakness had been prone to sin,
I poorly by thy Strength had succoured been !'
You men make us believe, " You do but try !
And that's your part ! " you say ; " Ours to deny !"
G. W
';j^^::] Fidelia. i8i
Yet I much fear, if we through frailty stray;
There's few of you within your bounds will stay ;
But, maugre all your seeming virtue, be
As ready to forget yourselves as we !
I might have feared thy part of love not strong,
"When thou didst offer me so base a wrong !
And that I after loathed thee not, did prove
In me some extraordinary love !
For, sure, had any other but in thought
Presumed unworthily what thou hast sought ;
Might it appear, I should do thus much for him!
Wiih a scarce reconciled Jiate, abhor him !
My young experience never yet did know.
Whether Desire might range so far or no,
To make true lovers carelessly request
What, rash enjoying, makes them most unblest ?
Or blindly, through frailty, give consenting
To that, which done, brings nothing but repenting?
But in my judgement, it doth rather prove
That thou art fired with Lust, than warmed with Love !
And if it be for proof, men so proceed.
It shews a doubt ! Else what do trials need ?
And where is that man living ever knew
That false Distrust could be with Love that's true ?
Since the mere cause of that unblamed effect.
Such an opinion is, as hates suspect.
And yet I will thee, and thy love excuse ;
If thou wilt neither me, nor mine, abuse !
For I'll suppose thy Passion made thee proffer
That unto me ; thou, to none else wouldst offer!
And so think thou ! if I have thee denied,
(Whom I more loved than all men else beside !)
What hope have they, such favours to obtain.
That never half so much respect could gain ?
Such was my love, that I did value thee
Above all things below Eternity !
Nothing on earth, unto my heart was dearer !
No joy so prized ! nor no jewel dearer !
Nay, I do fear, I did idolatrize !
For which Heaven's wrath inflicts these miseries.
And makes the things, which it for blessings sent.
„ re. Wither.
182 Fidelia, L 1015.
To be renewers of my discontent.
Where were there any of the Naiades,
The Dryades, or the Hamadryades ;
Which of the British Shires can yield a,c:ain
A Mistress of the Spring, the Wood, or Plain,
Whose eye enjoyed more sweet contents than mine ?
Till I received my overthrow by thine !
Where's She did more delight in Springs and Rills ;
Where's She that walked more Groves, or Downs, or Hills !
Or could, by such fair artless prospects, more
Add bv conceit, to her contentment's store
Than 1 ? whilst thou wert true ! and with thy graces,
Didst give a pleasing presence to those places !
But now. What is ! What ivas, hath overthrown !
My rose-decked alleys, now with rue are strown !
And from those flowers that honeyed used to be ;
I suck nought now, but juice to poison me !
For even as She, whose gentle spirit can rise
To apprehend Love's noble mysteries,
Spving a precious jewel richly set
Shine in some corner of her cabinet,
Taketh delight, at first, to gaze upon
The pretty lustre of the sparkling stone ;
And pleased in mind by that, doth seem to sei
How virtue shines through base obscurity :
But prying nearer, seeing it doth prove
Some relic of her dear deceased Love ;
Which to her sad remembrance doth lay ope
WHiat She most sought, and sees most far from hope,
Fainting almost beneath her Passions' weight,
(And quite forgetful of her first conceit)
Looking upon 't again, from thence, She borrows
Sad melancholy thoughts to feed her sorrows.
So I, beholding Nature's curious bowers
Ceiled, strewed, and trimmed up with leaves, herbs, and
flowers,
Walked, pleased, on awhile, and do devise
How on each object I may moralize.
But ere I pace on many steps, I see
There stands a Hawthorn that was trimmed by thee !
Here, thou didst once slip off the virgin spra} s,
^•''■':!;r;:] Fidelia. 183
To crown me with a wreath of living Bayes I
On such a bank, I see how thou didst He
When, viewing of a shady Mulberry,
The hard mishap thou didst to me discuss
Of loving Thisbe and young Pyramus.
" And O," think I, " how pleasing was it then !
Or would be yet, might he return again ! "
But if some neighbouring row do draw me to
Those Arbours, where the shadows seem to woo
The weary love-sick passenger, to sit
And view the beauties. Nature strews on it.
" How fair," think I, "would this sweet place appear,
If he I love were sporting with me here !
Nay, every several object that I see,
Doth severally (methinks) remember thee !
But the delight I used from it to gather;
I now exchange for cares, and seek them rather !
But those, whose dull and gross affections can
Extend but only to desire a Man,
Cannot, the depths of these rare Passions know!
For their imagmations flag too low !
And 'cause their base conceits do apprehend
Nothing but that, whereto the flesh doth tend :
In Love's embraces, they ne'er reach unto
More of content, than the brute creatures do !
Neither can any judge of this, but such
Whose braver minds, for braver thoughts do touch :
And having spirits of a nobler frame,
Feel the true heat of Love's unquenched flame.
lliey may conceive aright what smarting sting
To their remembrances, the place will bring,
Where they did once enjoy, and then do miss,
\\'hat to their souls most dear and precious is !
With me, 'tis so ! For those walks that once seemed
Pleasing, when I of thee was more esteemed ;
To me, appear most desolate and lonely,
And are the places now, of torment only !
Where I, the highest of contents did borrow ;
There am I paid it home, with treble sorrow !
Unto one place, I do remember well !
We walked, the evenings, to hear Philomel ;
1 84
^ re. Wither.
F I DELIA. L
1615.
And that seems now to want the light it had !
The shadow of the grove 's more dull and sad :
As if it were a place but fit for fowls
That screech ill-luck, as melancholy owls !
Or fatal ravens, that seld boding good,
Croak their black auguries from some dark wood !
Then, if from thence, I half despairing go ;
Another place begins another woe !
For thus unto my thought, it seems to say,
" Hither, thou sawest him riding once, that way ! "
" Thither, to meet him, thou didst nimbly haste thee ! "
" Yond, he alighted, and e'en there embraced thee ! "
Which whilst I sighing, wish to do again ;
Another object brings another pain 1
For passing by that Green, which (could it speak !)
Would tell, it saw us run at Barley break !
There, I beheld what, on that thin-rind tree,
Thou hadst engraven, for the love of me ;
When we two, all alone, in heat of day.
With chaste embraces, drove swift hours away !
Then I remember too (unto my smart !)
How loth we were, when time compelled, to part !
How cunningly thy Passions, thou couldst feign ;
In taking leave, and coming back again
So oft, until (as seeming to forget
We were departing) down again we set ;
And freshly in that sweet discourse went on :
Which now I almost faint to think upon !
Viewing again, those other walks and groves
That have been witnesses of our chaste loves;
When I behold those trees, whose tender skin
Hath that cut out, which still cuts me within !
Or come by chance unto that pretty rill.
Where thou wouldst sit and teach the neighbouring hill
To answer in an echo, unto those
Ixare Problems which thou often didst propose !
When I come there, think I, " If these could take
That use of words and speech which we partake ;
Tliey might unfold a thousand pleasures then,
Which I shall never live to taste again ! "
And thereupon, Remembrance doth so rack
^•''''zt;:] Fidelia. 185
My thoughts, with representing what I lack,
That, in my mind, those Clerks do argue well
Which hold Privation, the greatest plague of hell :
For there's no torment gripes me half so bad,
As the Remembrance of those joys I had.
O hast thou quite forgot, when sitting by
The banks of Thames, beholding how the fry
Played on the silver waves ? There, where I first
Granted to make my Fortune (thus accurst !).
There, where thy too too earnest suit compelled
My over-soon believing heart to yield
One favour first ; which then another drew.
To get another ! till (alas, I rue
That Day and Hour!) thinking I ne'er should need
As now, to grieve for doing such a deed !
So freely I, my courtesies bestowed;
That whose I was, unwarily I showed !
And to my heart, such passage made for thee.
Thou canst not, to this day removed be !
And what breast could resist it 1 having seen
How true thy love had in appearance been ?
For I shall ne'er forget when thou hadst there
Laid open every discontent and care.
Wherewith thou deeply seemedst to me opprest ;
When thou, as much as any could protest,
Hadst vowed and sworn, and yet preceivedst no sign
Of pity moving in this breast of mine !
" Well, Love ! " saidst thou, " since neither sigh nor vow
Nor any service may prevail me now !
Since neither the recital of my smart.
Nor those strong Passions that assail my heart !
Nor anything may move thee to belief
Of these my sufferings, or to grant relief!
Since there's no comfort, nor desert that may
Get me so much as hope of what I pray !
Sweet Love, farewell ! Farewell, fair Beauty's light !
And ever-pleasing object of the sight I
My poor despairing heart here biddeth you
And all Content, for evermore, adieu ! "
Then, even as thou seemedst ready to depart.
Reaching that hand, which after gave my heart ;
7- PG. Wither.
i86 Fidelia. [ 1^,15
And thinking this sad " Farewell ! " did proceed
From a sound breast but truly moved indeed :
I stayed thy departing from me so,
Whilst I stood mute with sorrow ; thou, for show !
And the meanwhile, as I beheld thy look,
]\Iy eye th'impression of such pity took
That, with the strength of Passion overcome,
A deep-fetched sigh, my heart came breaking from.
Whereat thou (ever wisely using this.
To take advantage, when it offered is)
Renewed they suit to me ; who did afford
Consent, in silence lirst, and then in word.
So, for that yielding, thou mayst thank thy Wit !
And yet whenever I remember it ;
Trust me, I muse ! and often wondering, think,
Through what cranny, or what secret chink.
That Love, unawares, so like a sly close Elf,
Did to my heart insinuate itself.
Gallants I had, before thou cam'st to woo !
Could as much love, and as well Court me too !
And though they had not learned so the fashion
Of acting such well-counterfeited Passion ;
In Wit and Person, they did equal thee !
■ (And worthier seemed, unless thou'll faithful be !)
Yet still unmoved, unconquered I remained !
No, not one thought of love was entertained !
Nor could they brag of the least favour to them,
Save what mere courtesy enjoined to do them !
Hard was my heart : but would 't had harder been !
And then, perhaps, I had not let thee in !
Thou, Tyrant ! that art so imperious there !
And only tak'st delight to domineer!
But held I out such strong, such oft assailing,
And ever kept the honour of prevailing ;
Was this poor breast, from Love's allurings free,
Cruel to all, and gentle unto thee ?
Did I unlock that strong Affection's door
That never could be broken ope before,
Only to thee ? and, at thy intercession,
^0 freely give up all my heart's possession,
That to myself I left not one poor vein !
c. Wither.-] Fidelia. 187
Nor power, nor will to put thee from 't again ?
Did I do this ! and all, on thy bare vow !
And wilt thou thus, requite my kindness now?
O that thou either hadst not learned to feign,
Or I had power to cast thee off again !
How is it, that thou art become so rude,
And overblinded by ingratitude ?
Swearest thou so deeply, that thou wouldst persever.
That I might thus be cast away for ever ?
Well then, 'tis true that "lover's perjuries,"
Among some men, " are thought no injuries ! "
And that " she only hath least cause of grief;
Who, of your words hath small'st or no belief."
Had I the wooer been or fondly woon ;
This had been more though, than thou couldst have done !
But neither being so, what reason is
On thy side, that should make thee offer this ?
I know, had I been false, or my faith failed ;
Thou wouldst at women's fickleness have railed !
And if in me, it had an error been :
In thee, shall the same fault be thought no sin ?
Rather I hold that which is bad in me,
Will be a greater blemish unto thee !
Because, by Nature, thou art made more strong.
And therefore abler to endure a wrong.
But 'tis our fortune ! You'll have all the Power !
Only the Care and Burden must be our !
Nor can you be content, a wrong to do ;
Unless you lay the blame upon us too !
O that there were some gentle minded Poet
That knew my heart as well as, now, I know it !
And would endear me to his love so much.
To give the World, though but a slender touch
Of that sad Passion, which now clogs my heart ;
And shew my truth ; and thee, how false thou art !
That all might know (what is believed by no man)
There 's Fickleness in Man, and Faith in Woman !
Thou saw'st, I first let Pity in, then Liking,
And lastly, that which was thy only seeking :
And when I might have scorned that love of thine
(As now ungently, thou despisest mine !)
iS8 Fidelia. [
G. Wither.
1615,
Amon,£^ the inmost angles of my breast,
To lodge it, by my heart, I thought it best !
Which thou has stolen too, like a thankless mate,
And left me nothing but a black self-hate.
What can'st thou say for this, to stand contending ?
What colour hast thou left for thy offending ?
That Wit, perhaps, hath some excuse in store,
Or an evasion to escape a sore !
But well I know, if thou excuse this treason.
It must be by some greater thing than Reason !
Are any of those virtues yet defaced.
On which thy first affections seemed placed ?
Hath any secret foe, my true faith wronged,
To rob the bliss that to my heart belonged ?
What then ! Shall I condemned be unheard,
'Before thou knowest how I may be cleared ?
Thou art acquainted with the Times' condition !
Knowest it is full of envy and suspicion !
So that the wariest in thought, word, and action
Shall be most injured by foul-mouthed Detraction,
And therefore thou, methinks ! shouldst wisely pause
Before thou credit rumours without cause !
But I have gotten such a confidence
In thy opinion, of my innocence ;
It is not that, I know ! withholds thee now !
Sweet ! tell me, then ! Is it some sacred vow ?
Hast thou resolved not to join thy hand
With any one in Hymen's bold band ?
Thou shouldst have done it then, when thou wert free !
Before thou hadst bequeathed thyself to me !
\Vhat vow do'st deem more pleasing unto Heaven,
Than what is by unfeigned lovers given ?
If any be, yet sure it frovvneth at
Those that are made for contradicting that !
Pjut if thou wouldst live chastely all thy life ;
Than thou mayst do, though we be man and wife !
Or if thou long'st a virgin-death to die,
Why, if it be thy pleasure, so do I !
Make me but thine ! and I'll, contented, be
A virgin still ; }-et live and lie with thee 1
Then let not thy inventing brain assay
«-^^':a Fidelia. 189
To mock, and still delude me every way !
But call to mind, how thou hast deeply sworn
Not to neglect, nor leave me thus forlorn !
And if thou wilt not be to me, as when
We first did love ; do but come see me then !
Vouchsafe that I may sometimes with thee walk !
Or sit and look on thee, or hear thee talk !
And I, that most, Content once aimed at ;
Will think there is a world of bliss in that 1
Dost thou suppose that my Desire denies
With thy Affections well to sympathize ?
Or such perverseness hast thou found in me,
May make our natures disagreeing be ?
Thou knowst, when thou didst wake, I could not sleep !
And if thou wert but sad, that I should weep !
Yet even when the tears, my cheek did stain ;
If thou didst smile, why, I could smile again !
I never did contrary thee in ought !
Nay, thou canst tell, I oft have spake thy thought !
Waking, the self-same course with thee I ran !
And sleeping, oftentimes our dreams were one !
The dial needle, though it sense doth want,
Still bends to the beloved Adamant.
Lift the one up, the other upward tends !
If this fall down, that presently descends !
Turn but about the stone, the steel turns too !
Then straight returns, if but the other do !
And if it stay, with trembling keeps one place,
As if it, panting, longed for an embrace !
So was 't with me ! For if thou merry wert,
That mouth of thine moved joy within my heart !
I sighed, too, when thou didst sigh or frown !
When thou wert sick ; thou hast perceived me swoon !
And being sad, have oft, with forced delight
Strived to give thee content, beyond my might !
When thou wouldst talk, then have I talked with thee !
And silent been, when thou wouldst silent be !
If thou abroad didst go, with joy I went !
If home thou lovedst, at home was my content!
Yea, what did to my nature disagree,
I could make pleasing ! 'cause it pleased thee !
T7 r T^ T^ T T /I rC'- Wither.
190 r I D E L I A . \_ ,cii.
But if 't be either my weak Sex or Youth
Makes thee misdoubt m}' undistained truth ;
Know this ! As none, till that unhappy hour
When I was first made thine, had ever power
To move my heart, by vows' or tears' expense :
No more (I swear!) could any creature since!
No looks lout thine, though aimed with Passion's Art,
Could pierce so deep, to penetrate my heart !
No name but thine was welcome to my ear,
No word did I so soon, so gladly hear!
Nor never could my eyes behold or see
What I was since delighted in, but thee !
And, sure, thou wouldst believe it to be so.
If I could tell, or words might make thee know
How many a weary night my tumbled bed
Hath known me sleepless ! what salt tears I've shed !
What scalding sighs (the marks of souls opprest)
Have hourly breathed from my careful breast !
Nor wouldst thou dream those waking sorrows feigned.
If thou mightst see how, sleeping, I am pained !
For if sometimes I chance to take a slumber,
Unwelcome dreams my broken rest doth cuml^er !
Which dreaming makes me start ! startmg, with fears
Wakes 1 and so waking, I renew my cares,
Until my eyes o'ertired with watch and weeping,
Drowned in their own floods, fall again to sleepmg !
0 that thou couldst but think, when last we parted,
How much I, grieving for thy absence, smarted !
My very soul fell sick ! my heart, to aching !
As if they had their last " Farewells ! " been taking :
Or feared, by some secret divination.
This thy revolt, and causeless alteration !
Didst thou not feel, how loth that hand of mine
Was to let go the hold it had of thine ?
And with what heavy, what unwilling look ;
I leave of thee, and then of comfort, took ?
I know thou didst ! and though now thus thou do ;
I am deceived but then, it grieved thee too !
Then if I so, with Love's fell passion vexed,
For thy departure only was perplexed ;
When I had left to strengthen me, some trust
G. Wither.
'''jg^jj Fidelia. 191
And hope that thou wouldst ne'er have proved unjust :
What was my torture then, and hard endurance,
When of thy falsehood I received assurance ?
Alas, my tongue, a while, with grief was dumb !
And a cold shuddering did my joints benumb !
Amazement seized my thought ! and so prevailed,
I found me ill, but knew not what I ailed !
Nor can I yet tell ! since my suffering then
Was more than could be shown by Poet's pen,
Or well conceived by another heart
Than that, which in such care hath borne a part.
0 me ! how loth was I to have believed
That to be true, for which so much I grieved ?
How gladly would I have persuaded been,
There had been no such matter ! no such sin !
1 would have had my heart think that I knew
To be the very truth, not to be true 1
" Why may not this," thought I, " some vision be,
Some sleeping dream, or waking phantasy,
Begotten by my over-blinded folly,
Or else engendered through my melancholy ? "
But finding it so real, thought I, " Then,
Must I be cast from all my hopes again ?
What are become of all those fading blisses,
Which late my hope had, and now so much misses ?
Where is that future fickle happiness
Which I so long expected to possess ? "
And thought I too, " Where are his dying Passions?
His honeyed words ? his bitter lamentations ?
To what end were his Sonnets, Epigrams ?
His pretty Posies ? witty Anagrams ? "
I could not think all that, might have been feigned !
Nor any faith I thought so firm, been stained !
Nay, I do sure and confidently know
It is not possible it should be so.
If that rare Art and Passion was thine own !
Which in my presence, thou hast often shown.
But since thy change ; my much presaging heart
Is half afraid thou, some imposter wert ;
Or that thou didst but (Player-like addrest)
Act that, which flowed from some more gentle breast !
192
Fidelia, \_ ,01=
Thy puffed Invention, with worse Matter swollen ;
Those thy Conceits, from better wits, hath stolen !
Or else, I know it could not be, that thou
Shouldst be so over-cold, as thou art now !
Since those who have that feelingly their own,
Ever possess more worth concealed than known.
And if Love ever any mortals touch
To make a brave impression, 'tis in such
Who, sworn Love's Chaplains, will not violate
That, whereunto, themselves they consecrate.
But O you noble brood ! on whom the World
The slighted burden of neglect hath hurled :
Because your thoughts for higher objects born,
Their grovelling humours and affections scorn !
You, whom the Gods, to hear your strains, will follow,
Whilst you do court the Sisters of Apollo!
You whom, there 's none that 's worthy, can neglect,
Or any that unworthy is, affect !
Do not let those (that seek to do you shame !)
Bewitch us with those Songs they cannot frame !
The noblest of our sex, and fairest too.
Do ever love and honour such as you !
Then wrong us not so much, to give your Passion
To those, that have it but in imitation !
And in their dull breasts, never feel the power
Of such deep thoughts as sweetly move in your!
As well as you ; they, us thereby abuse !
For, many times, when we our lovers choose
Where we think Nature, that rich jewel sets.
Which shines in you ! we light on counterfeits !
But see, see whither discontentment bears me !
And to what uncouth strains my Passion rears me !
Yet, pardon me ! I here again repent,
If I have erred through that discontent !
Be what thou wilt ! be counterfeit or right !
Be constant ! serious ! or be vain or light !
My love remains inviolate the same.
Thou canst be nothing that can quench this flame !
But it will burn, as long as thou hast breath
To keep it kindled ! (if not after death)
Ne'er was there one more true than I to thee !
G. WitVier.
.'S:] Fidelia. 193
And though my faith must now despised he,
Unprized, unvalued at the lowest rate,
Yet this, I'll tell thee ! 'tis not all thy State,
Nor all that better-seeming Worth of thine,
Can buy thee such another Love as mine !
Liking, it may ! But O, there's as much odds
'Twixt Love and that, as between men and gods !
And 'tis a purchase not procured with treasure !
As some fools think; not to be gained at pleasure !
For were it so, and any could assure it,
What would not some men part with, to procure it ?
But though thou weigh 't not, as thou ought'st to do.
Thou know'st I love ! and once, didst love me too !
Then where 's the cause of this dislike in thee ?
Survey thyself! I hope there 's none in me.
Yet look on her, from whom thou art estranged !
See, is my Person, or my Beauty changed ?
Once, thou didst praise it ! Prithee, view 't again !
And mark if 't be not still the same 'twas then !
No false vermilion dye my cheek distains,
'Tis the pure blood, dispersed through pores and veins.
Which thou hast, oft, seen through my forehead flushing.
To shew no dauby colour hid my blushing !
Nor never shall ! Virtue, I hope, will save me !
Contented with that beauty. Nature gave me.
Or if it seem less, for that Grief's veil hath hid it :
Thou threwst it on me ! 'twas not I that did it !
And canst again restore, what may repair
All that 's decayed, and make me far more fair!
Which if thou do, Fll be more wary then
To keep 't for thee unblemished, what I can !
And 'cause, at best, 'twill want much of perfection :
The rest shall be supplied with true affection !
But I do fear, it is some other's riches ;
Whose more abundance that thy mind bewitches;
So that base object, that too general aim,
Makes thee my lesser fortune to disclaim !
lie ! can'st thou so degenerate in spirit,
As to prefer the Means before the Merit !
(Although I cannot say, it is in me !)
Such Worth, sometimes, with poverty may be,
Eng. Gar VI. JO
194 Fidelia, r'''':ft
To equalize the match she takes upon her ;
Though th' other vaunt of Birth, Wealthy, Beauty, Hcnour:
And many a one, that did for Greatness wed,
Would gladly change it for a meaner bed !
Yet are my fortunes known indifferent.
Not basely mean, but such as may content !
And should I yield, the better to be thine ;
I may be bold to say thus much for mine :
" That if thou couldst of them, and me esteem;
Neither, thy state, nor birth would misbeseem !
Or if it did, how can I help 't, alas !
Thou, not alone, before, knew'st what it was !
But I (although not fearing so to speed !)
Did also disenable 't more than need :
And yet thou wooedst ! and wooing, didst persever,
As if thou hadst intended Love for ever !
Yea, thy account of wealth, thou mad'st so small
Thou hadst not any question of 't at all :
But, hating much that peasant-like condition.
Didst seem displeased I held it in suspicion.
Whereby I think, if nothing else do thwart us,
It cannot be the want of that, will part us I
Yea, I do rather doubt indeed, that this
The needless fear of friends' displeasure is !
That is the bar that stops out my delight.
And all my hope and joy confoundeth quite !
But bears there any, in thy heart such sway,
To shut me thence, and wipe thy love away !
Can there be any friend that hath the power
To disunite hearts so conjoined as our ?
Ere I would have so done by thee, I'd rather
Have parted with one dearer than my father !
For though the will of our Creator binds
Kach child to learn, and know his parents' minds ;
Yet, sure I am ! so just a Deity
Commandeth nothing against Piety !
Nor doth that Bond of Duty give them leave
To violate their faith, or to deceive !
And though that parents have authority
To rule their children in minority ;
Yet they are never granted such power on them
G. Wither.
S Fidelia. 195
That will allow to tyrannize upon them !
Or use them under their command, so ill,
To force them without reason, to their will !
For who hath read in all the Sacred Writ,
Of any one compelled to marriage, yet ?
Or father so unkind, thereto required.
Denied his child the match that he desired ;
So that he found the laws did not forbid it ?
I think, those gentler Ages, no man did it !
In those days therefore, for them to have been
Contracted without license, had been sin !
Since there was more good nature among men,
And every one more truly loving then.
But now, although we stand obliged still
To labour for their liking and good will ;
There is no Duty, whereby they may tie us
From aught, which, without reason, they deny us,
For I do think, it is not only meant
Children should ask ; but parents should consent !
And that they err, their duty as much breaking
For not consenting, as we for not speaking.
It is no marvel, many matches be
Concluded, now, without their privity;
Since they, through greedy avarice misled,
Their interest in that have forfeited.
For these, respectless of all care, do marry
Hot youthful May to cold old January :
Those for some greedy end, do basely tie
The sweetest Fair to foul Deformity ;
Forcing a love, from where 'twas placed late.
To re-ingraff it, where it turns to hate.
It seems no cause of hindrance in their eyes,
Though manners, nor affections sympathise !
And two religions, by their rules of State,
They may in one-made body tolerate !
As if they did desire that double stem
Should fruitful bear but Neuters, like to them 1
Alas, how many numbers of both kinds
By that, have ever discontented minds !
And live, though seeming unto others well,
In the next torments unto those of hell !
196 Fidelia. [
G. WitVi-r.
1615.
How many desperate grown by this their sin ;
Have both undone themselves and all their kin !
Many a one, v/e see, it makes to fall
With the too-late repenting Prodigal.
Thousands, though else by Nature gentler given,
To act the horridst murders, oft, are driven !
And which is worse, there's many a careless elf,
(Unless Heaven pity !) kills and damns himself!
O what hard heart, or what unpitying eyes.
Could hold from tears, to see those tragedies.
Parents (by their neglect in this) have hurled
Upon the Stage of this respectless world 1
'Tis not one man, one family, one kin ;
No, nor one country that hath ruined been
By such their folly : which the cause hath proved
That Foreign oft, and Civil Wars were moved.
By such beginnings, many a city lies
Now in the dust, whose turrets braved the skies ;
And divers monarchs, by such fortunes crossed.
Have seen their kingdoms fired, and spoiled, and lost.
Yet all this while, thou seest ! I mention not
The ruin, shame, that Chastity hath got !
For 'tis a task too infinite to tell
How many thousands, that would have done well,
Do, by the means of this, suffer desires
To kindle in their hearts, unlawful fires.
Nay, some in whose cold breast ne'er flame had been,
Have, only for mere vengeance, fallen to sin !
Ahself have seen (and my heart bled to see 't)
A witless clown enjoy a match unmeet.
She was a Lass, that had a look to move
The heart of cold Diogenes to love !
Her eye was such, whose every glance did know
To kindle flames upon the hills of snow ;
And by her powerful piercings could imprint,
Or sparkle fire into a heart of flint !
And yet (unless I much deceived be)
In very thought, did hate immodesty !
And, had she enjoyed the man she could have loved,
Might, to this day, have lived unreproved !
But being forced, preforce, by seeming friends :
^- ^^■';|,7;;] Fidelia, 197
With her consent ; she, her contentment ends !
In that compelled, herself to him she gave ;
Whose bed, she rather could have wished her grave !
And since, I hear (what I much fear is true !)
That " she hath bidden Shame and Fame, adieu ! "
Such are the causes, now, that parents quite
Are put beside much of their ancient right.
The fear of this, makes children to withhold
From giving them those dues which else they would.
And those, thou seest ! are the too fruitful ills,
Which daily spring from their unbridled wills ;
Yet they, forsooth, will have it understood.
That all their study is their children's good !
A seeming love shall cover all they do,
When (if the matter were well looked into)
Their careful reach is chiefly to fulfil
Their own foul, greedy, and insatiate will !
Who, quite forgetting they were ever young,
Would have their children doat, with them, on dung!
Grant, betwixt two, there be True Love, Content ;
Birth not mis-seeming, Wealth sufficient,
Equality in years, an honest Fame,
In every side the person without blame ;
And they obedient too : what can you gather
Of love or of affection in that father,
That, but a little to augment his treasure,
(Perhaps, no more but only for his pleasure !)
Shall force his child to one he doth abhor ?
From her he loves and justly seeketh for :
Compelling him (for such misfortune grieveth !)
To die with care, that might, with joy have lived !
This, you may say is Love : and swear as well
There are pains in Heaven, and delights in Hell !
Or that the Devil's fury and austerity.
Proceeds out of his care of our prosperity !
Would parents, in this Age, have us begin
To take, by their eyes, our affections in ?
Or do they think, we bear them in our fist !
That we may still remove them, as they list ?
It is impossible it should be thus !
For we are ruled by Love, not Love by us !
198 Fidelia. \!:'-^'''tl
And so our power so much ne'er reacheth to,
To know where we shall love, until we do !
And when it comes, hide it awhile we may !
But 'tis not in our strengths to drive 't away !
Either mine own eye should my Chooser he,
Or I would ne'er wear Hymen's livery !
For who is he, so near my heart doth rest,
To know what 'tis that mine approveth best ?
I have myself beheld those men, whose frame
And outward personages had nought of blame,
They had (what might their good proportion grace !)
The much more moving part, a comely face !
With many of those complements, which we.
In common men of the best breeding see.
They had discourse and wit enough to carry
Themselves in fashion, at an Ordinary.
Gallants they were, loved company and sport.
Wore favours, and had mistresses at Court !
And, every wa)', were such as they might seem ;
Worthy of note, respect, and much esteem.
Yet hath my eye more cause of liking seen,
Where nought perhaps by some hath noted been ;
And I have there found more content, b}' far !
Where some of these perfections wanting are.
Yea, so much, that their beauties were a blot
To them, methought ! because he had them not.
There some peculiar thing innated is,
That bears an uncontrolled sway in this !
And nothing but itself knows how to tit
The mind with that which best shall suit with it!
Then why should parents thrust themselves into
What, they want warrant for, and power to do ?
How is it they are so forgetful grown,
Of those conditions, that were once their own ?
Do they so doat, midst their wit's perfection,
To think that Age and Youth hath like aftection ;
W'hen they do see, 'mong those of equal years.
One hateth what another most endears ?
Or do they think their wisdoms can invent
A thing to give, that 's greater than Content ?
No, neither shall they wrap us in such blindness.
G, WUli
l^r;:] Fidelia. 199
To make us think, the spite they do, a kindness !
For as I would advise no child to stray
From the least duty that he ought to pay;
So would I also have him wisely know
How much that duty is ! that he doth owe :
That knowing what doth, unto both belong ;
He may do them, their right ! himself, no wrong!
For if my parents, him I loathe, should choose,
'Tis lawful ! yea, my duty, to refuse !
Else how shall I lead so upright a life
As is enjoined to the Man and Wife ?
Since that we see, sometimes there are repentings
F'en where there are the most and best contentings !
\Vhat though that by our parents, first we live;
Is not Life misery enough to give I
Which at their births, the children doth undo.
Unless they add some other mischief too ?
'Cause they gave Being to this flesh of our,
Must we be therefore slaves unto their power?
We ne'er desired it ! For how could we tell.
Not Being, but that Not to Be was well I
Nor know they whom they profit by it, seeing
Happy were some if they had had no being !
Indeed, had they produced us without sin ;
Had all our duty, to have pleased them been ;
Of the next life, could they assure the state :
And both beget us, and regenerate !
There were no reason then, we should withstand
To undergo their tyrannous command !
In hope that, either for our hard endurance.
We should, at last, have comfort in assurance:
Or if, in our endeavours, we mis-sped
At least feel nothing, when we should be dead!
But what 's the reason for 't, that we shall be
Enthralled so much unto mortality ?
Our souls on will of any men, to tie
Unto an everlasting misery ?
So far, perhaps so, from the good of either :
We ruin them, ourselves, and all together !
Children owe much, I must confess 'tis true !
And a great debt is to the parents due.
J-, , , TG. Wilher.
200 P I D E L I A , L 16.5.
Yet if they have not so much power to crave,
But in their own defence, the lives they gave :
How much less then, should they become so cruel
As to take from them, the high-prized jewel
Of Liberty of Choice, where depends
The main contentment that the Heaven here lends ?
Woit'i life or wealth ! nay, far more worth than either!
Or twenty thousand lives all put together !
Then howsoever some, severer bent,
^lay deem of my opinion or intent,
With that which follows, thus conclude I do ;
And I have Reason for't, and Conscience too !
" No parent may, his child's just suit deny,
On his bare will, without a reason why !
Nor he, so used, be disobedient thought !
If, unapproved, he take the Match he sought."
So then, if that thy faith uncrazed be,
Thy friends' dislike shall be no stop to me !
For if their Will be not of force to do it :
They shall have no cause else, to drive them to it !
Let them bring all forth, that they can allege !
We are both young, and of the fittest age !
(If thou dissemblest not) both love ! and both
To admit hinderance in our loves were loth !
'Tis prejudicial unto none that live ;
And GOD's and human Law, our warrant give !
Nor are we much unequal in degree ;
Perhaps, our fortunes somewhat different be !
But say, that little means which are, were not ;
The want of wealth may not dissolve this knot !
For though some, such preposterous courses wend,
Prescribing to themselves no other end ;
Marriage was not ordained to enrich men by !
Unless it were in their posterity :
And he that doth for other causes wed
Ne'er knows the true sweets of a marriage bed !
Nor shall he, by my will ! For 'tis unfit
Me should have bliss, that never aimed at it !
Though that bewitching gold, the rabble blinds
And is the object of the vulgar minds :
Yet those, methinks, that graced seem to be
Wither. "I
1615.J
Fidelia, 201
With so much good, as doth appear in thee !
Should scorn their better-taught desires to tie
To that, which Fools do get their honour by 1
I can like of the wealth, I must confess !
Yet more I prize the Man ! though moneyless.
I am not of their humour yet, that can
For title or estate affect a man ;
Or of myself. One Body deign to make
With him I loathe, for his possessions' sake !
Nor wish I ever to have that mind bred
In me, that is in those; who when they wed,
Think it enough, they do attain the grace
Of some new honour! to fare well ! take place !
Wear costly clothes ! in others' sight agree !
Or happy, in opinion seem to be !
I weigh not this ! for were I sure before.
Of Spencer's wealth, or our rich Sutton's store !
Had I therewith a man whom Nature lent
Person enough to give the eye content !
If I no outward due, nor right did want ;
Which the best husbands, in appearance, grant !
Nay, though, alone, we had no private jars;
But merry lived from all domestic cares !
Unless I thought his nature so incline
That it might also sympathize with mine,
And yield such correspondence with my mind,
Our souls might mutually contentment find
By adding unto these which went before
Some certain unexpressed pleasures more
(Such as exceed the straight and curbed dimensions
Of common minds and vulgar apprehensions) :
I would not care for such a Match ! but tarry
In this estate I am, and never marry !
Such were the sweets, I hoped to have possessed.
When Fortune should, with thee have made me blest !
My heart could hardly think of that content.
To apprehend it without ravishment !
Each word of thine, methought, was to my ears
More pleasing than that music, which the Spheres
(They say) do make the gods, when, in their chime,
Their motions diapson with the time.
202 Fidelia. [^■^''?,:;:
In my conceit, the opening of th}' eye
Seemed to give light to every object by,
And shed a kind of life unto my shew
In everything that was within its view.
More joy I have felt, to have thee but in place
Than many do in the most close embrace
Of their belovedst friend ! which well doth prove
Not to thy body only tends my love :
But mounting a true height, grows so divine;
It makes my soul to fall in love with thine !
And, sure, now, whatsoe'er thy body do,
Thy soul loves mine, and oft they visit, too !
For, late, I dreamed they went I know not whither,
Unless to heaven ! and there played together;
And to this day, I ne'er could know or see
'Twixt them or us the least antipathy !
Then what should make thee keep thy person hence !
Or leave to love ! or hold it in suspense !
If to offend thee, I unawares was driven ;
Is 't such a fault as may not be forgiven ?
Or if by frowns of Fate, I have been checked,
So that I seem not worth my first respect ;
Shall I be therefore blamed and upbraided
With what could not be holpen or avoided ?
'Tis not my fault ! yet 'cause my Fortunes do,
Wilt thou be so unkind to wrong me too ?
Not unto thine, but Thee, I set my heart !
So naught can wipe my love out, while thou art !
Though thou wert poorer, both of house and meat,
Than he that knows not where to sleep or eat !
Though thou w^ert sunk into obscurity,
Become an abject in the world's proud eye !
Though by perverseness of thy Fortune crost ;
Thou wert deformed, or some limb hadst lost !
That Love, which Admiration first began ;
Pity would strengthen, that it failed not !
Yea, I should love thee still, and without blame.
As long as thou couldst keep thy mind the same !
Which is of virtues so compact (I take it !),
No mortal change shall have the power to shake it !
This may, and will, I know, seem strange to those
G. Wither.") FT r r, r- r t a
1615.J -^ I D E L I A
20-
That cannot the Abyss of Love disclose ;
Nor must they think, whom but the outside moves,
Ever to apprehend such noble loves ;
Or more conjecture their unsounded measure,
Than can we mortals, of immortal pleasure !
Then let not those dull unconceiving brains.
Who shall hereafter come to read these strains,
Suppose that no Love's fire can be so great
Because it gives not their cold clime such heat !
Or think m' Invention could have reached here
Unto such thoughts, unless such Love there were !
For then they shall but shew their knowledge weak ;
And injure me, that feel of what I speak!
But now, my lines grow tedious, like my wrong !
And as I thought that thou think'st this too long !
Or some may deem, I thrust myself into
More than beseemeth modesty to do !
But of the difference, I am not unwitting,
Betwixt a peevish coyness, and things unfitting.
Nothing respect I, who pries o'er my doing !
For here's no vain allurements, nor fond wooing,
To train some wanton stranger to my love !
But with a thought that's honest, chaste, and pure ;
I make my Cause unto thy Conscience known ;
Suing for that, which is, by right, my own !
In which Complaint, if thou do hap to find
Any such word, as seems to be unkind,
Mistake me not! It but from Passion sprang,
And not from an intent to do thee wrong !
Or if among these doubts, my sad thoughts breed,
Some, peradventure, may be more than need ;
They are to let thee know (might we dispute !)
There's no objection but I could refute !
And spite of Envy, such defences make,
Thou shouldst embrace that Love thou dost forsake I
Then do not, 0 forgetful man ! now deem,
That 'tis ought less, than I have made it seem ;
Or that I am unto this Passion moved.
Because I cannot elsev/here be beloved !
204 Fidelia, [^'- ^^''le;^:
Or that it is thy State ; whose greatness known,
Makes me become a suitor for my own !
Suppose not so ! For know, this day, there be
Some that woo hard for what I offer thee !
And I have ever yet contented been,
With that estate I first was placed in !
Banish those thoughts, and turn thee to my heart !
Come once again, and be what once thou wert !
Revive me, by those wonted joys repairing, _
That am nigh dead with sorrows and despairing !
So shall the memory of this Annoy
But add more sweetness to my future Joy !
Yea, make me think thou meanst not to deny me ;
But only wert estranged thus, to try me !
And lastly, for that love's sake thou once bar'st me !
By that right hand thou gav'st ! that oath, thou swor'st me!
By all the Passions ! and (if any be)
For her dear sake, that makes thee injure me !
I here conjure thee ! no, intreat 1 and sue !
That if these lines do overreach thy view :
Thou wouldst afford me so much favour for them,
As to accept, or, at least, not abhor them !
So (though thou wholly cloak not thy disdain)
I shall have somewhat the less cause to 'plain
Or if thou needs must scoff at this, or me ;
Do 't by thyself! that none may witness be.
Not that I fear 'twill bring me any blame ;
Only I'm loth the World should know thy shame !
For all that shall this Plaint with reason view,
Will judge me, faithful ; and thee, most untrue !
]5ut if Oblivion, that thy love bereft
Hath not so much good nature in thee left;
But that thou must, as most of you men do,
When you have conquered, tyrannize it too I
Know this, before ! That it is praise to no mail
To wrong so frail a creature as a woman !
And to insult o'er one, so much made thine.
Will more be to thy disparagement than mine !
But O (I pra}' that it portend no harms!)
G. Wither.
u,Z'~\ Fidelia. 205
A cheering heat, my chilled senses warms !
Just now, I, flashing feel into my breast,
A sudden comfort not to be exprest !
Which, to my thinking, doth again begin
To warm my heart, to let some Hope come in !
It tells me, " 'Tis impossible that thou
Shouldst live, not to be mine ! " It whispers how
Myformer fears and doubts have been in vain !
And that thou meanest, yet, to return again.
It says, " Thy absence, from some cause did grow,
Which, or I should not, or I could not know ! "
It tells me, now, that all those proofs, whereby
I seemed assured of thy disloyalty,
May be but treacherous plots of some base foes
That, in thy absence, sought our overthrows !
Which if it prove (as yet, methinks it may ! )
O, what a burden shall I cast away !
What cares shall I lay by ! and to what height
Tower in my new ascension to Delight !
Sure, ere the full of it, I come to try ;
I shall e'en surfeit in my joy, and die !
But such a Loss might well be called a Thriving,
Since more is got by dying so, than living !
Come, kill me then, my Dear ! if thou think fit !
With that which never killed woman yet 1
Or write to me before, so shalt thou give
Content more moderate, that I may live !
And when I see my Staff of Trust unbroken,
I will unspeak again what was mis-spoken !
What I have written in dispraise of men ;
I will recant, and praise as much again !
In recompense, I'll add unto their stories,
Encomiastic lines to imp their glories !
And for those wrongs, my Love to thee hath done,
Both I and it, unto thy Pity run !
In whom, if the least guilt thou find to be;
For ever let thy arms imprison me !
Meanwhile, I'll try if Misery will spare
Me so much respite, to take truce with Care !
And patiently await the doubtful doom ;
Which I expect from thee, should shortly come !
2o6 Fidelia. [^-^'.t^^:
Much longing that I, one way, may be sped ;
And not still linger 'twixt alive and dead 1
For I can neither live yet, as I should ;
Because I least enjoy of that I would !
Nor quiet die, because, indeed, I first
Would see some better days, or know the worst !'
Then hasten, Dear ! if to my end it be !
It shall be welcome, 'cause it comes from thee !
If to renew my Comfort, aught be sent ;
Let me not lose a minute of Content !
The precious Time is short, and will away !
Let us enjoy each other while we may !
Cares thrive ! Age creepeth on ! Men are but shades !
Joys lessen ! Youth decays ! and Beauty fades !
New turns come on, the old returneth never !
If we let ours go past, 'tis past for ever !
Then follows the original text of Shall I ivnsthig in despair : of which
we have given two versions in Vol. IV./ip. 454, 577.
G. Wither
ther.n
1615J
A Palinode.
207
Inter Equitandum
Palmodium,
Y Genius ! say, " What Thoughts, these
pantings move ? "
" Thy Thoughts of Love ! "
" What Flames are these, that set my
heart on fire ? "
" Flames of Desire ! "
" What are the Means, that these two underprop ? "
*' Thy earnest Hope ! "
Then yet Fm happy in my sweet Friend's choice !
For they in depth of Passion may rejoice,
Whose Thoughts and Flames and Means have such blest scope,
They may, at once, both Love, Despair, and Hope !
But tell, " What Fruit at last, my Love shall gain ? "
" Hidden Disdain ! "
" What will that Hope prove, which yet Faith keeps fair ? "
" Hopeless Despair ! "
" What End will run my Passions, out of breath ? "
*' Untimely Death ! "
O me ! that Passion joined with Faith and Love
Should with my Fortunes so ungracious prove ;
That She'll no Fruit, nor Hope, nor End bequeath,
But cruellest Disdain, Despair, and Death !
208
A Palinode.
re. Wither.
L 1615.
" To what new Study shall I now apply ? "
" Study to Die ! "
" How might I end my Care, and die content ? "
" Care to Repent ! "
"And what good Thoughts may make my End more holy? "
" Think on thy Folly ! "
Vv-'ell, so I will ! and since my Fate may give
Nothing but discontents whilst here I live ;
My Studies, Cares, and Thoughts, Fll all apply
To weigh my Folly well, Repent, and Die !
FINIS.
LEATHER:
yl Discourse
tendered to the Hish Court
of Parliament,
of\
I The general Use of heather ^
The general Abuse thereof^
The good which may arise to Great Britain,
from the reformation.
The several Statutes made in that behalf, by
our ancient Kings :
And, lastly, a Petition to the High Court of Par Ha-
ment, that, out of their pious care to their country, they
would be pleased to take into consideration the redress of
all old abuses ; and by adding some remedies of their own,
to cut of the new.
.vjit.
LONDON,
Printed by T. C. for Michael Sparke, dwelling at the
sign of the Blue Bible^ in Green Arbor. 1629.
Eng. Gar. VI. 14
2IO
The Contents of this Discourse.
Irst, a Proem, or Induction to it.
Secondly, a Comparison made between the commo-
dities of other countries, and this of our own ; and
then is shewed the general use of Leather.
Thirdly, are laid open several abuses offered to England, by
transporting her leather into foreign kingdoms.
Fourthly, is delivered, what profit to the King, and what good
to the Siibject shall arise by a due reformation of the abuses.
Fifthly, are brought in several Statutes made by our ancient
Kings, and pleading in tliat behalf.
Sixthly and lastly, a Petition to the High Court of Parliament,
that they would be pleased to look upon their country, and cure her
of these enormities.
1 1
A Discourse concerning Leather^
tendered to the High Court of Parhament,
Ingdoms are Palaces built by the great Architect
of the world, for Monarchs to dwell in ! Nations,
the Courtiers ! every common subject, an Officer
attending there upon his Sovereign ! The higher
men are seated, the broader and stronger ought
their shoulders to be, in supportation of that State which
they are to bear up ; whilst the hard-hand artificer and
poorest mechanic are parts and pieces of that scaffolding
which serves to strengthen the glory of so magnificent a
structure. For though Kings are the Master Bees in their
full and swelling hives ; subjects may well be called minores
apes, which fly every day to bring home the honey.
And albeit the earth be the proper and main foundations
of these kingdoms : yet the best and soundest timber to raise
up buildings, the most curious adornings, beautifyings, and
embellishings of them, when they are up, yea, even at the
erecting of the first story, are wise, profound, politic, and
wholesome Laws.
Without Laws, all nations are lame, and Sovereignty itself
walks upon crutches ; Authority lies sick of a consumption :
and none (at such times) have able bodies, but Insolence,
and the rage of the harrowing multitude. The beast with
many heads will then be head of all ! and when such a
head is distracted, how can the limbs be but laid upon the
rack, and torn to pieces !
It hath ever, therefore, been a custom in all countries,
especially in this of ours, to invent, enact, and establish good
Ordinances and Statutes, to serve to two uses : one as a
snaffle, to be thrust into the mouths of the headstrong ; the
other, as a sevenfold shield to protect the obedient.
Yet, as there can be no concord in music without discord,
as the best-working medicines are tempered with poison, as
the noblest and clearest rivers have by-ways, creeks, and
crooked windings : so there are no stratagems projected,
how beneficial soever to a kingdom, but some busy-pated
and malevolent spirits are raised out of hell, by sorcerous
2 12 Look ijack upon the reigns of our Kings! \J^^^
charms, to cross and countermine it. Hence it comes, that
if the whole race of man should study how to steer the helm
of a commonwealth, hy a strong and steady hand ; yet whirl-
winds will be raised on shore, and tempests hurl down their
malice in thunder and lightning at sea, to shipwreck the
industry, courage, and knowledge of those excellent pi'">ts.
Let Law be never so sweetly strung ; there are meddling,
spiteful singers, which can put it out of tune. Abuses even
of the best things, grow apace, and spread their branches
over the largest dominions : but amendments can hardly take
rooting in the narrowest cities.
Look back upon the reigns of our ancient Kings, upon the
honourable Courts of Parliament holden in their ages, upon
the wisdom, judgement, counsel, gravity, and sincerity of both
Houses, Upper and Lower, then assembled; upon the Laws,
the excellent Laws ! those men made ; and upon the care,
deliberation, and serious resolution they took, in the con-
stitution, comprising, and composing of those Laws : yet
what statutes, how strongly soever knit then together, but by
the paws of Lions (great men) have been since rent in sunder,
mangled, and misused ; or by the subtilty of Foxes (blood-
suckers of States) have had holes eaten into them, and been
broken through, as if they had been the cobweb lawn of spiders.
The same infection reigns now ! Corruption of goodness
will never die ! Enormities, once crept into Kingdoms, sure,
are whole-breasted monsters ; and it is long ere their hearts
will break ! The sweetest sprigs are nipped in the blossom ;
the fairest trees, eaten by caterpillars ; and the noblest land
hath her bowels gnawn out by vipers of her own breeding.
W'ho are those vipers ? Men, evil-minded men ! that care
not, so their own turns be served, what laws they subvert !
what statutes they infringe ! what customs they violate !
what Orders they break ! on what sacred urns of our English
Kings, they commit sacrilege ! by stealing from them the
reverence due to their names for calling honourable Parlia-
ments, Councils, and Consultations together, how to preserve
in health this royal Kingdom ; and if any bi-disorders and
misdemeanours should strike her sick, how to cure her.
I leave the main ocean to expert navigators ; it is only a
poor rivulet, that I crave pardon to row in ; and thus it runs,
The general Use of Leather.
213
u^
The general Use of Leather.
He heavenly Distributor of blessings hath
with so excellent a moderation and judge-
ment parted [shared] them among nations,
that what one abounds in, the other wants ;
or, if any one hath share in her neighbour's
benefits, it is not a superfluous heap, but a
husbandly and sparing handful : so that
the world is the great Vine, and every
Kingdom a Prop to support the branches, and make them
flourish.
Here will I spread the table ! and on it, plant some of the
dishes belonging to this banquet.
The West Indies open their womb, and are delivered of
their golden ingots. These are the King of Spain's best sons ;
whom he sends foith, to fight against, and conquer (if he can)
all Christendom.
Other countries on the American shore have their peculiar
endowments. Some boast of their several grained woods,
accommodable to rare and extraordinary excellent uses ; some,
of tobacco ; some, of fishing : all can speak of their own par-
ticular rarities ; and all are profitable and useful amongst
countries far remote from them.
Let us come nearer home, and look into our next neigh-
bours' orchards, walks, and delicate gardens.
Spain is proud of her fat wines ; her oils, iron, hides : and
her golden apples of the Hesperides. France glories in her
vineyards, her saltpits, and marble quarries. Germany, of her
seventeen rich and warlike daughters, sitting enthroned, with
the abundance of all things about them. Russia lays before
2 14 Unmatchable goodness of English Leather, [^g-^,
you the costly furs and the rich skins of beasts. The Eastern
tountries [Baltic seashore] are happy in their masts, cables,
flax, hemp, rosin, pitch, tar, turpentine, &c.
And this, the Almighty Benefactor does, to the intent, with
a maims manum fricat, the fire of one country should thaw the
ice of another; the fulness of one supply the other's empti-
ness ; and so be ever mindful of the good turns received, with
a study of the requital Qucb milti prccstiteris meniini, seuiperque
tcnebo. So that, by this means, they being severally beholden
to foreigners and strangers unknown, may love one together,
though living never so far asunder, like united friends, allies,
and neighbours.
This participation of the fruits and commodities which one
land suffers to be made with another, opens a free market for
all commerce. It is a noble mart, to which the Christian
and Turk are invited alike. This is the golden Chain of Traffic
and Negotiation, which doth concatenare (tie) merchants of far
separated countries so fast together, as if they dwelt in their
own. This increases shipping, advances the trade of fish-
ing, nurseth up mariners, and makes us as familiar inhabi-
tants and tenants of the sea, as the farmer and the husband-
man are to the land.
And as these forenamed Kingdoms have their royal maga-
zines and storehouses; so hath England hers. Eor when she
unlocks her treasury, there you may behold mines of tin, lead,
and iron. What Kingdom in the world hath goodlier and
greater cattle, to feed man, and do him service ? And where
nobler pasture than here, to fatten beasts ? Where, larger
sheep? where fo.ks so numerous ? where better and more
useful wool ? What fields can please the eye for grass ; or
fill the barns with hea\ier sheaves of corn ? Where sit any
people by warmer fires ? our sea coalpits being able, if not
abused, to furnish the whole island, and lend fuel to neighbour-
ing nations.
And yet, if truly you cast up the accounts of all those rich
merchandises in foreign kingdoms, and balance them with
these of our own; you shall find that not one of them all,
either abroad or at 'home, are able for common use, extraor-
dinar}' employment, enforced necessity, unrateable value, and
unmatchable goodness, to compare with our English
Leather.
.^y Its necessity to all classes of people. 215
We can live without the gold of Peru, the trees of Brazil,
the smoke of Virginia, and the whales of Newfoundland.
What need have we of the hot Spanish, or cool French grape ?
Without Russia's furs, we have cloth of our own to keep us
warm, and to make robes to adorn our Princes. But can
our Kingdom want that excellent, useful, and commendable
commodity of her own English Leather ?
We have amongst us, a kind of humble, though sometimes
complimentally cogging, proverbial speech ; when, to shew
how well we wish to a man or woman, we say, " I would lay
my hands under his feet, to do him good ! " What submission
can be greater ! What free expression of love, duty, and ser-
vice 1 Now if Leather were able to do no more but this ; to
lay itself under our feet, were it not sufficient ?
If no use could be made of Leather, but out of it only to cut
and fashion boots and shoes; what a universal benefit were
this to our country ! It reaches from the King downwards to
his meanest vassals ; and ascends from the common subject,
up to the Prince and Nobleman.
Suppose we had no Leather, either of our own or from any
other nation! and that, then necessity compelled us to travail
hard for some new invention to preserve our feet from the
ground : what could the brain of man hnd out for the foot and
leg, so fit, so pliant, so comely to the eye, so curious in the
wearing, so lasting, and so contemning all sorts of weather, as
this treasure of the Shoemaker?
In times of peace, how many thousand employments have
we for Leather ? In times of war, are there not as many ?
WHiat can W^ar perform without it ? and what not undergo,
having the free use of it ?
All our ancient English Kings, all our former Parliaments,
all the Nobility, Clergy, Judges, and the learned Wits of the
land would never have enacted so many, so severe, and such
politic laws to bar the transportation of English Leather into
any foreign dominions : but that they well knew, how bene-
ficial a commodity it was to their own kingdom, being kept
at home; and how prejudicial it would prove to the State, if
ever it were suffered to be consumed abroad.
How many millions, wdthin the bounds of this little island,
of men, women, and children, eat their bread by the sweat of
their labour ; who deal only, in this leathern commodity ?
2i6 The Trades making use of Leather. [lel/.
There is no City in England, no Corporation, but have hands
working in this Tan Vat. The Kingdom is by their industry
generally furnished : and how London thrives by them, wit-
ness our Fairs ! by the cartloads of leather brought into
Leadenhall, Smithfield, and other places; and all bought up
within three days at most !
How many masters, besides menservants, in and about this
honourable and populous City, would be enforced to leave
London, and lose their freedoms, or else run into base and
desperate courses, should they give over their trading in
leather ! How many professions were undone, wanting the
use of it ! How many rich households would be shut up, as
in a time of sickness [plague] ! and though the persons might
happily [haply] not be missed ; yet their labours would !
How many occupations and manual trades must be left-
handed and go lame, if Leather, which is the staff they partly
lean upon, be taken from them ?
Take a survey of these few : et ah uno discc omnes.
Shoemakers, and \ get their maintenance only by
Curriers j Leather.
These trades might want work, were it not for Leather.
Book binders.
Saddlers.
Upholsterers.
Budget makers.
Trunk makers.
Belt makers.
Case makers.
Wool-card makers.
Sheath makers.
Hau-k's-Jiood makers.
Scabbard makers.
Box makers.
Cabinet makers.
Bottle and Jack makers.
Girdlers.
Glovers.
And now, within the compass of a few years, those upstart
trades
Coach makers, and
Harness makers for Coach horses.
And let thus much, being but little in words, though
enough in substance, serve to prove the general and neces-
sary Use of Leather.
Now, to the Abuse.
217
Of the Abuses of Leather,
S DARKNESS shoves away light, and as the
best working physic hath poison in it : so
the most wholesome laws may be perverted,
corrupted, confounded, and condemned; as
purest waters grow thick by being troubled,
Sithence then, that these few following
AcUy established by all the wisdom, care,
and providence of former times, and serv-
ing but as a taste to a thousand more, stand up as proofs
that the goodliest buildings may be undermined and blown
up : it is no marvel, if this weak one and poor one of Leather
be likewise shaken, and in danger to be confounded.
The Use of Leather hath his place before. Now, do but
cast your eyes on this other side, and behold what Abuses
do attend upon it !
They are not many ; yet able enough to do much mischief.
Is it not strange that our Kingdom being as plentifully
stored with leather as any one part of the world, there
should here, notwithstanding, be a dearth of leather? Are
not boots and shoes (which every man, woman, and child
must, of necessity, have) sold at extreme, unusual, and
intolerable prices? insomuch that the rich complain of the
excessive dearness, and the poor cannot reach to the honour
of a new pair. How comes this to pass ?
Doth the Abuse spring from transportation of our leather
into foreign countries ? which hath, in all our Kings' reigns,
as shall be shewn hereafter, been forbidden ; and is still
forbidden ! Yet what cannot golden hooks pluck away from us ?
to serve strangers beyond the seas ; yea, our greatest enemies.
21 8 S'OOO Coaches in London & Westminster. [2^^
This, if it be true (as it is to be feared), is a great Abuse.
But is not our wanton and prodigal expense of it at home,
as great an Abuse, or greater than the former? I believe
any man may say so, when he doth but look upon our infinite
number of coaches ! What prodigal spending of leather is
there made, in covering but one coach, and cutting out the
harness for it ! and this leather is not the meanest sort or
worst; but the principal and strongest, which might, otherwise,
serve both for Sooling [soling] Leather and Upper Leather.
It is thought, and it is easy to be known, that in London
and Westminster and the parts adjoining, are maintained
at least 5,000 coaches and caroches; to the furnishing of
which throughout with leather, are consumed 5,000 hides of
leather.
And if these two places only, spoil so much what doth the
whole kingdom ? sithence Pride leaps into her chariot in every
Shire, Town, and City ?
Every private Gentleman now is a Phzeton, and must
hurry with his thundering caroch along the streets, as that
proud boy.
Or, if this be not a wasting, decaying and abuse of leather ;
what shall we think of the prodigality of our legs and feet ?
what over lavish spending of leather is there, in boots and
shoes ! To either of which, is now added a French proud
superfluity of Galloshes 1
The wearing of Boots is not the abuse ; but the generality
of wearing, and the manner of cutting boots out with huge,
slovenly, unmannerly, and immoderate tops!
For the general walking in Boots, it is a pride taken up by
the Courtier, and is descended down to the clown. The
merchant and the mechanic walk in boots! Many of our
Clergy, either in neat boots, or shoes and galloshes ! Uni-
versity scholars maintain the fashion likewise. Some
citizens, out of a scorn not to be gentile [genteel], go, every
day, booted ! Attorneys, lawyers' clerks, serving-men, all
sorts of men delight in this wasteful wantonness !
Wasteful, I may well call it! for one pair of boots eats up
the leather of six pair of reasonable men's shoes !
How many thousand pairs of boots are worn in London
and Westminster, every year ! They cannot be numbered !
But if there were but 1,000 pairs worn: in them are
J.J A PAIR OF Boots equal to 6 tair of Shoes. 219
consumed 6,000 pairs of shoes, the soles only excepted ; for
it is meant only 6,000 upper leathers.
Is not this,think you ! an excessive devouring, and anexceed-
ing abuse of leather ? If this be not, I know not what can be !
Besides, how many several new pairs of boots doth some
one man lavishly wear out in one year ?
If these things, these abuses, were not ; the poor might go
as well shod as the rich, and leather would be sold at a
reasonable rate : which now carries a higher price, than ever
was known in England.
220
Abuses of Leather Markets,
0 THESE abuses of leather, add the abuses of markets
where hides and leather are sold !
And to avoid the nomination of too man}' places,
for these disorders spread all over the kingdom, let
Leadenhall only be pricked down ! for the circle
and centre, in which all these devilish abuses are conjured up.
Of which, this is the main one, viz. :
The market is full of excellent leather, strong backs and
good upper leathers ; all this in the morning, lies unsealed.
Then into the market enter a crew of ancient, careful, good
men, (ancient in villainy! careful to get wealth! but not
caring whom to undo ! good to themselves, but bad members
to a commonwealth !) citizens by title, Cordwainers or Shoe-
makers by profession.
And these are not above eight or ten in number ; rich in
purse, poor in conscience ! full of gold, empty of goodness I
These eight or ten (no matter what their number is, so they
were honest !) stalk severally up and down the market, and
spying where the heaps of best leathers are, a price is beaten
in the tanner's ear ; but the closing up of the bargain must
be at the tavern : where they and the tanners meet, have a
breakfast of 30s. or 40s, { = £0 or —£% now\ which the tanner
or they easily discharge ; and there, the leather is bought,
before it be sealed ! which ought not to be.
But then, a Sealer is sent for, a crown [6s.] clapped into
his hand (where not Half is his due) to go and despatch :
which being done, every shoemaker comes in, and seeing it
sealed, cheapens, but cannot buy !
" It is sold," they say, " already." And so, on a sudden,
all is swept away to the warehouses or cellars of these un-
conscionable engrossers.
So that if a shoemaker that brings but ;^4 or £^ [£i6 or
£20 now\ to the market (his estate happily reaching no
higher), is enforced to buy leather of these cormorants, at
such rates as they please to set them.
j637.] The abuses of the Leather markets. 221
The hurts done by these men are many ; and whole famiHes
smart and want through their greediness. Yet the mischief
they do, comes not alone : for here another abuse follows.
The poorer sort of tanners ; they, seeing the market swept
of all the best leather, hold up their worst hides at as dear a
rate as the best were paid for : and so, the said shoemaker
is glad to buy ill ware, and pay dear for it too ! or else go
home and do nothing.
Another abuse is, that every week are bought and carried
away from the market 300 or 400 raw hides at the least ;
which being conveyed in carts to certain ends of the town,
are there first dried and then salted ; and then sent into
several counties to be tanned : but are never again brought
into London. By which means, the market of the City is
cheated of much good ware in a year; and the tradesmen
thereby hindered, if not undone.
The good that may arise by Reformation
of these Abuses.
[F IT would please the High Court of Parliament to
take into consideration, a redress of these wrongs,
disorders, and abuses ; by restraining the prodigal
wasting of Leather,
1. The prices of boots and shoes would, in a very short
time be abated.
2. Our country would be abundantly furnished with this
beneficial and needful commodity.
3. The knitting of worsted and woollen stockings, now much
decayed throughout the whole kingdom, [would be]
greatly put in practice.
4. An infinite number of poor children, which now go
begging up and down, fwouldj be set at work.
5. Tradesmen and shopkeepers in all our cities, [would]
have quicker doings.
222 Probable benefits from a Reformation. [,^'7.
6. The ancient Company of Hosiers (who, in former times,
lived richly, by cutting out Kerseys into Cloth Stockings^;
but are now utterly in a manner, extinguished) might
be set up again : to the good and maintenance of many
hundreds of families ; who might be set at work, only
to serve their shops with those kinds of wares.
7. And, lastly, by this means, our own country commo-
dities might be kept at home in full abundance : whereas,
now, they are conveyed away into other Kingdoms to
furnish them, whilst we feel the scarcity.
If the Masters and Wardens of the Companies of Saddlers,
Cordwainers, and Curriers might be examined, what they
know touching these abuses, how they come ? and from
whom ? and by what ways these mischiefs may be prevented ?
no question is to be made, but an easy path might be beaten
out, to do a general good to our nation ; because they are
men better informed in these mysteries than any others.
223
The Statutes enacted in several Kings'
Anno. 27
Hen. 8,
cap. 14.
reigns, touching Leather.
0 MANNER of Estranger or Denizen shall
pack, or cause to be packed, any manner of
Leather, to be conveyed over the seas out of
this Realm, Wales, or other the King's
Dominions ; otherivise than in this Act is
expressed, that is to say, that all such Leather shall be here-
after packed by a Packer sworn in every such port, where
any leather shall be shipped to be conveyed out of this
Realm, Wales, or other the King's Dominions, upon pain of
forfeiture of all such leather, &c.
No tanner within this Realm, Wales, or other the King's
Dominions, or other persons occupying or having a tan house,
shall from henceforth send, or cause to be conveyed over the sea, by
way of merchandise or otherwise, any manner of leather, tanned or
untanned : upon pain of forfeiture of all such leather, or the value
thereof.
Nor that any person or persons, at any time hereafter, shall
carry over the sea out of this Realm &c,, any salted or untanned
hide, or any leather called Back or Sole Leather, &c.
Anno. 2 Ed. 6, cap. 11. An Act was made for the true
tanning of Leather.
An Act enacted in Anno, 3 Ed. 6, cap. 6. That it shall
be lawful to divers artificers there named, to buy and sell
tanned leather, curried or not curried : so that such should
be converted by the buyers into wares within the King's
Dominions.
Again, in Anno, 5 Ed, 6, cap, 15. No person or persons
2 24 Statutes relatIxMG to Leather. [J,^^
shall ship, or cause to be shipped, to the intent to carry transport
or convey over the seas, as merchandise to be sold or exchanged
there, any shoes, boots, buskins, startups, or slippers : upon pain
to forfeit all and every such shoes, &c.
Again Anno, i Eliz., cap. lo. An Act was made that the
carrying of leather, tallow, and raw hides out of this Realm
for merchandise, should be Felony.
There was a Statute made concerning Cordwainers and
Shoemakers in 25 Ed. 3, cap. 2.
Another in 13 Rich. 2, cap. 12.
Another in 4 Hen. 4, cap. 35.
Another in 2 Hen. 5, cap. 7.
Another in 4 Ed. 4, intituled, Cordwainers and Cobblers.
Another in i Hen. 7, called An Act against Tanners and
Cordwainers.
Another in ig Hen. 7, intituled, For Curriers and
Cordwainers.
Another in 3 Hen. 8.
Another in 5 Hen. 8, intituled, An Act for Strangers for
buying of Leather in open market.
Another in the 14 or 15 Hen. 8, intituled, An Act concern-
ing the liberty of Cordivaincrs and Shoemakers.
Another in 22 Hen. 8, intituled. An Act concerning Tanners
and Butchers.
Another in 24 Hen. 8, intituled, An Act concerning true
tanning and currying of Leather.
Another to the same purpose, Anno. 2 and 3 Ed. 6, cap. g.
Another in 4 Ed. 6, intituled, An Act for buying of rough
hides and calves' skins.
Another in i Eliz., where it was enacted, Thatit shall not be
lawful for any person or persons to lade, ship, or carry into any
vessel or ship, or otherwise, any Leather, Tallow, or raw Hides,
of intent to transport or carry the same into any place or places of
the parts beyond the seas, or into the Realm of Scotland, by land
or by seas, other than Scottish hides : upon the forfeiture S-c.
And the owners of the said ships or vessels, knowing of such
offence, to forfeit the said ships or vessels, with all their apparel
[tackle! and furniture to them and every of them belonging.
And the Masters and Mariners knowing of such offence, to for-
feit all their goods and chattels ; and to have imprisonment by the
space of One Year, without bail or mainprize.
jel;.] Statutes relating to Leather. 225
Then in 4 Jacob, cap. 5, there is a long Act set down
touching Cordwainers, Curriers, Tanners, Butchers, and
Leather ; spreading into many and several branches, viz. : —
No Btitcher by himself or any other person, shall gash,
slaughter, or cut any Hide of any ox, bull, steer, or cow.
No Butcher shall water any Hide, except in the months of
June, July, and Augtist ; nor shall offer to put to sale any Hide
putrificd.
No Butcher shall use the craft, feat, or mystery of a Tanner.
No Tanner shall use the craft or mystery of a Shoemaker,
Currier, Butcher, or other artificer using, or exercising, cutting, or
working of leather.
No Tanner shall suffer any Hide or Skin to be in the lime till
the same be ovcrlinied ; nor shall put any Hides or Skins into any
tan vats before the lime be well and perfectly soaked ; nor shall
use any stuff about tJie tanning of Leather, but only ash-bark,
oak-bark, topwort, malt, meal, or lime ; nor shall suffer his
Leather to he laid, or to hang, or to lie wet in any frost ; nor to
parch or dry his leather with the heat of the fire or of the summer
sun ; nor shall suffer the hide for utter [outward] Sole Leather,
to lie in the woozes, any less time than nine months at the least.
No Tanner shall tan any Hide, Calves' skin, or Sheep's skin,
with hot or warm woozes : upon forfeiture of ^10 for every such
offence ; and also for every such offence, stand in the pillory, three
market days.
No Currier shall curry any kind of Leather in the house of any
Shoemaker ; but only in his own house, and that must be situate
in a corporate or market town : nor shall curry any kind of
Leather, except it be well and perfectly tanned ; nor curry any
hide being not perfectly dried after his wet season. In which wet
season, he shall not tise any deceitful mixture ; nor curry any
Leather meet for utter Sole Leather with miy other stuff than hard
tallow; nor curry any leather for Over [Upper] Leather and
Lnncr Soles but with good scuff, being fresh and not salt ; nor
shall burn or scald any Hide or Leather in the currying, nor shall
have any leatJier too thin ; nor shall gash or hurt any Leather in
ili€ shaving.
No Currier shall use the mystery of a Tanner, Cordwainer,
Shoemaker, Butcher, or any other artificer using or cutting uf
Leather.
No Cordwainer or Shoemaker shall make, or cause to be made
EAG. G.-iJi. VI. 15
226 Statutes relating to Leather. \_J^^_
any boots, shoes, bnskins, startups, slippers, or pantoffies ; or any
part of them, of English Leather wet curried (otJier than Dect
skins, Calf skins, or Goat skins dressed like Spanish Leather) ;
but of Leather zz'ell and truly tanned, and curried substantially,
sewed with good thread {well twisted and made and sufficiently
waxed with wax, and well rosined), and the stitches hard drawn
with hand-leathers, without mingling of Over Leathers ; that is
to say, part of the Over Leather being of Neafs Leather, and pari
of Calf Leather.
No Cordwainer or Shoemaker shall put into any boots, shoes,
&c. (as before) any Leather made of Sheepskin, Bull hide, or
Horse hide ; nor in the Upper Leathers of any shoes, startups &c.,
or in the nether [lower] part of any boots (the inner part of the
shoes only excepted) any part of any Hide from which the Sole
Leather is cut, called the Womb, Neck, Shank, Flank, Poul, or
Cheek. Nor put in the Utter Sole, any other leather than the
best of the Ox or Steer Hide ; nor into the Lnncr Sole, than the
Wombs, Necks, Pouls, or Cheeks ; nor into the trewsels of the
double-soled shoes, other than the Flanks of Hides.
Moreover, the Masters and Wardens of Cordwainers, Curriers,
Girdlers, and Saddlers of the City of London, upon pain to forfeit
£^0 [=;^200 now] for every year they make default, shall, once
every quarter, make a true search and vieiv within London, and
within three miles of the same, for all boots, shoes, buskins, &c.,
made of tanned leather ; and if they be not made and wrought, as
they ought to be, or insufficiently curried ; then the said Masters
and Wardens have power to take, seize, and carry away to their
Common Halls, all such boots, shoes, wares, stuff, or other things.
And that all coach makers dwelling in London, or within three
miles of the city, shall be under the survey and search of the Mas-
ters and Wardens of the Company of the Saddlers.
Moreover, that the Lord Mayor of London and the Aldermen
are, upon pain of £/[o yearly, to appoint Eight Persons, free of
the Cordwainers, Curriers, Saddlers, or Girdlers (of the which one
shall be a Sealer, and the rest Searchers), to view and search every
tanned Hide, Skin, or Leather which shall be brought to Leaden-
hall Market : and there, if they find them sufficiently tanned and
tJioroughly dried, then to seal them ; or being found defective, to
seize them.
And within six days after the seizing, such Hides or Leathers
arc to be reviewed by certain Triers; whereof there are two of the
lel?-] Statutes relating to Leather. 227
hdtcr sort of tJie Company of the Cordicaincrs, two of the better
sort of the Company of Curriers, and the other two of the better
sort of the Tanners nsing Leadenhall Market.
These Searchers and Sealers, for fear of corruption, are not
suffered to continue in the office longer than two years : taking for
the searching, sealing, and registering of every Ten Hides, Backs,
or Butts of Leather (with the Necks, Wombs, and Dibbins, or
other pieces of offal cut from the Backs or Butts), of the Seller 2d.
[ = 6d. now], and of the Buyer as much.
Now for the avoiding of all ambiguities and doubts, which
may grow and arise upon the definition of this word Leather : it
is enacted S-c, That the Hides and Skins of Ox, Steer, Bull,
Cow, Calf, Deer red or fallow. Goat and Sheep, being tanned or
tawed ; and every Salt Hide is, shall be, and ever hath been,
reputed and taken for " Leather."
All currying and dressing of Leather, commonly called Dry
Currying and Frizzing, being construed to be ^Dressing and
Currying of Leather after the manner of Spanish leather.'"
To shew how careful this Parliament was to keep this
excellent commodity of Leather to ourselves, the want of it
bein^ so hurtful ; hear what the Act speaks against transpor-
tation.
It is enacted &c., That if any Leather wrought, cut, or un-
wrought, to the intent to be sold or bartered, shall hereafter
7mlawfully be transported, or purposed to be transported into other
parts beyond the sea, from or otd of any port, haven, or creek of
this Realm or Wales : every Controller, Customer [Customs
Collector], Surveyor, Collector of Tonnage and Poundage, and
the Searchers ; and the deputy of any of them, or any other persons
hearing or knowing, by any ways, of any Leather meant to be
transported from any place within his Office, and do not his best
endeavour to seize the same ; or being transported, do not disclose
or cause the same to be disclosed within forty days next after such
knowledge or hearing of the same, in some Court of Record, so as
the offender may be punished according to the laws in that case
provided, shall, for every the first offence committed against this
Article, forfeit ;!rioo [ = ;£'500 now], and for the second offence, his
Office.
Again, Every Customer, Officer, or Officer's Deputy that shall
make any false certificate of any Leather in any port, creek, or
place of this Realm, sliall also forfeit for every such offence £"100.
2 28 Statutes relating to Leather. [2^
Now whereas by the covefousness of divers, regrating and in-
grossing [rigging the market of] tanned Leather, and selling it
again at excessive prices to saddlers, and such other artificers making
wares of tanned Leather, those wares he grown to unreasonable
prices: Be it enacted &c.. That no person or persons, of what
estate degree or condition soever he or they be, shall buy or ingross,
or cause to be bought or ingrossed any kind of tanned leather, to
the intent to sell the same again : upon pain to forfeit the said
leather so bought. Provided S-c, That all Saddlers, Girdlers,
Cordwamers, and all other artificers such as make mails, bougets
[bags], leather-pots, tankards, boar-hides, or any other wares of
Leather, shall or may buy all such kind
of Tanned Leather.
FINIS.
22Q
The Ge?ural Grievance of all E 77 gland ;
Man^ JFoman^ and Child.
To THE High and Honourable Court of Parliament.
Hereas, We, your poor Petitioners,
jointly, with one unanimity, humbly desire
a Reformation of this general and great
Grievance of late, for, and in consideration
of the great Abuse of Transportation of
Raw Hides, Tanned Skins of great growth,
and Calves' Skins : all which are trans-
ported in most unreasonable manner, and under the colour
[pretence] of the transporting of some hundred Dozens,
many thousands are daily transported ; and that in such
an excessive manner that not only all Skins that are brought
into the market at Leadenhall and elsewhere, are so enhanced
in price that they be of late raised Treble to the price they
have been ; but, by secret bargains, almost all sorts of leather
be bought underhand, in all countries [counties] before they
come to markets to be sold, by divers merchants for to be
transported.
And, moreover, it is, for certain, known, that divers
Dutchmen come daily over, and employ poor shoemakers,
currier?, and cobblers to be their bargain -drivers in all
chief fairs, for great parcels of ware and sums of money,
230 A Petition to the Parliament. Qg'^,
whilst they themselves sit private in taverns or tippling-
houses, to pay the money when others have driven the
bargain. By which means the fairs and markets be so fore-
stalled, that His Majesty's subjects cannot have the benefit of
the fairs and markets as in times past ; the said commodities
being bought out of His Majesty's subjects' hands.
And likewise, of late days, some leather sellers of London,
who do not cut, or work, or use leather, finding the great
benefit and profit to be got by transporting, have and do
(contrary to all equity or right) buy, or cause in private to be
bought up, what they conveniently may.
So that, unless there be some speedy course taken by this
Honourable Court now assembled; it is most likely that all
mechanics that get their livings by the said use of Leather,
are likely to fall to utter ruin and decay ; and this commodity
to be enhanced to such an unreasonable price that our
enemies shall go well shod, and we bare foot ! and be utterly
impoverished in that commodity: and all trades, which in
times past have flourished by Leather, are now likely to be
utterly ruinate and overthrown.
Therefore, We, His Majesty's poor subjects, in most
humble manner, desire in commiseration of our poor wives
and children, [you] to take into consideration this our
extreme grievance, and to provide for some speedy remedy.'
And we shall daily pray for 3'our prosperous success.
THE
INTERPRETER.
Wherein three principal Terms of State,
mtich tnistaken by the vulgar^
are clearly unfolded.
^^ui vult decipi^ decipiatur.
Anno 1622.
[\' This important Political Satire, which gives us, with such freshness, the
national opinions of the hour in which it was written, is thought to have been
printed either in Scotland or Holland.]
-o-^
'To such as understand not the English
tongue perfectly,
-I AT the unwise may learn to understand
How certain Words are used in our land ;
And that they may write sense, whilst they
remain
In foreign parts, or shall return again ;
(For idioms, fashions, manners alter here.
As friendship and religion ever\-where") :
I have some elegancies for our tongue
Observed, as they are used now, among
Our ablest linguists, who mint for the Court
Words fit to be proclaimed ; and do resort
^\'here lords and ladies couple and converse.
And trade lip learning, both in prose and verse.
And by these few, the docible may see
How rich our language is ! religious, we !
Time was, aPcRiTAN was counted such
As held some Ceremonies were too much
Retained and urged : and would no Bishops grant,
Others to rule, who government did want.
Time was, a Protestant was only taken
For such as had the Church of Rome forsaken ;
Or her known falsehoods in the highest point :
But would not, for each toy, true peace disjoint.
Time was, a P a p i s T was a man who thought
Rome could not err, but all her Canons ought
To be canonical ; and, blindly led,
He from the Truth, for fear of Error, fled.
But now these words, with divers others more.
Have other senses than they had before :
Which plainly I do labour to relate,
As they are now accepted in our Stale.
-00
y^ Purita?i.
(So nicknamed, but indeed the sound Protestant.)
Puritan is such another thing
As says, with all his heart, '^ GOD save the
King
And all his issue ! " and to make this
good,
Will freelv spend his money and his blood ;
And in his factious and fond mood, dare
say,
-' 'Tis madness, 'for the Palsgrave, thusto stay
And wait the loWng leisure of kind Spain I
Who gets at first, only to give again
In courtesv, that faithless heretics
May taste 'the Faith and Love of Catholics.
And Hope too ! ^' For a Puritan is he
That doth not hope these Holy Days to see ;
And would a wasted countr}", on condition
Scorn to receive \ although the High Commission
Of England, Spain, and Rome would have it so.
False favours he'd not take from a true foe I
A Puritan is he, that rather had
Spend all. to help the States he is so mad !),
Than spend one hundred thousand pounds a year
To guard the Spanish coasts from pirates' fear :
The whilst, the Catholic King might force combme
Both Holland. Beame, and PaLz to undermine ;
And bv his cross-curse-Christian counterwork
To mcLke Rome both fcr Antichrist and Turk
234 T H E Interpreter. T n e P u ritan. [.eL.
Right Catholic. So th' Empire first divided,
By Holy Mother's pious plots (who sided
The East, and West ; that she might get between,
And sit aloft, and govern like a Queen) ;
The Turk did great Constantinople gain,
And may win Rome too, by the help of Spain.
A Puritan is he that would not live
Upon the sins of other men ; nor give
Money for Office in the Church or State,
Though 'twere a Bishopric : he so doth hate
All ceremonies of the Court and Church,
Which do the coffer and the conscience lurch
Of both the'jr] treasures. So that (covetous!) he
Would not have such as want both, better be !
A Puritan is he that thinks, and says
He must account give of his works and ways :
And tliat whatsoever calling he assumes,
It is for others' good. So he presumes
Rashly to censure such as wisely can
(By taking timely bribes of every man),
Enrich themselves : knowing to that sole end,
GOD and the King did, them their honours send ;
And that Simplicity hath only mounted
By virtue ; but such fools, they'll not be counted !
A Puritan is he, that, twice a day.
Doth, at the least, to GOD devoutly pray.
And twice a Sabbath, he goes to church to hear,
To pray, confess his sins, and praise GOD there
In open sight of all men : not content
GOD knows his heart, except his knee be bent,
That men, and angels likewise, may discern
He came to practise there, as well as learn ;
And honour GOD with every outward part.
With knee, hand, tongue, as well as with the heart.
A Puritan is he, which grieves to think
Religion should in France shipwreck and sink ;
Whilst we give aim ! and that those men should sway
The kingdom there, who made the King away
The whilst all such as helped to crown the father* [♦henryiv.]
Should by the son i be now proscribed the rather. [| louis
A Puritan, in unadvised zeal, y.iw.^
,4.] The Interpreter. The P u r i t a n, 2^^
Could wish that huntsmen ruled the Common weal :
And that the King's hounds were the only spies,
For they would tell truth ! as the others, lies.
He wisheth beasts were men, as men resemble
Beasts: for surely they would not dissemble !
But would tell where the fault lies, and hunt home
The subtle Fox, either to Spain or Rome.
A Puritan is he, that speaks his mind
In Parliament : not looking once behind
To others' danger ; nor yet sideways leaning
To promised honour, his direct true meaning.
But for the Laws and Truth doth firmly stand :
By which, he knows, Kings only do command;
And Tyrants otherwise. He crosseth not
This man, because a Courtier or a Scot ;
Or that, because a Favourite, or soe :
But if the State's friend, none can be his foe !
But if the State's foe (be he what he will,
Illustrious, wise, great, learned), he counts him ill.
He neither sides with that man nor with this,
But gives his voice just as the reason is,
And yet, if Policy would work a fraction
To cross Religion by a foreign faction
Pretending public good; he'll join with those
Who dare speak Truth, not only under the rose,
But though the White Rose and the Red do hear !
And though the pricking Thistle too be there !
Yea, though the stars,''' the moon,''' the sun,* [»TheNobi-
, , lity, Prince
look on, CHAiii.Es, arid
And cast, through clouds, oblique aspects upon King james.]
His clear and free intentions ; he's as bold
And confident as the bright marigold ! t tt Buckingham.]
That flatterer, that favourite of the sun,
Who doth the self-same course observe and run ;
Not caring though all flowers else wax sear,
So he, the golden livery may wear !
But our free, generous, and noble spirit
Doth from his ancient English stock, inherit
Such native worth and liberty of mind,
As will omit no slavery of his kind ;
Yet he is ready to obey wheresoe'er
236 T 11 E I N T E R r R E T E R. T 11 E P U R I TA N. [J^^^
He may not prejudice the Truth by fear,
Nor faintly seem to shrink, withdraw, give way,
Whilst other mushrumpes * do the State betray.
He'll not a traitor, be unto the King, [* Mushrooms.]
Nor to the Laws (for that's another thing
Men dream not of, who think they no way can
Be traitors unto many, for one man),
But his chief error is to think that none
Can be a traitor, till Law calls him one ;
And that the Law is what the State decrees
In Parliament : by which, whilst that he sees
His actions and intentions justified.
He counts himself a martyr glorified.
If, in this cause, he suffers ; and contemns
All dangers in his way. Nay, he condemns
All such as traitors be to Church and State,
Who for the love of one, all others hate !
And for particular ends and private aims.
Forsake their Country ! and their conscience maim !
His Character abridged, if you would have.
He's one, that would a Subject be, no Slave !
6/
''^t
A Protestarit,
(So will the Formalist be called.)
Protestant is such an other thing
As makes, within his heart, God of the
And (as if he did, with his Crown inherit
A never-erring and infallible spirit).
Labours to blow him up by praise of wit,
And by false flatteries cosen him of it.
A Protestant is one that shakes his head
And pities much the Palsgrave was misled
To meddle with Bohemia, and incense
The Spanish wrath ; 'gainst which, there is no fence !
That his revenues in the Palz again
Were well restored, he wishes ; so that Spain
Would take the honours of that house, and give
Mentz his demands, letting the Palsgrave live :
For such a favour as his lands and life,
Not one, except the father of his wife
(That King of Peace and Love !) dares boldly crave
But what is it he may despair to have
By means of th'English and the Scottish Saint,
Who, at their pupils' suit, doth still acquaint
The Spanish Patron, how, the first of May,
Philip and James make one Holy Day ;
What therefore's given to one, the other must
Be shares in ; for James is surnamed " Just."
And so, this year, by Holy Church's count,
238THE Interpreter. TheProtestant. [.sL.
The Calendar reformed hath singledout,
These two most sacred Saints to wait upon
Our Saviour's feast of Resurrection,
Which by the English heathen computation
Meets with May Day among the Catholic nation ;
And may be such a dav, as that, for goodness,
Which some called "111 May Day " from people's woodness,
A day of feasting, and a day of pleasure,
A day of marriage, and withal of treasure,
A day of Catholic unity and love
Which may a kind of resurrection move
In our State, Union ; almost now forgot,
Being buried both by th'English and the Scot.
Spain strikes betwixt, and like a Lord commands,
They join their Laws together with their Lands :
And join they will ! but in despite of Spain,
Making his Holy Day of hope but vain.
A Protestant is he, that fain would take
Occasion from the East or West, to shake
Our League with the United Provinces :
To which end, he hath many fair pretences.
Our Honour first, for in the Greenland, they,
And the East Indies, beat our ships away.
Our Profit likewise, for in both those places
We do great loss sustain, besides disgraces :
And in the Narrow Seas, where we are masters;
They will presume to be our herring-tasters !
But we should have white herrings wondrous plenty,
If they would give us two of every twenty ;
Or stay our idle leisure, till that none
Remained for them or us, but all were gone.
And if they will not thus, our humours serve,
" That we," saith he, "should leave them, they deserve ! "
A herring cob. we see, will make him quarrel ;
What would the man do, think you ! for a barrel ?
Well could I wish these things were all amended ;
But greater business, now, is to be 'tended.
Our Lives, Religions, Liberties, and Lands
Upon this nice and tickle quarrel stand;
And we must for a fitter time attend,
lilse Spain will soon this controversy end !
leLJTiiE Interpreter. The Protestant. 239
A Protestant is he, that, by degrees,
Climbs every Office ; knows the proper fees
They give and take, at entrance of the Place,
And at what rate again, they vent that grace ;
Knows in how many years a man may gather
Enough to make himself a reverend father,
Or from the lowest civil step arise
To sit with honour in the starry skies :
For he hath gone that Progress, step by step,
As snails creep up where safely none can leap ;
For snails do leave behind their silver slime,
And guild the way for falling as they climb.
A Protestant is he that with the stream
Still swims, and wisely shuns every extreme ;
Loves not in point of faith to be precise ;
But to believe as Kings do, counts it wise :
If CoNSTANTiNE the Great will christened be ;
This will the white robe wear as well he !
And in the hallowed fountain plunge amain
His naked body, as if every stain
Were now washed off, and his inflamed zeal
Thirsted these waters, which soul's sin doth heal.
Again, if Julian will renounce his faith;
This man will say, just as his Sovereign saith.
If he intend Religion to betray.
And yet will walk a close and covert w^ay,
Corrupting men by office, honour, bounty,
You shall find this man will deserve a County ;
By double dealing and by broking so,
That none shall think him ere they find him too
Apostated : for no way so doth work
To make a man an Atheist, Jew, or Turk,
As do corrupted manners, which let in
A deluge of impiety and sin.
These, backed by favour and preferment, may
Have power to make all error open way ;
And every man will censure opposition,
When gilden flattery kills without suspicion.
This poisoned vial then was poured in
When, first, the Church got means to maintain sin;
And now the means withdrawn or misemployed,
240 The Ixtertreter. The Protestant, \_J^,_^
Makes all religion and all conscience void.
For man that hunts for honour, wealth, or fame,
Will be as those be, who dispose the same. -
So that no readier way there can be found
To conquer us, than to corrupt the sound
By bribes ; the worst assault that can befall
To Bodies Politic, confounding all.
Gifts blind the wise. And though the Chequer be
Open and empty, as erst full and free ;
Yet other bribes can work the same effect
That Mammon would. The favour and respect
Of Favourites, a nod or wink from Kings,
Employment, Office, Grace are able things !
Besides, the honoured style of Viscount, Lord,
Earl, Marquess, Duke can work, at every word,
Strange alterations, more than Circe's cup,
In such as can, no other ways get up.
Will he speak tnith directly ? Make him then
A Dean, or Bishop ! they are no such men !
The wolf hath seen them first ! Their throat is furred,
You shall not hear from them, a factious word !
Stands he for Laiv, and custom of the land ?
Make him an Officer! Give him command !
Command, where he may gain ! this will bewitch
Demosthenes, who labours to be rich.
What, is he bold and forward ? Send him out
On some embassage ! or employ the stout
At sea or land ! some desperate voyage, where
They may be lost ! Then leave them helpless there !
Undo them thus ! Before, they had too much ;
But being poor, they'll nothing dare to touch !
This ostracism will, sure, abate their pride;
And they sliall give great thanks for it beside !
If he he poor, oppress him ! shut him out
In forlorn banishment, where round about
The faithless world, he may his living seek!
Then no man, after him, will do the like.
If he he faint, check him ! or do but chide.
He'll hold his tongue, and his tail closely hi_le !
Is he free-tongued, tJioiigh serious and discreet ?
Proclaim him silent ! Whip him through the street !
jg-^J The Interpreter. J h e P ro t es t a nt. 241
Thus, whatsoe'er is done, nor bird shall dare
To warn the rest, till all be in the snare.
7s he a rich man ? Then, the Fleet and fine
Will make him seem, although he be not, thine.
Briefly, whatsoe'er he be, except alone
Directly honest (of which few or none
Remain alive) a Statist, ways can find,
By policy to work him to his mind.
And thus the Common wealth may conquered be,
The Church deflowered, beslaved our Liberty,
Without all bloodshed ; under the pretence
Of Peace, Religion, Love, and Innocence.
A Protestant is an indifferent man,
That with all faiths, or none, hold quarter can ;
So moderate and temperate his passion
As he to all times can his conscience fashion.
He at the Chapel, can a Bishop hear;
And then in Holbom a religious Freer.
A Mass ne'er troubles him more than a Play;
All's one : he comes all one, from both away.
A Protestant, no other fault can spy
In all Rome's beadroll of iniquity,
But that, of late, they do profess King-killing ;
Which Catholic point, to credit he's unwilling.
Only because he gains by Kings far more.
Than he can hope for, by the Romish whore.
He saith, " This only, doth the Pope proclaim
For Antichrist, because that Greekish name
Doth signify Against the LORD's Anointed";
As if it only, 'gainst this doctrine pointed.
And therefore leaving this out of their Creed;
He in the rest, with them is soon agreed.
And so the King's part may be safe from fear :
Let GOD Himself, for His own part, take care !
A Protestant is he, that guards the ear
Of Sovereign Justice, so that Truth to hear
He's not permitted ; nor to know the danger
He stands in, 'twixt the Subject and the Stranger;
The plots which strangers have, grief of his own;
Which may too late be prevented, known.
For though his foes be wily wolves and foxes,
£JVG. Gar. VI. l6
242 The IXTERTRETER. TlIE P R O T E S T A N T.\_J^^^
His subjects shackled asses, yoked oxes :
Yet time will show them not to be such daws
As will look on, whilst others change the Laws,
And rob the State, Religion do deflower;
Having their Prince imprisoned in their power !
As Princes have been prisoners to their own ;
And so may ours too, if the truth were known :
The liberty of will by strong affection
May be restrained ; which is the worst subjection \
Vov then the understanding will not see,
But rusheth on whatsoe'er the danger be.
A Protestant is be, whose good intention
Deserves an English and a Spanish pension,
Both for One service ; and obtains it too
By winning Spain, more than their arms could do.
With long delays : and losing us and ours ;
\\'hat lost, to get again we want both powers.
And perhaps will.
Others by treaties and disputes may gain ;
But we by blows : else old said saws be vain !
A Protestant is he, that hath no eye
Beyond his private profit ; but doth lie
In wait to be the first that may propound
What he foresees Power plots. The solid ground
He ne'er examines : be it right or wrong,
All's one 1 since it doth to his part belong.
For to his part belongs to sooth and flatter
The greatest Man, though in the foulest matter;
And him, he holds a rebel, that dare say
" No man against the Laws, we must obc}' ! "
His character abridged, if you will have.
He's one that's no true Subject, but a Slave !
''^^
A Papist.
Romanist is such an other thing
As would, with all his heart, murder the
King;
That saith, " The House of Austria is ap-
pointed
To rule all Christians ; and for this anointed
By Christ's own Vicar: and they, rebels
are ;
Who dare against this House make any war,
Invasive or defensive." Jesuits' wit
And Indian gold do both attend on it ;
And all Rome's hierarchy do plot, pray, curse,
And spend the strength of body, soul, and purse
To this sole end, that every State besides,
May be the vassals to the Austrian pride.
And so Rome may, of both the Empirics,
Keep still the Civil and Religious keys.
A Romanist is he, that sows debate
'Twixt Prince and People; and 'twixt every State
Where he remains : that he, by the division,
May work himself some profit in decision ;
Or bring in Rome and Spain to make all friends
Who, having footing once, have half their ends.
For as the Devil, since first he got within
Man's heart, keeps still there by Original Sin ;
So those wheresoe'er once they Interest gain
Keep all ; or such a party let remain
Behind, assured to them, as may procure
A relapse, when men think themselves secure.
244 The Interpreter. The Papist. Q^L
Thus each disease, though cured, remains in part :
And thus the frail flesh oft betrays the heart.
Now, for the rest, no Romish false opinion
Can make a Papist in the King's dominion ;
Nor absence from the Church : for, at this season,
He is no Papist that commits not treason !
Let him to Church resort, or be Recusant ;
All's one ! he's counted a good Protestant.
Nay, 'tis a question, if Guy Fawkes were one >
But 'tis resolved that Papist, he was none.
His Character abridged, if you will have,
He is Spain's Subject, and a Romish Slave !
THE
WORTH
OF A PENNY:
O R A
Caution to keep Money.
With the
Causes of the scarcity and misery of the want
hereoj, in these hard and jnerciless Times,
AS AL so
How to save it in our diet, apparel, recreations, &c.
yfnd also
What honest courses men in want may take to live.
By H. P., Master of Arts.
^
WMl
m^
L O N DON,
Printed Ann. Dom. i 647.
[This date is a misprint, apparently for 1641. This first edition was privately printed,
see/. 248.]
246
(\Ve have been careful to distinguish in the present text, what
Peacham himself wrote, from the additions by his friend [p. 248] and
others, in the posthumous editions of 1664, 1667, 1669, and 1676.
All such fresh matter, whether in the text or side-notes, is shewn
between square brackets, [ ].)
!47
To the every way deserving and worthy
Gentleman, Master Richard Gipps,
eldest son unto Master Richard Gipps,
one of the Judges of the Court of Guild-
hall, in the city of London.
Sir,
Hen I finished this discourse of The Worth of a
Penny, or A Caution to keep Money, ajid bethinking
myself luito icJiom I should offer the Dedication ; none
came more opportmiely into my thought, than your-
self! For I imagined, if I should dedicate the same unto any
penurious or miser-able minded man, it would make him worse,
and be more uncharitable and illiberal : if unto a bountiful and
free-minded Patron, I should teach him to hold his hand ; and,
against his nature, make him a miser. I, to avoid either, made
choice of yourself ! who being yet unmarried, walk alone by your-
self; having neither occasion of the one nor the other.
Besides, you. have travelled [in] France and Italy, and I hope
have learned Thrift in those places : and understand what a virtue
Parsimony is, for want thereof, how many young heirs iii Eng-
land have galloped through their estates, before they have been
thirty !
Lastly, my obligation is so much to your learned and good
father, and (for goodness) your incomparable mother; that I
should ever have thought the worse of myself, if I had not cum
tota mea supellex sit chartacea, as Erasmus saith, I had
not expressed my duty and hearty love to yoit, one way or other.
Whose in all service,
I am truly,
Henry P e a c h a m .
!4S
[An Advertisement to the Reader.
By William Lee, the Publisher, in 1664, and 1667.
1664. Master Peacham, many years since, having finished this httle
book of Tlie Wortli of a Penny, did read it unto me ; and some eminent
friends of his, being then present, we were much pleased with his con-
ceits. The chief intent of printing it, was to present then\ \copies\ to
his friends.
But some years after, Mr. Peacham dying, and the book being so
scarce that most of the considerable booksellers in London had never
heard of it, many Gentlemen of great worth were very importunate with
me, to print the book anew : but after much search and inquiry, I found
the book without any printer's name, and without any true date \i.c.,
1647 instead 1641 or 2] ; and having procured it, to be licensed and
entered [/>/ 1664], and corrected all the mistakes in it, I have, in an orderly
way, reprinted a small number of them, word for word, as it was in the
original. Only a friend of his, that knew him well in the Low Countries,
and when he was Tutor to the Earl of Arundel's children, hath added
some notes in the margent, and translated some Greek and Latin
sentences, which were omitted in the first impression.
To speak much of the worth of the Author is needless, who, by his
own Works, hath left unto the World a worthy memorial of himself ; his
book called The complete Gentleman, being in the year 1661, reprinted
the third time : and divers others books of his.
And, Reader, know, that there is no felicity in this life, nor comfort at
our death, without a good conscience in a healthful body, and a com-
petent estate : and most remarkable is the saying of that eminent wise
man —
Industry is Fortune's right hand, and Frugality her left.
Read this book over, and if thou hast a Penny, it will teach thee how to
keep it ; and if thou hast not a Penny, it will teach thee how to get it.
And so, farewell. W. L.
1667. Reader, I reprinted this little book about two years since \June
24, 1664], and the number printed presently selling in a few days all away,
I intended suddenly to have printed it again ; but the great judgement of
that fearful Plague, 1665, hindered the printing of it : and it being after-
wards fitted for the press, the late dreadful Fire burnt that copy {eaition^
with many thousands of otlier books burnt with it.
But now [JA^y 17, 1667], it is so well fitted and corrected ; with some
useful additions printed in a change of letter Yltalic type, as also in this
1883 edition^ that, with your good husbandry it will so increase your
store, that you may have " a penny to spend, a penny to lend, and a penny
for thy friend."
The number of books {copies^ printed then [1664] was so much sold off
within a few days in London, that there hath not been books left for to
serve the country, not one for every shire in England ! that the country
at this day, is altogether unfurnished with them. W. L.]
249
THE
WORTH OF A PENNY:
0 R A
Caution to keep Money.
He Ambassador [J. Ben Abdella] of
MuLEY Hamet Sheik, King of Morocco,
when he was in England, about four or
five years since [He arrived in London on
October 8, 1637], said on a time, sitting at
dinner at his house at Wood street, " He
thought verily, that Algiers was four times
as rich as London." An English merchant
replied that he " thought not so ; but that London was far
richer than that ! and for plenty, London might compare
with Jerusalem, in the peaceful days of Solomon."
For my part, I believe neither ! especially the merchant.
For, in the time of Solomon, silver was as plentiful in Jeru-
salem as stones in the street : but with us, stones are in far
more abundance, when, in every street in London, you may
walk over five thousand loads, ere you will find a single Penny.
Again, the general complaint and murmur throughout the
Kingdom, of the scarcity and want of money, argues that we
fall far short of that plenty which the merchant imagined.
And, one time, I began to bethink myself, and to look into
the causes of our want and this general scarcity : and I found
them manifold.
First, some men, who, by their wits or industry, or both,
have screwed or wound themselves into vast estates, and
gathered thousands like the griffins of Bactria; when they
have met with a gold mine, so brood over and watch it, day
and night, that it is impossible for Charity to be regarded,
Virtue rewarded, or Necessity relieved : and this we know to
have been the ruin, not only of such private persons them-
selves, but of whole Estates and Kingdoms. That I may
instance one for many. Constantinople was taken by the
250 IMoxsiEUR Gaulart andiils iiiduex money. ["■r^^'^l'g^™:
Turk, when the citizens abounding in wealth and money,
would not part with a penny in the common necessity : no,
not for the repair of their battered walls ! or the levying of
soldiers to defend them.
Another sort doat upon the stamp of their money, and the
bright lustre of their gold ; and, rather than they will suffer
it to see the light, will hide it in hills, old walls, thatch or
tiles of their houses, tree roots, and such places : as, not
many years since, at Wainfleet in Lincolnshire, there was
[Helmets eaten found in digging of a back side to sow hemp in, an
the°r"olinru'lt, old rusty hclmct of iron, rammed in full of pieces
foimd''f!iied of go^*^ '^^^^^ ^^^ picture and arms of King Henry I.
with monies of And moncy thus hid, the owner seldom or never
ancient inscrip- , -,11 -i" x* ij
tion. 1664.] meets withal agaui ; bemg, many tunes, prevented
by sudden death, by casualty, or their forgetfulness.
Monsieur Gaulart, a Great Man of France, though none of
[About 33 the wisest, in the times of the Civil Wars, buried
years suice v nr r -• -t
[1629], not far somc 2,000 crowns [^£000= £3, 000 iiow\, a mile
stabie^^many or two from his housc, in an open fallow field: and
pieces of silver ^^^^^ }^g might know thc place again, took his mark
were taken o_ r .
up; which the froiii thc spirc of a steeple that was right against
thrown upon the place. The wars being ended, he came, with a
funw"^t!ems frlcnd of his, as near the place as he could guess,
riie'-'were ^^ '°°^ ^'^^ ^^^ moncy. Which he not finding, and
found to be wondering what the reason should be, after, in the
impr'essIon'oV^ circumferencc, he had gone about the steeple,
[iiem!" Mr. being right against it which way soever he went ;
John ski.den quoth hc to liis friend, " Is there no cheating
much valued , . 1 • 1 1 • j 1 11 •
them for their knavc, think you ! m the steeple, that turns it
someoflhem about, intending to cheat me of my money ? "
having been imagining that it went round and himself stood
stamped, as he -ii r\ ■> • ^ r-
said, above Still, as CoPERNicus did of thc Globe of the
900, and some t^ .,1
a 1000 years. i^ ai t U .
1664.] Indeed, much money and treasure, in former
manygreat'^^'^ timcs, as in the invasions of the Saxons, Danes,
sumsofmoney and Nomians here with us, and of others in other
ground; which places, hath been this way bestowed ; and for this
the're,''dur1n? fcason, in such troublesome times, become scarce
theheatof the for wholc Agcs aftcr, but this is no true cause of
late unnann-al „ ^ . ,^.
wars. 1664.] Want ol moncy in our 1 imes : wherein, it is true,
we have little money to hide ; yet there are not wanting
H. Peaehatn
? 164
"JThe characteristics of a Miser in 1641. 251
among us, those monednlcB or money-hiding daws, who repine
and envy that either King or country should be one penny
better (yea, even in the greatest extremity !) for what they
have conveyed into their holes.
And most true it is, that money so heaped up in chests
and odd corners, is like, as one saith, to dung; which while
it lieth upon a heap doth no good, but dispersed and cast
abroad, maketh fields fruitful. Hence Aristotle concludeth
that the prodigal man is more beneficial to, and deserveth
better of, his country, than the covetous miser. Every trade
and vocation fareth the better for him, as the tailor, haber-
dasher, vintner, shoemaker, sempster, hostler, and the like.
The covetous man is acquainted with none of these. For
instead of satin, he suits himself in sacken. He trembles,
as he passeth by a tavern door, to hear a reckoning of 8s.
[^30s. now] sent up into the Half Moon [? how window] for
wine, oysters, and faggots : for his own natural drink, you
must know ! is between that the frogs drink [simple water]
and a kind of pitiful small beer too bad to be drunk, scarbeer,
and somewhat too good to drive a water mill. Broom in'the
The haberdasher gets as little by him as he did by lovv countries
an old acquaintance of mine at Lynn in Norfolk : «<7w"]theglnon,
who, when he had worn a hat eight and thirty '^ -""ch uke k.
years, would have petitioned Parliament against haberdashers
for abusing the country, in making their ware so slight !
For the shoemaker, he hath as little to do with him, as ever
Tom Coryat had. For sempsters, it is true, that he loves
their faces better than their fashions. For Plays, if he read
but their titles upon a post [the Bill of the Play], it is enough.
Ordinaries [Eating-houses with table d'hotcs] he knows none !
save some of three pence [i.e., a threepenny ( = is. now) dinner],
in Black Horse Alley, and such places. For tapsters and
hostlers, they hate him as hell ! as not seeing a mote in his
cup once in seven years. [This miser-able Master supped liis
man and himself, at the inn, with a quart of milk ! 1664.J
Another cause of scarcity and want of money are peaceful
Times, the nurses of pride and idleness ; wherein people
increase, yet hardly get employment. Those of the richer
and abler sort give themselves to observe and follow every
fashion ; as what an infinite sum of money goeth out of this
kingdom into foreign parts, for the fuel of our fashionable pride !
252 Occasions of the great want of Coin. ["-^
Peacham.
1641.
Let me hereto add the multitude of strangers that daily
,-,.^ ^ ,. ^ come over into our warmer soil, as the cranes in
g.,id being at a Winter betake themselves to -bgypt ; where, havmg
beyond'iheTeas cnrichcd themsclvcs through our folly and pride,
n-uion.'isa'^'^" they return and purchase great estates in their
great cause of Qwu countrlcs : euhaucing there, our monies to a
the transpor- , • , . j. i 1 • • • j xl •
tationofit. higher rate, to their excessive gain and the im-
"^^^^■^ poverishing our people of England.
Let me add hereto besides, the great sums of money and
many other great and rich gifts, which have been formerly
conferred on strangers : which, how they have been deserved,
I know not ! Some, I am sure ! like snakes taken up, and
having got warmth from the Royal fire, have been ready to
hiss at and sting, as much as in them lieth, both their finders
and their founders.
Again, there is an indisposition of many to part with
money in these tickle Times : being desirous if the worst
should happen, to " have their friends about them," as Sir
Thomas More said, filling his pockets with gold, when he was
carried to the Tower.
There is likewise almost a sensible decay of Trade and
traffic : which being not so frequent, as heretofore, by reason,
as some would have it, the seas are now more pestered with
pirates than in times past ; the " receipt of custom," like the
stomach, wanting the accustomed nourishment, is constrained
to suck it from the neighbourfing] veins to the ill disposition
and weakening of the whole body.
They are no few or small sums, which, in Pieces of Eight
[How much -i.e., eif:;ht Rials, the brc sent Mexican dollar =^ as. yi.
gold IS con- I ' o _ ' r _ T^ o
yeyed thither now] arc camcd over to the East Indies : no doubt to
1664.7 "^ the great profit and enriching of some in particular;
but whether of the whole Kingdom in general, I know not !
What hurt, our late questioned Patentees, in Latin Hiru-
dincs [bloodsuckers], have done to the common body, in suck-
ing and drawing forth even the very life-blood from it ;
we know daily, and more we shall know shortly.
I wish some of the craftiest and most dangerous among
them, might be singled out for examples ! remembering
that of Tacitus:
PcBna ad paucos, timor ad multos.
[The punishment to feiv, but the terror to many. 1664.]
H.Peacham.-| jjjg MoNEY Lenders OF MooR Fields. 253
All people complain generally, as I have said, of the want
of money ; which, like an epidemical disease, hath over-run
the whole land. The City hath litde Trading [which is the
Mother of Money : for he who buys and sells, feels not what he
spends. 1667]. Country farmers complain of their rents yearly
raised (especially by their Catholic landlords, which, in times
past, have been accounted the best ; though now the case
is altered, and easily may the reason be guessed) : yet can
find no utterance for their commodities, or must sell them at
under rates. Scholars, without money, get neither patrons
nor preferment ; mechanic artists [skilled workmen], no work :
and the like of the other professions.
One very well compared worldly wealth or Money unto a
Foot Ball : some few nimble-heeled and [nimblej-headed
run quite away with it ; when most are only lookers-on, and
cannot get a kick at it, in all their lives.
Go but among the Usurers in their walk in Moor Fields,
and see if you can borrow :!f 100 [=£350 now] of any of them,
without a treble security, with the use [interest] , one way or
other, doubled ! and as yourself, so must your estate be
particularly known !
A pleasant fellow came, not long since, to one of them,
and desired him that he would lend him £^0 [a country
• — riJC now]. tenant meeting:
LAj/J - ,..,^, With his miser-
Ouoth the usurer, " My friend, I know you able landlord,
y, „ f J > •'in the 'leim
not ! time, did offer
" For that reason only, I would borrow the money ^^"^^ ^^l p™"'"
of you," [said the other, 1Q67\ ; "for if you knew °4om'^iie uind
me, I am sure you would not lend me a penny! " lord said,"i;ea
Another meets a creditor of his, in Fleet street : fnd?aveone '
who seeing his old debtor, " Oh, Master A," quoth ^'^f^^fiv'^ ,
<-> . '. ' 11 ^^ '"^ other !
he, "you are met m good time! You know there and i win take
is money between us, and hath been a long time ; Ifyouhadspe^it
and now it is become a scarce commodity." (/'!"'/«'////'^''
" It is true, Sir," quoth the other, " for," he '£';'^fl'^^{j
looking down upon the stones that were between,
"" in good faith ! I see none."
And this was all the citizen could get at that time ; but
afterwards, he was well satisfied.
Whom would it not vex, to be indebted to many of your
shopkeepers ? who, though they have had their bills truly paid
254 Money is required for everything. ["•^'^^'^I;";
them for many years together, yet (upon the smallest distaste
of a petty mistake, reckoning, or some remnant behind)
will be called upon ! openly railed at ! by their impudent and
clamorous wives, insulted over ! and lastly, arrested ! which
should, methinks, teach every young Fashion-monger, either
to keep himself out of debt, or money in his purse to provide
Cerberus a sop.
Another misery proceeding from the want of money is that
when it is due unto you, by your own labour or desert, from
some rich miser-able, or powerful man or other, by long wait-
ing, day by day, yea hourly attendance, at his house or
lodging; you not only lose your time and opportunity of
getting it elsewhere, and when all is done, to be paid after
five in the hundred, in his countenance, or else fair and can-
did promises, which will enrich you straight !
Promissis dives qidlihet esse potest.
[If words and promises would pass for coin; there-
would be no man poor. 1664 [,
And some poor men there are, of that currish and inhuman
nature : whom, if you shall importune through urgent neces-
sity, then are you in danger to lose both your monies and
their favour for ever.
Would you prefer and place your son in the University ?
Let him deserve never so well, as being an able and ready
Grammarian, yea, Captain of his Form ! you shall very hardly
prefer him, wdthout Great Friends joined with your great
Purse ! For those just and charitable Times wherein Desert
seldom went without its due, are gone !
The like, I may say of the City : where, if the Trade [line
of business] be anything like, j^ou cannot place your son,
under ^^'Go or ;£"ioo [=£210 or ^350 now] ; though by nature
he were, as many are, made for the same, and of wit and
capacity never so pregnant.
Or have you a daughter, by birth well descended, virtuous,
chaste, fair, comely, endued with the best commendable
qualities that may be required in a young, beautiful, and
modest Maid : if you have not been, in your life-time, thrifty
to provide her a Portion, she may live till she be as old as
Creusa, or the Nurse of ^Eneas, ere you shall get her a good
Match!
H. Peach
lov.'] Successful pleading of a Frexcii Lady. 255
Nam genus et forniam Regina Pecunia donat,
[Money 's a Queen ! that doth bestow
Beauty and Birth to high and low. 1664.]
is as true as old. Hence the Dutch have a proverb, that
" Gentihty and Fair Looks buy nothing in the market."
If you happen to be sick and ill ; if your purse hath been
lately purged, the Doctor is not at leisure to visit you ! yea,
hardly your neighbours and familiar friends ! But unto
monied and rich men, they fly as bees to the willow palms !
and, many times, they have the judgement of so many, that
the Sick is in more danger of them, than of his disease.
A good and painful Scholar having lately taken his Orders,
shall be hardly able to open a Church door without a Golden
Key, when he should ring his bells [i.e., ring himself in].
Hence it comes to pass, that so many of our prime wits run
over sea to seek their fortunes ; and prove such vipers to
their mother country.
Have you but an ordinary suit in law, let your cause or
case be never so plain or just, if you want wherewith to
maintain it, and, as it were, ever and anon to water it at the
root, it will quickly wither and die !
I confess friends may do much to promote it, and may
prevail by their powerful assistance in the prosecution [as
by the following story appears. 1667.]
There was, of late years, in France, a marvellous fair and
goodly Lady, whose husband being imprisoned for [Beauty i/ not
debt or something else, was constrained to be his T>-ovfrmo"eak
Solicitor, and, in her own person, to follow his suit jrw/i^eeV]
in law, through almost all the Courts in Paris; and indeed,
through her favour, got extraordinary favour among the
Lawyers and Courtiers, and almost a final despatch of all
business : only she wanted the King's hand, who was Henry
IV. of famous memory. He, as he was a noble, a witty, and
an understanding Prince, understanding how well she had
sped (her suit having been, in the opinion of most men,
desperate or lost), told her that "for his part, he would
willingly sign her Petition." Withal, he asked her, " How
her husband did ? " and bade her, from himself, to tell him,
" That had he not pitched upon his horns, he had utterly
been spoiled and crushed ! "
256 How CONFIDENT ARE MONEYED MeN ! ["' ^r'l'e^'^:
So that hereby was the old proverb verified, " A Friend in
ithgoodto Court is better than a Penny in the Purse." But,
'b7u/u7ar'' as friends go nowadays, I had rather seek for
hetterneverto thcm in my purse, than in the Court: and I
ha'ne need of r\ , • c "J
them. 1669. behcve many Courtiers are 01 my mind.
Again, to teach every one to make much of and to keep
money, when he hath it ; let him seriously think with him-
self. What a misery it is, and how hard a matter to borrow
it ! And most true it is, that one saith :
Semper comitem jfEris Alieni esse Miseriam.
That Misery is ever the companion of Borrowed Money.
Hereby, a Man is made cheap and undervalued ! despised !
deferred ! mistrusted ! oftentimes flatly denied ! and besides,
upon the least occasion, upbraided therewith, in company and
among friends !
And sometimes. Necessity drives men to be beholden to
such as, at another time, they would scorn to be ! wherein
the old saying is verified —
Miserum est debere cui nolis.
[A miserable thing it is, to oive money to hiniy
whom thou woiddst not ! 1664.]
And, on the contrary, how bold, confident, merry, lively,
and ever in humour, are Moneyed Men. [For being out debt,
[They need not they are out of danger ! 1667.] They go where
but'^are^sueet they Hst ! They wear what they list ! They eat
proof. 1664.] and drink what they list ! And as their minds, so
their bodies are free !
They fear no City Serjeant, Court Marshal's man, or
Country Bailiff. Nor are they followed or dogged home to
their Ordinaries and lodgings, by City shopkeepers and other
creditors : but they come to their houses and shops, where
they are bidden welcome ; and if a stool be fetched [i.e., for
them] into the shop, it is an extraordinary favour, because all
passers by take notice of it. And these men can bring their
wives or friends to see in Court, the King and Queen at din-
ner, or to see a Masque ; by means of some eminent man of
the Guard, or the carpenter that made the scaffold [i.e., for
the Masque] .
H.Peacham-j WhY ARE MEN POOR? 257
The common and ordinary Causes zuhy men
are poor and want money.
Here must, by the Divine Providence, in the Body
of the Common wealth, be as well poor [xhe
bi
essing
as rich : for as a human body cannot °i god upon
,. ., , , ,. •',, the prosperity
subsist Without hands and leet to labour, oftheindus-
and to walk about, to provide for other members; contented.'^
the rich being the belly, which devour all yet do ^664.]
no part of the work : but the cause of every man's poverty is
not one and the same.
Some are poor by condition, and, content with their calling,
neither seek, nor can work themselves into a better fortune :
yet GOD raiseth up, ashy miracle, the children and posterity
of these, oftentimes, to possess the most eminent places,
either in Church or Commonwealth, as to become Arch-
bishops, Bishops, Judges, Commanders, Generals in the field.
Secretaries of State, Statesmen, and the like. So that it
proveth not ever true, which Martial saith,
Pauper eris semper, si pauper es AiMlLIANE !
If poor thou beest ; poor, shalt thou ever be !
i^MiLiANUS, I assure thee !
Of this condition are the greatest number in every Kingdom.
Others there are, who have possessed great estates, but
those estates, as I have seen and known it in some families,
and not far from the City, have not thrived or continued; as
gotten by oppresson, deceit, usury, and the like : which
commonly lasteth not to the Third generation ; according to
the old saying:
De male qucEsitis vix gaudet tertius hceres.
[The Grandchild seldom is the heir
Of goods that evil gotten are. 1664.]
Others come to want and misery, and spend their fair
estates in ways of vicious living, as upon drink and women :
for Bacchus and Venus are inseparable companions ; and he
that is familiar with the one, is never a stranger to the other.
Uno namque modo, Vina VENUSque nocent.
[In one same way, manner, and end ;
Both Wine and Women do offend. 1664.]
Eng. Gar. VI. I7
258 Idleness & Prodigality, causes of Want.["- ^'^=1'^;^;
Some again live in perpetual want, as being naturally
wholly given to idleness [ivhich turns the edge of Wit, and is the
Key of Beggary. 1667.] These are the drones of the Common
wealth, who deserve not to live.
Qui noH laborat, non mandiicet.
[He that laboureth not, must not eat.
'* Labour, nirht and day ! rather than be burdensome,^' saith St.
Paul. 1664.]
Both country and City swarm with this kind of people.
" The diligent hand," saith Solomon, " shall make rich ; but
the sluggard shall have scarcity of bread."
I remember, when I was in the Low Countries, there were
three soldiers, a Dutchman, a Scot, and an Englishman, for
their misdemeanours, condemned to be hanged. Yet their
lives were begged by three several men. One, a Bricklayer,
that he [the Dutch soldier] might help him to make bricks, and
carry them to the walls. The other was a Brewer of Delft,
who begged his man [the Scot] to fetch water, and do other
work in the brewhouse. Now, the third was a Gardener, and
desired the third man, to help him to work in and dress a
hop-garden.
The first two accepted their offers thankfully. The
Englishman told his master, in plain terms, '* his friends
never brought him up to gather hops !" but desired he might
be hanged first : and so he was.
[The reasons ^ Othcrs haviug had great and fair estates left
sogrrates"at°s uuto them by friends, and who never knew the
cont^methem- P^i" ^nd carc of getting them, have, as one
"'^nth'in '"'" ^^^^ truly, *' galloped through them in a very short
1664.]" time."
These are such, of whom Solomon speaketh, " who, having
riches, have not the hearts (or rather the Wit), to use
them."
These men, Homer, most aptly, compareth unto the Willow
Tree, which he calleth by a most significant epithet wXeo-i-
Kap7ro<i, in haiin frugi-perda, or " loose fruit : " because the
palms [buds] of the willow tree are no sooner ripe, but are
blown away with the wind.
I remember, in Queen Elizabeth's time, a wealthy citizen
H. Peacham
^16^1]] Some undone by foolish marriages. 259
of London left his son a mii^hty estate in money : who
imagining he should never be able to spend it, would
usually make " ducks and drakes " in the Thames, with
Twelve pences [ = 55. now], as boys are wont to do with tile
sherds and oyster shells. And in the end, he grew to that
extreme want, that he was fain to beg or borrow sixpence :
having, many times, no more shoes than feet ; and some-
times, " more feet than shoes," as the Beggar said in the
Comedy.
[WJio more than his worth doth spend,
Maketh a rope, his life to end ! 1667.]
Many also there are, who, having been born to fair estates,
have quite undone themselves by marriage : and that, after a
twofold manner.
First, by matching themselves, without advice of parents or
friends, in heat of youth, unto proud, foolish, and light house-
wives, or such perfect "linguists," that one were ♦ a place near
better to take his diet in Hell,* than his dinner at to. west-
A 1 1 • • 1 r 1 • Tiinster Hall ;
home. And this is the reason so many of their where very
husbands travel beyond the seas ; or, at home, go dr^sseXaiuhe
from town to town, from tavern to tavern, to look Tef"!'""^-
for company : and, in a word, to spend anything to live any-
where, save at home in their own houses.
Others there are, again, who match themselves (for a little
handsomeness and eye-pleasing Beauty, [which, so soon as
Poverty conicth in at the door, leapcth onto/ the window. 1664. J
into very mean and poor kindred ; and are sometimes drawn
in hereto by broken knaves, necessitous parents, who are glad
to meet with such, that they may serve them as props to up-
hold their decaying and ruinous families. And these poor
silly young birds are commonly caught up before they be
fledged, and pulled bare before ever they knew they had
feathers : for their fathers-in-law or some near of the kin,
as soon as they have seen one and twenty, have so belimed
them with Bonds, that they shall hardly, as long as they
live, be able to fly over ten acres of that land, their friends
left them.
[// Youth be joined with Honour and Riches, how dangerous,
if the reins be then let loose, we see the many destructive effects it
hath, and do work ! but the Three joined with Wisdom, how
honourable and noble are they all !
26o Learn the just bounds of Pleasure! ["' ^^"^I'g^"?:
Bid the greatest snare, the Author writes of, is Beauty : which,
of itself , is a blessing. We see how comfortably the candle causes
light, not offending in burning ; yet the foolish fly offends in
scorching itself in the fame ! Yea, it is no small misery to become
a temptation unto another, and to be made the occasion of other's
ruin ; Beauty being not well governed. Which fails, if the Soul
answers not the Face ! for the foulest soids often dwell fairest !
How happy, if Virtue be joined thereto !
If Preccptswill notforcivarn thee, yet let a midtitude of Examples
affright thee from unequal and unfit marriages !
He that takes his fidl liberty in what he may, shall repent him !
how much more, in what he should not / Nothing can overturn
him that hath power of himself ! Learn first, by a just survey, to
know the jusc due and law fid bounds of Pleasu,re ! and then
knowing the danger of going beyond a man's strength, use pleasures
wiihout dotage ! I n^^ver knew a wise man that repented him of
too little w' or Idly pleasure. The surest course in all earthly delights
is to rise [therefrom] with an appetite, and to be satisfied with
moderation. 1669.1
A Knight of ^£'8,000 or £10,000 [=£25,000 or £30,000
now] [by] land in a year, doated upon a poor Alewife's
daughter, and made her a Lady. It cannot be denied but
women of the meanest condition may make good wives ; since
Paupertas non est vitiwn ;
Poverty is no vice :
but herein is the danger, that when their husbands, in a
short time, having as it were taken a surfeit of their beauties,
and finding their error; they begin, as I have known many,
to contemn them, and fly abroad, doat upon others, and
devise all the ways they can (being grown desperate) to give
or sell all that they have.
Besides, such poor ones, oftentimes, prove so impious and
proud, as that they make no conscience to abuse, insult over,
and make silly fools of their husbands ; as by letting and
disposing of their lands, gathering up his rents, putting away
and entertaining what servants they list, to verify that old
verse :
Aspcrius nihil est humili, cum surgit in altum.
There's nothing more perverse and proud than She,
Who is to Wealth advanced from Beggary.
H. Peacha
^™:] Flee Pleasure, and it will be nigh! 261
An Italian Earl, about Naples, of 100,000 Crowns
[ = 5^30,000 then =^£"100, 000 now] by the year in estate,
married a common laundress. Whereupon old Pasquin (the
image of stone in Rome), the next Sunday morning or
shortly after, had a foul and most filthy shirt put on his back,
and this tart libel beneath :
" Pasquin, how now I a foul shirt upon a Sunday ! "
The risposto or answer, in Pasquin's behalf was :
" I cannot help it, my laundress is made a Countess ! "
Besides, another inconvenience is that, besides the
calling of his Wit and Judgement into question ; he draws
unto him so many leeches and down-drawers upon his estate,
as his wife hath necessitous friends and kindred. But they
that thus marry, are commonly such young men as are left
to themselves : their parents, overseers [^i^uar^m»s], or faithful
friends, being either dead, or far from them.
Others, not affecting marriage at all, live, as they say,
" upon the Commons " : unto whom it is death to NUaUest
be put into the Several. They spend what they {/,y'"4-/X'"^
have, altogether in irregular courses of life, and in ""''''^•
change of horses and lodgings, entertainment of new ac-
quaintance, making great feasts in taverns, invitations and
meetings of their common mistresses, coach hire, clothes in
fashion, and the like. [Who forget that old but true Proverb :
Follow Pleasure, and Pleasure will fly !
Flee Pleasure, and Pleasure will be nigh ! 1667.]
besides the hanging on and intrusion of some necessitous
parasites ; of w^hom they shall find as much use, as of water
in their boots. [And it is well said by one, that "he that over-
much studies his own contentment, ever wanteth it /" 1667.]
There are others, again, of overgood free natures and dis-
positions ; who are easily fetched and drawn in by decayed
and crafty knaves (I call them, no better!) to enter into
bonds, and to pass their words for their old debts and engage-
ments : and this they are wrought to do in taverns in their
cups and merriment, at Ordinaries, and the like places.
262 Many ways of coming to poverty. ["-^^
ichaiii.
1641.
I would have in the fairest room of one of these houses,
The old an Emblem of a gallant young heir creeping in at
si^etyship. the great end of a hunter's horn with ease ; but
cruelly pinched at the coming forth at the small end : a
fool standing not far off, laughing at him. And these be
those fools who will be so easily bound! and pass their words
in their drink.
Fact lis descensus Averni, sed revocare gradum.
I'Tis easy into hell to fall ;
But to come back from thence is all ! 1664.]
It is easy slipping in, but the return and getting out is full
of difficulty.
Infinite also are the Casualties that are incident to the
Life of Man, whereby he may fall into poverty : as mis-
fortune by fire, loss at sea, robbery and theft on land, wounds,
lameness, sickness, and the like.
Men run out of great estates, and have undone themselves
by over sumptuous building, above and beyond their means
and estates. [F07' he that builds a fair house, without good
counsel, builds himself to prisoji ! It being a sweet impoverish-
ment! 1667. J
Others have been undone by carelessness and thriftless
servants, such as waste and consume their Masters' goods ;
[for thcreisa great deal savedwhere alittle is spent. 1667.': neither
saving nor mending what is amiss ; but whatsoever they
are entrusted withal, they suffer to be spoiled and to run to
ruin. For
Qtd nwdica spernit, panlatim defliiit,
*' He that despiseth small things, falls by little and little,"
says the Wise Man.
Some, yea, a great many, have brought themselves to
beggary by play and gaming, and never lying [staying] out
of Ordinaries and Dicing-houses : which places, like quick-
sands, so suddenly sink and swallow them, that hardly you
shall ever see their heads appear any more. [And so, these
idle practices turn the edge of their Wit. 1667.]
Others, and Great Ones too, affect unprofitable, yea, im-
possible inventions and practices, as the Philosopher's Stone,
the Adamantine Alphabet,* the discovery of that new w^orld
'■• Tossibly referring to Bp. F. Godwin's book in 1638. E. A.
H. Peacham.-J Jjjg CHARACTER OF AN INDIGENT SOLDIER. 263
in the Moon by these new devised perspective glasses \teks-
copes] , far excelling, they say, those of Galileo, sundry kinds
of useless wild fire, water works, extractions, distillations,
and the like.
If any would be taught the true use of money, let him
travel to Italy ! For the Italian, the Florentine especially,
is able to teach all the world. Thrift ! For Italy being
divided into many Principalities and Provinces, and all very
fertile ; the inhabitants are many, and by reason of so often
differences among them, apt to take arms. The people are
subject to taxes and impositions : as, in Florence, the Duke
hath a custom [octroi\ at the gates, even out of herbs that
are brought for sallets [sallads] and broths into the city.
T/ic Symptoms of a JMiiid dejected and discontented
for want of money.
|E THAT wanteth money is, for the most part?
extremely melancholic in every company, or alone
by himself [He is a Cypher among Niunbers! 1667,]
especially if the weather be foul, rainy, or cloudy.
Talk to him, of what you will ; he will hardly give you the
hearing ! Ask him any questions ; he answers you with
monosyllables, as Tarleton did one, who out-eat him at
an Ordinary : " Yes ! No ! That ! Thanks ! True ! " &c.
That rhetorical passage of 5/a//« /m;is/a^z7;z« [the State trans-
lative, 1664.J is of great use with him, when he lays the cause
of his want upon others : as protesting, this great Lord, that
Lady, or kinsman owes him money ; but not a denierc can he
get ! He swears, he murmurs against the French and other
strangers, who convey such sums of money out of the land,
besides our leather hides under the colour of calfskins : with
that, he shews you his boots out at the heels, and wanting
mending 1 He walks with his arms folded ; his belt without
a sword or rapier, that perhaps be somewhere in [Theinu-
trouble. A hat without a band, hanging over his ^animiiscnt
ej-es ; only it wears a weather-beaten fancy, for ''t".itfuZ'idkr.
fashion' sake. He cannot stand still, but like one i664.]
of the Tower wild beasts, is still walking from one end of his
room to another, humming out some new Northern time or
other. If he meets with live or ten pieces ha.^'^Wy [by chance]
Wa
264 Poverty makes men to be scorned. ["• ^'^'x6,"1:
conferred upon him, by the beneficence of some noble friend
or other [althottgh he may carry all his friends on his back. 1667.1 ;
he is become a new man ! and so overjoyed with his fortune,
that not one drop of small drink will down with him, all that
day !
T/ie misery of want of money in regard of
contempt in the world.
HosoEVER wanteth money is ever subject to con-
tempt and scorn in the world ; let him be furnished
with never so good gifts, either of body or mind.
So that, most true it is, that one saith,
l^il habet infcelix paupertas durins in se
Qiiain quod ridiculos homines facit.
[Nothing there is more hard in penury.
Than that it makes men so despised be ! 1664.]
The worst property that Poverty hath, it maketh men
ridiculous and scorned, but oftentimes of such as are more
to be contemned themselves, in regard either of their igno-
rance, or vicious living, or useless company.
If we do but look back into better and wiser Ages, we
shall find Poverty, simply in itself, never to have been, as
nowadays in this last and worst Act of Time, esteemed a
Vice, and so loathsome, as many would have it : it having
been the Badge of Religion and Piety in the primitive times
since Christ, and of Wisdom and Contempt of the World
among the wisest Philosophers long before.
But Tempera mutantur [The Times are changed. 1664.]. And
in these Times, we may say with the W^ise Man, " My son,
' od°o?the''^ better it is to die, than to be poor ! " For, now,
worid.andthe moncy is the World's God, and the Card, which
card'. 1664.']'^ the Dcvil tums up trump, to win the set withal !
for it gives Birth, Beauty, Honour, and Credit; and the
most think, it conferreth Wisdom to every possessor.
PecunicE omina obediunt.
[All thi}igs obey money. 1664.]
Hence it is so admired, that millions venture both soul and
body, for the possessio'U of it.
"■ ^?''"'i64'^:] Indignities offered to a needy one. 265
But there is a worse effect of Poverty than that. It
maketh men dissolute and vicious [so that ''Debtors are
said to be liars." 1664.].
O mala Paupertas ! vitii scelerisque Ministra,
[0 wretched Poverty, a bawd
To every wickedness and fraud. 1664.]
saith Mantuan.
It wresteth and maketh crooked the best natures of all ;
which, were their necessities supplied, would rather die than
do as they sometimes do, borrow and not be able to pay, to
speak untruths, to deceive, and sometimes to cheat their own
fathers and friends.
What greater grief can there be to an ingenious and free
spirit, sitting at a superior's table (and thought to be
necessitous and only to come for a dinner) than to fj,';,te;;'lhe "^
be placed the lowest! to be carved unto of the occasion of
Jt f 1 -1 1 1 r 1 J il much con-
worst and first cut, as of boiled beet brawn and the tempt, deceit,
like ! and if the Lady or loose-bodied Mistress nel'T664j
presents unto him, the meat from her trencher, then assuredly
it is burnt to the body [we shoidd now say " burnt to the bone "] !
if he be carved unto out of a pasty of venison, it was some
part that was bruised in the carriage, and began to stink ! yet
for all this, he must be obsequious ! endure any jeer! whisper
for his drink ! and rise, at the coming in of the basin and
ewer ! To do the which, any generous and true noble spirit
had rather, as I am persuaded, dine with my Lord Mayor's
hounds in Finsbury Fields.
Another misery, akin to the former, is, what discourse so-
ever is offered at such tables, the necessitous man, though
he can speak more to the purpose than them all ; yet he
must give them leave to engross all the talk! And though he
knows they tell palpable and gross lies, speak the absurdest
nonsense that may be : yet must he be silent ! and be held
all the while for a vau-neant !
Let these, and the like examples, then, be motives to all,
to make much of Money ! to eat their own bread ^^;::r"'
in their houses ! and to be beholden as little as f'^^7;4%'"'^
may be, to any for their meat. For lee?.]
Est aliena vivere quadra, miserrimiim.
{It is most miserable to live on the trencher of another man. 1664.]
266 How Want leads to CriiME. ["■
Peacham.
? 1641.
How Necessity and Want compelleth to offend
both against body and soul.
Eek not Death, in the error of your lives ! " saith
the Wise Man ; that is, by taking evil wisdom.
courses to procure unto yourselves untimely ends :
as those do, who, through extreme necessity, are
constrained to steal, lie, forswear themselves, become cheaters,
common harlots, and the like ; whereof, nowadays, we have
too m.any examples everywhere, to the hazard of their souls
to hell, and their bodies to the hands of the executioner.
Hereby, we may see, how much it concerns all parents
\The,ii,tycf to give their children virtuous education in the
iirtumJZui- fear of GOD, and to employ them betimes in
'^"htidreV'"''' lionest vocations; whereby they may be armed
1664.] ■ against want and ill courses.
And doubtless many, yea, too many parents have been,
and are herein much to blame ; who, when they have given
their children a little breeding and bringing up till about
twelve or fourteen 3'ears of age, they forsake them ! and
send them out into the wide world to shift for themselves, to
sink or swim ! without trades or portions provided. So they
be rid of a charge, what care they !
Hence we see so many young men and women come to un-
timely ends; who living might have been comfortsto their friends
and parents, and proved good members in the Common wealth.
[Some years since, I saw one Master Ward, one of the dehau-
cJiedst men of that Age, much known by the name of ^^ Damn
Ward " : w^Jw, being in Newgate, it was reported that he did
drink a health to the Devil.
He being at Tyburn, at his execution did speak short, beginning
thus, "A man of an ill name is half hanged!" saying, ^^ he was
in his youth brought up a Gentleman at the charge of his father's
brother; but his uncle dying, his maintenance failed.'" WisJiing
all parents to bciuare how they breed their children above their
means, and without a calling. Much blaming his uncle's fond-
ness. Denying the drinking of such a Health; said ''he was
forced to live by liis sword." Confessed his fact [crime^ : and so
was executed. 1667.]
I spake before of idle persons, whom St. Paul denieth to
eat ; which are the drones of the Common wealth, nut to be
pitied: \\'hum Homlr prettily described.
\6']
Of Frugality or Parsimony :
what it is^ and the effects thereof,
AviNG already shewed you the Misery of
Want from the want of money; let me give
you a Presei'vative against that Want, from
the nature and effects of Thrift, which if not
observed and looked to, he shall live in
perpetual want.
And indeed, next to the serving of GOD,
it is the first thing we ought, even from
children, to learn in the w^orld.
Some men are thrifty and sparing by nature ; yea, saving
even in trifles. As Charles V. was so naturally sparing,
that if a point [tai^] from his hose had broken, he would have
tied the same upon {in\ a knot, and made it to serve again.
Others again are thrifty in small matters, but lavish and
prodigal in great. These, we say, " are Penny ]J',^/Jy'''^^
wise, and Pound foolish!" Many great Ladies Ladiepnnd
and our great Dames are subject to this disease. 7w"l-«'fi664.i
Others having had long experience in the world, and
having been bitten with Want, through their unthriftiness
when they were young, have proved very good husbands at
the last.
Others again there be, who cloak their miserable baseness
under the pretence of Thrift : as one would endure none of
his family to eat butter with an egg but himself; because
it was sold for 5d. [=i8t/. »0tC' the lb.
268 Of every Shilling, spend a Penny ! ["• ^"^"I's;?:
The definition of Frugality or Th'ift.
[RuGALiTY is a virtue which holdeth her own, layeth
out or expendeth profitably, avoideth unnecessary
expenses, much buying, riot, borrowing, lending,
superfluous buildings, and the like: yet can spend,
in a moderate way, as occasion shall require, \a^. That Groat
is well spent ! that saveth a Shilling.
Many years since, a very aged Gentleman having bought wares
of a citizen in London ; the master sends a young boy, his appren-
tice, to carry the goods with the said party.
The old Gentleman gave the boy a single Penny, saying, "/
give thee but this small piece of money ; but I will give thee good
counsel ! That when thy master's more liberal customers have
given thee, to the value of One Shilling, then spend but One
Penny ! and when it incrcaseth to Two Shillings, spend Two pence!
and keep the money, spending thus sparingly, and thou mayest be
a rich man, many years after my dcatli ! "
The boy observing this rule, did ^^ make his penny ^' icith
diligence and a small portion, up to thousands of pounds. 1667. ]
It is a virtue very nearly allied to Liberality, and hath the
same extremes. For as Liberality is opposite to Covetous-
ness, so Frugality is more opposite to Profuseness or Prodi-
gality. [For he that livcth not well one year, sorroweth for it
seven years after. 1667.]
This virtue is the Fountain or Springhead of Beneficence
and Liberality : for none can be bountiful except they be
parsimonious and thrifty. Bonus Servatius facit bonum Boni-
faciuni, is an old Monkish, but true, proverb. Quod ccssat
reditu ex frugalitate supplctuv, ex quo velut fonte libcralitas nostra
decurnt, quce ita tamcn tcnipcranda est, ne nimia profusione
inarescat, saith Seneca. [That which becometh defecteth in our
revenues is to be supplied by Thrift : from whence, as from a foun-
tain, our Liberality fioweth ; which, notwithstanding, is so to
be moderated that it grow not dry by too much profuseness.
1664.
It avoideth the ambitious buildings, pomps, shows, Court
H. Peacham.j Examples of Extravagance and Avarice. 269
maskings, with excessive feasts and entertainments. As
Mark Antony spent, at one supper, a thousand For the
^ .. 11* J. K.oiTians n^Q
wild boars. Heliogabalus had served nim up at no dinners,
a supper likewise, six hundred heads of ostriches, ^"hich weTe'
ViTELLius, at one feast, had two thousand fishes, f^^;;![J,5!7„'= °^
and mostly of several kinds; besides seven thou- the afternoon.
sand fowls.
Many such like feasts have been made by the Roman
Emperors ; and some so excessive, that an infinite quantity
of bread, meat, and other good victuals, all sorts of people
being satisfied, hath been thrown into the river of Tiber.
Again, on the other side, there are miserable Euclios and
base penurious slaves to be found in all parts ; yea, in every
town of the kingdom. As one at Priors Thorney, near to
Swaffham in Norfolk, made his man pay a penny out of his
wages for a rope he [? the servant] cut [down], when he [? the
master] was hanging of himself in his barn.
Another, in the Spring time, because [in order that] the
market should not thrive by him, would make boys climb
trees and search steeples, for all the crows and daws they
could find : which he lived upon, while they lasted, to save
other victuals.
Now there is an aurdpKeia, or a Self-contented Sufficiency,
which is most pleasing and agreeable to the nature of many
men. As Phocion, when Alexander had sent him a gift of
a hundred talents of gold : he sent it back with [shewing he
this message, that " he needed not Alexander's rhrn'hft'hat
money." eVtSe/^a? -rrXova Loire pov rov 8c86vto<; gaveit.i664.]
Toaavra, &c. [Thou hast shewed thyself a richer man than the
owner himself! 1664] be the words of Plutarch.
T/ie derivation of the word Penny, and of the value
and worth thereof.
Ur English Penny consists of four Farthings. And
a Farthing is so called from the old Saxon or High
Dutch [German] Ein viert ding, that is, a fourth
thing : because from the Saxons' time until Edward
III., the Penny of this land had a cross struck so deep in the
70 Etymology of the word Pen.xy. ["■
Peacham.
midst thereof, that you might break out any part of the four,
to buy what you thought good withal ; which was, in those
times, their Farthing.
The word Penny is so called, airo rrj^; 7revla<;, that is,
Poverty; because, for the most part, poor people are here-
with relieved. The old Saxon called it Pcnig, the High
Dutch Pfennig, the Netherlanders Penninck, in Italian
Denaro, in Spanish Dinero, in Latin Denaritis, which some
fetch from the Chaldean Denar, but somebody hath taught
the Chaldean to speak Latin. It is indeed derived a nmncro
denario, because decern asses made a Penny ; or, according to
Plutarch, a decern ccreis, koL to heKo.'^aXKov eKoXelro hrjvdpiov.
[Ten small pieces of brass were called a Penny. 1664.]
In the British or Welsh, it is Keniog from being current,
because it goes away faster than other money : as Scavernog
is Welsh for a hare, because she runs over the mountains
faster than an ordinary runner in Wales can overtake or
catch her ; as my honest friend Master Owen Morgan, that
country-man once, in good earnest, told me.
There are as many kind of Pence, as there are several
countries or nations. Our English penny is a Scotch shilling.
In the time of King Edward I. our English Penny being
round and undipped, was to weigh thirty grains of wheat
taken out of the midst of the ear. Twenty of these grains
made an ounce, and twelve [of these] ounces made a pound.
There were also golden pence, as we may find in Didymus
Claudius de analogia Ronianoriim. In a word, I might dis-
course ad infinitnui, of the variety of Pence, as well for
the form and stamp as weight and value ; though I sought
no further than among those of our Saxon kings, but it were
needless. I will only content myself with our ordinary
Penny, and stay the reader a while upon the not unpleasant
consideration of the simple worth of a single Penny ; reflect-
ing or looking back, as oft as I can (and as Pliny adviseth),
upon my Title.
Peacham.-l fjiE WORTH OF A PeNNY in I 64 1. 271
'i i04i._j
T/ie simple worth of a single Penny,
Penny bestowed in charity upon a poor body shall
not want a heavenly reward.
For a Penny, you may, in the Low Countries, in
any market, buy eight several commodities ; as nuts,
vinegar, grapes, a little cake, onions, oatmeal, and the like.
A^Penny bestowed in a small quantity of aniseed, aqua
vitcB, or the like strong water, may save one's life in a faintmg
or swoon.
[At the Apothecaries, you may buy a pennyworth of any of these
things following, viz., Lozenges for a cold or cough; Juice of
Liquorish [liquorice^, or Liquorish; a Diachilon plaster for an
issue ; Paracelsus, Oil of Roses, Oil of St. John's Wort, a penny-
worth of each is good for a sprain; Syrup-lettuce, to make one
sleep ; Jallop, to give a purge ; Mithridate, to make you sweat if
you have taken cold, or good to expel and prevent infection ;
Diascordium Diacodium, if you cannot sleep. 1667.]
For a Penny, you may hear a most eloquent oration upon
our English Kings and Queens, if, keeping your hands off,
you will seriously listen to David Owen, who keeps the
Monuments at Westminster [i.e., the Abbey].
Some, for want of a Penny [for a ferry or boat across the
Thames], have been constrained to go trom Westmmster,
about by London Bridge to Lambeth ; and might say truly,
Defessi sunius abulando. • , j •
You may have in Cheapside, your Penny tripled in the
same kind : for you shall have Penny Grass, Penny Wort,
and Penny Royal for your Penny.
For a Penny, you may see any Monster, Jacknapes; or
those roaring boys, the Lions. t- 1 j j
For a Penny, you may have all the news in England and
other countries, of murders, floods, witches, fires, tempests,
and what not, in one of Martin Parker's Ballads [in the
weekly News books. 1664],
For a Penny, you may have your horse rubbed and walked,
after a long journey ; and [itj being at grass, there are some
that will breathe [exercise] him for nothing.
For a Penny, you may buy a fair cucumber ; but not a
breast of mutton ! except it be multiplied [maggoty].
2/2 The worth of a Penny in 1641. ["•
Peacham.
For a Penny, you may buy Time, which is precious ; yea,
and Thrift too, if you be a bad husband.
For a Penny, a hostess or an hostler [innkeeper] may buy
as much chalk as will score up £2,0 or ^^40 [= £120 or £"i6o
now] ; but how to come by their money, that let them look to !
For a Penny, you may have your dog wormed [cured of
worms], and so be kept from running mad.
For a Penny [doubled. 1664], a drunkard may be guarded
to his lodging, if his head be light and the evening dark.
For a Penny, you shall tell what will happen a year hence,
(which the Devil himself cannot do !) in some Almanack or
other rude country.
A hard-favoured and ill-bred wench made Penny white,
may, as our Times are, prove a gallant Lady.
For a Penny, you may be advanced to that height that
you shall be above the best in the City ; yea, the Lord
Mayor himself ! that is, to the top of Paul's.
For a Penny, a miserable and covetous wretch that never
did, nor never will, bestow a penny on a Doctor or Apothe-
cary for their physic or advice, may provide a remedy for all
diseases [viz., a halter. 1664].
[For a Penny, you may buy a dish of coffee (not yet sold in
cups), to quicken your stomach and refresh your spirits. 1664.]
For a Penny, you may buy the hardest book in the world,
and which, at some time or other, has posed the greatest
Clerks in the land, viz., a hornbook [the making up of which
books employeth above thirty trades. 1664].
In so great esteem, in former times, have our English
pence been, that they have been carried to Rome by cart
loads [i.e., Peter's Pence],
For a Penny, you may search among the Rolls, and withal
give the Master good satisfaction. I mean, in a baker's basket.
For a Penny, a chambermaid may buy as much red ochre
as will serve, seven years, for the painting of her cheeks.
For a Penny, the Monarch of a free school, may provide
himself of so many arms, as will keep all his rebellious
subjects in awe.
For a Penny, you may walk within one of the fairest
gardens in the City, and have a nosegay or two made you
of what sweet flowers you please [to satisfy your sense of
smelling. 1664j.
H.Peacham.j f jj g WORTH OF A PeNNY in 1 64 I. 273
[And for a Penny, you may have that so useful at your trencher,
as will season your meat to please your taste, a month. 1684.]
For a Penny, you may buy as much wood of that tree,
which is green all the year and beareth red berries, as will
cure any shrew's tongue, if it be too long for her mouth [viz.,
a holly wand. 1664].
A Penny may save the credit of many. As it did of four or
five young* scholars in Cambridge, who, going into * some of
the town to break their fast with puddings, havinsf f'^^'" ^^/^ yet
. r o ' o living in
sent to their college for bread and beer, the hostess London.
brought them twelve puddings, broiled ; and finding among
themselves that they had but eleven pence, they were much
troubled about the other penny, not having any book about
them, to lay in pawn for it.
Quoth one, bolder than the rest, " Audaces fortuna javat :"
" Fortune favours the venturous ;" and biting off a piece of
the pudding's end, by wonderful luck, spat out a single
penny, that paid for it ; which, it seems, was buried in the
oatmeal or spice. So for that time, they saved their credits.
But I will leave this discourse of a Penny's worth to their
judgements and experience, who, having been troubled with
overmuch money, afterward, in no long time, have been fain,
after "a. long dinner with Duke Humphrey," to take a
nap on " penniless bench," only to verify the old proverb,
"A fool and his money is soon parted."
£JVG. Gar. VI. 18
How 7?io?tey 7nay^ 77ta7iy wajs^ be saved
171 diet^ apparel, 7^ecreatio72^
a7id the like,
5 vS THERE are infinite ways and occasions of
spending and laying out money, which it
were superfluous here to recount ; whereof
some may be well omitted ; but others
not, except we would want meat, drink,
and our apparel, with other external
necessaries, as horses, armour, books, and
the like ; in a word, whatsoever may con-
duce to our profit or honest pleasure. Yet in husbanding
our money in all these, there is a great deal of caution and
discretion to be used.
For most true it is, that of all nations in Europe, our
English are the most profuse and careless in the way of
expense. Go into other countries, especially Italy ! the
greatest magnifico in Venice will think it no disgrace to his
magnificenza to go to market, to choose and buy his own meat,
what him best liketh : but we in England scorn to do either;
surfeiting indeed of our plenty, whereof other countries fall
far short. Insomuch, as I am persuaded, that our City of
London, of itself alone, eateth more good beef and mutton
in one month, than all Spain, Italy, and a part of France, in
a whole year. If we have a mind to dine at a tavern, we
bespeak a dinner at all adventure ! never demanding or
knowing the price thereof till it be eaten. After dinner,
there is a certain sauce brought up by the Drawer, called a
Reckoning, in a bill as long as a broker's inventory.
H. Peacham
^,eZ\] The necessary use of taverns. 275
^ I have known, by experience, in some taverns, some-
times of at least twice, and sometimes thrice, as t^'^"".*: '"'""■^
much as the meat and dressing hath been worth nZ'f,fJ/y'Z
[is_ charged]. No question but a fair and honest S'./'fr"
gain is to be allowed, in regard of house -rent, fZad£yfor
linen, attendance of servants, and the like. There t-'^p dinners
are, without doubt, very many taverns veiy honest T.Lll'aur'the
and reasonable. And the use of them is neces- xmly'^'''''''''
sary. For if a man meets with his friend or acquaintance
in the street, whither should they go, having no friend's
house near to go into, especially in rainy or foul weather,
but to a tavern ? where, for the expense of a pint or quart of
wine, they may have a dry house and room, to confer with,
and to write to any friends about business.
But to have in a bill, 8s. [= 30s. now^„ brought up for an
ordinary capon, as my Lord of Northampton's Gentleman
had, at Greenwich, in King James his time ; "]$. or 95.
[= 25s. or 30s. now'] for a pair of soles; 4s. [= 15s. now] for
a dozen of larks ; would make a Florentine run out of his
wits ! How excellently, in some houses, are their neats'
tongues powdered, when the reckoning is brought you up !
Again, what can be m.ore distasteful to an ingenious and
free spirit, than to stand to the courtesy of a nimble-tongue
Drawer, or his many-ringed Mistress, whether they or your-
self shall have the disposing of your money ! It is no small
sum that our Gallants might save in a year, if they would be
wise in this respect.
{Mm commanly are very cautious in purchasing bargains of
great value, as buying of houses, horses, or rich apparel, or any
other commodity of the like nature; but for small expenses, as a
penny, or two pence at a time, that many daily lay out about
trivial things, they are altogether regardless of : and, for the most
part, those are most free in spending these small sums, who have
nothing else to spend, when their wives and children are ready to
starve.
Now, a frequent custom of these small expenses, in a short time,
arise to a considerable sum. As is. [= 3s. now] a day spent,
Cometh to £iS 5s. 6d. in the year ; and id. a day to £1 10s. 5^.
in the year. And a man of credit may take tip, at interest, £2$,
for id. a day, being the full use [interest] of that sum after the
rate of Six per Cent. 1667.]
2/6 The grExVT temperance of Italians, &c. [
II. Peacham.
1041.
Besides, in your own private house or chambers, a dish or
{Moderation two, and a good stomach for a sauce, shall give
^andrn'orJ'''''^' j'ou morc contcnt, continue your health, and keep
^Atnud'an!!''''' your body in better plight, than a variety of many
1664.] dishes. This pleased ever the wisest and best men.
Horace affirmeth him to live healthy and happy, ctu
splendet in mensa tcniie salinnm, meaning by the small and
poor salt cellar, a slender and frugal diet.
CuRius, that noble Roman, a man of marvellous honesty,
temperance, and valour, who overcame the Samnites and
Pyrrhus himself; when the ambassadors of the Samnites
brought him a huge sum of gold, they found him sitting by
the fire, and seething of turnips for his dinner, with an
earthen dish in his lap. At which time, he gave them this
answer, " I had rather eat in this dish, and command over
them that have gold ; than be rich myself." Awhile after,
being accused for deceiving the State of money which he
had gotten in his conquests and kept to himself; he took a
solemn oath, that he saved no more of all he got, but that
one treen or wooden barrel, which he had there by him.
Marvellous was the temperance of the Romans in their
diet ; as also of the Turks at this day, the Italians, and the
Spaniards : but it is in them natural, not habitual ; and by
[The.^rcat consequcncc, no virtue, as themselves would have it.
jr"gaiity of Pqj. the inhabitants of hot countries have not their
tlie Italinns, ....
Spaniards, digcstiott SO strong as those under cold climates ;
1664.]"'^" whose bodies, by an antipcristasis or surrounding
\i\T.iR/oT, of of cold, have the natural heat repelled and
grea'/an'eatTr ^^P^ within them : which is the reason that the
as any 0/ iafe Northcm nations are, of all others, the greatest
sometTmeseat catcrs and drlnkcrs ; and of those, the French say
(=9j'oriL we of England have the best stomachs and are
,,ov.-)i„,„ntton the greatest trenchermen of the world. Lcs Andais
at a iiteal ; ana , . 777
other fine meat sout Ics pLus gvos UHDigcurs dc tout Ic niondc. But they
llponAisoitm' arc dcccived ; those of Denmark and Norway
purse, he often excccd US, and the Russians, them.
Jeeaing on t r
coarse meats, \ confcss wc havc had, and vet have, some re-
inadeM.orZci. 1 vi i. , , r
(=--is.6d. markable eaters amongst us: who, for a wager,
°;";/?rL« would have eaten with the best of them; as
,„eat. 1664.] WoLMER of Windsor. And not long since. Wood
of Kent eat up, at one dinner, fourteen green geese, equal
H.Peacham.J INSTANCES OF REMARKABLE MiSERS. 277
to the old ones in bigness, with sauce of gooseberries: as I
heard it affirmed to my Lord Richard, Earl of Dorset, at
a dinner time, at his house at Knowle, in Kent, by one of
his Gentlemen, who was an eye-witness of the same.
But the truth is, that those men live the longest, and
are commonly in perfect health, who content themselves
with the least and simplest meat ; which not only saves
the purse, but preserves the body : as we may see in Lan-
cashire, Shropshire, Cheshire, Yorkshire, and other counties
which are remote from the City. And it is Master [oid p irr
Camden's observation in his Britannia, Ut diutius nvingakmi
vivant qiLCB vescuntur Lacticiniis, " they commonly Van'iy'eat any
are long-lived, who live by white meats," as milk, ■^"''' ^^^^^
butter, cheese, curds, and the like.
For Multa fercula innltos morbos gigncre* was * That many
truly said of St. Jerome, as being apt, by their many^'diseases.
sundry and opposite qualities to breed much corruption.
How healthful are scholars in our Universities, whose
commons are no more than needs must !
Neither would I have any man starve himself to save his
purse, as a usurer confessed upon his death-bed, how he was
above ;f200 1 =;£"6oo now] indebted to his belly for breakfasts,
dinners, and suppers ; which he had defrauded it, in Term
times at London, and in other places, employing his money
to other miserable purposes.
[Another rich usurer {who made it his custom, every Term to
travel on foot, in ragged clothes, and who sometimes did beg of
the thieves themselves) was so well known that, at last, they took
notice of him : and, examining his pockets, tJiey found little store
of gold ; bnt a great black pudding, in one end whereof his gold
was. The usurer, pleading hunger, desired the thieves, for GOD's
sake ! to give him half of it back again : which granted, and the
usurer finding it to be the wrong end; lie desired them to give
some of tJie fat in the other end, to his lean. " No, you rogue ! "
said the thieves, ^^ you have had your cut already ! you, shall not
have a crnmb more I " 1664.]
Money may be well saved in travel, or in town, if three or
four shall join their purses ; and provide their diet at the
best hand. It is no shame so to do.
I have known also some who have been very skilful in
dressing their own diet. Homer tells us, that Achilles
278 A TLAIN GARB IS THE BEST. ["' ^/'"l'^™;
could play the cook excellently well. And I believe it were
not amiss for our English travellers so to do, in foreign
countries : for many reasons I have known.
And execrable is the miser-able and base humour of many,
who, to save their money, will live upon vile and loathsome
[A miser-ahie thlngs, as mushrooms, snails, frogs, mice, young
^^.w^^V";'/::'^, kltllngs, and the like.
"jondofdi'I ^" ivi^t of extreme dearth or famine, people, I
agree tJ have confcss, havc bccn driven to look out for whatso-
'touIgeTahout ever could nourish, and, as we say, " keep life and
'drail^htof sou^ together " : yea, and of far worse things than
small heerjf thcsc, as JosEPHUs rcportcth of the Jews, in that
^asmZly "" horrlblc and fearful famine in Jerusalem at the time
t^n'li of the siege by Titus and Vespasian. Such we
Mta<casi,e blame not !
ivould put '"•,,,, , . ,
tayingonc Most blamcworthy are they who, as it were
nmv'u'iay;' surfciting of, or loathing that abundant plenty of
/1'luu"he''Ld. all good and wholesome meats GOD hath afforded
ijinthe us in this land, and which GOD, by name hath com-
ivintcr, the , , t t • 1 1 1 • rr 1 •
benefit of a_ mcndcd to His people, make this stuff their greatest
theluvnne'r, a dalntlcs : as I havc known Ladies who, when
'^anccfor'Jmah ^^^Y ^avc eatcn till they could eat no more of
heer. 1664.] all the dainticst dishes at the table : yet they must
eat the legs of their larks roasted anew in a greasy tallow
candle ; and if they carved but a piece of a burnt claw
to any Gentleman at the table, he must take it as an extra-
ordinary favour from her Ladyship. It were much to be
wished that they were bound to hold them to their diet,
in a dear )ear, or a wet spring ! when frogs and snails may
be had in greatest abundance.
Of thrift and good husbandry in Apparel.
|0u must, if you would keep money in your purse to
uphold your credit, at all times be frugal and thrifty
also in your apparel : not dogging the Fashion, or
^ setting your tailor a work at the sight of every
Monsieur's new suit.
There is a middle, plain, and decent garb, which is best
and most to be commended. This is commonly affected of
the most staid and wisest.
H. p.ach^am.-j 'YuE English are the Apes of EuRorE. 279
[7 have observed that this year 1667, many that had lost
thousands by the late dreadful Fire, both nienandivomen that have
worn the best of clothing, said that " they would wear over their
old clothes again, by altering of them in a plain way.'' Thousands
1WW have estates [fortunes] to repair, and therefore must not de-
spise small things. It is good to abridge or take away petty charges ;
and to stoop to petty gcttings. Also, a man ought to avoid all
charge begun, that will continue. 1667.]
What money might be saved, if we were so wise as the
Dutch or Spaniards, who, for these two or three hundred years,
have kept themselves to one fashion : but we, the [t/,^ cam-
Ape^ of Europe, like Proteus, must change our '"u"tnm 0/ tiie
shapes every year ! nay quarter ! month ! and s'/^a/aa,''/, in
week ! as well in our doublets, hose, cloaks, hats, ^J^'^'^'''^^'"'^'
bands, boots, and what not ?
That emblem was not improper which I saw at Antwerp,
where was a he-fool and a she-fool turning a double-
rimmed wheel upon one axle tree, one on the one side,
and the other on the other. Upon the he-fool's wheel
were the several fashions of men's apparel ; on the other
wheel, of women's : which, with the revolution of time, went
round, and came into the same place, use, and request again ;
as for the present aloft and followed of all, by and by, was
cast down and despised.
I see no reason why a Frenchman should not imitate our
English fashion, as we do his. What! have the French
more wit than we in fitting clothes to the body, or a better
invention or way in saving money, or making of apparel ?
Surely, I think not. It may be our English, when they had
to do in France, got a humour of affecting their fashions,
which they could not shake off since.
There is no man ever the warmer, or ever the wiser fqr a
fashion, so far forth as it is a fashion 2 but rather the
contrary, a fool ! for needless expense, and suffering himself
to quake for cold ; when his clothes in the fashion must be
cut to the skin, his hat hardly cover his crown, but stand
upon his periwig like an extinguisher. And we know by
ridiculous experience, every day in the street, that our ladies
and waiting-women will starve and shiver in the hardest
frost, rather than they will suffer their bare necks and breasts
to pass your eyes un viewed.
2 So Greatest Princes often dress plainest. ["•
Peach am.
? 1641.
But some will say, as I have heard many, there is no man
nowadays esteemed, that follows not the fashion. Be it
so. The fashion of these Times is very fit to be observed !
which is, to be deeply indebted to mercers, haberdashers,
sempsters, tailors, and other trades, for the fulfilling of a
fashionable humour: which a thrifty and wise man avoideth,
accommodating himself with apparel fair and seemly, for half
or a third of others' charge.
What makes so many of our city tailors arise to so great
estates, as some of them have ; and to build so brave houses,
but the fashion ? silkmen and mercers to buy such goodly
Lordships in the countries [coimiics^ , where (many times)
they are chosen High Sheriffs, but the fashion ?
And I would fain know of any of our prime fashion-
mongers, what use there is of laced bands of £6, £'j, and
£8 [=£i8, ;;^2i, ;^24 now] the band ? nay, of ;^40 or £50 the
band ? such daubing of cloaks and doublets, with gold and
silver points, of ;;^5 and £8 [=£1^ and £2^ now] the dozen,
to dangle uselessly at the knees?
Philopcemen, a brave Commander among the Grecians,
inPHiLOPCE- as Plutarch reporteth, commanded that all the
WEN. gold and silver which he had taken away from his
enemies, which was a very great quantity, should be em-
ployed in gilding and inlaying of swords, saddles, bridles,
all warlike furniture both for his men and horses. " For
gold and silver worn by martial men addeth," saith
Plutarch, " courage and spirit unto them ; but in others,
effeminacy or a kind of womanish vanity."
Modcrata durante [Things that are nioderaie, endure. 1664^ ;
vicdiocra firinti [Things of mediocrity are firm. 1664. {Lord
Bacon)], were the mottoes of two as grave and great
Councillors as were, of their Times, in England.
A Gentleman in a plain cloth suit, well made, may appear
in the presence of the greatest Prince. The Venetians, as
wise a people and State as any other in Europe, are bound
by the laws of their Common wealth, that their upper gar-
ment, worn within the city, should ever be of plain black.
Yea, the greatest Princes go, many times, the plainest in
their apparel. Chakles the Fifth, Emperor, the Bulwark
and Moderator of Christendom, in his time, went veiy plain ;
seldom or never wearing any gold or silver, save his Order of
the Golden Fkecc about his neck.
H.Peachani.J ScHOLARS OFTEN REGARDLESS OF DRESS. 28 1
Henry IV., King of France, worthily styled the Ninth
Worthy, many times, in the heat of summer, would only go
in a suit of buckram cut upon white canvas, or the like :
so little they, who had the Kernel of wisdom and magna-
nimity, cared for the Shell of gaudy apparel.
And it is worthy the observation how, for the IJ^'/ greatest
. "^ , , , .0 clwla rs nave
most part, the rarest and most excellent men m I'eo, the
inward knowledge and multiplicity of learning, i7»s,"!ifi/!ey
have been most negligent and careless in their ''/'■"^ t'^^": 'i
00 to be no dis-
apparel ; and, as we say, slovens. Erasmus saith credit to tiiem.
of Sir Thomas More, Quod a pitero semper in ^^^^
vestitu fnit negligentissimns, "that from a child, he Episto'iarwi.
was ever most careless and slovenly in his apparel." Para-
celsus we read to have been the like : and, to parallel him,
our late Master Butler of Cambridge [died 1618I, that
learned and excellent Physician.
[0/ Scholars and Wits, in all Ages, both poets and others, some
there have been who, of force, and against their own will, have
been forced to keep an old fashion.
I remember that an old Poet, of excellent parts for learning and
pleasant discourse, did, many years since, tell me. A Gentleman
of great estate in Derbyshire, desiring his company into the
country with him, it being in the Long Vacation in summer
time, when great breeches had been [were] much in fashion, with
baggings out at the knees, taking up much cloth, and a great
store of linings. This scholar being at present very low in his
fortunes, had worn very long and threadbare, a suit of this
fashion till his linings being so broken that he' was fain, every
night, li'hcn he put them off, to be a long time putting them in
order, that he might find the way to put them on, in the morning.
But in the morni^ig, the Gentleman coming into the room, and
taking icp his breeches, threw them upon his bed, saying, " He was
a slugger-bed ! "
" O, Sir,'' said the scholar, "you, have tmdone me ! for I was
a great while setting my breeches the last nigJii ; and now I shall
not know how to get my legs into them /"
The Gentleman fell into a laughter, and sent for a tailor to
make him a new suit.
This is as near the story as I can remember ; according to the
scholar's own relation, about 1625. 1669.]
There is much money to be saved in apparel, in choice of
282 Godfrey Colton, the Cambridge tailor. ["•^,^'"^^6^"?;
stuff for lasting and expense : and that you may not be de-
ceived in the stuff or price, take the advice of some honest tailor,
your friend ; as, no question, but everywhere there are many.
I will instance one. In Cambridge, there dwelt, some
twenty or thirty years ago [about 1620', one Godfrey
Colton ; who was, by trade, a tailor : but a merry com-
panion with his tabour and pipe, and for singing of all manner
of Northern Songs before Nobles and Gentlemen, who much
delighted in his company ; besides, he was Lord of Stour-
bridge Fair and all the misorders there.
On a time, an old Doctor of the University brought unto
him five yards of pure fine scarlet, to make him a Doctor of
Divinity's gown : and withal, desired him to save him the
least shred, to mend a hole if a moth should eat it.
Godfrey having measured it, and found there was enough,
laid it by.
"Nay," quoth the Doctor, " let me see it cut ere I go ! for
though you can play the knave abroad, I think you are honest
at home and at your work."
" GOD forbid else ! " quoth Godfrey, " and that you shall
find by me! For give me but 20s. from you, and I will save
you 40s. in the making of your gown."
" That I will ! " said the Doctor, who was miser-able
enouj^h, " with all mine heart ! "
With that, he gave him two old Harry Angels out of his
velvet pouch : which Godfrey having put into his pocket,
the Doctor desired him to tell him how he should save him 40s.
" Marry ! will I," quoth Godfrey, " in good faith, Sir.
Let some other tailor, in any case, make it ! For if I take
it in hand, I shall utterly spoil it ! for I never, in all my life,
made any of this fashion ! "
I report this, for the credit of honest tailors ; who will ever
tell their friends the truth.
0/ Recreations.
F recreations, some are more expensive than others,
as requiring more address and charge [outlay] ; as
Fittings, Masques, Plays, and the like:" which are
^ proper to Princes' Courts.
But I speak of those which are proper [appropriate] to private
H. Peacham
i
I'g^"^;] English recreations in 1641.283
men. For such is our nature, that we cannot stand long^
bent ; but we must have our relaxations as well of mind, as of
body.
For of Recreations, some are proper to the mind and
speculation, as reading of delightful and pleasant books, the
knowledge of the mathematical and other contemplative
sciences ; which are the more pleasing and excellent, by how
much the pleasure of the Mind excelleth that of the Body.
Others belong to the body, as walking, riding upon pleasure,
shooting, hunting, hawking, bowling, ringing, Paille Maille
[Note the occurrence of this name 18 years before the Restoration,
when Charles II. brought it into fashion], and the like ; which
are recreations without doors : others are within doors, as
chess, tables, cards, dice, billiards, gioco d'oco, and the like.
But the truth is, the most pleasing of all, is riding with
a good horse and a good companion, in the spring [T/tatrec>-ea.
or summer season, into the country, when the bios- IZ'st^f/ealant.
soms are on the trees and flowers in the fields ; or i664.]
when corn and fruit are ripe in autumn. What sweet and
goodly prospects shall you have, on both sides of you, upon
the way ! delicate green fields ! low meadows ! diversity of
crystal streams ! woody hills ! parks with deer ! hedgerows !
orchards ! fruit trees ! churches I villages ! the houses of
gentlemen and husbandmen ! several habits [different clothes]
and faces ! variety of country labours and exercises !
And if you happen, as often it falleth out, to converse with
countrymen of the place; you shall find them, for the most
part, understanding enough to give you satisfaction : and some-
times country maids and market wenches will give as unhappy
answers as they be asked knavish and uncivil questions.
Others there be, who, out of their rustical simplicity, will
afford you matter of mirth, if you stay to talk with them. I
remember, once, by Horncastle, near to Stikeswold, in Lin-
colnshire, in the heat of summer, I met with a swineherd
keeping his hogs on a fallow field.
" My friend," quoth I, " you keep here a company of unruly
cattle ! "
" I [Ay], poor souls, they are indeed," quoth he.
"I believe," said I, "they have a language among them-
selves, and can understand one another."
" I, as well as you or I."
284 Recreation should re-create a man. ["' ^'''I'g.T.
** Were they ever taught ? "
" Alas, poor things, they know not one letter of the book !
I teach them all they have."
" Why, what saith that great hog with red spots," quoth
I, " that lies under another, in his grunting language ? "
" Marry, he bids him that sleeps so heavy upon him, to lie
farther off."
But to our purpose. The most ordinary recreations in the
country are foot-ball, skales or nine-pins, shooting at butts ;
quoits, bowling, running at the base, stoolball, leaping, and
the like : whereof some are too violent and dangerous.
The safest recreations are within doors, but not in regard
of cost and expense ; for thousands sometimes are lost at
Ordinaries and Dicing-houses. Yea, I have known goodly
Lordships to have been lost at a cast ! and. for the sport of one
night, some have made themselves beggars all their lives after.
Recreation is so called a rccreando, that is, by a metaphor,
from creating a Man anew, by putting life, spirit, and delight
into him, after the powers of his mind and body have been
decayed and weakened with over much contemplation, study,
and labour : and therefore to be used only to that end.
Some go for recreations which trouble and amuse the
mind as much or more than the hardest study ; as chess,
In Basiikon whlch Klug James called therefore " over philo-
doron. sophical a folly."
And, indeed, such recreations should be so used that leave
no sting of repentance for sin committed by them, or grief and
sorrow, for loss of money and time, many days after.
I could instance many of that nature, but I will only give
Excellent rules somc cxcellent rules to be observed in some of
recreation. ,1
them.
1664.]
If you have a mind to recreate yourself by Play, never
adventure but a Third part of that money you have !
Let those you play withal, be of your acquaintance, and
not strangers ; if you may avoid it.
Never miss Time yourself, by sitting long at Play, as
some will do three or four nights together ; and so make
yourself unfit for any business in many days after.
Never play until you be constrained to borrow, or
pawn an3thing of your own ; which becometh a base
groom better than a Gentleman.
"■ ?'''i6":] W A Y S TO GET A LIVING IN I 64 I. 2S5
Avoid quarrelling, blasphemous swearing; and, in a
word, never play for more than you are willing to lose,
that you may find yourself, after your pastime, not the
worse, but the better : which is the end of all recreations.
There are some, I know, so base and penurious, who, for
fear of losing a penny, will never play at anything : yet,
rather than they should want their recreation, I would wish
them to venture at Span-counter and Dust-point, with
schoolboys, upon their ordinary play days, in a market-place
or Church porch !
Of such Jionest ways that men in want may
take to live and get money.
|F A man hath fallen into poverty or distress, either
by death of friends, some accident or other \a proper
by sea or land, sickness, or the like ; let IVgsi^'o/a
him not despair! ior paupcrtas non est vitium. Centtemanin.
... , f-^ '■ '■'■.,. ..^ U-rfordsIn re.
And smce the Common wealth is like unto a theCentteman
human Body, consisting of many members so use- fJid^iirnXft
ful, each to either, as one cannot subsist without "«'''«« ^/"^
11 f-\ • ^ • r\ • 1 yoittli and
the other; as a Prince, his Council and Statesmen, umbs »i,ght be
are as the Head; the Arms, are men-at-arms; the VePr\vhere-
Backthe commonality; Hands and Feet are country 'l^Zarlaid
and mechanic trades, &c. : so, GOD hath ordained "-^'-f'" .^,
, ,, 1111 1 r 1 1 trotibled ivitli
that all men should have need one 01 another, that a bad disease,
none might live idly or want employment. Where- wZ'asL',ned:'
fore Idleness as the bane of a Common wealth, '^he Centie-
. . 7iia7i giving
hath a curse attending upon it ; it should be >^''" ■^^- (=6d.
clothed with rags ! it should beg its bread ! &c. Tiding/or-
I remember I have read in an Italian history, of '^lltanlack tT
one so idle, that he was fain to have one to help ^,".'""" ^^''''"^
,. .... , , lit 1 • "'-f aisease
him to stir his chops, when he should eat his meat, w^?- The
Now, if you would ask me. What course he ^Jfdi him,hit
should take, or what he should do that wanteth ^f^'^'/JZ"^'
money? let him first bethink himself to what cudgei/ed.he
profession or trade of life he hath been formerly se,vh^g-ntan.
brought up? _ 'u&u"5us
If of the inferior rank of people, as a tradesman '/X7JJT
[mechanic] or artificer; for those are the persons .w«fwr«
most concerned in this general complaint. xQit]^"^^''"
286 Loss OF TIME IN COFFEE-HOUSES IN 16/6. ["• ^
Penchnm.
1641.
First, let them be diligent and industrious in their
several trades and callings.
Secondly, let them avoid all such idle society that
squandered away a great deal of tune at a cheap rate.
[I shall instance, in those sober and civil Conventions as at
coffee-houses and clubs, where little Money is pretended to be
spent, but a great deal of precious Time is lost : which the
person never thinks of, but measures his expenses by what goes
out of his pocket ; nor considers what he might have put in
by his labour, and what he might have saved, being employed
in a shop for example.
A mechanic tradesman, it may be, goes to the coffee-house
or ale-house, in the morning, to drink his morning's draught;
where he spends twopence, and in smoking and talking con-
sumes at least an hour : in the evening, about six o'clock, he
goes to his twopenny Club, and there stays for his twopence
till nine or ten. Here are fourpence spent ; and four hours
at least lost, which in most mechanic trades, cannot be
reckoned at less than a shilling : and, if he keep servants,
they may lose him nearly as much by idling and spoiling his
goods, which his presence might have prevented. So that,
upon these considerations, for this, his supposed Groat a day's
expenses, he cannot reckon less than seven groats : which
comes to 14s. [ = 425. now] a week, Sundays excepted ; this is
£^,6 105. a year [=z£iog 10s. now], a great deal of money in
a poor tradesman's pocket. 1676.]
If brought up to no trade, to what his genius or natural
disposition stands most affected unto.
If he hath a mind to travel, he shall find entertain-
[Thetimcsin mcnt in the Netherlands; who are the best
"o /lin/7/io paymasters ; except the Emperor of Russia,
deny imiustry ^si^ the Vcnctians (I mean, for the most
aiiTeiihood. means) m Europe.
waylillTy If you llst not to follow the wars, you may
^hhSiuord,°£ fi"^ entertainment among our new Planta-
ike schoi'ar by tions in Amcrica I as New England, Virginia,
the exercise of , t~> i i c~. r^t • 11 i 1 <
hhPen: and the barbadocs, bt. Christopher s, ana the rest :
'Zuilhaf where with a great deal of delight, you may have
'Z'^uUrstntdcih variety of honest employment, as fishing with
7iot. 1C64.] the net or hook, planting, gardening, and the
like ; which, besides your maintenance, you shall find it
H. Peach nm.
2 104
':] Get, and keep a friend! 287
a great content to your conscience to be in action, which
GOD commands us all to be! vniereis,w
If you have been ever in Grammar School, 'i:Z"lva,u\f
you may everywhere find children to teach ; %"ll'^;,/J,
so many, no doubt, as will keep you from "ponmUawfui
starving, and it may be in a Gentleman's mf/{Z'';''a»j,
house. Or if you get entertainment of any s^So,
who followeth the Law or practiseth Physic: ''"f^^-" ',
you may, with diligence and practice, prove a hima,ii,u-h
Clerk to himself or some Justice of the Peace. t^nTtL'\mi.\
By the other, you may get the knowledge and nature of
herbs and all foreign drugs from his apothecary ; and
perhaps many good receipts for agues, wounds, and the
like. I have known many, this way, to have proved in
a country town, tolerable physicians, and have grown
rich.
If being born a Gentleman, you scorn, as our Gentlemen do,
to do any of these; you may get to be a Gentleman
Usher to some Lady or other. They are not few that
have thrived passing well this way.
And, in a word, rather than be in miserable and pitiless
want, let a man undertake any vocation and labour ! always
remembering that homely, but true, distich of old Tusser's,
Think no labour slavery.
That brings in Penny saverly !
And as a necessary rule hereto coincident, let every man
endeavour, by a dutiful diligence, to get a friend ! and when
he hath found him (neither are they so easily found in these
days!) with an equal care to keep him ! and to use him, as one
would do a crystal or Venice glass, to take him up softly and
use him tenderly ; or as you would a sword of excellent
temper and mettle, not to hack at every gate or cut every
staple and post therewith, but to keep him to defend you in
your extremest danger.
False and seeming friends are infinite. Such be our
ordinary acquaintance, with the compliment, " Glad to see
you well ! " " How have you done, this long time?" &c. :
and with these, we meet every day.
In a word, for a conclusion, let every one be careful to get
>.SS " We will want money, for no man ! " ["•
Peacham.
? 1641.
and keep money. Know the worth of a Penny ! [There is
no companion like a Penny ! Be a good husband ! and iliou
wilt soon get a penny to spend, a penny to lend, and a penny for
thy friend. 1667.]
And since we are born, we must live. Vivons nons ! Let
us live as well, as merrily, as we can, in these hardest
Times ! and say, every one of us, as Sir Roger Williams,
that brave soldier, said to Queen Elizabeth, when he
wanted pay for himself and his soldiers, " Madam,
I tell you true ! we will be without money for
no man's pleasure ! "
FINIS.
I D E ^ ,
I N
S I X T Y-T H R E E
SONNETS.
B Y
Michael Drayton,
Esquire.
#
LONDON,
Printed for John Smethwick.
I 6 I 9.
ENG. Gar. VI.
290
^A^i To the Reader of
these Sonnets.
N'to these Loves, w/io btit for Passion looks ;
At tills first sight, here let him lay them by /
And seek elsezvJiere in tttrning other books,
Which better may his labour satisfy.
No far-fetched Sigh shall ever wound my bi'east I
Love from 7nine eye, a Tear shall never wring I
No " Ah me I "s my whiiiing sofinets drest I
A Libertine / fantastic ly I sing !
My Verse is the true image of my ATind,
Ever in motion, still desiring change :
And as thus, tovariety inclined ;
So in all humottrs sportively / range I
My MtLse is rightly of the English strain,
That cannot long 07ie fashion entertain.
291
Idea.
Ike an adventurous seafarer am I,
Who hath some long and dangerous voyage
been ;
And called to tell of his discovery,
How far he sailed, what countries he had
seen ;
Proceeding from the port whence he put
forth,
Shews by his compass how his course he steered,
When East, when West, when South, and when by North,
As how the Pole, to every place was reared ;
What capes he doubled, of what continent,
The gulfs and straits that strangely he had past ;
Where most becalmed, where with foul weather spent,
And on what rocks in peril to be cast :
Thus in my Love, Time calls me to relate
My tedious travels, and oft-varying fate.
292
Idea.
CM. Drayton.
1594-1619.
Y HEART was slain, and none but you and I ?
Who should I think the murder should commit ;
Since but yourself, there was no creature by
But only I, guiltless of murdering it ?
It slew itself? The verdict on the view
Do quit the dead, and me not accessory.
Well, well ! I fear it will be proved of you !
Th'evidence so great a proof doth carry.
But 0 see ! See, we need inquire no further !
Upon your lips, the scarlet drops are found !
And in your eye, the Boy that did the murder !
Your cheeks yet pale, since first he gave the wound !
By this I see, however things be past,
Yet Heaven will still have murder out at last.
Aking my pen, with words to cast my woe,
Duly to count the sum of all my cares ;
I find, my griefs innumerable grow :
The reck'nings rise to millions of despairs.
And thus dividing of my fatal hours :
The payments of my Love, I read and cross ;
Subtracting, set my Sweets unto my Sours.
My Joys' arrearage leads me to my loss.
And thus mine eyes a debtor to thine eye,
Which by extortion gaineth all their looks ;
My heart hath paid such grievous usury,
That all their wealth lies in thy Beauty's books.
And all is Thine which hath been due to me ;
And I a bankrupt, quite undone by Thee !
M. Dray
1594
ayton."|
-1619.J
Idea.
293
Right Star of Beauty ! on whose Eyelids sit
A thousand nymph-like and enamoured Graces,
The Goddesses of Memory and Wit,
Which there in order take their several places.
In whose dear Bosom, sweet delicious Love
Lays down his quiver, which he once did bear,
Since he that blessed Paradise did prove ;
And leaves his mother's lap, to sport him there.
Let others strive to entertain with words !
My soul is of a braver mettle made :
I hold that vile, which vulgar Wit affords.
In me 's that faith which Time cannot invade !
Let what I praise, be still made good by 3'ou !
Be you most worthy, whilst I am most true !
Othing but «'No!" and "*I !", and "I!" and "No!".
" How falls it out so strangely? " you reply.
I tell ye, Fair ! I'll not be answered so ! v^y^
With this affirming " No ! ", denying " I ! ".
I say " I love ! " You slightly answer " I ! ".
I say " You love ! " You pule me out a " No ! ".
I say " I die 1 " You echo me with " I ! ".
" Save me ! " I cry ; you sigh me out a " No ! ".
Must Woe and I have naught but " No ! " and " I ! " ?
No " I 1 " am I, if I no more can have.
Answer no more I With silence make reply,
And let me take myself what I do crave !
Let " No ! " and " I ! " with I and you be so.
Then answer «' No ! " and '' I ! ", and " I ! " and " No ! ".
294
I D E A:
[M. Drayton.
1594-1619.
6.
Ow many paltry foolish painted Things,
That now in coaches trouble every street,
Shall be forgotten (whom no Poet sings)
Ere they be well wrapped in their winding sheet !
Where I, to thee Eternity shall give !
When nothing else remaineth of these days.
And Queens hereafter shall be glad to live
Upon the alms of thy superfluous praise.
Virgins and matrons, reading these my rhymes.
Shall be so much delighted with thy Story,
That they shall grieve they lived not in these Times,
To have seen Thee, their sex's only glory !
So shalt thou fly above the vulgar throng,
Still to survive in my immortal Song.
OvE, in a humour, played the prodigal,
And bade my Senses to a solemn feast ;
Yet more to grace the company withal,
Invites my Heart to be the chiefest guest.
No other drink would serve this glutton's turn.
But precious Tears distilling from mine ey'n ;
Wliich with my Sighs this epicure doth burn.
Quaffing carouses in this costly wine :
Where, in his cups, o'ercome with foul excess,
Straightways he plays a swaggering ruffian's part,
And at the banquet, in his drunkenness,
Slew his dear friend, my kind and truest Heart.
A gentle warning, friends ! thus may you see.
What 'tis to keep a drunkard, company !
M
. Drayton."]
1594-16HJ.J
Idea.
295
Here's nothing grieve me, but that Age should haste,
That in my days, I may not see the old !
That where those two clear sparkling Eyes are placed,
Only two loopholes, then I might behold !
That lovely arched ivory-polished Brow
Defaced with wrinkles, that I might but see!
Thy dainty Hair, so curled and crisped now,
Like grizzled moss upon some aged tree !
Thy Cheek, now flush with roses, sunk and lean !
Thy Lips, with age as any wafer thin !
Thy pearly Teeth, out of thy head so clean,
That when thou feed'st, thy Nose shall touch thy Chin !
These Lines that now scornst, which should delight thee :
Then would I make thee read, but to despite thee !
S OTHER men, so I myself, do muse
Why in this sort I wrest Invention so ?
And why these giddy metaphors I use,
Leaving the path the greater part do go ?
I will resolve you ! I am lunatic !
And ever this in madmen you shall find.
What they last thought of, when the brain grew sick,
In most distraction, they keep that in mind.
Thus talking idly, in this Bedlam fit.
Reason and I (you must conceive) are twain ;
'Tis nine years now, since first I lost my Wit.
Bear with me then, though troubled be my brain !
With diet and correction, men distraught,
(Not too far past), may to their wits be brought.
296
Idea.
FM. Drayton.
L 1594-1619.
'.
10.
O NOTHING fitter can I thee compare,
Than to the son of some rich penny-father ;
Who having now brought on his end with care,
Leaves to his son, all he had heaped together.
This new rich Novice, lavish of his chest,
To one man gives ! doth on another spend !
Then here he riots ! yet, amongst the rest,
Haps to lend some to one true honest friend.
Thy Gifts, thou in obscurity dost waste !
False friends, thy Kindness ! born but to deceive thee.
Thy Love that is on the unworthy placed !
Time hath thy Beauty, which with age will leave thee!
Only that little, which to me was lent,
I give thee back ! when all the rest is spent.
II.
Ou're not alone when You are still alone,
O God ! from You that I could private be !
Since You one were, I never since was one ;
Since You in Me, my self since out of Me.
Transported from my Self into your Being,
Though either distant, present yet to either :
Senselessly with too much joy, each other seeing;
And only absent, when We are together.
Give me my self! and take your self again !
Devise some means but how I may forsake You I
So much is mine that doth with You remain,
That taking what is mine, with me I take You !
You do bewitch Me ! O that I could liy
From my self You, or from your pwn self I I
M.
1594-1619.J
Idea
297
12.
To the Soul.
Hat learned Father, which so firmly proves
The Soul of Man immortal and divine,
And doth the several Offices define :
Gives her that Name, as she the body moves.
Then is she Love, embracing Charity.
Moving a will in us, it is the Mind : ^
Retaining knowledge, still the same in kind.
As intellectual, it is Memory.
In judging. Reason only is her name.
In speedy apprehension, it is Sense.
Aniiita,
Amor,
Animus,
Melts,
Memoria,
Ratio,
Sensiis, ^ - J
Conscientia, In right and wrong, they call her Conscience.
Spiritus, The Spirit, when it to GODward doth mflame.
These of the Soul, the several functions be,
Which my heart lightened by thy Love, doth
see.
13-
To the Shadow.
Etters and lines, we see are soon defaced.
Metals do waste and fret with canker's rust.
The diamond shall once consume to dust;
And freshest colours, with foul stains disgraced.
Paper and ink can paint but naked words.
To write with blood, of force offends the sight.
And if with tears, I find them all too light :
And sighs and signs, a silly hope afford :
O sweetest Shadow, how thou serv'st my turn !
Which still shalt be, as long as there is sun.
Nor whilst the world is, never shall be done ;
Whilst moon shall shine, or any fire shall burn :
That everything whence shadow doth proceed,
May in his shadow, my Love's story read.
298
Id
E A
[M. Drayton.
1594-1619.
14.
F HE, from heaven that filched that living fire.
Condemned by JovE to endless torment be !
I greatly marvel, how you still go free!
That far beyond Prometheus did aspire.
The fire he stole, although of heavenly kind,
Which from above he craftily did take,
Of liveless clods, us living men to make ;
He did bestow in temper of the mind.
But you broke into heaven's immortal store,
Where Virtue, Honour, Wit, and Beauty lay !
Which taking thence, you have escaped away.
Yet stand as free as e'er you did before :
Yet old Prometheus punished for his rape!
Thus poor thieves suffer, when the greater 'scape.
15.
Hh Remedy for Love.
Ince to obtain thee, nothing me will stead,
I have a Med'cine that shall cure my Love.
The powder of her Heart dried, when she is dead,
That gold nor honour ne'er had power to move ;
Mixed with her Tears that ne'er her True Love
crost,
Nor, at fifteen, ne'er longed to be a bride ;
Boiled with her Sighs, in giving up the ghost.
That for her late deceased husband died ;
Into the same, then let a woman breathe.
That being chid, did never word reply ;
With one thrice-married's Prayers, that did bequeath
A legacy to stale virginity.
If this receipt have not the power to win me;
Little I'll say, but think the Devil 's in me !
M. Dray
1594
S-ton."]
1619.J
I D E A »
299
i5.
An Allusion to the Phxnix.
Ongst all the creatures in this spacious round,
Of the birds' kind, the Phoenix is alone :
Which best by you, of living things is known ;
None like to that ! none like to you is found !
Your Beauty is the hot and splend'rous sun.
The precious spices be your chaste Desire ;
Which being kindled by that heavenly tire,
Your life, so like the Phoenix 's begun.
Yourself thus burned in that sacred flame,
With so rare sweetness all the heavens perfuming ;
Again increasing, as you are consuming,
Only by dying born the very same.
And winged by Fame, you to the stars ascend !
So you, of time shall live beyond the end.
17-
To Time.
Tay, speedy Time ! behold, before th«u pass
From Age to Age, what thou hast sought to see !
One in whom all the excellencies be,
In whom Heaven looks itself as in a glass.
Time ! look thou too in this tralucent glass !
And thy youth past, in this pure mirror see !
As the World's Beauty in his infancy,
What it was then ; and thou, before it was.
Pass on ! and to posterity tell this!
Yet see thou tell but truly, what hath been !
Say to our nephews, that thou once hast seen
In perfect human shape, all Heavenly Bliss !
And bid them mourn, nay more, despair with thee,
(That she is gone) her like again to see !
5& -3 s
300 IDEA. 1_ ,s94-l6i9.
18.
To the Celestial Numbers,
0 THIS our World, to Learning, and to Heaven ;
Three Nines there are, to every one a Nine :
One number of the earth, the other both Divine,
One Woman now makes three odd numbers even.
Nine Orders first, of Angels be in heaven ;
Nine Muses do, with Learning still frequent;
These with the gods are ever resident.
Nine worthy Women, to the World were given.
My worthy One, to these Nine Worthies addeth !
And my fair Muse, one Muse unto the Nine !
And my good Angel (in my soul, divine!),
With one more Order, these nine Orders gladdeth !
My Muse, my Worthy, and my Angel then
Makes every One of these three Nines, a Ten.
19.
To Humour.
fOu cannot love, my pretty Heart ! and why ?
There was a time you told me that you would ;
But now again, you will the same deny!
If it might please you, would to God you could !
What, will you hate ? Nay, that you will not neither !
Nor love, nor hate ! how then ? What will you do ?
What, will you keep a mean then betwixt either ?
Or will you love me, and yet hate me too ?
Yet serves not this ! What next, what other shift ?
You Will, and Will Not; what a coil is here !
I see your craft ! Now, I perceive your drift I
And all this while, I was mistaken there.
Your love and hate is this, I now do prove you !
You love in hate, by hate to make me love you.
M. Drayton.'
. Drayton."]
1594-1619.J
Idea,
301
20.
N EVIL Spirit (your Beauty) haunts me still,
Wherewith, alas, I have been long possesst ;
Which ceaseth not to attempt me to each ill,
Nor give me once, but one poor minute's rest.
In me it speaks, whether I sleep or wake :
And when by means to drive it out I try.
With greater torments then it me doth take,
And tortures me in most extremity.
Before my face, it lays down my despairs,
And hastes me on unto a sudden death :
Now tempting me, to drown myself in tears ;
And then in sighing to give up my breath.
Thus am I still provoked to every evil.
By this good-wicked Spirit, sweet Angel-Devil.
21.
Witless Gallant, a young wench that wooed
(Yet his dull spirit, her not one jot could move),
Intreated me, as e'er I wished his good.
To write him but one Sonnet to his Love.
When I, as fast as e'er my pen could trot,
Poured out what first from quick Invention came ;
Nor never stood one word thereof to blot :
Much like his wit, that was to use the same.
But with my verses, he his Mistress won ;
Who doated on the dolt beyond all measure.
But see ! For you, to heaven for phrase I run.
And ransack all Apollo's golden treasure !
Yet by my froth, this Fool, his Love obtains :
And I lose you, for all my wit and pains !
:o2
Idea.
[M. Drayton.
1S94-1619.
22.
To Folly.
Ith fools and children, good discretion bears.
Then, honest people, bear with Love and me !
Nor older yet, nor wiser made by years,
Amongst the rest of fools and children be.
Love, still a baby, plays with gauds and toys,
And like a wanton sports with every feather ;
And idiots still are running after boys :
Then fools and children fittest to go together.
He still as young as when he first was born ;
No wiser I, than when as young as he :
You that behold us, laugh us not to scorn ;
Give Nature thanks, you are not such as we !
Yet fools and children sometimes tell in play,
Some wise in shew, more fools indeed than they !
23-
OvE banished heaven, in earth was held in scorn ;
Wand'ring abroad in need and beggary t
And wanting friends, though of a goddess born.
Yet craved the alms of such as passed by.
I, like a man devout and charitable,
Clothed the naked, lodged this wandering guest;
With sighs and tears still furnishing his table,
With what might make the miserable blest.
But this Ungrateful ! for my good desert,
Inticed my thoughts, against me to conspire;
Who gave consent to steal away my heart,
And set my breast (his lodging) on a fire.
Well, well, my friends! when beggars grow thus bold;
No marvel then, though Charity grow cold.
M. Dray
1594-
ayton."]
j-i6i9.J
Idea.
503
24.
Hear some say, "This man is not in love ! "
" Who ! can he love ? a likely thing ! " they say.
" Read but his Verse, and it will easily prove ! "
O, judge not rashly, gentle Sir, I pray !
Because I loosely trifle in this sort,
As one that fain his sorrows would beguile :
You now suppose me, all this time, in sport ;
And please yourself with this conceit the while.
Ye shallow Censures ! sometimes, see ye not,
In greatest perils, some men pleasant be ;
Where Fame by death is only to be got.
They resolute ! So stands the case with me.
Where other men, in depth of Passion cry ;
I laugh at Fortune, as in jest to die !
25.
, Why should Nature niggardly restrain,
That foreign nations relish not our tongue ?
Else should my Lines glide on the waves of Rhine,
And crown the Pyren's with my living Song.
But bounded thus, to Scotland get you forth !
Thence take you wing unto the Orcades !
There let my Verse get glory in the north,
Making my sighs to thaw the frozen seas.
And let the Bards within that Irish isle,
To whom my Muse with fiery wings shall pass.
Call back the stiff-necked rebels from exile,
And mollify the slaughtering Gallowglass !
And when my flowing Numbers they rehearse,
Let wolves and bears be charmed with my Verse !
\o4
Idea.
TM. Drayton.
L 1594-1619.
26.
To Despair.
Ever love, where never Hope appears,
Yet Hope draws on my never-hoping care ;
And my life's Hope would die but for Despair ;
My never-certain joy breeds ever certain fears.
Uncertain dread gives wings unto my Hope;
Yet my Hope's wings are laden so with fear
As they cannot ascend to my Hope's sphere ;
Though fear gives them more than a heavenly scope.
Yet this large room is bounded with Despair,
So my Love is still fettered with vain Hope,
And liberty deprives him of his scope,
And thus am I imprisoned in the air.
Then, sweet Despair, awhile hold up thy head !
Or all my Hope, for sorrow, will be dead.
27.
S NOT Love here, as 'tis in other climes ?
And differeth it, as do the several nations?
Or hath it lost the virtue, with the Times ?
Or in this island altereth with the fashions ?
Or have our Passions lesser power than theirs,
Who had less Art, them lively to express ?
Is Nature grown less powerful in their heirs,
Or in our fathers, did she more transgress ?
I am sure, my sighs come from a heart as true
As any man's that Memory can boast 1
And my respects and services to you,
Equal with his, that loves his Mistress most!
Or Nature must be partial in my cause,
Or only You do violate her laws 1
M. Dray
'594
ayton."]
t-i6i9.J
Idea.
505
28.
0 SUCH as say, thy Love I overprize,
And do not stick to term my praises, folly ;
Against these folks, that think themselves so wise,
I thus oppose my reason's forces wholly.
Though I give more than well affords my state.
In which expense, the most suppose me vain
(Which yields them nothing, at the easiest rate),
Yet, at this price, returns me treble gain.
They value not, unskilful how to use ;
And I give much, because I gain thereby :
I that thus take, or they that thus refuse ;
Whether are these deceived then, or I ?
In everything, I hold this maxim still.
The circumstance dotli make it good or ill.
29.
To the Senses.
Hen conquering Love did first my Heart assail ;
WVfii Unto mine aid I summoned every Sense :
)^^ Doubting, if that proud tyrant should prevail,
My Heart should suffer for mine eyes' offence.
But he with beauty first corrupted Sight,
My Hearing bribed with her tongue's harmony.
My Taste by her sweet lips drawn with delight.
My Smelling won with her breath's spicery.
But when my Touching came to play his part
(The King of Senses, greater than the rest).
He yields Love up the keys unto my Heart ;
And tells the others, how they should be blest.
And thus by those, of whom I hoped for aid ;
To cruel Love, my soul was first betrayed.
Eng. Gar. VI. 20
3o6 Idea, \^\
Drayton.
594-1619.
To the Vestals.
Hose priests which first the Vestal Fire began,
\\"hich might be borrowed from no earthly flame,
Devised a vessel to receive the sun,
Being stedfastly opposed to the same :
Where, with sweet wood, laid curiously by Art,
On which the sun might by reflection beat ;
Receiving strength for every secret part.
The fuel kindled with celestial heat.
Thy blessed Eyes, the sun which lights this fire !
My holy Thoughts, they be the Vestal Flame 1
The precious odours be my chaste Desires !
My Breast's the vessel which includes the same!
Thou art my Vesta ! Thou, my goddess art 1
Thy hallowed temple only is my Heart !
31-
To the Critics.
jiEthinks, I see some crooked Mimic jeer,
And tax my Muse with this fantastic grace ;
Turning my papers, asks, " What have we here?"
Making withal some filthy antic face.
I fear no censure, nor what thou canst say !
Nor shall my spirit, one jot of vigour lose !
Think'st thou, my Wit shall keep the packhorse way,
That every dudgen low Invention goes ?
Since Sonnets thus in bundles are imprest.
And every drudge doth dull our satiate ear ;
Think'st thou, my Love shall in those rags be drest,
That every dowdy, every trull doth wear ?
Up to my pitch, no common judgement flies !
I scorn all earthly dung-bred scarabies !
M. Dray
1594-
.-rrj Idea. 307
32.
To the River Ankor.
Ur floods' Queen, Thames, for ships and swans is
crowned ;
And stately Severn, for her shore is praised.
The cr3^stal Trent, for fords and fish renowned ;
And Avon's fame, to Albion's cliffs is raised,
Carlegion Chester vaunts her holy Dee.
York, many wonders, of her Ouse can tell.
The Peak, her Dove, whose banks so fertile be :
And Kent will say, her Medway doth excel.
Cotswold commends her Isis to the Tame.
Our northern borders boast of Tweed's fair flood.
Our western parts extol their Wilis' fame ;
And the old Lea brags of the Danish blood.
Arden's sweet Ankor, let thy glory be,
That fair Idea only lives by thee !
33.
To Imagination.
HiLST yet mine Eyes do surfeit with delight,
My woful Heart (imprisoned in my breast)
Wisheth to be transformed to my sight.
That it, like, those, by looking, might be blest.
But whilst mine Eyes thus greedily do gaze,
Finding their objects over-soon depart;
These now the other's happiness do praise,
Wishing themselves, that they had been my Heart.
That Eyes were Heart, or that the Heart were Eyes,
As covetous the other's use to have.
But finding Nature, their request denies,
This to each other mutually they crave.
That since the one cannot the other be,
That Eyes could think of that my Heart could see.
io8
Idea.
[M. Drayton.
'55
594-1619.
34-
To Admiration.
Arvel not, Love ! though I thy power admire !
Ravished a world beyond the farthest thought,
And knowing more, than ever hath been taught,
That I am only starved in my Desire :
Marvel not, Love ! though I thy power admire !
Aiming at things exceeding all perfection ;
To Wisdom's self to minister direction,
That I am only starved in my Desire :
Marvel not. Love ! though I thy power admire !
Though my Conceit I further seem to bend
Than possibly Invention can extend ;
And yet am only starved in my Desire :
If thou wilt wonder ! here 's the wonder, Love !
That this to me doth yet no wonder prove.
35-
To Miracle.
Ome misbelieving and profane in Love,
When I do speak of miracles by thee.
May say, that thou art flattered by me ;
Who only write, my skill in Verse to prove.
See miracles ! ye Unbelieving, see !
A dumb-born Muse made to express the mind 1
A cripple Hand to write, yet lame by kind !
One by thy name, the other touching thee.
Blind were mine eyes, till they were seen of thine ;
And mine ears deaf, by thy fame healed be :
My vices cured by virtues sprung from thee ;
My hopes revived, which long in grave had lien.
All unclean thoughts (foul spirits) cast out in me,
Only by virtue that proceeds from thee.
I. Drayton. "1
1594-1619.J
Idea.
509
36.
Cupid conjured.
Hou purblind Boy ! since thou hast been so slack
To wound her heart, whose eyes have wounded me ;
And suffered her to glory in my wrack :
Thus to my aid, I lastly conjure thee !
By hellish Styx (by which the Thunderer swears)!
By thy fair Mother's unavoidrd power !
By Hecate's names ! by Proserpine's sad tears,
When she was rapt to the infernal bower !
By thine own loved Psyche's ! by the fires
Spent on thine altars, flaming up to heaven !
By all true lovers' sighs, vows, and desires !
By all the wounds that ever thou hast given !
I conjure thee, by all that I have named,
To make her love ! or, Cupid, be thou damned !
37.
Ear ! why should you command me to my rest,
When now the night doth summon all to sleep ?
Methinks, this time becometh lovers best !
Night was ordained, together friends to keep.
How happy are all other living things.
Which, through the day, disjoined by several flight.
The quiet evening yet together brings.
And each returns unto his Love at night !
O thou that art so courteous else to all,
Why shouldst thou, Night ! abuse me only thus !
That every creature to his kind dost call.
And yet 'tis thou dost only sever us ?
Well could I wish, it would be ever day;
If, when night comes, you bid me go away !
3IO
Idea
[M. Drayton.
1594-1619.
Itting alone, Love bids me go and write !
Reason plucks back, commanding me to stay !
Boasting that She doth still direct the way,
Or else Love were unable to indite.
Love growing angry, vexed at the spleen,
And scorning Reason's maimed argument.
Straight taxeth Reason, wanting to invent
Where She with Love conversing hath not been.
Reason reproached with this coy disdain,
Despiteth Love, and laugheth at her folly :
And Love contemning Reason's reason wholly,
Thought it in weight too light by many a grain.
Reason put back, doth out of sight remove ;
And Love alone picks reason out of love.
39-
O.ME, when in rhyme, they of their loves do tell ;
With ilames and lightnings their exordiums paint.
Some call on heaven, some invocate on hell,
And Fates and Furies, with their woes acquaint.
Elizium is too high a seat for me.
I will not come in Styx or Phlegethon.
The thrice-three Muses but too wanton be.
Like they that lust, I care not, I will none !
Spiteful Ekinnys frights me with her looks,
My manhood dares not, with foul Ate mell.
I quake to look on Hecate's charming books.
I still fear bugbears in Apollo's cell.
I pass not for Minerva ! nor Astrea !
Only I call on my divine Idea !
[. Drayton."!
1594-1619.J
Idea
311
40.
R^ Y HEART the Anvil where my thoughts do beat ;
My words the Hammers fashioning my Desire ;
My breast the Forge including all the heat,
Love is the Fuel which maintains the fire.
My sighs the Bellows which the flame increaseth,
Filling mine ears with noise and nightly groaning.
Toiling with pain, my labour never ceaseth ;
In grievous Passions, my woes still bemoaning.
My eyes with tears against the fire striving,
Whose scorching glede, my heart to cinders turneth :
But with those drops, the flame again reviving
Still more and more it, to my torment burneth.
With Sisyphus thus do I roll the stone,
And turn the wheel with damned Ixion.
41.
Love's Lunacy.
^Hy do I speak of joy, or write of love.
When my heart is the very den of horror ;
And in my soul the pains of hell I prove.
With all his torments and infernal terror ?
What should I say ? What yet remains to do ?
My brain is dry with weeping all too long.
My sighs be spent in uttering of my woe.
And I want words wherewith to tell my wrong.
But still distracted in Love's lunacy,
And Bedlamlike, thus raving in my grief.
Now rail upon her hair, then on her eye.
Now call her "Goddess!" then I call her "Thief!"
Now I deny her! then I do confess her!
Now do I curse her! then again I bless her!
/„ „ , riSI. Drayton.
D E A . j_ X594-X619.
42.
Ome men there be, which Hke my method well,
And much commend the strangeness of my vein.
Some say I have a passing pleasing strain,
Some say that in my humour I excel.
Some, who not kindly relish my conceit,
They say, as poets do I use to feign,
And in bare words paint out my Passions' pain.
Thus sundry men, their sundry minds repeat.
I pass not, I, how men affected be !
Nor who commends or discommends my Verse 1
It pleaseth me, if I my woes rehearse !
And in my lines, if She, my love may see !
Only my comfort still consists in this;
Writing her praise, I cannot write amiss !
43.
JHy should your fair eyes, with such sovereign grace.
Disperse their rays on every vulgar spirit,
Ij Whilst I in darkness, in the self-same place,
Get not one glance to recompense my merit ?
So doth the plowman gaze the wandering star.
And only rest contented with the light ;
That never learned wl^ajt constellations are.
Beyond the bent of his unknowing sight.
O why should Beauty (custom to obey),
To their gross sense apply herself so ill !
Wpuld God ! \ were as ignorant as they !
"When I am made unhappy by my skill !
Only compelled on this poor good to boast.
Heavens arc not kind to them, that know them most!
[. Drayt
1594
lyton."]
-1619.J
Idea
o^o
44.
HiLST thus my pen strives to eternize thee,
Age rules my lines with wrinkles in my face ;
Where, in the Map of all my Misery,
Is modelled out the World of my disgrace :
Whilst in despite of tyrannizing Times,
MEDEAlike, I make thee young again!
Proudly thou scorn'st my world-outwearing rhymes,
And murder'st Virtue with thy coy disdain !
And though in youth, my youth untimely perish,
To keep Thee from oblivion and the grave ;
Ensuing Ages yet my Rhymes shall cherish,
Where I entombed, my better part shall save ;
And though this earthly body fade and die,
My Name shall mount upon Eternity !
45-
Uses ! which sadly sit about my chair,
Drowned in the tears extorted by my lines ; ^
With heavy sighs, whilst thus I break the air,
Painting my Passions in these sad designs.
Since She disdains to bless my happy Verse,
The strong built Trophies to her living fame.
Ever henceforth my bosom be your hearse !
Wherein the World shall now entomb her name.
Enclose my music, you poor senseless walls !
Sith She is deaf and will not hear my moans,
Soften yourselves with every tear that falls !
Whilst I, like Orpheus, sing to trees and stones.
Which with my plaint seem yet with pity moved,
Kinder thai] She whom I so long have loved.
314
Idea.
[M. Drayton.
1594-1619.
46.
Lain pathed Experience (th' unlearned's guide),
Her simple followers evidently shews
Sometimes what Schoolmen scarcely can decide,
Nor yet wise Reason absolutely knows.
In making trial of a murder wrought,
If the vile actors of the heinous deed
Near the dead body happily be brought,
Oft 't hath been proved, the breathless corse will bleed.
She coming near, that my poor heart hath slain,
Long since departed (to the World no more),
Th' ancient wounds no longer can contain.
But fall to bleeding, as they did before.
But what of this ! Should She to death be led,
It furthers Justice ; but helps not the dead !
47-
jN PRIDE of Wit, when high desire of fame
Gave life and courage to my lab'ring pen,
i And first the sound and virtue of my name
Won grace and credit in the ears of men ;
With those, the thronged Theatres that press,
I in the Circuit for the laurel strove !
Where the full praise, I freely must confess,
In heat of blood, a modest mind might move.
With shouts and claps at every little pause,
When the proud Round on every side hath rung ;
Sadly I sit, unmoved with the applause.
As though to me it nothing did belong.
No public glory vainly I pursue :
All that I seek is to eternize you !
I. Drayton.-j J D E A . 3^5
1594-1619.J "^
48.
Upid, I hate thee ! which I'd have thee know !
A naked starveling ever mayst thou be !
Poor rogue ! go pawn thy fascia and thy bow
For some poor rags, wherewith to cover thee !
Or if thou 'It not, thy archery forbear !
To some base rustic do thyself prefer !
And when the corn 's sown, or grown into the ear;
Practice thy quiver, and turn crowkeeper !
Or being blind, as fittest for the trade.
Go hire thyself some bungling harper's boy !
They that are blind are minstrels often made !
So mayst thou live, to thy fair mother's joy !
That whilst with Mars she holdeth her old way,
Thou, her blind son, mayst sit by them and play.
49.
Hou leaden brain, which censur'st what I write,
And sayst my lines be dull, and do not move.
I marvel not thou feelst not my Delight,
Which never felt'st my fiery touch of Love !
But thou, whose pen hath like a packhorse served,
Whose stomach unto gall hath turned thy food.
Whose senses, like poor prisoners, hunger starved,
Whose grief hath parched thy body, dried thy blood.
Thou which hast scorned life, and hated death ;
And in a moment, mad, sober, glad, and sorry ;
Thou which hast banned thy thoughts, and curst thy birth,
With thousand plagues more than in Purgatory :
Thou, thus whose spirit. Love in his fire refines !
Come thou and read, admire, applaud my Lines!
3i6
Idea
LM. Drayton.
1594-1619.
50-
S IN some countries, far remote from hence,
The wretched creature destined to die ;
Having the judgement due to his offence,
By Surgeons begged, their Art on him to try :
Which on the living, work without remorse,
First make incision on each mastering vein,
Then staunch the bleeding, then transpierce the corse,
And with their balms recure the wounds again.
Then poison, and with physic him restore ;
Not that they fear the hopeless man to kill,
But their experience to increase the more.
Even so my Mistress works upon my ill.
By curing me and killing me each hour.
Only to shew her Beauty's sovereign power.
51-
Allikg to mind since first my Love begun,
The uncertain Times, oft varying in their course ;
How things still unexpectedly have run,
As it please the Fates, by their resistless force.
Lastly, mine eyes amazedly have seen
Essex's great fall ! Tyrone his peace to gain !
The quiet end of that long living Queen !
This King's fair Entrance ! and our peace with Spain!
We and the Dutch at length ourselves to sever !
Thus the World doth and evermore shall reel :
Yet to my goddess am I constant ever !
Howe'er blind Fortune turn her giddy wheel.
Though heaven and earth prove both to me untrue,
Yet am I still inviolate to You !
M. Drayton.-] I D E A . Z"^ 1
1594-1619.J
Hat dost thou mean, to cheat me of my heart ?
To take all mine, and give me none again ?
Or have thine eyes such magic, or that Art
That what they get, they ever do retain ?
Play not the Tyrant, but take some remorse !
Rebate thy spleen, if but for pity's sake !
Or cruel, if thou can'st not, let us scorse !
And for one piece of thine, my whole heart take !
But what of pity, do I speak to thee !
Whose breast is proof against complaint or prayer:
Or can I think what my reward shall be
From that proud Beauty, which was my betrayer !
What talk I of a heart, when thou hast none !
Or if thou hast, it is a flinty one.
53-
Another to the river Ankor.
Lear Ankor, on whose silver-sanded shore,
My soul-shrined Saint, my fair Idea lives;
O blessed brook! whose milk-white swans adore
Thy crystal stream, refined by her eyes.
Where sweet myrrh-breathing Zephyr, in the Spring,
Gently distils his nectar-dropping showers :
Where nightingales in Arden sit and sing
Amongst the dainty dew-impearled flowers.
Say thus, fair brook, when thou shalt see thy Queen,
" Lo, here thy shepherd spent his wandering years !
And in these shades, dear Nymph ! he oft hath been !
And here to thee, he sacrificed his tears ! "
Fair Arden, thou my Tempe art alone !
And thou, sweet Ankor, art my Helicon !
3i8 Idea. [^
Drayton.
594-r6i9.
Et read at last the Story of my Woe !
The dreary abstracts of my endless cares,
With my life's sorrow interlined so.
Smoked with my sighs, and blotted with my tears.
The sad Memorials of my Miseries !
Penned in the grief of mine afflicted ghost.
My Life's Complaint in doleful Elegies !
With so pure love as Time could never boast.
Receive the incense which I offer here,
By my strong faith ascending to thy fame !
My zeal, my hope, my vows, my praise, my prayer,
My soul's oblations to thy sacred Name !
Which Name, my Muse, to highest heavens shall raise,
By chaste Desire, true Love, and virtuous Praise !
55-
Y Fair ! if thou wilt register my Love,
A world of volumes shall thereof arise !
Preserve my Tears, and thou thyself shall prove
A second Flood, down raining from mine eyes !
Note but my Sighs, and thine eyes shall behold
The sunbeams smothered with immortal smoke !
And if by thee, my Prayers may be enrolled ;
They, heaven and earth to pity shall provoke !
Look thou into my breast, and thou shalt see
Chaste holy vows for my soul's sacrifice !
That soul, sweet Maid ! which so hath honoured thee,
Erecting Trophies to thy sacred eyes.
Those eyes to my heart shining ever bright,
When darkness hath obscured each other light.
M
. Drayton."]
1 594-1619. J
Idea
.19
56.
An allusion to the Eas^lets.
Hen like an Eaglet, I first found my love,
For that the virtue I thereof would know.
Upon the nest I set it forth, to prove
If it were of that kingly kind or no :
But it no sooner saw my sun appear,
But on her rays with open eyes it stood ;
To shew that I had hatched it for the air,
And rightly came from that brave-mounting brood.
And when the plumes were sunned with sweet Desire,
To prove the pinions, it ascends the skies 1
Do what I could, it needsly would aspire
To my soul's sun, those two celestial Eyes.
Thus from my breast, where it was bred alone,
It after thee is, like an Eaglet flown.
57.
Ou best discerned of my mind's inward eyes,
And yet your graces outwardly Divine,
Whose dear remembrance in my bosom lies,
Too rich a relic for so poor a shrine.
You, in whom Nature chose herself to view,
When she, her own perfection would admire ;
Bestowing all her excellence on you.
At whose pure eyes, Love lights his hallowed fire ;
Even as a man that in some trance hath seen
More than his wondring utterance can unfold ;
That, rapt in spirit, in better worlds hath been.
So must your praise distractedly be told !
Most of all short, when I would shew you most,
In your perfections so much am I lost.
:20
Idea
[M. Drayton.
1594-1619.
N FORMER times, such as had store of coin,
In wars at home, or when for conquests bound,
For fear that some their treasure should purloin,
Gave it, to keep, to Spirits within the ground :
And to attend it, them as strongly tied.
Till they returned. Home when they never came,
Such as by Art to get the same have tried.
From the strong Spirit, by no means force the same.
Nearer men come, that further flies away !
Striving to hold it strongly in the deep.
Even as this Spirit, so you alone do play
With those rich beauties, Heaven gives you to keep.
Pity so left to the coldness of your blood,
Not to avail you, nor do others good.
59-
To Proverbs.
S Love and I late harboured in one inn.
With Proverbs thus each other entertain.
In Love there is no lack, thus I begin :
Fair words make fools, replieth he again.
Who spares to speak, doth spare to speed, quoth I.
As well, saith he, too forward as too slow.
Fortune assists the boldest, I reply.
A hasty man, quoth he, ne'er wanted woe !
Labour is light, where Love, quoth I, doth pay.
Saith he. Light burden 's heavy, if far born.
Quoth I, The Main lost, cast the By away !
You have spun a fair thread, he replies in scorn.
And having thus awhile each other thwarted,
Fools as we met, so fools again we parted.
M. Drayton."]
Idea,
321
60.
Efine my Weal, and tell the joys of heaven ;
Express my Woes, and ^hew the pains of hell !
Declare what Fate, unluck stars have given !
And ask a world upon my life to dwell !
Make known the faith that Fortune could not move !
Let virtue be the touchstone of my Love !
Compare my worth with others' base desert !
So may the heavens read wonders in my heart !
Behold the clouds which have eclipsed my sun !
And view the crosses which my course do let 1
Tell me, if ever since the world begun
So fair a rising, had so foul a set ?
And see, if Time (if he would strive to prove)
Can shew a Second to so pure a Love !
61.
Inch there *s no help, Come, let us kiss and part !
Nay, I have done. You get no more of me !
And I am glad, yea, glad, with all my heart,
That thus so cleanly, I my self can free.
Shake hands for ever ! Cancel all our vows !
And when we meet at any time again,
Be it not seen in either of our brows,
That we one jot of former love retain !
Now at the last gasp of Love's latest breath.
When his pulse failing. Passion speechless lies ;
When Faith is kneeling by his bed of death.
And Innocence is closing up his eyes :
Now, if thou wouldst ! when all have given him over,
From death to life, thou might'st him yet recover !
enc.gar.w. 21
322
Idea.
LM. Drayton.
1594-1619.
62.
Hen first I ended, then I first began ;
Then more I travelled further from my rest.
Where most I lost, there most of all I wan ;
Pined with hunger, rising from a feast.
Methinks, I fly, yet want I legs to go;
Wise in conceit, in act a very sot.
Ravished with joy amidst a hell of woe ;
What most I seem that surest am I not.
I build my hopes, a world above the sky ;
Yet with the mole I creep into the earth.
In plenty I am starved with penury ;
And yet I surfeit in the greatest dearth.
I have, I want ; despair, and yet desire :
Burned in a sea of ice, and drowned amidst a fire.
feift
63.
RucE, gentle Love ! a Parley now I crave !
Methinks, 'tis long since first these wars begun.
Nor thou, nor I, the better yet can have !
Bad is the match, where neither party won.
I offer free Conditions of fair Peace !
My heart for hostage that it shall remain.
Discharge our forces ! Here, let malice cease !
So for my pledge, thou give me pledge again.
Or if no thing but death will serve thy turn,
Still thirsting for subversion of my State,
Do what thou canst ! raze ! massacre ! and burn
Let the World see the utmost of thy hate !
I send Defiance! since if overthrown,
Thou vanquishing, the conquest is mine own !
FINIS.
Political Arithmetic,
O R
A DISCOURSE
Concerning
The extent and value of Lands, People,
Buildings; Husbandry, Manufacture[s],
Commerce, Fishery, Artizans, Seamen,
Soldiers ; Public Revenues, Interest,
Taxes, Superlucration, Registries, Banks;
Valuation of Men, Increasing of Seamen ;
of Militias, harbours. Situation, Shipping,
Power at sea, &c. : as the same relates
to every country in general, but more
, particularly to the territories of His
Majesty of Great Britain, and his
neighbours of Holland, Zealand, and
France.
By Sir WILLIAM PETTY,
late Fellow of the Royal Society.
London. Printed by Robert Clavel at the Peacock^
and Henry Mortlock at the Phoenix in St.
Paul's Church-yard. 1690.
324
Et this book called Political Arithmetic , which was long
since written [about 1677, seep. 351] by Sir William
Petty deceased, be printed.
Given at the Court at Whitehall, the yth day of November, i6go.
Nottingham.
Lord Siielborne's Dedication to Willlvm III. 325
To the King's most excellent Majesty.
Sire,
HiLST every one meditates some fit offering for your
Majesty, sucJi as may best agree loith your happy
exaltation to this Throne ; I presume to offer what
my father, long since, wrote to shew the Weight and
Importance of the English Crown.
It was by him styled Political Arithmetic, inasmuch as things
of Government, and of no less concern and extent than the glory of
the Prince and the happiness and greatness of the People are, by
the ordinary rules of Arithmetic, brought into a sort of Demon-
stration.
He was allotted by all, to be the Inventor of this method of
instruction, where the perplexed and intricate ways of the World
are explained by a very mean piece of Science : and had not the
Doctrines of this Essay offended France, they had, long since, seen
the light [i.e., the Essay would have been printed in England,
but for the French policy of Charles II.] ; and had sound
followers, as well as improvements, before this time, to the ad-
vantage, perhaps, of mankind.
But this has been reserved to the felicity of your Majesty's
reign, and to the expectation which the Learned have therein ;
and if, while in this I do some honour to the memory of a good
father, I can also pay service, and some testimony of my zeal and
reverence to so great a King, it will be the tUmost ambition of
Sire,
Your Majesty's
Most dutiful and most obedient subject,
Shelborne.
326
7he pri7icipal Conclusions of this
'Treatise are :
Chap. I. That a small country and few people may, by
their Situation, Trade, and Policy, be equiva-
lent in wealth and strength to a far greater
people and territory. And, particularly, that
conveniences for shipping and water carriage,
do most eminently and fundamentally conduce
thereunto />. 331
II. That some kind of taxes and public levies may
rather increase, than diminish the wealth
of the Kingdom p. 348
III. That France cannot, by reason of natural andper-
petualimpcdiments,bc more powerfid at sea than
the English or Hollanders now are, or may be p. 356
IV. That the People and Territories of the King of
England are, naturally, nearly as considerable
for wealth and strength, as those of France ...p. 362
V. That the impediments of England's greatness
are but contingent and renwveable p. 374
VI. That the power and wealth of England hath
increased, this forty years [i.e., since 1637 A. D.] p. 378
VII. That One-Tenth part of the Whole Expense of
the King of England's subjects is sufficient to
maintain 100,000 Foot, 30,000 Horse, and
40,000 seamen at sea ; and to defray all other
charges of the Government, both ordinary and
extraordinary, if the same iv ere regularly taxed
and raised , p. 380
VIII. That there are spare hands enough, among the
King of England's subjects, to earn ^3,000,000
per annum more than they now do; and that
there are also employments ready, proper, and
sufficient for that purpose p. 383
IX. That there is Money sufficient to drive the Trade
of the nation p. 385
X. That the King of England's subjects have Stock
tcapitalj competent and convenient to drive the
Trade of the whole Commercial World p. 386
^%t
327
PREFACE.
Orasmuch as men who are in a deca}'ing condi-
tion or who have but an ill of their own concern-
ments, instead of being, as some think, the more
industrious to resist the evils they apprehend, do,
contrariwise, become the more languid or ineffectual in all
their endeavours ; neither caring to attempt or prosecute
even the probable means of their relief. Upon this considera-
tion, as a member of the Common Wealth, next to knowing
the precise truth, in what condition the common Interest
stands, I would, in all doubtful cases, think the best ! and
consequently not despair without strong and manifest reasons,
carefully examining whatever tends to lessen my hopes of
the Public Welfare.
I have therefore thought iit to examine the following
Persuasions ; which I find too current in the world, and
too much to have affected the minds of some, to the prejudice
all, viz. :
That the rents of lands are generally fallen ; that therefore,
and for many other reasons, the whole Kingdom The fears of
grows every day poorer and poorer.
it abounded with gold ; but now, there is a great
scarcity, both of gold and silver. That there is no trade, nor
employment for the people; and yet that the Land is under-
peopled. That taxes have been many and great. That Ireland
r\y\ , r 1 many concern-
That formerly ;„. tL welfare
of England.
328 Prejudices & Improvements of England. [^"Y- ''"g"^;
and the Plantations in America, and other additions to'tJie Crown,
are a burden to England. That Scotland is of no advantage.
That Trade, in general, doth lamentably decay. That the
Hollanders are at our heels, in the race for naval power : the
French grow too fast upon both ; and appear so rich and potent,
that it is but their clemency that they do not devour their neigh-
bours. And, finally, that the Church and State of England
are in the same danger with the Trade of England. With many
other dismal suggestions, which I had rather stifle than
repeat.
It is true, the expense of foreign commodities hath, of late
The real Pre- bccn too great. Much of our plate, had it re-
jndices of
p:ngiaiid. mained money, would have better served trade.
Too many matters have been regulated by Laws, which
Nature, long custom, and general consent ought only to have
governed. The slaughter and destruction of men by the late
Civil Wars [1642-50], and Plague [1665], have been great.
The Fire at London, and Disaster at Chatham have begotten
opinions in the vulgus of the world, to our prejudice. The
Nonconformists incj-ease [!] The people of Ireland think
long of their Settlerqent. The English there, apprehend
themselves to be aliens, and are forced to seek a trade with
foreigners, which they might as well maintain with their
own relations in England.
But notwithstanding all this, the like whereof was always
in all places, the buildings of London grow great and glorious.
The Improve- The American Plantations employ 400 Sail of Ships.
rnents of . ^ _ .
England. Actwus [Sharcs] in the East India Company are
nearly double the principal money [the original nominal Stock],
Those who can give good security, may have money under
Statute interest. Materials for building, even oak timber, are
[but, little the dearer (some cheaper) for [allj the rebuilding
of London. The Exchange seems as lull of merchants as
SirW
w.petty.-i XijE Author's sianner of arguing. 329
formerly. No more beggars in the streets, nor executed for
thieves, than heretofore. The number of coaches and splen-
dour of equipage exceeds former Times. The public Theatres
are very magnificent. The King has a greater Navy, and
stronger Guards than before our calamities. The Clergy are
rich, and the Cathedrals in repair. Much land has been
improved, and the price of food is so reasonable as that men
refuse to have it cheaper by admitting of Irish cattle.
And, in brief, no man needs to want, that will take moderate
pains. That some are poorer than others, ever was and ever
will be : and that many are naturally querulous and envious,
is an evil as old as the world.
These general observations, and that men eat, and drink,
and laugh, as they used to'do, have encouraged me to try if
I could also comfort others : being satisfied myself, that the
Interest and Affairs of England are in no deplorable con-
dition.
The method I take, to do this, is not yet very usual. For
(instead of using only comparative and superlative xhe Author's
,, , , \ T 1 J. 1 Method and
words, and mtellectual arguments) 1 have taken manner uf
the course (as a specimen of the Political Arith- '"'^'""'^■
metic I have long aimed at) to express myself in Terms of
Number, Weight, or Measure; to use only arguments of
sense, and to consider only such causes as have visible
foundations in Nature : leaving those that depend upon the
mutable minds, opinions, appetites, and passions of particular
men, to the consideration of others. Really professing my-
self as unable to speak satisfactorily upon those grounds (if
they may be called grounds !) as to foretell the cast of a die
[dice], to play well at tennis, billiards, or bowls (without long
practice) by virtue of the most elaborate conceptions that ever
have been written dc projedilibus et missilibus, or of the angles
of incidence and reflection.
330 Observations set forth by Number, &c. p^V'- ^';-;^;:
Now the Observations or Positions expressed by Number,
. Wei£:ht, and Measure, upon which I bottom the
1 he nature ot " ' '
his PiopoM- ensuins: Discourses, are either true, or not ap-
tions and Sup- n ' ' •■
positious. parently false. And which if they are not already
true, certain, and evident ; yet may be made so by the
Sovereign Power, Na})i id certuui est quod ccrtum reddi potest.
And if they are false, not so false as to destroy the argument
they are brought for : but, at worst, are sufficient, as Sup-
positions, to shew the way to that Knowledge I aim at.
And I have, withal, for the present, confined myself to the
Ten principal Conclusions hereafter particularly handled :
which if they shall be judged material, and worthy of a better
discussion ; I hope all ingenious and candid persons will
rectify the errors, defects, and imperfections, which probably
may be found in any of the Propositions, upon which these
ratiocinations were grounded. Nor would it misbecome
Authority itself, to clear the truth of those matters which
private endeavours cannot reach to.
«kT^
OJ
"^I
CHAPTER I .
That a small conntvy and few people, by its Situation, Trade,
and Policy, may be equivalent in wealth and strength to a far
greater people and territory. A nd, particularly, that conveniences
for shipping and water carriage, do most eminently and funda-
mentally conduce thereunto.
His first principal Conclusion, by reason
of its length, I consider in three parts :
whereof the first is
That a small country and few people may
be equivalent in wealth and strength to a far
greater people and territory.
This part of the First principal Conclu-
sion needs little proof : foras- How one Man
1 u by Art, and one
much as one acre of land may bear as mucn coin Acre of land by
and feed, as many cattle, as twenty ; by the dif- ;^,7b:"'a-
ference of the soil. Some parcel of ground is, lent to many.
naturally, so defensible, as that an hundred men bemg pos-
sessed thereof, can resist the invasion of five hundred. And
bad land may be improved and made good. Bog may, by
draining, be made meadow. Heathland may, as in Flanders,
be made to bear flax and clover grass ; so as to advance in
value from one to a hundred. The same land, being built
upon, may centuple the rent which it yielded as pasture. One
man is more nimble or strong, and more patient of labour
than another. One man, by Art, may do as much work as
many without it, viz. : one man with a mill can grind as
much corn as twenty can pound in a mortar. One printer
can make as many copies as a hundred men can write by
33-2 A COMPARISON OF HoLLAND WITH FrANCE. l^'" J ' '^Tt/?.
hand. One horse can carry upon wheels as much as five
upon their backs, and, in a boat or upon ice, as twenty. So
that I say again, this First point of this general Position
needs little or no proof.
But the Second and more material part of this Conclusion
is that this difference in land and people, arises principally
from their situation, trade, and policy.
To clear this, I shall compare Holland and Zealand with
A comparison the Kiugdom of Francc ; viz., Holland and Zealand
zL^rnd'with'^ do not contain above 1,000,000 of English acres.
France. Wlicrcas the Kingdom of France contains above
80,000,000,
Now the original and primitive Difference holds proportion
as land to land : for it is hard to say that when these places
were first planted, whether an acre in France was better
than the like quantity in Holland and Zealand ; nor is there
any reason to suppose but that, therefore, upon the first
plantation, the number of planters was in proportion to the
quantity of land. Wherefore, if the people are not in the
same proportion as the Land, the same must be attributed
to the situation of the Land and to the trade and policy of
the People superstructed thereupon.
The next thing to be shewn is that Holland and Zealand,
at this day, is not only an eightieth part as rich and strong
as France, but that it hath advanced to one-third or there-
abouts ; which, I think, will appear upon the balance of
the following particulars, viz. :
As to the wealth of France, a certain Map of that Kingdom,
set forth anno 1647, represents it to be ^15,000,000, whereof
£6,000,000 did belong to the Church : the Author thereof, as
I suppose, meaning the rents of the Lands only.
And the Author of a most judicious Discourse of Husbandry
(supposed to be Sir Richard Weston) doth, from reason and
ThattheLands cxpcrience, shew that lands in the Netherlands,
tfuhe^'Landrof t>y bearing flax, turnips, clover grass, madder, &c.,
"aiand'as's'to ^^^^^ easily yield ;^io per acre. So as the territories
I, in value. of Hollaud and Zealand should, by his account,
yield at least £10,000,000 per annum : yet I do not believe the
same to be so much, nor France so little as above said : but
rather, that one bears to the other, as about 7 or 8 to i.
sirw.PettynyjjE e^'tire European shipping in 1677. 333
'! 1677. J
The people of Amsterdam [about 160,000] are One-third of
those in Paris or London [aboiU 480,000] : which ^f'^Amsterdam
two cities differ not in people, a twentieth part from --tuue^tf
each other as hath appeared by the Bills of burials those at Paris.
and christenings for each. But the value of the Buildmgs
in Amsterdam may well be half that of those of Pans by
reason of the foundations, grafts [7 piles] and bridges ; which m
Amsterdam are more numerous and chargeable than at Pans.
Moreover, the habitations of the poorest people The Housing
in Holland and Zealand are Twice or Thrice as i"J-",?f,,
good as those of France : but the people of the one, 'j^-j^^J^-'"-
to the people of the other, being as 13 to i; the HoUandand
value of the Housing must be as about 5 to i. 2^^'""''-
The value of the Shipping of Europe, being about 2,000,000
tons, „, „,. .
I suppose the English have 500,000 J^I^^^IZ"^
the Dutch 900,000 ^^in^^'j,-;sthat
the French ... 100,000
the Hamburgers, and subjects of Den-
mark, Sweden, and the town of Dantzic 250,000
And Spain, Portugal, Italy, &c ^250,000
2,000,000
So as the Shipping, in our case of France to that of Hol-
land and Zealand, is about i to 9 ; which, reckoned at
great and small, new and old, one with another, at £8 per
ton, makes the worth to be as ^800,000 to £7, 200,000.
The Hollanders' capital in the[ir] East Indian The^comj«ri-^
Company is worth above £3,000,000 ; where the and France in
French, as yet, have little or nothing. '^^ ^"'^'^'- .
The value of goods exported out of France to all parts, is
supposed to be quadruple to what is sent to Eng- The^ Jxpo^t^a-
land alone [£1,250,000]: and consequently m all andHoiiandis
about £5,000,000: but what is exported out of as 5 to 31.
Holland into England is worth £3,000,000; and what is
exported thence into all the world besides, is sextuple to the
same [£3,000,000 + £i8,ooo,ooo = £2i, 000,000]^
The monies yearly raised by the King of France, as the
same appears by the book entituled The State of The Revenues
France, dedicated to the King ; printed anno 1669, ° '■^""-
and set forth several times by authority, is 82,000,000 ot
334 The taxes of the United Provinces, p'' 7' ^rg;!
French Livers, which is about ^^6, 500,000 sterhng. Of which
sum, the Author says that " one-fifth part was abated for
non-vakiers or insolvencies " so, as I suppose, not above
£5,000,000 were effectually raised.
But whereas, some say that the King of France raised
-£"11,000,000 as the One-fifth of the effects of France: I
humbly affirm that all the land and sea forces, all the build-
ings and entertainments which we have heard by common
fame, to have been set forth and in any of these seven last
years [? 1671-77] needed not to have cost ;£'6,ooo,ooo sterling ;
wherefore I suppose he hath not raised more, especially
since that were One-Fifth insolvencies, when the tax was at
that pitch.
But Holland and Zealand, paying 67 parts of the 100 paid
The taxes paid by all the United Provinces; and the city of
andzetiaud. Amsterdam paying 27 of the said 67 parts: it
follows that if Amsterdam hath paid 4,000 Flemish Pounds
per diem, or about 1,400,000 Pounds per annum or ;£'8oo,ooo
sterling ; that Holland and Zealand have paid ^^'a, 100,000
per annum.
Now the reasons why I think they pay so much, are these,
viz. :
1. The Author of the State of the Netherlands saith so.
2. The excise of victuals at Amsterdam seems to be above
half the original value of the same, viz. : Ground corn
pays 20 stivers the bushel, or 63 guilders the last.
Beer 113 stivers, the barrel. Housing, one-sixth of the
rent. Fruit, one-eighth of what it cost. Other com-
modities one-seventh, one-eighth, one-ninth, one-twelfth,
&c. Salt, ad libitum. All weighed goods pay, besides
the premises, a vast sum.
Now if the expense of the people of Amsterdam, at a
medium, and without excise, were £8 per annum; whereas
in England, it is £y : then if all the several imposts
above named raise it to ^^5 more ; there being 160,000
souls in Amsterdam, the sum of £800,000 sterling per
annum will thereby be raised.
3. Though the expense of each head should be £13
per annum : it is well known that there be few in Am-
sterdam, who do not earn much more than the said
expense.
^''f'^u'l^j SUPERLUCRATION OF FrAXCE & HoLLAXD. 335
4. If Holland and Zealand pay per annum ^^2, 100,000 ;
then all the Provinces together must pay about
■;r3, 000, 000. Less than which sum per annnm, perhaps,
is not sufficient to have maintained the naval war with
England, 72,000 land forces, besides all the other
ordinary charges of their Government, whereof the
Church is there a part.
To conclude, it seems from the premisses, that all
France doth not raise above thrice as much from the
public charge as Holland and Zealand alone do.
5. Interest of money in France is £y per cent. ; ^f'^fnfjresr""
but in Holland scarcely half so much. J'5'^^'^*^'? ,
- ._,, . r XT 11 1 1^1 1 Hollana and
6. The countries of Holland and Zealand con- France.
sisting, as it were, of islands guarded with the sea,
shipping, and marshes, is defensible at one-fourth of the
charge that a plain open country is, and where the seat
of war may be, both summer and winter : whereas in the
others, little can be done but in the summer only.
7. But above all the particulars hitherto considered, that
of Superlucration [the national capitalizing of ihesuper-
wealth, by savings out of income, through thrift, betweenPrance
industry, and economy of power] ought chiefly to ''"'^ Holland.
be taken in. For if a Prince have ever so many subjects,
and his country be ever so good : yet if either through
sloth or extravagant expenses, or oppression and injustice,
whatever is gained shall be spent as fast as gotten ; that
State must be accounted poor.
Wherefore let it be considered, how much, or how
many times rather, Holland and Zealand are now above
what they were a hundred years ago : which we must
also do of France. Now if France hath scarce doubled
its wealth and power, and that the other have decupled
theirs ; I shall give the preference to the latter even
though the nine-tenths increased by the one, should not
exceed the one-half gained by the other: because one
has a store for nine years, the other but for one.
To conclude, upon the whole, it seems that though France
be in People to Holland and Zealand as 13 to i ; and in
quantity of good Land, as 80 to i ; yet is it not 13 times
richer and stronger, much less 80 times: nor much above
thrice. Which was to be proved.
23^ Density of poruLATiox, a national gain. [^'^ 7' ^iI'?:
Having^ thus despatched the Two first branches of the First
The causes of pi-inclpal Conclusion : it follows to shew that this
the (Jinerence ^ . -. ^ , t • 111 1
between Difference of Improvement m wealth and strength
Honand!'"^ arises from the situation, trade, and policy of the
places respectively : and in particular from conveniences for
shipping and water carriage.
Many writing on this subject, do so magnify the Hollanders
as if they were more, and all other nations less, than men, as
to matters of trade and policy ; making them angels, and
others fools, brutes, and sots as those particulars : whereas,
I take the Foundation of their achievements to lie originally in
the Situation of the country ; whereby, they do things inimitable
by others, and have advantages whereof others are incapable.
The reasons First. The soil of Holland and Zealand is low
is better than land, rlch and fertile ; whereby it is able to feed
t'hougli'of'^'the many men: and so, as that men may live near each
samerent;and other, for their mutual assistance in trade.
consequently ' r 1
why Holland I Say that a 1,000 acres that can leed i,ooo
is better than 1 t-ii^u r
France. souls, are better than 10,000 acres 01 no more
effect ; for the following reasons :
1. Suppose some great fabric were in building by a 1,000
men : shall not much more Time be spared, if they lived
all upon 1,000 acres, than if they were forced to live
upon ten times as large a scope of land.
2. The charge of the Cure of their souls and the Ministry
would be far greater in one case than in the other : as
also of Mutual Defence, in case of invasion, and even
of thieves and robbers. Moreover the charge of Ad-
ministration of Justice would be much easier, where
witnesses and parties may be easily summoned, attend-
ance less expensive, when men's actions would be better
known, when wrongs and injuries could not be covered
as in thin peopled places they are.
Lastly, those who live in solitary places, must be
their own soldiers, divines, physicians, and lawyers ; and
must have their houses stored with necessary provisions,
like a ship going upon a long voyage, to the great waste
and needless expense of such provisions.
The value of this First convenience to the Dutch, I reckon
or estimate to be about jTioo.ooo per annum.
Secondly, Holland is a level country, so as, in any part
Sir W
'■^;^7^';] Merchandise, Manufactures, &c. 2>Z7
thereof, a windmill may be set up ; and by its being moist
and vaporous, there is always wind stirring; over 'i'leadvan-
■,,■■, 1 111 p tages from the
it : by which advantage, the labour of many levei, and
thousand hands is saved, forasmuch as a mill, Hoiiand^°
made by one man in half a year, will do as much labour as
four men for five years together.
This advantage is greater or less, where employment or
ease of labour is so: but in Holland it is eminently great,
and the worth of this convenience is nearly ;^i5o,ooo.
Thirdly, there is much more to be gained by Manufacture
than Husbandry; and by Merchandise than Manu- iheadvan-
facture. But Holland and Zealand being seated at Hofilnd, from
the mouths of three longgreat rivers passing through manufacture
o o _ r o o and commerce.
rich countries, do keep all the inhabitants upon the The situation
sides of those rivers but as husbandmen ; whilst zeaiand"upon
they themselves are the manufactors [jiiamifacturcrs] [hreegreat "'^
of their commodities : and do dispense them into "^ers.
all parts of the world, making returns for the same, at
what prices almost they please themselves. And, in short,
they keep the Keys of Trade of those countries, through
which the said rivers pass.
The value of this Third conveniency, I suppose to be
-£"200,000.
Fourthly, in Holland and Zealand, there is scarcely any
place of work or business one mile distant from a Nearness to
• 1 1 111 r i • navigable
navigable water : and the charge 01 water carriage waters.
is generally but one-fifteenth or one-twentieth part of land
carriage. Wherefore, if there be as much trade there as in
France, then the Hollanders can outsell the French fourteen-
fifteenths of all the expense of all travelling, postage, and
carriage whatsoever : which even in England I take to be
£^00,000 per annum, where the very postage of letters costs
the people perhaps ^{^50,000 per annum, though farmed at
much less; and all other labour of horses and porters at
least six times as much.
The value of this conveniency, I estimate to be above
^300,000 per annum.
Fifthly, the defensibleness of the country by reason of its
situation in the sea, upon islands and in the marshes, Tii^e defensible-
impassable ground diked and trenched ; especially Holland.
considering how that place is aimed at, for its wealth.
Eng. Gar. VI. 22
338 All the European trade is ^45,000,000. p'J- ^fd/;,
I say, the charge of defending that country is easier than
if it were a plain champion, at least £200,000 per annum.
Sixthly, Holland is so considerable for keeping ships in
Harbouring of harbour, with small expense of men and ground
smau'efp'^ense. tacklc, that it savcs per annum ^£'200, 000 of what
must be spent in France.
Now, if all these natural advantages do amount to above
;^r, 000,000 per annum profits : and that the Trade of all
Europe, nay, of the Whole World with which our Europeans
do trade, is not about ^£"45, 000, 000 per annum, and if one-
thirtieth of the Value be one-seventh of the Profit, it is plain
that the Hollander may command and govern the whole trade.
Seventhly, those who have their situation thus towards the
Advantages from sca, and abouud with fish at home; and having
*i^'^'"s- also the command of shipping, have by con-
sequence the fishing trade; whereof that of herring alone
brings more yearly profit to the Hollanders, than the trade
of the West Indies to Spain, or of the East to themselves:
as many have affirmed: being, as the same say, viis et modis,
of above £^,000,000 per annum profit.
Eighthly, it is not to be doubted, but that those who have
Advantages by the trade of shipping and fishing, will secure them-
provisions. sclvcs of thc trade of timber for ships, boats, masts,
and caske ; of hemp for cordage, sails, and nets ; of salt, of
iron; as also of pitch, tar, rosin, brimstone, oil, and tallow, as
necessary appurtenances to shipping and fishing.
Ninthly, those who predominate in shipping and fishing,
Fitness for havc morc occasions than others, to frequent all
universal trade, p^fts of thc woHd, and to obscrvc what is wanting
or redundant everywhere, and what each people can do, and
what they desire ; and consequently to be the Factors and
Carriers for the Whole World in Trade. Upon which ground,
they bring all native commodities to be manufactured at
home ; and carry the same back, even to that country in which
they grew.
All which we see. For do they not work the sugars of the
West Indies ? the timber and iron of the Baltic ? the hemp
of Russia ? the lead, tin, and wool of England ? the quicksilver
and silk of Italy ? the yarns and dyeing stuffs of Turkey ?
To be short. In all the ancient States and Empires, those
who had thc shipping, had the wealth. And if 2 per cent, in
^''T'^iir?:] SeamexN, Artisans, & Husbandmen. 339
the price of commodities be, perhaps, 20 per cent, in the gain;
it is manifest that they who can, in ^45,000,000, undersell
others, by ^^i, 000, 000 [i.e., nearly 2 per cent.], upon account
of natural and intrinsic advantages only, may easily have the
Trade of the World, without such angelical wits and judge-
ments as some attribute to the Hollanders.
Having thus done with their Situation, I now come to their
Trade.
It is commonly seen that each country flourisheth in the
manufacture of its own native commodities, viz., Artificial
England, for woollen manufacture ; France, for of ivad?*
paper; Luic land, for iron ware; Portugal, for confectures
[confectionary]; Italy, for silks. Upon which principle, it
follows that Holland and Zealand must flourish most in the
trade of shipping, and so become Carriers and Factors of the
Whole World of Trade.
Now the advantages of the Shipping Trade are as followeth,
viz. :
Husbandmen, seamen, soldiers, artisans, and merchants
are the very Pillars of any Commonwealth : Husbandmen
all the other great professions do rise out of seamen, soi- '
.,.,, •.. J. . p,, ,, diers, artisans,
the infirmities and miscarriages 01 these. Now and merchants
the seaman is three of these four. For every Piiil'Jsof7
Seaman of industry and ingenuity, is not only ^,°Xh°"anda
a Navigator, but a Merchant, and also a Sol- Seaman is
dier; not because he hath often occasion to ' ""^° ' ^"'•
fight and handle arms, but because he is familiarized
with hardship and hazards extending to life and limbs.
For training and drilling is a small part of soldiery in
respect of this last-mentioned qualification : the one being
quickly and presently learned; the other, not without many
years' most painful experience. Wherefore to have the
occasion of abounding in Seamen is a vast conveniency.
2. The husbandmen of England earns but about 4s. a
week; but the seamen have as good as 12s. in ASeaman
wages, victuals, and as it were housing, with f,'^"h^ei''"'
other accommodations : so as a seaman is in un^bandmen.
effect three husbandmen.
Wherefore there is little ploughing and sowing of corn
in Holland and Zealand, or breeding of young cattle : but
140 A Seaman equals three Husbandmen. p'^T'^'S?:
their land is improved by building houses, ships, engines,
dykes, wharfs, gardens of pleasure, extraordinary flowers
and fruits ; for dairy and feeding of cattle, for rape, flax,
madder, &c. — the foundations of several advantageous
manufactures.
3. Whereas the employment of other men is confined
to their own country, that of seamen is free to the whole
world ; so as where Trade may, as they call it, be dead,
here or there, now and then, it is certain that somewhere
or other in the world, Trade is always quick enough, and
provisions are always plentiful. The benefit whereof,
those who command the shipping enjoy, and they only.
4. The great and ultimate effect of trade is not wealth
at large ; but particularly abundance of silver, gold, and
Silver, gold, jcwcls; which are not perishable, nor so mutable
Unlve'vTri'' ^"^ ^s other commodities, but are wealth at all
Wealth. times, and all places: whereas abundance of
wine, corn, fowls, flesh, &c., are riches but hie et nunc.
So as the raising of such commodities, and the following
of such trade which does store the country with gold,
silver, jewels, &c., is profitable before others.
But the labour of seamen and freight of ships are
always of the nature of an exported commodity : the
overplus wdiereof, above what is imported, brings home
money, &c.
5. Those who have the command of the sea trade,
Reasons why may work at easier freight with more profit
safi for 'les"'^^'^^ than othcrs at greater. For as cloth must be
freight. cheaper made when one cards, another spins,
another weaves, another draws, another dresses, another
presses and packs ; than when all the operations above
mentioned are clumsily performed by the same hand : so
those who command the trade of shipping, can build long
slight ships for carrying masts, fir timber, boards, balks
[beams or rafters], &c.; and short ones for lead, iron,
stones, &c. ; one sort of vessels to trade at ports where
they need never lie aground, others where they must
jump upon the sand twice every twelve hours : one sort
of vessels and way of manning, in time of peace and for
cheap gross [bulky] goods, another for war and precious
commodities ; one sort of vessels for the turbulent sea,
^''V'^'e"/'] ^^^^ Policy of the United Provinces. 341
another for inland waters and rivers ; one sort of vessels
and rigging where haste is requisite for the maidenhead
[first sales] of a market, another where one-third or one-
fourth of the time makes no matter ; one sort of masting
and rigging for long voyages, another for coasting; one sort
of vessels for fishing, another for trade ; one sort for war for
this or that country, another for burden only. Some for
oars, some for poles, some for sails, and some for draught
by men or horses. Some for the northern navigations
amongst ice ; and some for the South, against worms, &c.
And this I take to be the chief of several reasons, why
the Hollanders can go at less freight than their neigh-
bours, viz., because they can afford a particular sort of
vessels for each particular trade.
I have shewn how Situation hath given them shipping, and
how Shipping hath given them, in effect, all other trade ; and
how Foreign Traffic must give them as much Manufactures
as they can manage themselves : and as for the overplus, make
the rest of the world but as workmen to their shops.
It now remains to shew the effects of their Policy super-
structed upon these Natural Advantages, and not, as The Poiky of
some think, upon the excess of their understandings. "°"^"'^-
I have omitted to mention, the Hollanders were, one
hundred years since, a poor and oppressed people living in a
country naturally cold, moist, and unpleasant; and were withal
persecuted for their heterodoxy in religion.
From hence it necessarily followed, that this people must
labour hard, and set all hands to work ; rich and poor, old
and young must study the Art of Number, Weight, and
Measure, must fare hard, provide for impotents and orphans
out of hope to make profit by their labours ; must punish the
lazy by labour, and not by crippling them. I'say, all these
particulars (said to be the subtle excogitations of the
Hollanders) seem to me but what could not almost have been
otherwise.
Liberty of Conscience, Registry of Conveyances, small Customs
[import duties]. Banks, Liunbards [pawnbrokers] and Law
Merchant rise all from the same spring, and tend to the same
sea. As for Loivncss of hit crest, it is also a necessary effect ot
all the premisses, and not the fruit of their contrivance.
342 Trade value of Liberty of Conscience. [^''' 7' ^iI??'.
Wherefore we shall only shew in particular the efBcacy of
each ; and first of Liberty of Conscience.
But before I enter upon these, I shall mention a practice
almost forgotten, whether it referreth to Trade or Policy is
Undermasting Hot material ; which is the Hollanders' under-
of ships. masting and sailing such of their shipping as carry
cheap and gross [bulky] goods, and whose sale doth not depend
much upon the season.
It is to be noted, that of two equal and like vessels, if one
spreads i,6oo yards of like canvas, and the other 2,500, their
speed is but as Four to Five: so as one brings home the same
timber in four days as the other will in five. Now if we con-
sider that although those ships be but four or five days under
sail, that they are perhaps thirty upon the voj^age : so as one
is but one-thirtieth part longer upon the whole voyage than
the other, though one-fifth longer under sail. Now if masts,
yards, rigging, cables, and anchors do all depend upon the
quantity and extent of the sails, and consequently hands
also : it follows that the one vessel goes at one-third less
Charge, losing but one-thirtieth of the Time and of what
depends there upon.
I now come to the first Policy of the Dutch, viz., Liberty of
liberty of Couscicnce: which I conceive, they grant upon these
Conscience, . ' ^ o r _
aiidtheKea- grounds: but keeping up always a force to maintain
sons thereof ", r o r j
in Holland, the common peace.
1. They themselves broke with Spain to avoid the im-
position of the Clergy.
2. Dissenters of this kind are, for the most part, thinking,
sober, and patient men ; and such as believe that
labour and industry is their duty towards GOD ; how
erroneous soever their opinions be.
3. These people believing in the Justice of GOD; and
seeing the most licentious persons to enjoy most of the
world and its best things, will never venture to be of the
same religion and profession with voluptuaries and men
of extreme wealth and power, whom they think to have
their portion in this world.
4. They cannot but know That no man can believe what
himself pleases : and to force men to say they believe,
^;-^f"//J The Heterodox drive most of the Trade. 343
what they do not, is vain, absurd, and without honour to
GOD.
5. The Hollanders knowing themselves not to be an infall-
ible church, and that others had the same Scriptures for
guides as themselves, and withal the same Interest to
save their souls, do not think fit to make this matter
their business; no more than to take bonds of the seamen
they employ, not to cast away their own ships and lives.
6. The Hollanders observe that, in France and Spain,
especially the latter, the Churchmen [Clergy] are about
100 to I to what they use or need ; the principal care of
whom, is to preserve Uniformity : and this they take to
be a superfluous charge.
7. They observe where most endeavours have been used to
keep Uniformity, there Heterodoxy hath most abounded.
8. They believe that if one-fourth of the people were hete-
rodox, and that if that whole quarter should (by miracle)
be removed ; that, within a small time, one-fourth of the
remainder would again become heterodox, some way or
other : it being natural for men to differ in opinion in
matters above Sense and Reason ; and for those who
have less Wealth, to think they have the more Wit and
Understanding, especially of the Things of GOD, which
they think chiefly belong to the poor.
9. They think the case of the primitive Christians, as
it is represented in the Acts of the Apostles, looks like that
of the present Dissenters : I mean, externally.
Moreover, it is to be observed that Trade doth not, as
some think, best flourish under popular Govern- The trade of
ments : but rather that Trade is most vigour- cMefirmM- '^
ously carried on, in every State and Govern- aged by the
1111 r 1 1 Heterodox
ment, by the heterodox part 01 the same; and party.
such as profess opinions different from what are publicly
established. That is to say, in India, where the Maho-
metan religion is authorized ; there the Banyans are the
most considerable merchants. In the Turkish Empire,
the Jews and Christians. At Venice, Naples, Leghorn,
Genoa, and Lisbon ; Jews and non-Papist merchant-
strangers. But to be short, in that part of Europe where
the Roman Catholic religion now hath, or lately hath had
establishment, there three-quarters of the whole trade is
344 Registries OF Titles TO Lands & Houses. [^''Y-^^en,
in the hands of such as have separated from that Church:
that is to say, the inhabitants of England, Scotland, and
Ireland, as also those of the United Provinces, with Den-
mark, Sweden, and Norway, together with the subjects of
the German Protestant Princes and the Hanse Towns, do,
at this day, possess three-quarters of the Trade of the
World. And even in France itself; the Huguenots are,
proportionably, far the greatest traders.
Nor is it to be denied, but that in Ireland, where the said
Roman religion is not authorized : there, the professors
thereof have a great part of the trade.
From whence it follows, that Trade is not fixed to any
species of Religion, as such : but rather, as before hath
been said, to the heterodox part of the whole : the truth
whereof appears also, in all the particular towns of
greatest trade in England.
Nor do I find reason to believe, that the Roman Catholic
seamen in the whole world, are sufficient to man effectually
All the Pap- a Flcct cqual to what the King of England now hath:
Europe are but tlic nou-Papist seameu can do above thrice as
deMMo ml'n much. Whcrcforc he, whom this latter party doth
the King of affectionately own to be their head, cannot probably
England s . < , . iii"^
Fleet. be wronged m his sea concernments by the other.
From whence it follows, that for the Advancement of
Trade, if that be a sufficient reason, indulgence must be
granted in Matters of Opinion ; though licentious actings, as
even in Holland, be restrained by force.
The second Po//cj', or help to trade used by the Hollanders,
is the securing the Titles to Lands and Houses, For although
!•■''■'" T't'es to lands and houses may be called terra firma et res
House^^ imuiohilis ; yet the title unto them is no more cer-
tain than it pleases the Lawyers and Authority to make them.
Wherefore the Hollanders do, by Registries and other ways
of assurance, make the title as- immoveable as the lands.
For there can be no encouragement to industry, where there
is no assurance of what shall be gotten by it; and where, by
fraud and corruption, one man may take away, with ease and
by a trick, and in a moment, what another has gotten by
many years' extreme labour and pains.
Tlieue hath been much discourse about the introducing
^" 7' ^re"?'.] The Dutch banking system. 345
of Registries into England. The Lawyers, for the most
part, object against it, alleging that titles of land in oftheintroduc-
England are sufficiently secure already. Wherefore infu^ngfandr"
omitting the considerations of small and oblique reasons pro
et contra ; it were good that enquiry were made from the
Officers of several Courts, to what sum or value, purchasers
have been damnified [robbed], for this last ten years, by such
fraudulent conveyances as Registries would have prevented :
the tenth part whereof, at a medium, is the annual loss which
the people sustain for want of them. And then, computation
is to be made of the annual Charge of Registering such extra-
ordinary conveyances as would secure the title of lands.
Now by comparing these two sums, the question so much
agitated may be determined : though some think that,
though few are actually damnified [damaged], yet that all are
hindered by fear, and deterred from dealing.
Their third Policy is their Bank : the use whereof is to
increase Money, or rather to make a small sum The Banks of
equivalent in trade to a greater. Huiiand.
For the effecting whereof, these things are to be con-
sidered—
1. How much money will drive the Trade of the nation.
2. How much current money there is actually in the
nation.
3. How much money will serve to make all payments of
under ^^50 (or any other more convenient sum)
throughout the year.
4. For what sum, the Keepers of the Bank are unquestion-
able security.
If all these four particulars be well known, then it may
also be known, how much of the ready money above men-
tioned may be safely and profitably lodged in the Bank, and
to how much ready current money the said deposited money
is equivalent.
As for example, suppose /"loOjOOO will drive the Trade of
the nation.
And suppose there be but ^£'60,000 of ready money in
the same.
Suppose also that £20,000 will drive on, and answer
all payrnents of under £50.
346 The Dutch avoid badly paying pursuits. P'T^iI;?'.
In this case ^£"40,000 of the ^^60,000 being put into the Bank,
\vill be equivalent to ^^80,000 : which ^TSOjOOO, and ;r20,ooo
kept out of the Bank, do make up ;^ioo,ooo, that is to say,
enough to drive the trade, as was proposed.
Where, note, that the Bank Keepers must be responsible
for double the sum intrusted with them ; and must have
power to levy upon the General [the nation at large, or the body
of shareholders] what they happen to lose unto particular men.
Upon which grounds, the Bank may freely make use of
the received £40,000: whereby the said sum, with the like
sum in credit, makes £"80,000 ; and with the £20,000 reserved,
are £100,000.
I might here add many more particulars : but being the
same as have already been noted by others, I shall conclude
with adding one observation ; which I take to be of con-
sequence, viz. :
That the Hollanders do rid their hands of two trades
The Holland- which arc of greatest turmoil and danger; and
Tusblndtr yet of least profit. ,
orfoot soldiers. f hc first, whcrcof, is that of a common and private
soldier. For such they can hire from England, Scotland, and
Germany, to venture their lives for sixpence a day ; whilst
they themselves safely and quietly follow such trades, where-
by the meanest of them gain six times as much. And withal,
by this entertainment of such strangers for soldiers, their
country becomes more and more peopled : forasmuch as
the children of such strangers are Hollanders, and take to
trades ; whilst new strangers are admitted ad infinitum.
Besides, these soldiers, at convenient intervals, do at least
as much work as is equivalent to what they spend.
And consequently, Idv this way of employing of strangers
for soldiers, they people the country and save their own
persons from danger and misery, without any real expense ;
effecting by this method what others have in vain attempted
by Laws for Naturalizing of strangers; as if men could be
charmed to transplant themselves from their own native,
into a foreign country, merely by words, and for the bare
leave of being called by a new name. In Ireland, Laws of
Naturalization have had little effect to bring in aliens; and
it is no wonder, since Englishmen will not go thither, without
^f";?:] Mankind, LIKE Land, worth 2oyears'purchase.34 7
they may have the pay of soldiers, or some other advantage
amounting: to maintenance.
Having intimated the way by which the Hollanders do
increase their people ; I shall here digress to set down the
way of computing the value of every head, one with another:
and that by the instance of people in England, viz. :
Suppose the people of England be 6,000,000 in number ;
that their expense at ^7 per head, be ^^42, 000, 000. The method of
Suppose also that the rent of the lands be vaiurofTien'
;^8,ooo,ooo ; and the yearly profit of all personal ^"^^ People.
estate be 3^8,000,000 more. It must needs follow, that the
labour of the people must have supplied the remaining
3^26,000,000. The which multiplied by 20 (the mass of man-
kind being worth twenty 3'ears' purchase as well as land),
makes ^520,000,000, as the value of the whole people :
which number divided b}' 6,000,000 makes above ^^So sterl-
ing to be the value of each head of man, woman, and child ;
and of adult persons, twice as much. From whence, we may
learn to compute the loss we have sustained by the Plague,
by the slaughter of men in war, and by the sending them
abroad into the service of foreign Princes.
The other trade of which the Hollanders have rid their
hands, is the old patriarchal trade of being cow-keepers;
and in a great measure, of that which concerns the plough-
ing and sowing of corn : having put that employment upon
the Danes and Polanders [Poles] ; from whom they have
their young cattle and corn.
Now here we may take notice, that as trades and curious
Arts increase, so the trade of husbandry will decrease ; or
else the wages of husbandmen must rise, and consequently
the rents of lands must fall.
For proof whereof, I dare affirm that, if all the husband-
men of England, who now earn but 8^. a day [=2s. now]
or thereabouts, could become tradesmen [mechanics] and earn
l6d. a day [=45. now] (which is no great wages, 25. and
2s. 6d. [=6s. and 75. 6d. now] being usually given) ; that then,
it would be the advantage of England to throw up their
348 Anticipation of English manufactures. P""? ,677':
husbandry, and to make no use of their lands, but for grass,
horses, milch cows, gardens, and orchards, &c. Which, if it
be so, and if Trade and Manufacture have increased in Eng-
land, that is to say, if a greater part of the people apply
themselves to those faculties than there did heretofore ; and if
the price of corn be no greater now than when husbandmen
Reasons why wcre morc numerous and tradesmen fewer ; it
rents must fall. foUows from that singlc reason, though others may
be added, that rents of land must fall. As for example, suppose
the price of wheat be 5s. or 6od. the bushel. Now, if the rent
of the land whereon it grows, be the Third Sheaf: then of
the 6od., 2od. is for the land, and 401^. for the husbandman.
But if the husbandman's wages should rise one-eighth part,
or from Sd. to gd. per diem, then the husbandman's share in
the bushel of wheat rises from 40^. to 45^. ; and, conse-
quently, the rent of the land must fall from 2od. to i^d.
For we suppose the price of the wheat still remains the
same, especially since we cannot raise it : for if we did
attempt it, corn would be brought in to us, as into Holland,
from foreign parts, where the state of husbandry was not
changed.
And thus I have done with the First principal Conclusion,
that a small territory and even a few people, may by Situation,
Trade, and Policy, be made equivalent to a greater ; and that con-
venience for shipping and water carriage do most eminently and
fundamentally conduce thereunto.
C H A P T E R I I .-
That some Idnd of taxes and public levies may rather increase,
than dintinish the wealth of the kingdom.
F the money or other effects levied from the
people by way of tax, were destroyed and what shifting
I '-'•', .. ■J 01 money from
annihilated; then it is clear that such hand (to h.-ind]
levies would diminish the Common no^'""''
Wealth. Or if the same were exported out of the kingdom,
without any return at all ; then the case would be also the
same or worse.
^"T' ^fiy^.jDURATION, THE TEST OF NATIONAL WEALTH.349
But if what is levied as aforesaid be only transferred
from one hand to another ; then we are only to consider,
Whether the said money or commodities are taken from
an improving hand, and given to an ill husband , or vice
versa ?
As, for example, suppose that money, by way of tax, be
taken from one who spendeth the same in superfluous eating
and drinking, and delivered to another who employeth the
same in improving of land, in fishing, in working of mines,
in manufacture, &c. ; it is manifest that such tax is an
advantage to the State whereof the said different persons
are members.
Nay, if money be taken from him, who spendeth the same,
as aforesaid, upon eating and drinking, or any other perishing
commodity ; and the same be transferred to one that
bestoweth it on Clothes : I say, that, even in this case, the
Common Wealth hath some little advantage ; because clothes
do not altogether perish so soon as meat and drinks. But if
the same be spent in Furniture of Houses, the advantage is
yet a little more ; if in Building of Houses, yet more ; if in
Improving of Lands, working of mines, fishing, &c., yet more :
but, most of all, in bringing gold and silver into the country,
because those things are not only not perishable ; but are
esteemed for wealth at ail times and everywhere. Whereas
other commodities which are perishable, and whose value
depends upon the fashion, or which are contingently scarce
and plentiful, are Wealth hut pro hie et nunc ; as shall be else-
where said.
In the next place, if the people of any country, who have
not already a full employment, should be enjoined Taxing of new
or taxed to work upon such commodities as are im- t™theCommon
ported from abroad : I say, that such a tax also weaith.
doth improve the Common Wealth.
Moreover, if persons who live by begging, cheating, steal-
ing, gaming, borrowing without intention of re- xhetaxingof
storing ; who, by those ways, do get from the ^'"^'■^"
credulous and careless, more than is sufficient for the sub-
sistence of such persons ; I say, that although the State
should have no present employment for such persons, and
consequently should be forced to bear the whole charge of
their livelihood : yet it were more for the public profit, to give
350 Common Wealth rests on material things. [^^,1^?'.
all such persons a regular and competent allowance by
public tax, than to suffer them to spend extravagantly at the
only charge of careless, credulous, and good-natured people ;
and to expose the Common Wealth to the loss of so many
able men, whose lives are taken away for the crimes which ill
discipline doth occasion.
On the contrary, if the stocks [capital] of laborious and in-
genious men, who are not only beautifying the country where
they live, by elegant diet, apparel, furniture, housing, pleasant
gardens, orchards, and public edifices, &c. ; but are also in-
creasing the gold, silver, and jewels of the country by trade
and arms: I say, if the stock of these men should be
diminished by a tax, and transferred to such as do nothing at
all but eat and drink, sing, play, and dance ; nay, to such as
study the metaphysics or other needless speculation, or else
employ themselves in any other way which produces no
material thing, or things of real use and value in the Common
Wealth— in this case, I say the Wealth of the Public will be
diminished ; otherwise than as such exercises are recreations
and refreshments of the mind, and which, being moderately
used, do gratify and dispose men to what is in itself more
considerable.
Wherefore upon the whole matter, to know whether a
A Judgement tax will do good or harm, the state of the people
are^'dvanta" ^"d their employments must be well known, that
g.,..us. is to say :
What part of the people are unfit for labour by their
infancy or impotency ; and also what part are exempt
from the same by reason of their wealth, function, or
dignities, or by reason of their charge and employments
otherwise than in governing, directing, and preserving
those who are appointed to Labour and Arts ?
2. In the next place, computation must be made, What
part of those who are fit for Labour and Arts as afore-
said, are able to perform the work of the Nation, in its
present state and measure ?
3. It is to be considered. Whether the remainder can make
all, or any part of those commodities which are imported
fromi abroad ? which of them ? and how much in par-
ticular ? The remainder of which sort of people, if any
be, may, safely, and without possible prejudice to the
^''T'^.T;?-] ^^^ PRINCIPLES OF Dutch taxation. 351
Common Wealth, be employed in Arts and exercises of
pleasure and ornament : the greatest whereof, is the
improvement of natural knowledge [natural science].
Having thus, in general, illustrated this point; which, I
think, needs no other proof but illustration : I come next to
intimate that no part of Europe hath paid so much, by way
of tax and public contribution, as Holland and Zealand, for
this last hundred years ; and yet no country hath, in the
same time, increased its wealth comparably to them. And it
is manifest that they have followed the general considerations
above mentioned, for they tax meats and drinks most heavily
of all, to restrain the excessive expense of those things which
twenty-four hours doth, as to the use of man, wholly annihi-
late ; and they are more favourable to commodities of greater
duration.
Nor do they tax according to what men gain, but in extra-
ordinary cases : but always according to what men spend ;
and, most of all, according to what they spend needlessly,
and without prospect of return.
Upon which grounds, their Customs upon goods imported
and exported are generally low ; as if they intended by them,
only to keep an account of their Foreign Trade ; and to re-
taliate upon their neighbouring States, the prejudices done
them, by their prohibitions and impositions.
It is further to be observed, that, since the year 1636, the
taxes and public levies made in England, Scotland, and
Ireland, have been prodigiously greater than at any itispmbabie
time heretofore ; and yet the said kingdoms have and'Elitiand
increased in their wealth and strength for these last ^i-e grown
ricncr under
forty years [163 7-1 677, therefore this Essay was taxes.
written about 1677], as shall hereafter be shown.
It is said, that the King of France, at present, doth levy
the Fifth Part of his people's wealth ; and yet great The difference
ostentation is made of the present riches and revenues,
strength of that Kingdom.
Now, great care must be had in distinguishing between
the wealth of the People, and that of an Absolute Monarch,
who taketh from the people, where, when, and in what pro-
portion he pleaseth.
Moreover, the subjects of two monarchs may be equally
rich ; and yet one monarch may be double as rich as the
352 Louis XIV. has i- of wealth of France. [^'^ T' ^iI??:
other, viz. : if one take the tenth part of the peoples' sub-
stance to his own dispose [disposal] ; and the other but the
twentieth.
Nay, the monarch of a poorer people may appear more
splendid and gracious than that of a richer: which, perhaps,
may be somewhat the case of France, as shall be examined.
As an instance and application of what has been said, I
conceive that in Ireland, wherein are about 1,200,000 people,
That Ireland ^^^ nearly ^00,000 smokes or hearths, it were
may be more > i rr • 1 t t i
advantage- morc profitable for the Kmg that each Head paid
a"poie''in'^flax'[ 2s. [=6s. How] worth of flax, than that each Smoke
should pay 2s. in silver. And that for the following reasons :
Ireland being under-peopled, and land and cattle being
very cheap ; there being everywhere store of fish and fowl ;
the ground yield excellent roots (and particularly that bread-
like root. Potatoes) ; and withal they being able to perform
their husbandry with such harness and tackle as each man
can make with his own hands ; and living in such houses as
almost every man can build ; and every housewife being a
spinner and dyer of wool and yarn : they can live and subsist
after their present fashion, without the use of gold and silver
money ; and can supply themselves with the necessaries
above mentioned, without labouring two hoxirs per diem.
Now, it hath been found that, by reason of insolvencies
arising rather from the uselessness, than want, of money among
these poor people ; that from 300,000 hearths, which should
have yielded £2,0,000 per annum, not ^15,000 of money could
be levied. Whereas it is easily imagined that four or five
persons, dwelling in that cottage which hath but one smoke,
could easily have planted a ground plot, of about forty feet
square, with flax, or the fiftieth part of an acre : for so much
ground will bear 8s. or los. worth of that commodity, and
the rent of so much ground, in few places amounts to a
penny per annum. Nor is there any skill requisite to this
practice, wherewith the country is not already familiar.
Now as for a market for the flax, there is imported into
Holland itself, over and above what that country produces,
as much flax as is there sold for between j^i6o,ooo and
pf 200, 000; and into England and Ireland is imported [from
Holland\ as much linen cloth made of flax, and there spent
SirW.Petty.-j JrisH TAXES TO BE PAID IN FlAX. 353
\7ised\ as is worth above half a million of money. As shall be
shewn hereafter.
Wherefore, having shewn that silver money is useless to
the poor people of Ireland ; that half the hearth money could
not be raised by reason thereof; that the people are not a
hfth part employed ; that the people and land of Ireland are
competently qualified for flax ; that one pennyworth of land
produces 10s. worth of the same ; and that there is market
enough, and enough for ;£'ioo,ooo worth : I conceive my
Proposition sufficiently proved ; at least, to set forwards and
promote a practice, which both the present Law and Interest
of the country doth require. Especially, since if all the flax
so produced should yield nothing, yet there is nothing lost ;
the same time having been worse spent before.
Upon the same grounds, the like tax of 2s. per head may
be raised with the like advantage upon the people of Eng-
land, which will amount to £600,000 per annum ; to be paid
in Flax manufactured into all soits of Linens, threads, tapes,
and laces; which we now receive from France, Flanders,
Holland, and Germany: the value whereof doth far exceed
the sum last mentioned, as hath appeared by the examina-
tion of particulars.
It is observed by clothiers and others, who employ great
numbers of poor people, that when corn is ex- o^u^'r
tremely plentiful, that the labour of the poor is c^~/f«^
proportionably dear ; and scarcely to be had at all . harmless tax.
so licentious are they who labour only to eat, or rather to drink.
Wherefore, when so many acres sown with corn, as do
usually produce a sufficient store for the nation, shall pro-
duce perhaps double to what is expected, or necessary ; it
seems not unreasonable that this common blessing of GOD
should be applied to the common good of all people, repre-
sented by their Sovereign ; much rather than that the same
should be abused by the vile and brutish part of mankind, to
the prejudice of the Common Wealth : and consequently that
such surplusage of corn should be sent to public storehouses ;
from thence to bedisposed of, to the bestadvantage of thepublic.
Now, if the corn spent in England, at 5s. [=i5s. now] per
bushel of wheat, and 2s. 6d. of barley, be worth -^10,000,000
comnmnihm minis ; it follows that in years of great plenty,
when the grains are one-third part cheaper, that a vast
£NG. GAR. VI. 23
OD
4 English Taxes payable in Linen. P'"" T' '^.'s'?:
advantage might accrue to the Common Wealth, which is
now spent in overfeeding of the people in quantity or quality,
and so indisposing them to their usual labour.
The like may be said of Sugar, Tobacco, and Pepper,
which custom hath now made necessary to all sorts of
people; and which the overplanting of them, hath made un-
reasonably cheap. I say, it is not absurd that the Public
should be advantaged by this extraordinary plenty.
That an excise should be laid upon Currants also is not
unreasonable : not only for this, but also for other reasons.
The way of the present Militia, or Trained Bands, is a
Of the tax by gentle tax upon the country: because it is only a
Miiuia, and fcw days' labour in the year, of a few men in
sOTt7o°f armL. Tespcct to the whole ; using their own goods, that
is, their own arms.
Now, if there be 3,000,000 of males in England, there be
about 200,000 of them who are between the age of sixteen
and thirty, unmarried persons, and who live by their labour
and service : for of so many, or thereabouts, the present
Militia consists.
Now, if 150,000 of these were armed and trained as Foot,
and 50,000 as Horse (Horse being of special advantage in
islands), the said forces at land, with 30,000 men at sea,
would, by GOD's ordinary blessing, defend this nation,
being an island, against any force in view.
But the Charge of arming, disciplining, and rendezvousing
all these men, twice or thrice a year, would be a very gentle
tax levied by the people themselves, and paid to themselves.
Moreover, if out of the said number, one-third part were
selected, of such as are more than ordinarily fit and disposed
for war, to be exercised and rendezvoused fourteen or fifteen
times per annum ; the charge thereof, being but a fortnight's
pay, would also be a very gentle tax.
Lastly, if out of this last-mentioned number, one-third
again should be selected ; making about 16,000 Foot and
nearly 6,000 Horse to be exercised and rendezvoused forty
days in the year: I say, that the Charge of all these three
Militias, allowing the latter six weeks' pay per aiinuiii, would
not cost above £120,000 per annum; which I take to bean
easy burden for so great a benefit.
^''■y-''j'=6^^':] Scotch Taxes payable in Herrings. 355
Forasmuch as the present Navy of Enj:^land requires
36,000 men to man it ; and for that the Enghsh For supplying
Trade of Shipping requires about 48,000 men to ^iv^itrdvims^'"^
manage it also : it follow that to perform both well, wkh seamen.
there ought to be about 72,000 men (and not 84,000) com-'
petently qualified for these services. For want whereof, we
see that it is a long while before a Royal Navy can be
manned : which till it be, it is of no effectual use, but lies at
charge. And we see likewise, upon these occasions, that
merchants are put to great straights and inconveniences, and
do pay excessive rates for the carrying on their trade.
Now if 24,000 able-bodied tradesmen [artisans] were, by 6,000
of them per annum, brought up and fitted for sea service ; and
for their encouragement allowed 20s. [=£^ now] per annum
for every year they had been at sea, even when they stay at
home, not exceeding ^6 for those who have served six years
or upward ; it follows that about ;£'72,ooo, at the medium of
£^ per man, would salariate the whole number of 24,000.
And so, forasmuch as half the seamen which manage the
merchants' trade, are supposed to be always in harbour, and
are about 24,000 men ; the said half together with the
Auxiliaries last mentioned, would, upon all emergencies, man
out the whole Royal Navy with 36,000, and leave to the
Merchants 12,000 of the abler Auxiliaries to perform their busi-
ness in harbour till others come home from sea. And thus
36,000, 24,000, and 12,000 make the 72,000 above mentioned.
I say that more than this sum of ;£"72,ooo is fruitlessly
spent and overpaid by the Merchants, whensoever a great
fleet is to be fitted out.
Now these, whom I call Auxiliary Seamen, are such as
have another trade besides, wherewith to maintain themselves
when they are not employed at sea : and the charge of main-
taining them, though ^^72,000 per annum, I take to be little
or nothing, for the reasons above mentioned, and conse-
quently an easy tax to the people, because levied by, and
paid to themselves.
As we propounded that Ireland should be taxed with flax ;
England, by linen and other manufactures of the a herring tax
same; I conceive that Scotland also might be taxed "P'^" ^='^''^"'^-
as much [i.e., £^0,000], to be paid in herrings, as Ireland in flax.
356 Men-of-war of 300 to 1,300 tons are best. l^^l'/?.
Now the three taxes, viz., of Flax, Linen, and Herrings;
and the maintenance of the triple Militia, and of the
Auxiliary Seamen above mentioned, do, all five of them
together, amount to ;^i,ooo,ooo of money. The raising
whereof is not a million spent, but gain unto the Common
Wealth ; unless it can be made to appear that, by reason of
all or any of them, the exportation of woollen manufactures,
lead, and tin are lessened ; or of such commodities as our
own East and West India trade do produce: forasmuch as
I conceive that the Exportation of these last-mentioned
commodities is the Touchstone whereby the wealth of
England is tried, and the Pulse whereby the health of the
Kingdom may be discerned.
CHAPTER III.
That France cannot, by reason of natural and perpetual inipcdi-
mcnts, be more poivevful at sea than the English or Hollanders
now are, or may be.
OwER at sea consists chiefly of Men able to fight at
sea ; and that, in such shipping as is most The qualities
proper for the seas wherein they serve : "he'^'dTflncVof
and those are, in these Northern seas, England.
ships from between 300 to 1,300 tons; and of those, such as
draw much water, and have a deep latch [hold] in the sea, in
order to keep a good wind, and not fall to leeward, a matter
of vast advantage in sea service.
Wherefore it is to be examined. Whether the King of
France hath ports in the Northern seas (where he hath most
occasion for his fleets of war, in any contests with England),
able to receive the vessels above mentioned, in all weathers,
both in winter and summer season ?
For if the King of France would bring to sea an equal
number of fighting men with England and Holland, in small
floaty leeward vessels, he would certainly be of the weaker
side. For a vessel of 1,000 tons, manned with 500 men,
fighting with five vessels of 200 tons, each manned with 100
men apiece, shall, in common reason, have the better, offen-
sively and defensively : forasmuch as the great ship can
carry such ordnance as can reach the small ones at a far
^fg^?'.] Few good harbours on the West of Franxe. 357
greater distance than those can reach, or at least hurt the
other; and can batter and sink at a distance, when small ones
can scarce pierce.
Moreover, it is more difficult for men, out of a small vessel
to enter a tall ship ; than for men from a higher place to leap
down into a lower : nor is small shot [musketry] so effectual
upon a tall ship, as vice versa.
And as for vessels drawing much water, and consequently
keeping good wind ; they can take or leave leeward vessels
at pleasure, and secure themselves from being boarded by
them. Moreover the windward ship has a fairer mark at a
leeward ship, than vice versa ; and can place her shot upon
such parts of the leeward vessel, as upon the next tack will
be under water.
Now then, the King of France having no ports able to
receive large windward vessels, between Dunkirk and
Ushant : what other ships he can bring into those seas will
not be considerable.
As for the wide ocean, which his harbours of Brest and
Charente do look into : it affordeth it him no advantage upon
an enemy ; there being so great a latitude of engaging or not,
even when the parties are in sight of each other.
Wherefore, although the King of France were immensely
rich, and could build what ships he pleased, both for number
and quality : yet if he have not ports to receive and shelter
that sort and size of shipping which is fit for his purpose, the
said riches will, in this case, be fruitless, and a mere expense
without any return or profit.
Some will say that other nations cannot build so good
ships as the English. I do indeed hope they cannot. But
because it seems too possible that they may, sooner or later,
by practice and experience, I shall not make use of that
argument : having bound myself to shew that the impedi-
ments of France, as to this purpose, are natural and perpetual.
Ships and guns do not fight of themselves ; but by men,
who act and manage them : wherefore it is more material to
shew. That the King of France neither hath, nor can have
men sufficient to man a fleet of equal strength to that of the
King of England, viz. :
The King of England's Navy consists of about 70,000 tons
358 France has 150,000 tons of snirpiNC. [^'""y'^il;;:
of shippinp^, which requires 36,000 men to man it. These
The quaiifica- mcn being supposed to be divided into eight parts,
tions of seamen •» "ji^ "i^^l ^ i.i_ r
for defence. I conceivc that one-eighth part must be persons 01
great experience and reputation in sea service : another
eighth part must be such as have used the sea, seven years
and upwards : half of them, or four-eighths part more, must
be such as have used the sea above a twelvemonth, viz.,
two, three, four, five, or six years: allowing but one quarter
of the whole complements to be such as never were at sea at
all, or at most but one voyage, or upon one expedition. So
that, at a medium, I reckon that the whole Fleet must be
men of three or four years' growth [in seamanship], one with
another.
FouRNiER, a late judicious writer, making it his busi-
ness to persuade the world, how considerable the King of
France was, or might be, at sea, in the ninety-second and
The number of ninety-third pages of his Hydrography, saith that
FrtweV" " there was one place in Brittany which had fur-
nished the King with 1,400 seamen, and that perhaps the
whole sea coast of France might have furnished him with
fifteen times as many." Now, supposing his whole allegation
were true, yet the said number amounts but to 21,000 : all
which, if the whole Trade of Shipping in France were quite
and clean abandoned, would not, by above a third, man out
a Fleet equivalent to that of the King of England. And if
the Trade were but barely kept alive, there would not be one-
third part of men enough to man the said Fleet,
But if the Shipping Trade of France be not above a quarter
as great as that of England ; and that one-third part of the
same, namely, the fishing trade to the Banks of Newfound-
land, is not peculiar or fixed to the French: then, I say, that
if the King of England, having power to press men, cannot,
under two or three months' time, man his Fleet ; then the
King of France, with less than a quarter of the same help,
can never do it at all.
For in France, as shall elsewhere be shewn, there are not
above 150,000 tons of trading vessels ; and consequently not
above 15,000 seamen, reckoning a man to 10 tons.
As it has been shewn, that the King of France cannot, at
present, man such a Fleet as iy above d.escribed : we come
^.T/yJ Dangers of our seamen serving the French. 359 ,
next to shew, That he never can ! being under natural and
perpetual impediments, viz. :
1. If there be but 15,000 seamen in all France, to manage
its Trade ; it is not to be supposed that the said Trade
should be extinguished ; nor that it should spare above
5,000 of the said 15,000 towards manning the Fleet
which requires 35,000.
Now the deficient 30,000 must be supplied, one of
these four ways. Either, first, by taking in ^^{^^J';^^
landsmen; of which sort there must not be French mu>\
above 10,000 : since the seamen will never be men!"'"''"'"'
contented without being the major part. Nor do they
heartily wish well to landsmen at all, or rejoice even at
those successes of which the landsmen can ^V'l;^,;^^''''™^"
claim any share : thinking it hard that they Landsmen,
themselves, who are bred to miserable, painful, and
dangerous employments, and yet profitable to the
Common Wealth, should, at a time when booty and
purchase is to be gotten, be clogged or hindered by any
conjunction with landsmen, or forced to admit those to
an equal share with themselves.
2. The seamen, which we suppose 20,000, must be had,
that is, hired from other nations ; which cannot be
without tempting them with so much wages as exceeds
what is given by merchants : and withal to counterpoise
the danger of being hanged by their own xhedangerof
Prince, and allowed no quarter if they are nien'.'theirserv.
taken ; the trouble of conveying themselves "s the French.
away, when restraints and prohibitions are upon them;
and also the infamy of having been apostates to their
own country and cause. I say their wages must be
double to what their own Prince gives them ; and their
assurance must be very great, that they shall not be, at
[the] long run, abused or slighted by those that em-
ployed them, as "hating the traitor, although they love
the treason." [Sec Vol. VII . p. 435.]
I say, moreover, that those who will be thus tempted
away, must be the basest and lewdest sort of seamen ;
and such as have not enough of honour and conscience
to qualify them for any trust or gallant performance.
3. Another way to increase seamen is to put great num-
360 How MEN BECOME GOOD SEAMEN. [^'^ 7' ^Te/?'.
bers of landsmen upon ships of war, in orderto their being
seamen : but this course cannot be effectual, not only
How men learn for thc above-mcntioned antipathy between
seamen!" landsmcn and seamen ; but also because it is
seen that men at sea do not apply themselves to labour
and practice, without more necessity than happens in
over-manned shipping. For where there are fifty men
in a vessel that ten can sufficiently navigate, the super-
numerary forty will improve little : but where there shall
be of ten, but one or two supernumeraries ; there
necessity will often call upon every man to set his hand
to the work, which must be well done, at the peril of
their own lives.
Moreover, seamen shifting vessels, almost every six or
twelve months, do sometimes sail in small barks, some-
times in middling ships, and sometimes in great vessels
of defence ; sometimes in lighters, sometimes in hoighs
[hoys], sometimes in ketches, sometimes in three-masted
ships. Sometimes they go to the Southward, some-
times to the Northward; sometimes they coast, some-
times they cross the ocean. By all which variety of
service, they do in time complete themselves in every
part and circumstance of their faculty. Whereas those
who go out for a summer in a man-of-war, have not that
variety of practice, nor a direct necessity of doing any-
thing at all.
Besides, it is three or four years, at a medium, where-
in a seaman must be made ; neither can there be less
than three seamen, to make a fourth of a landsman.
Consequently the 15,000 seamen of France can increase
but 5,000 in three or four years : and unless their Trade
should increase with their seamen in proportion, the
King must be forced to bear the charge of this improve-
ment out of the public Stock [national Exchequer], which
is intolerable.
So as the question which now remains is. Whether the
Whether the shipping trade of France is likely to increase ?
shipping trade Upuu whlch account it is to be considered
of France IS /-n ^ i> • rr • .1 1 • 1 1. 1 • t
likely to i liut V raucc IS sumcicntly stored with all kinds
increase? of neccssarics ; as with corn, cattle, wine, salt,
linen cloth, paper, silk, fruits, (ic. : so as they need little
^''7'^il77-] '^^^^ '^^^'^'-^'^^ OF THE French exports. 361
shipping to import more commodities of weight or bulk.
Neither is there anything of bulk exported out of France, but
wines and salt ; the weight whereof is under 100,000 tons
per annum, yielding not employment to above 25,000 tons
of shipping: and these are, for the most part, Dutch and
English ; who are not only already in possession of the said
trade, but also are better fitted to maintain it than the French
are, or perhaps ever can be. And that for the following
reasons, viz. :
1. Because the French cannot victual so cheap Reasons why
as the English and Dutch, nor sail with so "cannot.
few hands.
2. The French, for want of good coasts and harbours,
cannot keep their ships in port under double the charge
that the English and the Hollanders can.
3. By reason of paucity, and distance of their ports one
from another, their seamen and tradesmen [mechanics]
relating to shipping, cannot correspond with and assist
one another so easily, cheaply, and advantageously as in
other places.
Wherefore, if their shipping trade is not likely to increase
within themselves, and much less to increase by their beating
out the English and Hollanders from being the Carriers of
the World ; it follows that their seamen will not be increased
by the increase of their said Trade.
Wherefore, and for that they are not likely to be increased
by any of the several ways above specified ; and for that their
ports are not fit to receive ships of burden and quality fit for
their purpose, and that by reason by the less fitness of their
ports than that of their neighbours' ; I conceive that what
was propounded hath been competently proved.
TheaforenamedFouRNiER,in the ninety-second andninety-
third pages of his Hydrography, hath laboured to prove the
contrary of all this ; unto which I refer the reader : not
thinking his arguments of any weight at all, in the present
case. Nor, indeed, doth he make his comparisons with the
English and Hollanders, but with the Spaniards ; who, nor
the Grand Signior [tlie Turks] (the latter of whom hath greater
advantages to be powerful at sea than the King of France)
could ever attain to any illustrious greatness in Naval Power;
having often attempted, but never succeeded in the same.
362 The French and English territories. [^"J-'^Ten.
Nor is it easy to believe that the King of England should,
for so many years, have continued his Title to the Sovereignty
of the Narrow Seas against his neighbours (ambitious enough
to have gotten it from him), had not their impediments been
Natural and Perpetual, and such as we say do obstruct the
King of France.
CHAPTER IV.
That the People mid Territories of the King of England are,
naturally, nearly as considerable for wealth and strength, as those
of France.
He Author of The State of England, among the
many useful truths and observations he or comparison
hath set down, delivers the proportion bftween the
• • TT^ii 1 lerritories of
between the territories 01 England and Engiandand
France to be as 30 to 82 : the which, if it be
true, then England, Scotland, and Ireland, wath the islands
unto them belonging, will, taken altogether, be nearly as big
as France.
Though I ought to take all advantages for proving the
paradox in hand : yet I had rather grant that England,
Scotland, and Ireland, with the islands before mentioned,
together with the planted parts of Newfoundland, New
England, New Netherland [New York], Virginia, Maryland,
Carolina, Jamaica, Bermudas, Barbadoes, and all the rest of
the Caribbee Islands, with what the King hath in Asia and
Africa, do not contain so much territory as France and what
planted land [Canada, S-c] the King of France hath also in
America. And if any man will be heterodox in behalf of the
I'rench Interest, I would be contented, against my knowledge
and judgement, to allow the King of France's territories to be
a Seventh, Sixth, or even a Fifth greater than those of the
King of England : belie\ing that both Princes have more
land than they do employ to its utmost use.
And here, I beg leave, among the several matters which I
intend for serious, to interpose a jocular and perhaps ridicu-
lous digression ; and which I indeed desire men to look upon
^'■"T'^ilS -^ DREAM OF A POLITICAL ECONOMIST. 363
rather as a Dream or reverie than a rational Proposition: the
which is, that if all the Moveables and People of Ireland and
of the Highlands of Scotland were transported into a Proposition
the rest of Great Britain, that then the King and i'"/^,^"'"^';^
his subjects would thereby become more rich and the Highlands
strong, both offensively and defensively, than now ° '''"'"' "
they are.
It is true, I have heard many wise men say, when they
were bewailing the vast losses of the English in preventing
and suppressing rebellions in Ireland, and considering how
little profit hath returned either to the King or subjects of
England, for their five hundred years' doing and suffering
in that country : I say, I have heard wise men, in such their
melancholies, wish " that (the people of Ireland being saved)
the island were sunk under water ! "
Now it troubles me, that the distemper of my own mind,
in this point, carries me to dream that the benefit of those
wishes may practically be obtained, without sinking that
vast mountainous island under water ; which I take to be
somewhat difficult : for although Dutch engineers may drain
its bogs, yet I know no artists that can sink its mountains.
If ingenious and learned men, among whom I reckon Sir
Thomas More and Descartes, have disputed, That we who
think ourselves awake, are or may be really in a dream ; and
since the greatest absurdities of dreams are but a preposter-
ous and tumultuary contexture of realities : I will crave the
umbrage [example] of these great men last named ; to say
something for this wild conception, wath submission to the
better judgement of all those that can prove themselves
awake.
If there w^ere but One man living in England, then the
benefit of the whole territory could be but the livelihood of
that One man : but if another man were added, the rent or
benefit of the same would be double ; if two, triple ; and so
forward, until so many men were planted in it, as the whole
territory could afford food unto. For if a man would know
what any land is worth, the true and natural question must
be. How many men will it feed ? How many men are there tp
be fed ?
But to speak more practically. Land of the same quantity
and quality in England, is generally worth four or five times
364 Proposed transplantation of the Gaels-^'Y' ^^l'/?'.
as much as in Ireland, and but one-quar'Ler or one-third of
what it is worth in Holland : because England is four or five
times better peopled than Ireland, and but a quarter so well
as Holland.
And, moreover, where the rent is advanced by reason of
the multitude of people, there, the number of years' purchase
for which an inheritance may be sold is also advanced,
though perhaps not in the very same proportion. For 205.
[^=£3 now] per annum in Ireland, may be worth but ^6
[=^£2Jf. now] ; and in England, where titles are very sure,
above £20 [ = £^0 now] ; and in Holland, above £30 [=£yo
7 tow].
I suppose that in Ireland and the Highlands of Scotland,
there may be about 1,800,000 people, or about a Fifth part of
what are in all the three Kingdoms [i.e., 9,000,000],
Wherefore the First question will be. Whether England,
Wales, and the Lowlands of Scotland cannot afford
food (that is to say, corn, fish, flesh, and fowl) to a fifth
part more people than are, at present, planted upon it ;
with the same labour that the said fifth part do now take,
where they are ? For if so, then what is propounded is
naturally possible.
2. It is to be inquired, What the value of the Immove-
ables, which, upon such removal, must be left behind,
are worth ? For if they be worth less than the advance-
ment of the price of land in England will amount unto ;
then the Proposal is to be considered.
3. If the relict [relinquished] Lands and the Immoveables
left behind upon them, may be sold for money ; or if no
other nation shall dare meddle with them, without pay-
ing well for them ; and if the nation who shall be
admitted, shall be less able to prejudice and annoy the
Transplantees into England, than before: then I con-
ceive that the whole Proposal will be a pleasant and
profitable Dream indeed !
As to the First point. Whether England and the Lowlands
ami'tiiriow"'' ^^ Scotland can maintain a Fifth part more people
lands of Scut- than they now do, that is to say, 0,000,000 of souls
land will feed • 1 1 0
the people IH all T
sLoi'iand"'Ilid ^^^' answer thereunto, I first say, that the said
•"•■laud.' territories of England and the Lowlands of
^2 ^fe"?'] ^^^^^^-^^ Ireland FOR SALE to foreigners. 365
Scotland contain about 36,000,000 acres, that is, 4 acres
for every head (man, woman, and child) : but the United
Provinces do not allow above i^ acres. And England
itself, rescinding [excluding] Wales, hath but 3 acres to
every head ; according to the present state of tillage and
husbandry.
Now if we consider that England having but 3 acres to
a head, as aforesaid, does so abound in victuals as that
it maketh laws against the importation of cattle, flesh,
and fish from abroad ; and that the draining of fens,
improving of forests, inclosing of commons, sowing of
St. Foyne [sainfoin] and clover-grass, be grumbled
against by landlords, as the way to depress the price of
victuals : then it plainly follows that less than 3 acres,
improved as they may be, will serve the turn ; and
consequently that 4 will suffice abundantly.
I could here set down the very number of acres that
would bear bread, drink, and corn, together with flesh,
butter, and cheese sufficient to victual 9,000,000 persons,
as they are victualled in ships and regular families : but
I shall only say in general, that 12,000,000 acres, viz.,
one-third of 36,000,000 will do it ; supposing that roots,
fruits, fowls, and fish, and the ordinary profit of lead,
tin, and iron mines, and woods, would piece up any
defect that may be feared.
As to the Second, I say that the Land and Housing in
Ireland and the Highlands of Scotland, That the value
at the present market rates, are not worth ofaiithe
Z' r /- I r quitted lands
£ 13,000,000 [ = £39,000,000 now] Ot money: and unmove-
nor would the actual charge of transplan- chl'^rle^of'ti-^ns'^
tation proposed, amount to ;£"4,ooo,ooo ^'^''"'^''^^'^1" '"'^
[ = £12,000,000 now] more. above
So then the question will be. Whether the ■^'7,000,000.
benefit expected from this Transplantation will exceed
;£'i7,ooo,ooo [=;^5 1, 000,000 now].
To which I say, that the Advantage will probably be
nearly four times the last-mentioned sum or about
£69,300,000 [=;^207,900,ooo now].
For if the Rent of all England and Wales and
the Lowlands of Scotland be about ;£'9,ooo,ooo [=
£27,000,000 now] per annum ; and if the Fifth part
366 Wealth in ratio to Density of Population, [^f^^^';
of the people be superadded unto the present in-
habitants of those countries : then the Rent will
amount to ;£"io, 800,000 [ = ;f 32,400, 000 novi']; and
the number of years' purchase will rise from 17^ to
a fifth part more, which is 21.
So as the Land, which is now worth but ^£'9,000,000
per annum, at lyh years' purchase, making
^^157,500,000, will then be worth £10,800,000 at
21 years' purchase, viz., £226,800,000 [=
£680,400,000 now] : which is £69,300,000
[=£207,900,000 now] more than it was before.
And if any Prince willing to enlarge his terri-
That those tories, will give anything more than
who p'.ucha<ie /,, ' i ir.i ^ i r
Ireland shall £6,500,000, or halt thc prcscut valuc, lof
th?nisdves. the said relinquished land ; which are
estimated to be worth £13,000.000 : then the whole
profit will be above £75,800,000 [ = £227,400,000
now] ; or above Four times the loss, as the same was
above computed.
But if any man shall object that it will be dangerous
unto England, that Ireland should be in the hands of
any other nation : I answer, in short, that that nation,
(whoever shall purchase it) being divided by means of
the said purchase, shall not be more able to annoy
England than now, in its united condition. Nor is
Ireland nearer England, than France and Flanders.
Now if any man shall desire a more clear explanation,
How, and by what means, the rents of lands shall rise by
this closer cohabitation of people, above described ? I
answer, that the advantage will arise in transplanting above
1,800,000 people, from the poor and miserable trade of
husbandr}', to more beneficial handicrafts. For, when the
superaddition is made, a very little addition of husbandry to
the same lands will produce a fifth part more of food, and
consequently the additional hands, earning but 40s. [=£6
now] per annum, as they may very well do, nay, to £8 [ = £24
now] /le^flnn/nu at some other trade ; the superlucration will
be above £3,600,000 [=£10,800,000 now] per annum : which
at 20 years' purchase is £70,000,000 [=£210,000,000 now].
Moreover, as the inhabitants of cities and towns spend
more commodities and make greater consumptions than those
^""T'^^S 9,500,000 PEOPLE IN THE BrITISII IsLES. 367
who live in wild thin-peopled countries ; so when England
shall be thicker peopled, in the manner before described, the
very same people shall then spend more than when they lived
more sordidly and inurbanely ; and further asunder, and
more out of the sight, observation, and emulation of each
other : every man desiring to put on better apparel when he
appears in company than when he has no occasion to be
seen.
I further add that the charge of the Government (Civil,
Military, and Ecclesiastical) would be more cheap, safe, and
effectual in this condition of closer cohabitation than other-
wise : as not only reason, but the example of the United
Provinces doth demonstrate.
But to let this whole digression pass for a mere Dream, I
suppose it will serve to prove that in case the King That the diiTe-
J I i '-' rence between
of England's territories should be a little less than England's and
those of the King of France, that forasmuch as t^ryTnot"""
neither of them is overpeopled, the difference is material.
not material to the question in hand :
Wherefore supposing the King of France's advantages to
be little or nothing in point of Territory; we come, next, to
examine and compare the number of Subjects which each of
these monarchs doth govern.
The book called The State of France maketh that
Kingdom to consist of 27,000 parishes. And another book,
written by a substantial author, who professedly enquires
into the state of the Church and Churchmen [Clergy] of
France, sets it down as an extraordinary case, that a parish
in France should have 600 souls ; where I suppose that the
said Author (who hath so well examined the matter) is not of
opinion that every parish, one with another, hath above 500.
By which reckoning, the whole people of France are about
13,500,000.
Now the people of England, Scotland, and Ireland, with
the islands adjoining, by computation from the number of
parishes (which commonly have more people in Protestant
Churches than in Popish countries), as also from the
Hearth Money, Pole Money, and E.\cise, amount to about
9,500,000.
o
68 1 3, 500,000 French TO 1 0,000,000 ENGLisH.p''7-^;677."
The King of There are in New England, about 16,000 men
in'^enect.but mustcrcd in arms, and about 24,000 able to bear
suw'^t'r°a°d arms : and consequently about 150,000 in all.
the Kins' of And I see no reason why, in all this, and the
io"L>"ooo. other Plantations [Colonies] of Asia, Africa, and
Frlnce^Mh ""^ Amcrica, there should not be 500,000 m all. But
270, oooch inch- ^]^js i^gf J leave to every man's conjecture.
men, and the ' •' ,-',,.
KingofEng. And conscqucntly, I suppose that the Kmg of
""■ihe°i<mg of England hath about 10,000,000 of subjects ubivis
fo^Sl^seamen; terraYuni ovbis, and the King of France about
and the King 1^,500,000 as aforesald.
of France, *^'*' '
Although it be very material to know the number of Sub-
jects belonging to each Prince : yet when the question is
concerring their Wealth and Strength, it is also material to
examine, How many of them do get More than they spend ?
and How many Less ?
In order whereunto, it is to be considered that in the King
of England's Dominions, there are not 20,000 Churchmen
[Clergy] : but in France (as the aforementioned Author of
theirs doth aver, who sets down the particular number of
each religious Order) there are about 270,000, viz., 250,000
more than we think necessary ; that is to say, 250,000 with-
drawn out of the World.
Now the said number of adult and able-bodied persons are
equivalent to about double the same number of the promis-
cuous mass of mankind. And the same Author says, that
the same Religious Persons do spend, one with another, about
i8d. per diem, which is triple even, to what a labouring man
requires.
Wherefore the said 250,000 Churchmen, living as they do,
make the King of France's 13,500,000 to be less than
13,000,000.
Now if Ten men can defend themselves as well in islands
as Thirteen can upon the Continent ; then the said Ten
being not concerned to increase their territory by the
invasion of others, are as effectual as Thirteen in point of
Strength also.
Wherefore that there are more superlucrators in the
English, than in the French Dommions, we say, as foUoweth:
^''T'^il??'.]'^^^^ SEA-LINES OF ENGLAND AND FrANCE. 369
There be in England, Scotland, Ireland, and the King's
other territories, above 40,000 seamen: in Themuiti-
France not above a quarter so many, But one oei^gydoes
seaman earneth as much as two common K-'ngVf''^
husbandmen: wherefore this difference in sea- France's
men, addeth to the account of the Kins: of Themuiti-
Ei 1) ' 1 • , • 1 . ■ tvide of seaand
ngland s subjects, is an advantage, equiva- navai men dues
lent to 60,000 husbandmen. 'i:'^^t''t^f '!!•';„
There are in England, Scotland, and Ireland, land s subjects^
and all other the King of England's territories, 600,000
tons of shipping, worth ;£'4.500,ooo [ = £"13.500,000
iioiv] of money : and the Annual Charge of maintaining
the shipping of England by new buildings and repa-
rations is about one-third part of the same sum
T;^!, 500, 000 =^^4,500,000 woic], which is the wages of
150,000 husbandmen, but is not the wages of above one-
third part [i.e., 50,000] of so many artisans as are
employed upon shipping of all sorts, viz., shipwrights,
caulkers, joiners, carvers, painters, block-makers, rope-
makers, mast-makers, smiths of several sorts, hag-
makers, compass-makers, brewers, bakers, and all other
sorts of victuallers, all sorts of tradesmen [mechanics]
relating to guns and gunner's stores. Wherefore there
being four times more of these artisans in England, &c.,
than in France, they further add to the account of the
King of England's subjects, the equivalent of 80,000
husbandmen more.
The sea-line of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and
adjacent islands, is. about 3,800 miles, accord- The Kin- of
ing to which length and the whole contents of H,'or'ieslrV^a"
acres, the said land would be an oblong or eiiect, but
11 1 n. r o -1 1 J 12 ""les trom
parallelogram ngure of 3,000 miles long, and navigable
about 24 miles broad : and consequently, every K^n^of' *
part of England, Scotland, and Ireland is, one Frunce-ses.
with another, but 12 miles from the sea.
Whereas France, containing but about 1,000 miles of
sea-line, is by the like method or computation, about 65
miles from the sea-side ; and, considering the paucity of
ports in comparison of what are in the King of England's
Dominions, as good as 70 miles distant from a port.
Upon which grounds, it is clear that England can be
ENC. Gar. VI. 24
370 England spends nearly as much as France. P^^^;
supplied with all .i^ross and bulky commodities of foreign
growth and manufacture, at far cheaper rates than France
can be, viz., at about 4s. per cent, cheaper: the land
carriage for the difference of the distance between
England and France from a port being so much, or
near thereabouts.
Now to what advantage this conveniency amounteth,
upon the importation or exportation of bulky commodities,
cannot be less than the labour cf i,ooo.oco of people:
meaning by bulky comimodities all sorts of timber, plank,
and staves for caske : all iron, lead, stone, bricks, and
tiles for building; all corn, salt, and drinks; all flesh
and fish ; and indeed all other commodities wherein the
gain and loss of 4s. per cent, is considerable : where
note, that the like wines are sold in the inner parts of
France for £j^ or /5 a tun, which near the ports, yield
£7'
Moreover, upon this principle, the decay of timber in
Thedecayof^ England is no very formidable thing, as the
iandi,snove?y rebuilding of London [after the Fire of 1666]
I.Tter!'"' and of the ships wasted by the Dutch War
[1665-7] ^o clearly manifest.
Nor can there be any want of corn, or other necessary
provisions in England ; unless the weather hath been
universally unseasonable for the growth of the same,
which seldom or never happens. For the same causes
which make dearth in one place, do often cause plenty
in another ; wet weather being propitious to high lands,
which drowneth the low.
It is observed that the poor in France have generally
less wages than in England ; and yet their victuals
are generally dearer there ; which being so, there may
be more superlucration in England than in France.
Lastly, I offer to the consideration of all those who
have travelled through England and France, Whether the
plebians of England, for they constitute the bulk of the
The Kin?- of nation, do not spend a sixth part more than the
j^cfs'spen/"''' plebians of France ? And if so, it is necessary
"rtheKir'o'f *^^^^ ^^^y must first get it: and consequently
France's. that 10,000,000 of the King of England's sub-
jects are equivalent to 12,000,000 of the King of France ;
^I'e"?-] Royal Magnificence not National Wealth. 371
and, upon the whole matter, to the 13,000,000 at which
the French nation was estimated.
It will here be objected that the splendour and magni-
ficences of the King of France appearing greater than those
of England, the wealth of France must be proportionably
greater than that of England. But that doth not Thegreatei-
follow, forasmuch as the apparent greatness of the'^King'^o'f
the King doth depend upon the quota pars of the tain"arg"umTnt
people's wealth which he levieth from them. For of the greater
■'^. , , , ,,.,.„ J, wealth of his
supposmg the people to be equally rich, 11 one 01 people.
the sovereigns levy a Fifth part and the other a Fifteenth ;
the one seems actually thrice as rich as the other : whereas,
potentially, they are but equal.
Having thus discoursed of the Territory, People, Super-
lucration, and Defensibleness of both Dominions ; [-^^J^fP-^^'p"" °^
and in some measure of their Trade so far as we Trade of
had occasion to mention ships, shipping, and near- France.
ness to ports : we come, next, to enlarge a little further
upon the Trade of each.
Some have estimated that there are not above
300,000,000 people in the whole world. Whether that
be so, or not, is not very material to be known : but
I have fair grounds to conjecture, and would be glad
to know it more certainly, that there are not above
80,000,000 with whom the English and Dutch have
commerce ; no Europeans that I know of, trading
directly or indirectly, where they do now. So that the
Commercial World, or World of Trade, consisteth of
about 80,000,000 souls as aforesaid.
And I further estimate that the value of all commo-
dities yearly exchanged amongst them doth not exceed
the value of ^^45, 000, 000 [=1^/^135,000,000 now].
Now the Wealth of every nation consisting chiefly in
the share which they have in the Foreign Trade with the
whole Commercial World, rather than in the Domestic
trade of ordinary meat, drink, and clothes, &c., which
bring in little gold, silver, jewels, and other Universal
372 The Trade OF THE World IN 1677. pT'^^l^^:
Wealth : we are to consider, Whether the subjects of
the King of England, head for head, have not a greater
share [in the Foreign Trade] than those of France ?
To which purpose it hath been considered that
the manufactures of wool yearly exported out of
England into several parts of the world, viz. : all
sorts of cloth, serges, stuffs, cottons, bayes, sayes,
frieze, perpetuanas ; as also stockings, caps, rugs,
&c., exported out of England, Scotland, and Ireland,
do amount unto ^^5, 000, 000 [=^£15,000,000 now].
The value of lead, tin, and coals, to be £500,000
[=£1,500,000 now].
The value of all clothes, household stuff, &c.,
carried into America [i.e., the English Colonies there],
£200,000 [=£600,000 noia].
The value of silver and gold taken [in the way of
trade] from the Spaniards, £60,000 [=£180,000
now].
The value of sugar, indigo, tobacco, cotton, and
cocoa, brought from the southward parts of America,
£600,000 [=£1,800,000 now].
The value of the fish, pipe staves, masts, beaver,
&c., brought from New England and the northern
parts of America, £200,000 [ = £600,000 now].
The value of the wool, butter, hides, tallow, beef,
herrings, pilchards, and salmon exported out of
Ireland, £800,000 [ = £2,400,000 now].
The value of the coals, salt, linen, yarn, herrings,
pilchards, salmon, linen cloth, and yarn brought out of
Scotland and Ireland, £500,000 [=£1,500,000 noie^].
The value of saltpetre, pepper, calicoes, diamonds,
drugs, and silks brought out of the East Indies
(above what was spent in England), £800,000
[= £2,400^000 now].
The value of the slaves brought out of Africa, to
serve in our America Plantations, £20,ooo[=£6o,ooo
now].
Which with the Freight of English shipping trad-
ing into foreign parts, being above £1,500,000
L = £4»5"»>«oo now], makes in all £10,180,000
[=£30,540.000 ^^<y^J-
^'' 7" ^il^y.] Particulars of the English Trade. 2,7?,
Which computation is sufficiently justified by the Customs
of the three Kingdoms, whose intrinsic value is thought to be
nearly ;£"!, 000,000 [ = £"3,000,000 now] per annmn, viz.:
;£^6oo,ooo [=£ I, Soo, 000 now] payable to the King.
;^^ioo,ooo [= ;^30o,ooo now] for the charges of col-
lecting, &c.
j{^200,ooo [= ;,r6oo,ooo now] smuckled [smuggled] b}'
the merchants ; and
;£'ioo,ooo [= ;£'300,ooo now] gained by the Farmers.
/"i, 000, 000
according to common opinion and men's sayings.
And this agrees also with that proportion or part of the
whole Trade of the World, which I have estimated the sub-
jects of the King of England to be possessed of, viz., of about
£10,000,000 of j^45,ooo,ooo.
But the value of the French commodities brought into Eng-
land, notwithstanding some current estimates, is not above
;^i, 200,000 r=;£'3,6oo,ooo now] per annum ; and the value of
all they export into all the world besides, not above three or
four times as much : which computation also agreeth well
enough with the account we have of the Customs of France.
So as France not exporting above Half the value of what
England doth ; and for that all the commodities of France
— except wines, brandy, paper; and the first patterns and
fas/iions of clothes and furniture (of which France is the
mint) — are imitable by the English ; and having withal more
people than England : it follows that the people of England,
&c., have, head for head, Thrice as much Foreign Trade as
the people of France, and about Two parts out of Nine of
the Trade of the whole Commercial World : and about Two
parts in Seven of all the Shipping.
Notwithstanding all which, it is not to be denied, that the
King and some Great Men of France appear more rich and
splendid than those of the like Quality in England : all which
arises rather from the nature of their Government, than
from the intrinsic and natural causes of wealth and power.
,74 Two Pan- English Grand Councils. [^'"'T^re"?:
CHAPTERV.
That the impediments of EnglaruVs greatness arc but contingent
and rcmoveable.
He first Impediment of En;;land's greatness is that
the territories thereunto belonging, are The disunion
too far asunder, and divided by the sea °oriesof^"''
into many several islands and countries; i^"p^e'drmJnr"of
and, I may say, into so many Kingdoms and its greatness.
several Governments, viz.:
There be three distinct Legislative Powers in England,
The different Scotland, Ireland; the which instead of uniting
anothlTr'"'^''''' together, do often cross one another's Interest, put-
impediment. ting bars and impediments upon one another's
trades, not only as if they were foreigners to each other, but
sometimes as enemies.
2. The islands of Jersey and Guernsey, and the Isle of Man
are under jurisdictions different from those, either of England,
Scotland, or Ireland.
3. The Government of New England, both Civil and
TheC9ionies Ecclcsiastical, doth so differ fiom that of His
belonging to - , . , , --^ . . , ... ,
England, a Majesty s othcr Dommions, that it is hard to say,
^heEmpi'r"e.'° what may be the consequence of it.
And the Government of the other Plantations doth also
differ ver^' much from any of the rest ; although there be
not, naturally, substantial reasons, from the situation, trade,
and condition of the people, why there should be such
differences.
From all which, it comes to pass that small divided
remote Governments, being seldom able to defend themselves,
the burden of protecting of them all, must lie upon the Chief
Kingdom, England : and so all the smaller kingdoms and
dominions, instead of being additions, are really diminutions.
But the same is remedied by making Two such Grand
Councils as may equally represent the whole Empire : one
to be chosen by the King, the other by the People.
The wealth of a King is threefold. One is the Wealth of
his subjects. The second is the Quota pars of his subjects'
wealth, given him for the public defence, honour, and orna-
sirw. Petty.T j^Q^y I ?,! PEiyiMENTS OF Disunion work. 375
ment of the people, and to manage such undertaking for the
common good, as no one, or a few private men are sufficient
for. The tlidrd sort is the Quota of the last-mentioned Quota
pars, which the King may dispose of, as his own personal
inclination and discretion shall direct him, without account.
Now it is most manifest, that the afore-mentioned distances
and differences of kingdoms and jurisdictions are great im-
pediments to all the said several sorts of wealth, as may be
seen in the following particulars.
First, in case of war with foreign nations, England
commonly beareth the whole burden and charge : where-
by many in England are utterly undone.
Secondly, England sometimes prohibiting the commodities
of Ireland and Scotland (as, of late, it did the cattle,
flesh, and fish of Ireland), did not only make food, and
consequently labour, dearer in England : but also hath
forced the people of Ireland to fetch those commodities
from France, Holland, and other places, which before
were sold them from England ; to the great prejudice of
both nations.
Thirdly, it occasions an unnecessary trouble and charge in
collecting of Customs upon commodities passing between
the several nations.
Fourthly, it is a damage to our Barbadoes and other
American trades, that the goods which might pass
thence immediately to several parts of the world, and
to be sold at moderate rates ; must first come into
England, and there pay duties : and afterwards, if at all,
pass into those countries, whither they might have gone
immediately.
Fifthly, the islands of Jersey and Guernsey are protected
at the charge of England : nevertheless the labour and
industry of that people, which is very great, redounds
most to the profit of the French.
Sixthly, in New England, there are vast numbers of able-
bodied Englishmen employed chiefly in husbandry ;
and in the meanest part of it, which is breeding of
cattle: whereas Ireland would have contained all those
persons, and, at worst, would have afforded them lands
on better terms than they have them in America, if not
some other better trade wittial than now they can have.
376 Other kinds of National lMrEDiMENTS.[^'''7'^r67;:
Seventhly, the inhabitants of the other Plantations althouf^^h
they do indeed plant commodities which will not grow
so well in England ; yet grasping at more land than will
suffice to produce the said exotics in a sufficient quantity
to serve the whole World, they do therein but distract
and confound the effect of their own endeavours.
Eighthly, there is no doubt that the same people far and
widely dispersed, must spend more upon their Govein-
ment and protection, than the same living compactly,
and when they have no occasion to depend upon the
wind, weather, and all the accidents of the sea.
A second impediment to the greatness of England is the
ThediiTerent different understanding of several material points,
understand- yj^., of thc King's Prcrogativc, Privileges of Par-
gntive, and Hamcnt, the obscure differences between Law and
ParHament° Equity, as also betweenCivil and Ecclesiastical J uris-
Eqm\yrctii dictions, doubts whether the Kingdom of England
and Ecciesias- hath powcr ovcr thc Kingdom of Ireland : besides
dictions] ; the thc wondcrful paradox, that Englishmen lawfully
Legislature of scnt to supprcss rebellions in Ireland, should, after
irekud,&c. having effected the same, be as it were disfran-
chised, and lose that Interest in the Legislative Power which
they had in England ; and pay Customs as foreigners for
all they spend in Ireland, whither they were sent for the
honour and benefit of England,
The third impediment is, that Ireland being a conquered
Want of country, and containing not the Tenth part as
for'«^nt^o"f°"' many Irish natives as there are English in both
mix.ureand kingdoms ; that natural and firm Union is not
transplanta- "^ , , .
tion. made between the two peoples by transplantations
and proportionable mixture, so as there may be but a Tenth
part of the Irish in Ireland, and the same proportion in
England : whereby the necessity of maintaining an armv in
Ireland at the expense of the quarter of all the rents of that
kingdom may be taken away.
The fourth impediment is, that taxes in England are not
The unequal Icvicd upon thc Expcnse,but upon the whole Estate;
inonveu.ent j^qj- upou Lands, Stock, and Labour, but chiefiy upon
method of 111 11 1 1 J • IT
taxing. land alone : and that not by any equal and mciit-
ferent standard, but the casual predominancy of Parties and
factions. And moreover that these taxes are not levied with
^''T'^ilzzJ II^^LF THE TAXES LOST IN THE COLLECTING, l']^
the least trouble and charge, but are let out to Farmers;
^vho also let them from one to another, without explicit
knowledge of what they do : but so as in conclusion, the
poor people pay twice as much as the King receives.
The fifth impediment is the inequality of shires, dioceses,
parishes, church-livings, and other precincts; as inequality of
also [ofj the Representation of the people in Parlia- cesLtWHshes,
ment : all which do hinder the operatioi s of Autho- fj'p^;^:^^^'^!^^!
rity in the same manner as a wheel nregularly ^^^•
made and excentrically hung, neither moves so easily, nor
performs its work so truly, as if the same were duly framed
and poised.
Sixthly, as to whether it be an impediment that the Power
of Making War, and Raising Money be not in the same hand ?
much may be said. But I leave it to those who may more
properly meddle with fundamental laws.
None of these impediments are natural : but have arisen,
as the irregularity of buildings do, by being built a part at
one time and a part at another; and by the changing of the
state of things from what they were at the respective times
when the practices we complain of were first admitted ; and
perhaps are but the warpings of time from the rectitude of
the first institution.
As these impediments are contingent, so they are also
removable.
For may not the land of superfluous territories be sold,
and the people, with their movables, brought away ? May
not the English in the American Plantations, who plant
tobacco, sugar, &c., compute what land will serve their turn,
and then contract their habitation to that proportion, both
for quantity and quality ? As for the people of New England,
I can but wish they were transplanted into Old England or
Ireland, according to Proposals of their own, made within
these twenty years [1657-1677] ; although they were a' lowed
more Liberty of Conscience than they allow one another.
May not the Three Kingdoms be United into One, and
equally represented in Parliament ? May not the several
species [races] of the King's subjects be equally mixed in
their habitations ? Might not the parishes and other pre-
cincts be better equalized? Might not Jurisdictions and
3;8 Increase of English territory i637-77.p''7'^:l77:
other pretences [claims'] to Power be determined and ascer-
tained ? Might not the taxes be equally applotted, and
directly applied to their ultimate use? Might not Dissenters
in religion be indulged ; they paying for a competent force
to keep the public peace ?
I humbly venture to say all these things may be done, if
it be so thought fit by the Sovereign Power; because the like
hath often been done already, at several places and times.
CHAPTER VI.
That the pcnccr and iccalth of England hath increased this
last forty years.
IT IS not much to be doubted but that the Territo-
ries under the King's dominion have in- Manytem-
creased : forasmuch as New Engand, Vir- beeiTad'ied
ginia, Barbadoes, and Jamaica, Tangier, to^pgi-i'id
<^ ' . ' J . ' .o ' within aljuut
and Bombay, have, since that time, been either forty years;
added to His Majesty's territories, or improved fm,,rove"ments
from a desert condition, to abound with people, "''"^'''
buildings, shipping, and the production of many useful
commodities.
And as for the land of England, Scotland, and Ireland, as
it is not less in quantity than it was forty years ago, so it is
manifest that, by reason of the draining of the fens, watering
of dry grounds, improving of forests and commons, making
of heathy and barren grounds to bear sainfoin and clo ver
grass, [a] meliorating and multiplying several sorts of fruit
and garden stuff, making some rivers navigable, &c. ; I say,
it is manifest that the land in its present condition is able to
bear more provisions and commodities than it was forty years
ago.
Secondly, although the People of England, Scotland, and
Ireland, which have extraordinarily perished, by the Plague
and Sword, within these last forty years, do amount to about
300,000 above what [would] have died in the ordinary way :
yet the ordinary increase by generation of 10,000,000, which
doubles in 200 years, as hath been shewn by the Observators
upon the Bills of Mortality, may, in forty years, which is a
^"T'^il??:] Increase of Houses, and SiiirriNG. 379
fifth part of the same time, have increased one-fifth part of
the whole number, or 2,000,000.
Where note by the way, that the accession of Negroes to
the American Plantations, being all men of great labour and
little expense, is not inconsiderable. Besides, it is hoped
that New England (where few or no women are barren, and
most have many children ; and where people live long and
healthfully) hath produced an increase of as many people as
were destroyed in the late tumults in Ireland.
As for Housing, the streets of London itself speaks it.
I conceive it is double in value in that city to what 'ii,e Housing
it was forty years since. And for Housing in the doubied^L
country, it has increased at Newcastle, Yarmouth, value.
Norwich, Exeter, Portsmouth, Cowes ; Dublin, Kinsale,
Londonderry and Coleraine in Ireland, far beyond the pro-
portion of what I can learn has been dilapidated in other
places. For in Ireland, where the ruin was greatest, the
Housing, taking all together, is now more valuable than forty
years ago. Nor is this to be doubted: since Housing is now
more splendid than in those days; and the number of dwellers
is increased by nearly one-fifth part ; as in the last paragraph
is set forth.
As for Shipping, His Majesty's Navy is now triple or
quadruple to what it was forty years since, and i''i«= shipping
^ P K i~, . ,.,"'•' itvery much
before the Sovereign was built. increased ;
The shipping trading to Newcastle, which is now Tons thereof!^"
80,000 tons, could not be then above a quarter of that quantity.
1. Because the City of London is doubled.
2. Because the use of coals is also at least doubled :
because they were heretofore seldom used in chambers
as now they are; nor were there so many bricks burned
[baked] with them, as of late ; nor did the country on
both sides the Thames make use of them as now.
Besides, there are employed in Guinea [i.e., the slave dealing]
and American trade, above 40,000 tons of shipping per annum ;
which trade in those days was inconsiderable.
The quantity of wines was not nearly so much as now, and,
to be short, the Customs upon imported and exported com-
modities did not then yield a third part of the present value:
which shews that not only Shipping, but Trade itself hath
increased somewhat near that proportion.
380 The wages of a Labourer in 1677. p'"" T ^^a
As to Money, the interest thereof was, within these fifty
Interest of ycars, at £io pcv cent. ; forty years ago, at £8; and
neTrty hait.^ HOW, at £6 '. uo thanks to any laws which have
been made to that purpose ! forasmuch as those who can give
good security, may now have it at less. But the natural fall
of interest is the effect of the increase of money.
Moreover ii rented lands and houses have increased, and if
Money and tradc hath increased also : it is certain that money,
nue' increased, whlcli paycth thosc rcnts and driveth on trade,
must have increased also.
Lastly, I leave it to the consideration of all observers,
whether the number and splendour of Coaches, Equipage, and
Household Furniture hath not increased since that time : to
say nothing of the Postage of Letters, which has increased
from One to Twenty ; which argues the increase of business
and negotiation.
I might add that His Majesty's Revenue is nearly tripled ;
and therefore the means to pay, and bear the same, have
increased also.
CHAPTER VII.
That One-Tenth part of the Whole Expense of the King of
England's stibjects is sufficient to maintain 100,000 Foot, 40,000
Horse, and 40,000 seamen at sea ; and to defray all other charges
of the Government, botli ordinary and extraordinary, if the same
were regularly taxed and raised.
0 CLEAR this point, we are to find out, What is the
middle expense of each head in the King's r^" '^f 'i'"""'r
T^ . . ' , , , . , ,7 the Medium of
Uommions, between the highest and the Expenseof
lowest ? To which I say, it is not probably FngianT '"
less than the expense of a Labourer, who earneth about Sd.
[^2s.7iow] a day. For the wages of such a man is 45. [ = i2s.
now] per week without victuals, or 2s. [ = 6s. now] with them :
where the value of his victuals is 2s. [=6s. now] or £s ^s.
[=^£1^ 12s. now] per annum.
Nov/ the value of clothes cannot be less than the wages
given to the poorest maidservant in the country ; which is
30-^- L = ;^4 los. nozc' per annum. Nor can the charge of all
other necessaries be less than 6s. [=185. noiv] per annnni more.
^"T ^iljy Average English expense, per head, ^7. 38 1
Wherefore the whole charge is £y [=-^21 now].
It is not likely that this Discourse will fall into the hands
of any that live at £y per annuui : and therefore such [i.e., as
read it] will wonder at this supposition. But if they consider
how much the number of the poor and their children is
greater than that of the rich ; although the personal
expense of some rich men should be twenty times more than
that of a labourer : yet the expense of the labourer above
mentioned may well enough stand for the Standard of the
expense of the whole mass of mankind.
Now if the expense of each man, one with another, be £"7
per anmtm, and if the number of the King's subjects be
10,000,000 ; then the tenth part of the whole expense will be
;;^7,000,000 [ = ;£'2I,000,000 «OZ£'j.
But about ;^5, 000,000, or a very little more, will amount to
one year's pay for 100,000 Foot, 40,000 Horse, and 40,000
men at sea : winter and summer; which can rarely be
necessary !
And the ordinary Charge of Government, in times of deep
and serene peace, was not about ;£'6oo,ooo [or ;£'i,8oo,ooo
now] per annum.
Where a people thrive, there the Income is greater than
the Expense ; and consequently the tenth part of the expense
is not a tenth part of the income. Now for men to pay a
tenth of their expense in a time of the greatest exigency
(for such it must be, when so great forces are requisite) can
be no hardship, much less a deplorable condition. For to
bear a tenth part, a man need spend but a twentieth part
less, and labour a twentieth part more (or half an howv per
diem extraordinary) ; both of which, within common experi-
ence, are very tolerable : there being very few in England
who do not eat by a twentieth part more than does them
good; and what misery were it, instead of wearing cloth of
20S. per yard, to be contented with that of 195., few men
having skill enough to discern the difference.
Memorandum. That all this while I suppose that all of
these 10,000,000 of people are obedient to their Sovereign,
and within the reach of his power : for as things are otherwise,
so the calculation must be varied.
382 Capital /30.ooO'000' Labour/40,ooo,ooo.P''7' ^"eZ:
CHAPTER VIII.
That there are spare hands enottgh, among the King of
England's subjects, to earn ^2,000,000 per annum more than
they noiv do ; and that there are also employments ready, proper,
and sufficient for that purpose.
0 PROVE this point, we must inquire, How much all
the people could earn, if they were disposed or
necessitated to labour, and, had work where-
upon to employ themselves ? and compare that
sum with that of the total Expense above mentioned; deduct-
ing the rents and profits of land and stock [capital], which,
properly speaking, saveth so much labour.
Now the proceeds of the said lands and stock in the
Countries [counties] is about Three parts of Seven of the
whole expense. So as where the expense is ^^'yo, 000, 000 the
rent of the land, and the profit of all personal estate, interest
of money, &c., must be about £30,000,000 [ = ;£'go, 000,000
now] , and consequently the value of the Labour, ^£"40, 000, 000
[ = ;^i20,ooo,ooo now] , that is £^ [ = £12 now] per head.
But it is to be noted that about a Quarter of the mass of
mankind are children, male and female, under seven years
old : from whom little labour is to be expected.
It is also to be noted that about another Tenth part of the
whole people are such as, by reason of their great estates,
titles, dignities, Offices and Professions, are exempt from that
kind of labour we now speak of : their business being, or
ought to be, to govern, regulate, and direct the labours and
actions of others.
So that of 10,000,000, there may be about 6,500,000 which,
if need require, might actually labour.
And of these, some might earn 3s. [ = 95. n-oic] a week,
some 5s. [^155. now] , and some 7s. [=2is.] : that is, all of
them : might earn 5s. per week, at a medium, one with
another; or at least ;^io [=£1,0 now] per annum, allowing
for sickness and other accidents. Whereby the whole might
earn 5^65,000,000 [ = ;£'i95,ooo,ooo now] per annum : that is
;^25,ooo,ooo [ = £75,000,000 noiv] more than the expense.
The Author of The Stale of England says that the children
Pl'>'-] Building trade after the Fire of London. 383
1077. J
of Norwich, between six and sixteen years old, do earn
£12,000 [=5^36,000 now] per annum more than they spend.
Now forasmuch as the people of Norwich are a three-
hundredth part of all the people of England [i.e., 20,000], as
appears by the accounts of the Hearth Money ; and about a
five-hundredth part of all the King's subjects throughout the
world, it follows that all his Majesty's subjects between six and
sixteen years old, might earn £5,000,000 [ = £15,000,000 now]
per ammm more than they spend.
Again, forasmuch as the number of the people above
sixteen years old, is double the number of those between six
and sixteen ; and that each of the men can earn double to
each of the children : it is plain that if the men and children
everywhere, did do as they do at Norwich, they might earn
/■25,ooo,ooo [=£75,000,000 now] per annum more than they
sp"end. 'which Estimate grounded upon matter of fact and
experience, agrees with the former.
Although, as hath been proved, the people of England do
thrive; and that it is possible they might superlucrate
£^5 000,000 per annum ; yet it is manifest that they do not ;
nor '£23,000,000, which is less by the £2,000,000 herein
meant. , • u ^
For if they did superlucrate £23,000,000, then in about
five or six years' time, the whole Stock and Personal Estate
of the nation would be doubled : which I wish were true ;
but find no manner of reason to believe.
Wherefore if they can superlucrate £25,000,000 ; but do
not actually superlucrate £23,000,000, nor £20,000,000, nor
£10,000,000, nor perhaps £5,000,000 : I have proved what was
propounded, viz., that there are spare hands among the
King's subjects to earn £2,000,000 more than they do.
But to speak a little more particularly concerning this
matter. It is to be noted that since the Fire of London,
there was earned, in four years [1666-1670] by tradesmen
[artisans] relating to building only, the sum of £4,000,000
[=£12,000,000 noit'], viz., £1,000,000 per annum -. without
lessening any other sort of work, labour or manufacture,
which was usually done in any other four years before the
said occasion.
But if the tradesmen relating to building only, and sucli
of them only as wrought in and about London, could do
384 Native production of foreign imports. pT'^ilJ?!
pTi, 000,000 worth of work extraordinary ; I think that from
thence, and from what hath been said before, all the rest of
the spare hands might very well double the same : which is
as much as was propounded.
Now if there were spare hands to superlucrate millions
upon millions, they signify nothing, unless there were
employment for them ; and may as well follow their pleasures
and speculations, as labour to no purpose. Therefore the
more material point is to prove that there js ;£'2,ooo,ooo
worth of work to be done ; which at present, the King's
subjects do neglect.
For the proof of this, there needs little more to be done,
than to compute.
1. How much money is paid by the King of England's
subjects, to foreigners for freights of shipping ?
2. How much the Hollanders gain by their lishing trade
practised upon our seas ?
3. What is the value of all the commodities imported into
and spent in England : which might, by diligence, be
produced and manufactured here.
To make short of this matter, upon perusal of the most
authentic accounts relating to these several particulars,
I affirm that the same amounteth to above £5,000,000
[=^^15, 000, 000 now] : whereas I propounded but ;^'2,ooo,ooo.
For a further proof whereof, Mr. Samuel Fortry, in his
ingenious Discourse of Trade [1673] exhibits the particulars
[details] : wherein it appears that the goods imported out of
France only, amount yearly to £2,600,000 [=£7,800,000 ncnc^].
And I affirm that the wine, paper, cork, rosin, capers, and a
few other commodities which England cannot produce, do
not amount to one-fifth part of the said sum.
From whence it follows, that, if Mr. Fortry hath not
erred, the £2,000,000 here mentioned, may arise from France
alone ; and consequently £5,000,000 or £6,000,000 from all
three heads last above specilied.
Si>^ W. Peuy.-J(3QiNAGE AT THE RESTORATION, ^6,000,000. 385
CHAPTER IX.
That there is sufficient Money to drive the Trade of the nation.
]Ince His Majesty's happy Restoration, it was
thought fit to call in, and new coin, the money
which was made in the times of Usurpation
... [Comvionwcalth]. Now it was observed, by the
general consent of Cashiers [Goldsmiths or money changers],
that the said money, being by frequent revolutions [circtda-
tions] well mixed with old, was about a Seventh part
thereof; and that the said [Commonwealth] money being
called in, was about £800,000 ; and consequently the whole
[coinage was about] £5,600,000. Whereby it is probable, that,
some allowance being given for hoarded money, the whole
Cash of England was then about £6,000,000 : which I con-
ceive is sufficient to drive the Trade of England : not doubtmg
but the rest of His Majesty's Dominions have the like means
to do the same respectively.
If there be 6,000,000 souls in England, and that each
spendeth £7 per annum, then the whole expense is £42,000,000
or about £800,000 per week : and consequently if every man
did pay his expense weekly, and that the money could cnxulate
within the compass of a week, then less than £1,000,000
would answer the ends proposed.
But forasmuch as the rents of the lands m England, which
are paid half yearly, are £8,000,000 [=£24,000,000 now] per
annum ; there must be £4,000,000 [in coin ; Bank of England
notes and cheques not having yet been invented] to pay them.
And forasmuch as the rents of the Housing of England,
paid quarterly, are worth about £4,000,000 [=£12,000,000
now] per annum ; there neecis but £1,000,000 to pay the said
rents.
Wherefore £6,000,000 being enough to make good the
three sorts of circulations above mentioned : I conceive what
was proposed, is competently proved : at least, until some-
thing better be held forth to the contrary.
ENG. GAR. VI. 25
386 Gentry putting younger sons to TRADE.[^'''7'^f6"7;
CHAPTER X.
That the King of England's siLbjcds have Stock [capital]
competent and convenient to drive the Trade of the whole Com-
mercial World.
^Ow for the further encouragement of Trade, as we
have shewn that there is money enough in
England to manage the affairs thereof, so we
shall now offer to consideration, Whether there be
not a competent and convenient Stock to drive the Trade of
the whole Commercial World ?
To which purpose, it is to be remembered that all the
Commodities yearly exported out of every part of the last-
mentioned World, may be bought for ^^^45, 000,000 ; and that
the Shipping employed in the same World are not worth
above £15,000,000 more, and consequently that £60,000,000
[ = £180,000,000 novij] at most would drive the whole Trade
above mentioned, without any trust at all.
But forasmuch as the growers of commodities do commonly
trust them to such merchants or factors as are worth but
such part of the full value of their commodities as may
possibly be lost upon the sale of them ; whereas gain is
rather to be expected : it follows that less than a Stock of
£60,000,000 ; nay, less than half that sum is sufficient to
drive the Trade above mentioned. It being well known that
any tradesman of good reputation, worth £500, will be trusted
with above £1,000 worth of commodities.
Wherefore less than £30,000,000 will suffice for the said
purpose: of which sum, the Coin, Shipping, and Stock already
in the Trade, do at least make one-half.
And it hath been shewn 'at p. 345] how, by the policy of a
Bank [of which not one existed in England at the time this u>as
written], any sum of money may be equivalent in Trade unto
nearly double the same : by all which it seems that, even
at present, much is not wanting to perform what is pro-
pounded.
But suppose £20,000,000 or more were wanting, it is not
improbable that since the generality of (Gentlemen, and some
Noblemen do put their younger sons to merchandise, they
si>- w- Pf^^^":] Landed income, ^8,000,000 in 1677. 387
will see it reasonable, as they increase in the number of
merchants, so to increase the magnitude of Trade, and
consequently to increase Stock. Which may effectually be
done by inbanking ^^20, 000, 000 worth of land (not being
above a Sixth or Seventh of the whole territory of England)
that is to say, by making a Fond \fund] of such value to be
security for all' commodities bought and sold upon the
account of the Universal Trade here mentioned [40 years
after this was written, the Landed Interest somewhat attempted
this suggestion, in the foundation of the South Sea Company].
And thus, it having appeared that England having in it,
as much land like Holland and Zealand, as the said two
Provinces do themselves contain ; with abundance of other
land, not inconvenient for trade ; and that there are spare
hands enough, to earn many millions of money more than
they now do ; and that there is employment to earn several
millions, even from the consumption of England itself: it
follows from thence, and from what hath been said in the
last paragraph about enlarging of Stock, both of money and
land, that it is not impossible, nay, a very feasible matter
for the King of England's subjects to gain the Universal
Trade of the whole Commercial World.
Nor is it unseasonable to intimate this matter. Foras-
much as the younger brothers of the good families of England
cannot otherwise he provided for, so as to live according to
their birth and breeding.
For if the Lands of England are worth ^8,000,000 per
annwn, there be, at a medium, about 10,000 families of
about ;^8oo [£=2,400, now] per annum : in each of which, one
with another, we may suppose there is a younger brother,
whom less than ;^200 or ^^300 [=;r6oo or £900 now] per
annum, will not maintain suitable to his relations.
Now I say that neither the Offices at Court, nor Commands
in our ordinary army and navy, nor Church preferments, nor
the usual gains by the Profession of the Law or of Physic,
nor the employments under Noblemen and Prelates, will, all
of them put together, furnish livelihoods of above ;^300 per
annum to 3,000 of the said 10,000 younger brothers : where-
fore it rem.ains that Trade alone must supply the rest.
But if the said 7,000 Gentlemen be applied to Trade, with-
38S Unity, Industry, and Obedience. [-'■"y'^S'
out increasin,£^ of Trade ; or if we hope to increase Trade,
without increasing of Stock (which, for ought appears, is only
to be done by imbanking a due proportion of Lands and
Money) ; we must necessarily be disappointed.
Where note, that selhng of lands to foreigners for gold and
silver, would enlarge the Stock of the Kingdom : whereas
doing the same between one another, doth effect nothing.
For he that turneth all his land into money, disposes himself
for trade ; and he that parteth with his money for land, doth
the contrary : but to sell land to foreigners, increaseth both
money and people, and consequently trade.
Wherefore it is to be thought that when the laws denying
strangers to purchase, and not permitting them to trade
without paying extraordinary duties, were made ; that then
the public state of things and Interest of the nation were far
different from what they now are.
Having handled these Ten principal Conclusions, I might
go on with others ad infinitum. But what hath been already
said, I look upon as sufficient, for to shew what I mean by
Political Arithmetic : and to shew
1. The uses of knowing the True State of the People, Land,
Stock, Trade, &c.
2. That the King's subjects are not in so bad a condition
as discontented men would make them.
3. The great effect of Unity, Industry, and Obedience in
order to the common safety and each man's peculiar
happiness.
FINIS.
;89
Lyrics^ Elegies, &c. from Madrigals,
Ca?2Zonets, &^c,
AnHour'?T\ecreation inJVIu^ic
1606.
By Richard Alison, Gentleman.
To the right worthily honoured and
most free respecter of all virtue, his
chiefly esteemed and singular good
patron, Sir John Scudamore,
Knight.
0\V noble, how ancient, and how effectual the Art of
Music is, many excellent discourses of theorists deeply
learned in the science, have already so confirmed and
, illustrated, that it might seem as much arrogancy in
me to attempt the praise thereof, as it argues malice or ignorance
in such as seek to exclude it out of divine or human society. I iviU
only allege one testimony out of an Epistle, which that ancicni
father, Martin Luther, did write to Senfelius the Musician,
which is so ample in commendation of this Art, that it were super-
fluous to add any other. 1 ■ , i
''Music;' saith he, " /o devils wc know is hateful and mtolcr-
590 Dedication to Sir J. Scudamore. [
Ed. by R. Alison.
? 1606.
able ; mid I plainly think, neither am I ashamed to aver it, that
next to Thcolo<;y, there is 110 Art comparable with Music. For it
alone, next to Theology, doth effect that which otJierwise only
Theology can perform ; that is, a quiet and a cheerfid mind."
Now if Music merits so high a place as this holy man hath
given it, can we deny love and honour to tlicm tJiat, with their
grace and bounty, raise the professors tliereof ? Or to whom shall
we that labour in this quality, better recommend our Works than
to our patrons and benefactors ?
Receive therefore, most honoured Knight and my worthiest
Patron ! the fruits of your bounties, and the effects of those quiet
days which, by your goodness, I Iiave enjoyed. And as the glory
of a neia-fiuished house belongs not so much to the u'orkman that
built it, as to the Lord that owns it : so if any part of this new
Work of mine can excite commendation, the grace is chiefly yours ;
though the labour, mine. But because there is no man more dis-
trustfid of his own endeavours than I am myself, by the weakness
of my nature : I beseech you receive my labours, howsoever, into
your protection ; whose worth can best countenance them from
misfortune, and spirit defend them. I will only assist you with
a poor man''s bounty, I mean my many humble prayers to the
Highest Protector ; beseeching Him to bless yon with long life
and prosperity, to His glory, and our comforts, that must ever owe
you our service and love.
Your Worship's, wholly devoted,
RICHARD ALISON.
391
Lyrics, Elegies, ^c. from Madrigals,
Ca?izo72ets,
^^
By Richard Alison, Gentleman.
^
An Houf('3 T^ecp^eation in JVl u p i c .
He man upright of life, whose guiltless
heart is free
From all dishonest deeds or thought of
vanity :
That man whose silent days in harmless
joys are spent,
Whom hopes cannot delude, nor sorrow discontent :
That man needs neither towers nor armour for defence,
Nor secret vaults to fly from thunder's violence.
He only can behold with unaffrighted eyes,
The horrors of the deep, and terrors of the skies.
Thus scorning all the cares, that Fate or Fortune brings,
392 Lyrics, Elegies, &c. FROM l""'- ""J ""■ ^feZ
He makes his heaven his book, his wisdom heavenly things ;
Good thoughts, his only friends ; his wealth, a well-spent
The earth, his sober inn, and quiet pilgrimage.
Heavy heart ! whose harms are hid,
Thy help is hurt, thy hap is hard ;
If thou shouldst break, as God forbid !
Then should Desert want his reward.
Hope well to have ! hate not sweet thought !
Foul cruel storms, fairer calms have brought !
After sharp showers, the sun shines fair 1
Hope comes likewise after Despair !
In hope, a king doth go to war !
In hope, a lover lives full long !
In hope, a merchant sails full far !
In hope, just men do suffer wrong !
In hope, the ploughman sows his seed !
Thus Hope helps thousands at their need !
Then faint not, heart ! among the rest,
Whatever chance, hope thou the best !
Though Wit bids Will to blow retreat,
Will cannot work as Wit would wish :
When that the roach doth taste the bait,
Too late to warn the hungry fish :
When cities burn in fiery flame,
Great rivers scarce may quench the same ;
If Will and Fancy be agreed,
Too late for Wit to bid take heed.
Ed. by R. Aiison.-i M A D R I G A L s, Canzonets, & c. 39;
? 1 606. J
But yet it seems a foolish drift,
To follow Will, and leave the Wit :
The wanton horse that runs too swift,
May well be stayed upon the bit ;
But check a horse amid his race,
And, out of doubt, you mar his pace !
Though Wit and Reason doth men teach,
Never to climb above their reach.
I can no more but hope, good heart !
For though the worst doth chance to fall,
I know a wile shall ease thy smart.
And turn to sweet, thy sugared gall.
When thy good will and painful suit
Hath shaked the tree, and wants the fruit:
Then keep thou patience well in store,
That sovereign salve shall heal thy sore 1
Ho LOVES his life, from love his love doth err ;
And choosing dross, rich treasure doth deny ;
Leaving the pearl, Christ's counsel, to prefer,
With selling all we have, the same to buy.
O happy soul, that doth disburse a sum
To gain a Kingdom in the life to come !
;94
Lyrics, Elegies, & c. f t; o m IJ-'^- ''f ^
. Alison.
1606.
Y PRIME of youth is but a frost of cares !
My feast of joy is but a dish of pain !
My crop of corn is but a field of tares !
And all my good is but vain hope of gain !
My life is fled, and yet I saw no sun !
And now I live, and now my life is done !
The spring is past, and yet it hath not sprung !
The fruit is dead, and yet the leaves be green !
My youth is gone, and yet I am but young !
I saw the World, and yet I was not seen !
My thread is cut, and yet it is not spun !
And now I live, and now my life is done.
Est with yourselves, you vain and idle brains !
Which Youth and Age in lewdest Lust bestow,
And find out frauds, and use ten thousand trains
To win the soil, where nought but sin doth grow :
And live with me, you chaste and honest minds !
Which do your lives in lawful Love employ,
And know no sleights, but friends for virtue finds,
And loath the lust, which doth the soul destroy.
For Lust is frail, where Love is ever sound ;
Lust, outward sweet ; but inward, bitter gall :
A Shop of Shews, where no good ware is found ;
Not like to Love, where honest faith is all.
So that is Lust, where Fancy ebbs and flows,
And hates and loves, as Beauty dies and grows ;
And this is Love, where Friendship firmly stands
On Virtue's rock, and not on sinful sands.
Ed. by R. Aiison.-i M A D R I G A L s, Canzonets, «&: c. 395
Hall I abide this jesting ?
I weep, and she's a feasting !
O cruel Fancy ! that so doth blind me
To love one, that doth not mind me.
Can I abide this prancing?
I weep, and she 's a dancing !
O cruel Fancy ! so to betray me;
Thou goest about to slay me !
He sturdy rock, for all his strength,
By raging seas, is rent in twain ;
The marble stone is pierced at length,
With little drops of drizzling rain ;
The ox doth yield unto the yoke,
The steel obeyeth the hammer's stroke ;
The stately stag that seems so stout
By yelping hounds at bay is set ;
The swiftest bird that flies about,
At length is caught in fowler's net ;
The greatest fish, in deepest brook,
Is soon deceived with subtle hook.
396
Lyrics, Elegies, &c. [
Ed. bv R. Alison.
Hat if a day, or a month, or a year
Crown thy delights with a thousand sweet con-
tentings !
Cannot a chance of a night or an hour
Cross thy desires with as many sad tormentings?
Fortune, Honour, Beauty, Youth, are but blossoms dying!
Wanton Pleasure, doating Love are but shadows flying !
All our joys are but toys ! idle thoughts deceiving :
None have power, of an hour, in their lives bereaving.
Earth 's but a point to the world, and a Man
Is but a point to the world's compared centre !
Shall then a point of a point be so vain
As to triumph in a silly point's adventure ?
All is hazard that we have ! there is nothing biding !
Days of pleasure are like streams through fair meadows
gliding !
Weal and woe, time doth go ! time is never turning !
Secret fates guide our states, both in mirth and mourning !
[Thomas Campion, M.D.]
FINIS.
AN
ACCOUNT
O F TH E
TORMENTS,
THE
French Protestants
endure aboard the
GALLEYS.
By John B i o n , heretofore Priest and Curate of the
parish of Ursy, in the Province of Burgundy; and
Chaplain to the Superbe Galley, in the French
Service.
LONDON,
Printed for John Morphew, near
Stationers' Hall. 1708.
"I^J^
To THE ^UEEN,
Madam,
May it please your Majesty i
N gratitude to those wretches, whose heroic
constancy raised in me that admiration which
was the first cause of my happy conversion ;
I humbly lay at your Majesty's feet, an
Account of their Sufferings.
Their only hopes, under GOD, are in your Majesty !
the glorious defender and ornament of their faith.
The charity by which you support such numbers of
their brethren in your dominions, the concern you have
expressed for the pressures the French churches labour
under, and the zeal for their restoration to their ancient
splendour, leave no room to doubt of your Majesty's
generous intentions. And that Providence, which
watches over your sacred person, and distinguishes
your reign by so many exploits, both at home and
abroad, from those of your most glorious ancestors,
will, no doubt, reward your piety, and enable your
400 The Dedication to Queen Anne. [^"'''- -^- l^Jos!
Majesty to ease them of their chains, after having
broken those of Europe.
They would not thus presume to make their way
through the crowd of your admirers, and disturb the
acclamation that surrounds your august Person, with
the doleful rehearsal of their misery, did not your
Majesty's known goodness facilitate their access, and
your love of justice, and proneness to redress griev-
ances encourage their presumption.
I am, in particular, happy in being so far instru-
mental in their future deliverance, as to make their
Case known to the best and greatest of Queens ; and I
am proud that it furnishes me with an opportunity of
letting the World know, that I am,
May it please your Majesty !
Your Majesty's most faithful subject,
and obedient humble servant,
John B i o n ,
heretofore Chaplain to the Sitpcrbe Galley, in the
French Kino's service.
40I
The Preface.
is I PURPOSED in this Work, only to make the sufferings
of the Protestants condemned to the galleys for the sake
of Religion, known to the World ; people will he apt to
_____ think that when I speak in general of the different sorts
of forgats or slaves which are on them, I go beside the ndes I
prescribed to myself. But if it be considered that it is no little tor-
ment to the Protestants to be amongst malefactors and lewd and
profligate villains, whose continual blasphemies and cursings have
no parallel but among the damned in hell ; it will not be thought
beside my purpose, to have given to the World, aparticidar account
of the various sorts of those men who live in the galleys.
There is, besides, a block, those who never saw the galleys but in
the port at Marseilles, will infallibly stumble at; if not removed.
Which is, that whereas the galley slaves are not, during that time,
in that wretched condition they are in whilst at sea, and tugging
at the oar. Being allowed to keep shop about the Port, and there
to work and sell all manner of commodities. And sometimes
having leave to walk in the town : giving only one penny to the
Algousin, as much to the Turk with whom each of them must then
heloupled, and five pence to the Pertuisenier or Partizan Bearer
who guards them. There being some besides, that even have their
wives at Marseilles. And all being permitted to hear from their
friends, and receive money from their relations. All such com-
forts and favours, as well as all manner of correspondence
with friends, are utterly denied the Protestants !
/ have not descended to partictdars, in what relateth to the
usefidness of galleys in sea fights, for the keeping of the coasts or
convoying of merchant sloops when there is [any] danger of their
being taken or set upon by the brigantines the Duke of Savoy
keeps commonly for that purpose, during the war, in Villa
Franca, St. Hospitio, and Oneglia.
ENG. Gar. VI. 26
402 The armament of a French galley. [^''''" ^" ^^'os!
Nor did I take notice in this Work, how the galleys, in an
engagement wherein there are Men-of-war, serve to keep off, and sink
with their cannon shot out of the Coursier, a gnn so called, the
fire-ships the enemy sendeth to set the ship on fire ; and to tow
away such as are disabled in the fight.
I might also have observed how in every galley, there are five
guns upon the for edeck, viz., four six or eight pounders, and a fifth
called the Coursier, which carrieth a ^6lb. ball.
And herewith, when an enemy^s ship is becalmed, a galley ,
which ivith her oars can do what she pleaseth, may attack that ship
fore and aft, to avoid her broadsides; and ply her with the
Coursier: so that sometimes, if she happeneth to let [give] her a
shot, which cometh between wind and water, she forceth her to
surrender. Which however happeneth seldom enough : for a ship
needs but a little wind to make nothing of overthrowing five or
six galleys.
I did not think fit either to give here, an account of the number
of galleys in France ; which are twenty-four at Marseilles, and six
upon the ocean. Not to speak of the six small rooms in every
galley, under the deck, wherein ammunition and provisions are
kept ; and which they call the Gavon, the Scandclat, the
Campaign, the Paillot, the Tavern, and the Fore-room.
A II these particulars would have carried me too far out of my
way, and beside my purpose : which is only to give a plain and
faithful Account, without amplifying, of the Sufferings of the
Protestant galley slaves.
If there be anything omitted in this Relation, it will not be
found as to any material point. And as my sole aim in it, hath
been to work a following feeling in other men's hearts, I shall not
find myself at all disappointed, although their curiosity should not
be fully satisfied.
The LORD, in his mercy, pour out his blessings upon this
Work ! and favourably hear our prayers and supplications, which
we shall never cease to make unto his Divine Majesty, for the
deliverance of our poor distressed brethren.
403
•rz?
THE
Sufferings of the Protestants
IN the
FRENCH GALLEYS.
He dismal accounts handed down to us by
historians, of the- torments afflicted on
Christians by the heathen Emperors, in
the first Ages of the Church, might justly
be suspected, if the woful experience of our
own, did not put the truth of them out of
dispute. For though it be not easy to con-
ceive how men can put off all that is tender
and generous in their natures, and degenerate into the ferity
[ferocity] of brutes ; yet it is but looking on the World around
us, and being convinced that they can even outdo their fellow
animals in cruelty to one another. Nay, we may see many
professing Christianity, under the specious pretence of zeal
for its Interest, commit such barbarities as exceed, tor] at least
equal, the rage of the persecutors of the primitive Christians.
History abounds in instances that shew the nature of a
spirit of persecution, and how boundless its rage and fury !
but the sad effects it hath, of late years, produced in France,
as they are still fresh and but too obvious, are scarcely to be
parallel in any Age or nation.
All the World knows the Protestants there, lived under
the protection of the Edict of Nantes ; a treaty as full and
solemn as any ever was ! It was at first religiously observed ;
but in time, several breaches were made in it. Many of its
404 MOXSTEUR BiON's HONOURABLE TESTIMONIALS. P" ^J™;
branches were by degrees lopt off, till at last, under the
present King \L0UIS XIV.], at the continual teasing and
solicitation of the Jesuits, those restless and busy insects ! it
was perfidiously broken, or, as they please to term it,
repealed.
But Religion and its propagation must be the cloak under
which those crafty silversmiths intend to play their game.
And therefore having first confidently taught that the King
hath a Despotic Power over the Consciences as well as
Estates ; and consequently his Will to be the Rule of their
Religion : they, by several arts and methods, but chiefiy by
dreadful punishments, force weak people to play the hypo-
crites, and embrace a Religion which in their hearts they
detest. Such as were too good Christians to prostitute their
consciences to vile worldly interests, are denied the benefit
of retiring into foreign countries; and punished, if discovered,
often with death : or reserved for more cruel usage, and
condemned to spin out their wretched lives in the galleys.
Of these last, I design to give the public an Account, as
being of all men the most miserable : the barbarities com-
mitted in those horrid machines exceeding all that can
possibly be imagined. The ingenuity of the famous Sicilian
Tyrants in inventing torments deserves no longer to be
proverbial : being far excelled in this pernicious art, by the
modern enemies of Religion and Liberty.
I shall endeavour to satisfy the curiosity of those who
desire to be informed of the treatment, the slaves, and parti-
cularly the Protestants, in the galleys meet with ; and to
convince such, as are loth to harbour any hard thoughts of
the French Court ; that justifies its proceedings, by pre-
tending that what they suffer, is not on the account of
Religion, but a just and lawful punishment for Rebellion and
Disobedience.
My being several campaigns \crinzes], Chaplain aboard
one of the galleys, called La Supcrbe, gave me a sufficient
opportunity of informing myself of the truth of the following
Relation. And 1 hope my integrity will not be called in
question by anybody that hears, that during my stay in that
Service, I never received the least disgust or met with any
disobligation. The certificates I have from Monsieur de
Rev. J. "ion.1Q£NEi. AL DESCRIPTION OF A FrENCII GALLEY. 405
lyoci.J
MoNTOLiEU, Chief Flag Officer of the French galleys ; and
Monsieur D'Autigny, Captain of the aforesaid galley, whose
Chaplain I was ; a reward for my services conferred on me
by the French King in the year 1704, at the recommenda-
tion of Monsieur de Portchartrin ; several good offices
done me by the General, and other officers who knew me :
will I hope screen me from the suspicions or calumny of
such, who, through malice, or perhaps Interest, might be
inclined to misrepresent me. .
Neither shall a blind zeal for the Protestant Religion,
which I have lately embraced, hurry me beyond the strict
bounds of truth, or make me represent things in any colours
but their own. I should be an unworthy prolessor ol that
holy Religion, if, on any consideration, I should m the least
deviate from the strictest truth ; to which end. I shall relate
nothing by hearsay, but, like the Apostle, confine myselt to
those things, my " eyes have seen."
But before I proceed to shew the sufferings and misery,
the wretches in the galleys, labour under, I shall give a short
description of that vessel. , -. 1 ,u
A Galley is a long flat one-decked vessel, though it hath
two masts. Yet they generally make use of oars, because
they are built so as not to be able to endure a rough sea :
and therefore their sails for the most part are useless unless
in cruising, when they are out of sight of land ; for then, lor
fear of being surprised by ill weather, they make the best ot
their way. ^ ,
There are five slaves to every oar ; one of them, a 1 urk ;
who being generally stronger than Christians, is set at the
upper end, to work it with more strength.
There are in all 300 slaves; and 150 men, either Officers,
soldiers, seamen, or servants. , , 1 j
There is at the stern of the galley, a chamber, shaped on
the outside like a cradle, belonging to the _ Captain : and
solely his, at night or in foul weather; but in the daytime,
common to the Officers and Chaplain. All the rest of the
crew (the Under Officers excepted, who retire to other con-
venient places) are exposed above deck, to the scorching heat
of the sun by day, and the damps and inclemencies of the
4o6 Fearful hardships of the slaves. P'"'- ■'• ^Jos.'
night. There is indeed a kind of a tent suspended by a cable
from head to stern, that affords some little shelter : but the
misfortune is, that this is only when they can best be without
it, that is, in fair weather. For in the least wind or storm,
it is taken down ; the galley not being able to endure it for
fear of oversetting.
The two winters (in a7ino 1703, and in 1704) we kept the
coasts of Monaco, Nice, and Antibes ; those poor creatures,
after hard rowing, could not enjoy the usual benefit of the
night, which puts an end to the fatigues and labours of the
day : but were exposed to the winds, snow, hail, and all other
inconveniences of that season. The only comforf they wished
for, was the liberty of smoking : but that, on pain of the
bastinado, the usual punishment of the place, is forbidden.
The vessel being but small for the number, the men con-
sequently crowded, the continual sweat that streams down
from their bodies whilst rowing, and the scanty allowance
of linen ; one may easily imagine, breed abundance of vermin.
So that, in spite of all the care that can be taken, the galleys
swarm with lice, &c.; which nestling in the plaits and laps of
their clothes, relieve by night, the executioners who beat and
torment them by day.
Their whole yearly allowance for clothes is two shirts
made of the coarsest canvas ; and a little jerkin of red serge,
slit on each side, up to their arm holes ; the sleeves are also
open, and come not down so low as their elbows. And every
three years, a kind of a coarse frock ; and a little cap to
cover their heads, which they are obliged to keep close
shaved, as a mark of infamy.
Instead of a bed, they are allowed, sick or well, only a
board a foot and a half broad. And those who have the
unfortunate honour of lying near the Officers, dare not pre-
sume, though tormented with vermin, to stir so much as a
hand for their ease : for fear' their chains should rattle, and
awake any of them ; which would draw on them a punish-
ment more severe than the biting of those insects.
It is hard to give an exact description of the pains and
labours the slaves undergo at sea, especially during a long
campaign [crui-^e]. The fatigue of tugging at the oar is
extraordinary. They must rise to draw their stroke, and
fall back again almost on their backs : insomuch that, in all
^'''' ^' ^'Jos:] The merciless strokes of the Comites. 407
seasons, through the continual and violent motion of their
bodies, the sweat trickles down their harassed limbs.
And for fear they should fail, as they often do through
faintness, there is a gang board, which runs through the
middle of the ship, on which are constantly posted three
Comites, an Officer somewhat like a Boatswain in Her
Majesty's ships, who whenever they find or think that an
oar does not keep touch with the rest, without ever examin-
ing whether it proceeds from weakness or laziness, they
unmercifully exercise a tough wand on the man they sus-
pect : which being long is often felt by two or three of
his innocent neighbours, who being naked when they row,
each blow imprints evident marks of the inhumanity of the
executioner.
And that which adds to their misery, is that they are not
allowed the least sign of discontent or complaint, that small
and last comfort of the miserable ! but must, on the contrary,
endeavour with all their might, to exert the little vigour that
remains, and try by their submission, to pacify the rage of
those relentless tigers ; whose strokes are commonly ushered
in, and followed by a volley of oaths and horrid imprecations.
No sooner are they arrived in any port, but their work,
instead of being at an end, is increased ; several laborious
things previous to casting anchor, being expected from them;
which in a galley is harder than a ship. And as the Coniitc's
chief skill is seen in dexterously casting anchor, and that
they think Blows are the life and soul of Work ; nothing is
heard for some time, but cries and lamentation : and as the
poor slaves' arms are busy in the execution of his commands,
his are as briskly exercised in lashing them.
To support their strength under all these hardships ;
during the campaign, every morning, at eight of the clock,
they give each man, his proportion of biscuit ; of which
indeed, they have enough, and pretty good. At ten, a
porringer made of oil, with peas or beans often rotten, and
commonly musty. I call it soup, according to their use ;
although it be nothing but a little hot water with about a
dozen peas or beans floating on the top. And when on duty,
a Pichone of wine, a measure containing about two-thirds of
an English pint, morning and evening.
When at anchor in any port, all who have any money are
4o8 Employments of the slaves in port. [^'''- -'• ^;°8:
allowed to buy meat ; and the Turk that commands the oar,
and is not chained, is commonly the person employed for this
purpose, as also to see it dressed in the Cook Room. But I
have often seen the Captain's Cook, a brutal passionate man,
take the poor men's pot, under pretence that it troubled him,
and either break or throw it overboard : whilst the poor
wretches were fainting for want of that little refreshment,
without daring so much as to murmur or complain. This
indeed is not usual, but where the Cook happens to be a
villain : of which sort of men there are plenty in the galleys.
The Officer's table is well furnished both for plenty and
delicacy : but this gives slaves only a more exquisite sense
of their misery, and seems to brave their poverty and
hunger.
We spent the Carnival of 1704, in the port of Monaco.
Our Officers frequently treated the Prince of that place
aboard the galley. Their entertainments were splendid.
Music and all things that could promote Mirth were procured.
But who can express the affliction of those poor creatures,
who had only a prospect of pleasure, and whilst others
revelled at their ease, were sinking under a load of chains,
pinched with hunger in their stomachs, and nothing to
support their dejected spirits.
Nay, and what is worse, they are forced to add to the pomp
and honour done to Great Men, who visit their Officers : but
in such a manner as moves the compassion of all who are
not used to such dismal solemnities. When a Person of
Quality comes on board, the Comite gives twice notice with
his whistle. The first time they are all attentive; and the
second, the slaves are obliged to salute, as they call it, three
times : not with a cheerful Huzza, as in an English Man-of-
war ; but by howling in a piteous tone, making a lamentable
complaining outcry.
When the badness of the weather hinder the galleys from
putting to sea; such as have trades work in the galley.
Such as have none learn to knit coarse stockings ; the Comite,
for whose profit they work, gives them yarn, and pays them
about half the usual price ; and this not in money, but some
little victuals, or wine which they are obliged to take out of
the Ship's Cellar (of which the Comite is the keeper), though
it be generally bad, and dashed with water. For though
Rev.j.p.ion.-! Walking IN THE Shades of Death. 409
1708.J
thev had as much gold as they could carry, they durst not,
""J„rmay1-agr/'^t such ill treatment, diet and i„
fec?i^„ S 3s occasion frequent sickness. In that case,
"^Therf ilVn'^the hold, a close dark room. The air is ad-
miferorb^ the scuttle two^^^^^^^
only passage f°'\-.,t}Tl2ron\-<hich the sick are laid
^'tTh"; horrid place, alj kind of v r i„ ,e .vith^^an
arbitrary sway ; gnawmg the poor sicK creatui
'■ Wh'n" the duties of my function called -e in amongst
them, to confess, advise or admm.s ter ---°™ta„Ver d all
rr-itrrrh:£;r^^
'^"Z Th.'^^WcTi stTl^t off L^I came ou^nd hy that
mSans'rid Myself of them, ^y P""!"" °"J,Lt n a literal
""f in th^ ShaTs o?bTat:1 was ohU 'ed'notwithstand-
■:r^ Sake c^^dLahle stays m tH. gloomy mans,or>^o
confess such who were ready to expire Ana i
loathsome hospital.
4IO How THE SICK SLAVES ARE ROBBED. P'"' ^- ^JoS.'
There is a chirurgeon to take care of the sick. At the
first setting out of the galley, the King lays in drugs for the
use of the crew ; which are always very good : and therefore
the chirurgeons make money of them, in the several places we
arrive at ; so that the persons they are intended for, have the
least benefit of them.
During the sickness, the King orders each man in the room
we have described, i lb. of fresh bread, and the same quantity
of fresh meat, and 2 oz. of rice a day. This is the Steward's
province : and he discharges his office in such a manner, that
five or six campaigns make his fortune. We have frequently
had in our galley, threescore and ten sick men ; and the
quantity of flesh allowed for that number, never exceeded
20 lbs. weight, and that bad meat too : though, as I have ob-
served, the King's allowance is i lb. for every man ; the rest
going into his own pocket.
Once, out of curiosity, I tasted it ; and found it little better
than hot water. I complained to the Chirurgeon and Steward :
but being great [thick] and commcnsales, they connived at one
another.
I complained to the Officers also : but for what reason (I
only guess !) they did not regard me. And I have too much
respect for the Captain, to say that he had any reason or
Interest to wink at so great a piece of injustice, though he
could, by his own authority, do these wretches justice : who
often refused that water, made only more loathsome by the
little quantity of meat put into it, and the little care used
about it.
I enquired of other Chaplains, whether the same was
practised aboard their galleys ? They frankly confessed it
was ; but durst own no more.
After the campaign of 1704, I, having occasion to go to
Versailles, thought myself obliged, when there, to give an
account to Monsieur de Pontchartrin, one of the King's
Ministers, whose particular province, the Sea Affairs are.
I offered him a short Memorial, and some Advices which
I thought most proper to prevent the like abuses for the
future.
He was pleased to be so well satisfied, and found them so
agreeable to some intimations given him before ; that he
regarded my advice, and offered me his Interest. The King
^^''■■'■^iogl The five classes of galley slaves. 411
1 708. J
*ua ^L^
was pleased to order me a gratuity. I left the Warrant with
Monsieur Thome, Treasurer General of the Galleys, living
at the Marias du Temple ; to serve as an acquittance for the
several payments he has made me.
This is a brief account of the Galley ; and the government
thereof.
Now proceed to shew what sort of people are con"
demned there.
There are in a galley, five several sorts of people,
under the notion of slaves ; besides seamen and
soldiers : viz., Turks, such as are called Faus-
sioners, deserters, criminals, and Protestants.
The King buys the Turks to manage the stroke of the oar,
as I have already shewn, and they are called Vogneavants ; and
they together with such as are on the seats called banc die
quartier, de la Conille, and les espalliers, have the same allow-
ance with the soldiers. They are generally lusty strong men,
and the least unfortunate of the whole crew. They are not
chained ; but only wear a ring on their foot, as a badge of
slavery.
When they arrive at any port, they have liberty to trade.
Some of them are worth £"300 or £"400 [ = £750 or ;£'i,ooo
now]. They frequently send money to their wives and fami-
lies : and, to the shame of Christians be it spoken ! there is
a great deal more charity amongst them, than is to be
found amongst us.
I had taken one, called Tripoli, for my servant. He was
a most religious observer of his law. During the Ramadan,
a. feast kept by them, the first Moon of the year ; he never
eat, nor drank, from sun rising to sun setting ; in spite of all
the toil and fatigue of the oar; he never seemed uneasy,
though ready to faint through weakness.
I could never so much as persuade him, to take a little
wine ; though I have often urged him, merely out of com-
passion.
The Officers make use of no other servants ; and they are
so trusty, that they are never found out in any theft or
roguery.
412 Monsieur Bion tries lo convert a Turk. ['^^''- ■'• !'7;";
If any, by chance, commit a fault ; all the Turks importune
their respective masters, to intercede for him with the Cap-
tain. If any be sick ; they are all busy about him, to do him
all the kind offices in their power. They club to buy him
meat, or to purchase anything that may refresh him, or do
him good. In short, in the galleys, one would think that the
Turks and the Christians had made an exchange of prin-
ciples : and that the latter had abjured the Precepts of their
Saviour, and that the others had taken them up. And ac-
cordingly, preach up Christ to a Turk, in a galley ; and his
answer presently is, that " he had rather be transformed to a
dog, than be of a religion that countenances so much barbarity,
and suffer so many crimes."
I cannot omit one remarkable instance of their constancy,
and firm adherence to their religion. One of them who spoke
French, fell sick. I found him stretched on the cable, in the
place I have already described. I had done him some services :
and seeing me do the duties of my function to some of his
neighbours, he called me to him, and bade me farewell ; telling
me that he found he could not possibly live four hours longer.
I ventured to talk to him, of GOD, our Saviour Christ, and
the principles of his religion ; and told him that " through him
alone, he was to expect salvation."
I found what I said made some impression.
Whereupon I embraced him, and told him " I would answer
for his soul, if he would renounce Mahomet, who was but an
imposter; and believe in Jesus Christ, the only Redeemer
and Saviour of Mankind, whose holy and excellent doctrine,
he had heard me so often preach."
He told me, he would do what I thought fit.
I answered that all I desired was his consent to receive
baptism : " without which," I told him, " he could expect no
salvation." I explained in a few words, the nature and design
of it : and having induced him to consent, I went for some
water ; and secretly told the Captain what had happened.
But unluckily, another Turk, a friend of his (who also
understood French, and had heard all that had past), whilst
I was away, said something to my proselyte in his own lan-
guage : so that, by the time I came back, he had quite
altered his resolution, in such wise that I could, by no means,
persuade him to perform the promise he made me.
Rcv.j.r.ion.-i The hunger after S a l t . 413
1708. J
Nav his friend threw himself over him, and exhorted him
. \!lLlrue to the prophet Mahomet; m spite of the
siu fiom deathfl should have hid a multitude of my own
s?ns The reader. I hope, wil excuse my former e.ror
-rsnncrl, a, annears from what hath been said, the 1 urks
on?h I'lie'^lTue^ted somewhat better than the Chris
?ians • and though they be in no wise molested on the score
of ?elieion or whilst Mass is a saying, they are put into the
ot religion, lor wi themselves by smoking
S UlkLg^Vt" toe rnot oL of them, but would give all
ana talking • ^^ Hhertv For the very name of a Galley
s'teTrTwe to 'Lm.teatefnotwithstanding their treatme^
is ore tvea°yy?t they are slaves during life: ™l!=^%«'^,'; '
hev are vei yo d and unserviceable, they meet with friends who
areVilhn Tay out a large sum of money for their ransom
Whi^shtws h'^w little tliose P"-- -.f^^^^? 1n"be
X"rmen°Vhrwo"l"nottce7o"."
galleys, nien w ^^ talking of a battle
reronf'elV'srviunless'yf great distance; or Knows
nothing of but by hearsay.
o^hose who are called Fcmssoniers [deceivers] are generally
noir peaslnts who are found to buy salt in such provinces
LhereiUs cheap such as the country of Burgundy, or the
Country of Domfe. In France, what they call a pint of salt,
"^it'?e'Irs'or';;:rrea?ants-and their whole families
who for want of sSt, eat no soup sometimes ^ a who e
week- though it be their common nourishment. ^ J^^"}'^
S case, g?ieved to see his wife and children m a starving.
414 The Criminal Classes in a galley. P'^J-rS:
languishing condition, ventures to go abroad, to buy salt in
the Provinces where it is three parts in four cheaper. If
discovered, he is certainly sent to the galleys. It is a very
melancholy sight, to see a wife and children lament their
father, whom they see ladened with chains and irrevocably
lost ; and that for no other crime but endeavouring to pro-
cure subsistence for those to whom he gave birth.
These, indeed, are condemned only for a time ; perhaps
five, six, or eight years : but the misfortune is, that having
served out their time, if they outlive it, they are still unjustly
detained. For Penance or Masses avail nothing in this
Purgatory, Indulgences are excluded, especially if the man
be unfortunately strong and robust, let his sentence be what
it will. The King's orders are that when the time of the
sentence is expired, they should be set at liberty, and sent
home. But in this, as in many other cases, his orders are
not duly put in execution : which indeed does not excuse
him ! since a good Prince is obliged to have an eye on the
administration of his Ministers and servants.
As for Deserters, their sentence runs during life. Formerly,
they used to cut off their nose and ears : but because they
stank, and commonly infected the whole crew, they only
now give them a little slit.
Though these are inexcusable, because desertion is, upon
several accounts, dangerous and base : yet it moves one's pity
to see young men, who often happen to descend from good
families, condemned to so wretched and so miserable a life.
Such as are condemned for Crimes, are generally, filous
[pickpockets], sharpers, rooks [cheats], or highwaymen. The
most notorious villains are least daunted, and take heart
soonest. They presently strike up a friendship with those of
their own gang. They tell over their old rogueries, and
boast of their crimes; and the greatest villain passes for the
greatest hero.
The misery they have reduced themselves to, is so far from
working any amendment, that it makes them more desperate
and wicked : insomuch that if any stranger chances to come
Rov. J. Bion.-j YiiE FIRST SUPPLY OF PrOTESTANT SLAVES. 4I 5
aboard, though it were but a handkerchief or some such
trifle, they will certainly steal it, if they can. Their common
employment is to forge titles, to engrave false seals, and to
counterfeit handwriting ; and these they sell to others as bad
as themselves, that often come in, some time after, to bear
them company. But though they feel no remorse, yet they
feel the Comite ; who, with a rope's end, often visits _ their
shoulders : but then, instead of complaining, they vomit out
oaths and blasphemies enough to make a man's hair stand
on end.
There was one, who, shewing me the mark the rope had
made about his neck, bragged that though he had escaped
the gallows, he was not thereby grown a coward : but that,
as soon as ever he had been at liberty, he had robbed
the first person he met with. And that having been taken,
and brought before a judge who knew him not; he had
been only condemned to the galleys ; where, he thanked
GOD ! he was sure of bread and good company, the remain-
der of his days.
It is certain, that how terrible and hard soever the usage
of such may be in the galleys ; yet it is too mild for them !
for in spite of all the misery they endure, they are guilty of
crimes too abominable to be here related.
Over which, we shall draw a veil ; and go on to the Pro-
testants : who are there purely because they chose rather
to obey GOD than man; and were not willing to exchange
their souls for the gain of the World. It is not the least
aggravating circumstance of their misery, to be condemned
to such helhsh company. They who have so great a value
for the truth of religion as to prefer it to their worldly
interest, must be supposed to be indued with too much
virtue, not to be in pain and under concern, for the open
breach of its rules, and the unworthiness of its professors.
He Protestants, now on the galleys, have been
condemned thither, at several times.
The first were put in, after the Revocation of
the Edict of Nantes [October 22, 1685]. The term
prefixed for the fatal choice of either abjuring
their religion, or leaving the Kingdom was a fortnight : and
41 6 Great injustice of the French system. [^^'''- J- ^j,"":
that upon pain of being condemned to the galleys. But this
liberty, by many base artifices and unjust methods was
rendered useless, and of none effect. There were often
secret orders, by the contrivance of the Clergy, to prevent
their embarking, and to hinder the selling of their substance.
Their debtors were absolved by their Confessors, when they
denied [the payment of] a debt. Children were forced from
their fathers' and mothers' arms, in hopes that the tender-
ness of the Parent might prevail over the zeal of the Christian.
They indeed were not massacred, as in Herod's time, but
the blood of the Fathers was mingled with their tears. For
many Ministers, who had zeal and constancy enough to
brave the severest punishments, were broken alive upon
wheels, without mercy, whenever surprised discharging the
duties of their function. The Registers and Courts of Justice
where the sentences were pronounced against them are re-
corded, and the executioners of them are lasting monuments
of the bloody temper and fury of Popery.
The laity were forbidden, on pain of the galleys, leaving
the kingdom, on any pretence whatsoever. But what
posterity will scarcely believe! the Protestants of all sexes,
ages, and conditions used to fly through deserts and wild
impracticable ways, they committed their lives to the mercy
of the seas, and ran innumerable hazards, to avoid either
idolatry or martyrdom. Some escaped very happily [for-
tunatcly] in spite of the vigilance of the dragoons and bailiffs :
but a great many fell into their hands. The prisons were
filled with Confessors. But the saddest spectacle of all, was
to see 200 men at a time, chained together, going to the
galleys ; and above loo of that number Protestants. And
what was barbarous and unjust to the last degree, was that
they were obliged, when there, on pain of bastinado, to bow
before the Host, and to hear Mass : and yet that was the only
crime for which they had been condemned thither.
P"or suppose they were in the wrong, in obstinately refusing
to change their religion ; the galleys were the punishment !
Why then were they required to do that, which had been the
cause of their condemnation ? Especially since there is a
law in France, that positively forbids a double punishment
for one and the same fault, viz., Non bis punitur in idem.
But in PVance, properly speaking, there is no Law where the
J.Bion.-j Jjjj, ATROCIOUS TREATMENT OF F. SaBATTIER. 417
170b. J
King's commands are absolute and peremptory. I have seen
a General Bastinado, on that account ; which I shall describe
in its proper place [see p. 421].
It is certain, that though there were, at first, a very great
number of Protestants condemned to the galleys, the bastinado
and other torments hath destroyed [between 1685 and 1708]
above three parts of four ; and the most of those who are still
alive are in dungeons, as Monsieurs Bansillion, De Serres.,
and Sabattier, who are confined to a dungeon, at Chateau
d'lf, a fort built upon a rock in the sea, three miles from
Marseilles.
But the generous constancy of this last, about eight or ten
months ago [or rather in 1689], deserves a place in this History,
and challenges the admiration of all true Protestants.
Monsieur [Francois] Sabattier, whose charity and zeal
equal those of the primitive Christians, having a little rnoney,
distributed it to his brethren and fellow sufferers in the
galleys. But the Protestants being watched more narrowly
than the rest; he could not do it so secretly but he was
discovered, and brought before Monsieur DE Monmort,
Intendant of the Galleys at Marseilles.
Being asked, he did not deny the fact.
Monsieur Monmort not only promised him his Pardon, but
a reward if he would declare who it was that had given him
that money?
Monsieur Sabattier modestly answered that, " he should
be guilty of ingratitude before GOD and man, if, by any con-
fession, he should bring them into trouble who had been so
charitable to him": that "his person was at his disposal,
but he desired to be excused, as to the secret expected from
him."
The Intendant replied he " had a way to make him tell,
and that immediately."
Whereupon, he sent for some Turks, who at his command
stripped Sabattier stark naked; and beat him, at several
times, with rope ends and cudgels, during three days. And
seeing this did not prevail over this generous Confessor, he
himself, which never happened to an Intendant before, turned
Executioner ! striking him with his cane ; and telling the by-
standers, " See, what a devil of a religion this is ! " These
£AG. GAK. VI. 27
41 8 The ferocity of the Abbi^ du Chelas. p'^-J-^^^s!
were his own expressions, as is credibly reported by persons
that were present. The Gazettes and Public Letters gave us
an account of the same.
At last, seeing he was ready to expire ; he commanded
him into a dungeon : where, maugre all torments. Providence
hath preserved him to this day [He was released in 1713].
But though most of the Protestants of the first date are
destroyed : yet the Wars in the Cevennes [1702-1705] have
furnished them with more than enough to fill the vacant
places. These Wars may be properly called a Second Persecu-
tion, because the cruelty and inveterate malice of a Popish
priest was the occasion and first cause of them.
One of the most bitter and passionate enemies of the Pro-
testants was the Abbot du Chelas, whose benefice was in
the Cevennes. He kept an exact account of the Protestants
in his district. Whenever he missed them at Mass, he used
to send for them, under some pretence or other, to his house ;
and used to make his servants tie them (whether men, women,
or maidens) to a tree, stripped down to their waist : and then,
with horsewhips, scourged them till the blood gushed out.
This the Papists themselves do not deny, who own that this
Du Chelas was an ill [bad] man : and yet this his proceeding
against the Protestants, being meritorious at Court, he had
encouragement to hope for a reward.
But at last, his Protestant neighbours perceiving there
were no hopes of pacifying this monster by submission and
fair means, grew desperate : and one night invested his
house. He leaped out of his window into his garden ; but
not being able to get out, he begged Quarter : but as he had
never granted any, they served him in his kind, by killing
him.
And because they were sure of being pursued, they kept
the country : and by degrees their numbers increased. All
that were tormented for not going to Mass, made a body and
joined them. GOD blessed their arms with success for some
time : but (for good reasons, no doubt, though unknown to
us) he gave them up into the hands of their enemies ; and
not only them, but the inhabitants of the neighbouring
countries, as the Viverrois and Langucdoc. And [onj the bare
suspicion of being in their Interest, those with whom any
Rcv.j.pion.j Monsieur and Madame Salgas. 419
arms were found, those who refused to frequent the Mass,
were either hanged, or broken on the wheel.
That pretended RebelHon was made use of, as a pretence to
send to the galleys, several rich Protestant merchants.
There is, since that time, a Gentleman, Monsieur Salgas
by name, who before the Repealing of the Edict of Nantes,
enjoyed a plentiful estate in the Cevennes. In order to keep
it, he abjured his religion, and promised to go to Mass. His
spouse, a worthy Lady (with whom I have often conversed
at Geneva where she lives) refused ; and generously rejected
all proposals on that subject.
Seeing they threatened her, with a Cloister, she endeavoured
to gain time : but, at last, her husband told her that there
was a positive order from Court, to confine her, if she did not
comply and go to Mass.
This courageous Lady, who deserves to be a pattern of
piety and zeal to posterity, having, by prayer and other acts
of devotion, implored the Divine assistance, resolved to quit
her country, her husband children and estate, and all that is
dear and precious here below.
She took her opportunity, one day, when her husband was
gone a hunting ; without communicating anything of her
design to anybody but to such as were instrumental in her
escape. She retired to Geneva, where she might have liberty
to make an open profession of her religion, and bemoan the
misfortune of her family.
Some time after, the Wars of the Cevennes broke out.
Monsieur de Salgas was accused of assisting the Camisards
with provisions : and, in spite of his hypocrisy and pretended
zeal for his new religion, he was sent to the galleys.
But here we must admire the wisdom of Providence, very
remarkable in this dispensation. For this has proved the
means to open his own eyes, and to let him see his error : as
appears from the penitential letters he writes to his friends,
his Christianlike behaviour under his sufferings, his exhorta-
tions to his fellow sufferers, and the noble and pious example
he shews them.
He hath had frequent offers made him, of being restored
to his estate, on the same conditions he had preserved it
before : but he hath hitherto been proof against all their
attempts.
420 A DESCRirXION OF A GENERAL BasTINADO. [^''''' ^- ';;o8:
He was, some 3'ears ago, put into the Hospital General
for the Galleys, at Marseilles. This is a kind of manufactory,
where their treatment is somewhat easier than in the galleys.
But at the siege of Toulon [1707J, he and all his brethren
were taken out of that hospital, and reduced to their old
station and former miserable condition ; besides losing 12 or
14 Louis d'Or [about ;£"i2 ov £^\\ which he had procured, to
purchase such necessaries as might keep up and support his
spirits, under the hardships he endured. This account came
to his Lady, while I was there [therefore BiON was at
Geneva in 1707] ; who is, as one may easily imagine, under
an inexpressible concern for the miseries her husband groans
under.
But it is time to bring this sad Relation to a conclusion.
In order whereunto, I shall according to my promise, give
an account of the General Bastinado, at which I was present :
and it was not the least means of my conversion ! GOD
grant it may be effectual to my salvation !
In the year 1703, several Protestants out of Languedoc
and the Cevennes, were put on board our galley.
They were narrowly watched and observed. I was mightily
surprised, one Sunday morning, after saying Mass on the
Bancasse (a table so placed that all in the galley may see the
priest when he elevates the Host), to hear the Comite say he
was " going to give the Huguenots the bastinado because they
did not kneel, nor shew any respect to the mysteries of the
Mass," and that he was a going to acquaint the Captain
therewith.
The very name of Bastinado terrified me, and though I had
never seen this fearful execution, I begged the Comite to for-
bear till the next Sunday ; and that, in the mean time, I
would endeavour to convince them of what I (then) thought
their duty, and mine own.
Accordingly I used all the means I could possibly think of,
to that effect ; sometimes making use of fair means, giving
them victuals and doing them other good offices ; sometimes
using threats, and representing the torments that were
designed them ; and often urging the King's command ; and
quoting the passage of St. Paul, that he who resists the Higher
Powers, resists GOD !
Rev.j. nbn.-j jg Protestants bastinadoed at once. 421
I had not, at that time, any design to oblige them to do
anything against their consciences. I must confess that
what I did at that time, chiefly proceeded from a motive of
pity and tenderness. This was the cause of my zeal ;
which had been more fatal to them, had not GOD endued
them with resolution and virtue sufficient to bear up against
my arguments and the terrible execution they had in view.
I could not but admire, at once both the modesty of their
answers and greatness of their courage. " The King," said
they, " is indeed master over our bodies, but not of our
consciences."
At last, the dreadful day being come, the Comite narrow>y
observed them, to see the fruit of my labours. There were
only two out of the twenty, that bowed their knee to Baal.
The rest generously refused it, and were accordingly, by
the Captain's command, served in the manner following :
Here, like another ^Eneas (with regret, calling to mind
the miseries and ruin of his own country ; the very memory
whereof struck his soul with horror) ; I may truly say,
Infandum Regina jubes renovare dolorem !
In order to the execution, every man's chains were taken
off; and they were put into the hands of four Turks, who
stripped them stark naked, and stretched them upon the
Coursier, that great gun we have described in the Preface.
There they are so held that they cannot so much as stir.
During that time, there is a horrid silence throughout the
whole galley. It is so cruel a scene that the most profligate
obdurate wretches cannot bear the sight ; but are forced to
turn away their eyes.
The victim thus prepared, the Turk pitched upon to be
the executioner, with a tough cudgel or knotty rope's end,
unmercifully beats the poor wretch ; and that too the more
willingly, because he thinks that it is acceptable to his
prophet Mahomet.
But the most barbarous thing of all is, that after the skin
is flayed off their bones ; the only balsam they apply to their
wounds is a mixture of vinegar and salt.
After this, they are thrown into the hospital already
described [p. 409].
I went thither, after the execution ; and could not refrain
Bion.
422 Punishment of Protestants for Religion. p^J"!
from tears at the sight of so much barbarity. They quickly
perceived it, and though scarce able to speak, through pain
and weakness ; they thanked me for the compassion I
expressed, and the kindness I had always shewn them.
I went with a design to administer some comfort ; but I
was glad to find them less moved than I was myself. It was
wonderful to see with what true Christian patience and
constancy, they bore their torments : in the extremity of
their pain, never expressing anything like rage ; but calling
upon Almighty GOD, and imploring his assistance.
I visited them, day by day; and as often as I did, my
conscience upbraided me for persisting so long in a religion,
whose capital errors I had long before perceived, and above
all, that inspired so much cruelty ; a temper directly opposite
to the spirit of Christianity. At last, their wounds, like so
many mouths, preached to me, made me sensible of my
error, and experimentally taught me the excellency of the
Protestant Religion.
But it is high time to conclude, and draw a curtain over
this horrid scene ; which presents us with none but ghastly
sights, and transactions full of barbarity and injustice : but
which all shew how false what they pretend in France, is,
for detaining the Protestants in the galleys, viz., that they
do not suffer there upon a religious, but a civil account :'
being condemned for rebellion and disobedience. The punish-
ments inflicted on them, when they refuse to adore the Host;
the rewards and advantages offered them on their compliance
in that particular; area sufficient argument against them:
there being no such offers made to such, who are condemned
for crimes. It shews the World also, the almost incredible
barbarity used against the French Protestants ; and, at the
same time, sets off in a most glorious manner, their virtue,
constancy, and zeal for their holy Religion.
FINIS.
423
ftegtnnett) a
little seste of Jaobtn
i^ooU anU l)ts meinp : anD of tl)e
prouD S)t)eriff of J15otttnsl)am.
Ithe and listen, Gentlemen
That be of free-born blood !
I shall you tell of a good yeoman ;
His name was Robin Hood.
Robin was a proud outlaw,
Whiles he walked on ground,
So courteous an outlaw as he was one,
Was never none yfound.
Robin stood in Bernysdale,
And leaned him to a tree ;
And by him stood Little John,
A good yeoman was he :
And also did good Scathelock,
And Much the miller's son,
There was no inch of his body
But it was worth a groom.
Then bespake him Little John,
All unto Robin Hood,
" Master, if ye would dine betime,
It would do you much good ! "
Then bespake good Robin,
" To dine I have no lust,
Till I have some bold Baron,
Or some unketh guest,
That may pay for the best.
424 First vKmi-E-D Robin Hood ballad, [wwerabout^^sxt
Or some Knight or some Squire
That dwelleth here by West."
A good manner then had Robin,
In land where that he were,
Every day or he would dine,
Three Masses would he hear.
The one in the worship of the Father,
The other of the HOLY GHOST,
The third was of our dear Lady
That he loved, all others most.
Robin loved our dear Lady;
For doubt of deadly sin,
Would he never do company harm
That any woman was in.
" Master! " then said Little John,
" And we our board shall spread,
Tell us. Whether we shall gone.
And what life we shall lead ?
Where shall we take ? where we shall leave?
Where we shall abide behind ?
Where shall we rob ? where shall we 'reave ?
Where we shall beat and bind ? "
" Thereof, no force ! " said Robin,
" We shall do well enough !
But look, ye do no husband harm,
That tilleth with his plough !
No more ye shall no good yeoman
That walketh by green-wood shaw !
Ne no Knight, ne no Squire
That would be a good fellow !
These Bishops and these Archbishops,
Ye shall them beat and bind !
The High Sheriff of Nottingham,
Him hold in your mind ! "
" This word shall be held," saith Little John,
" And this lesson shall we lere !
It is far day, God send us a guest.
That we were at our dinner ! "
" Take thy good bow in thy hand," said Robin,
" Let Much wend with thee !
And so shall William Scatiielock!
wordSoutTsio!! First PRINTED j^c^/iV //co/? ballad. 425
And no man abide with me.
And walk up to the sayles,
And so to Watling street,
And wait after some unketh guest,
Upchance, ye may them meet :
Be he Earl or any Baron,
Abbot or any Knight,
Bring him to lodge to me !
His dinner shall be dight ! "
They went unto the sayles,
These yeomen all three ;
They looked East, they looked West,
They might no man see.
But as they looked in Bernysdale,
By a derne street,
Then came there, a Knight riding :
Full soon they 'gan him meet.
All dreary then was all his semblante,
And little was his pride.
His one foot in the stirrup stood,
That other waved beside.
His hood hanging over his eyen two.
He rode in simple array ;
A sorrier man than he was one.
Rode never in summer's day.
Little John was courteous,
And set him on his knee,
" Welcome be ye, gentle Knight !
Welcome are you to me !
Welcome be thou to green wood,
Hende Knight and free !
My master hath abiden you fasting.
Sir ! all these hours three ! "
" Who is your master ? " said the Knight.
John said, '' Robin Hood ! "
" He is a good yeoman," said the Knight ;
" Of him I have heard much good !
I grant," he said, " with you to wend,
My brethren all three :
My purpose was to have dined to-day
At Blyth or Doncaster."
426 First VB.mi:-ET) Robin Hood ballad, [wwderaboutTsit!
Forth then went that gentle Knight,
With a careful cheer ;
The tears out of his eyen ran,
And fell down by his leer.
They brought him unto the lodge door:
When Robin 'gan him see,
Full courteously did off his hood.
And set him on his knee.
" Welcome, Sir Knight ! " then said Robin,
" Welcome thou art to me ;
I have abide you fasting. Sir,
All these hours three ! "
Then answered the gentle Knight
With words fair and free,
" God thee save, good Robin !
And all thy fair meiny ! "
They washed together, and wiped both;
And set till * their dinner : *to.
Bread and wine they had enough,
And nombles of the deer;
Swans and pheasants they had full good,
And fowls of the river.
There failed never so little a bird
That ever was bred on breret. t briar.
" Do gladly, Sir Knight ! " said Robin.
" Grammercy, Sir ! " said he,
" Such a dinner had I not
Of all the weeks three :
If I come again, Robin,
Here by this country,
As good a dinner, I shall thee make
As thou hast made to me ! "
*' Grammercy, Knight ! " said Robin,
" My dinner when I have
I was never so greedy, by dear worthy God !
My dinner for to crave :
But pay ere ye wend ! " said Robin ;
" Methinketh it is good right,
It was never the manner, by dear worthy God !
A yeoman [to] pay for a Knight ! "
" I have nought in my coffers," said the Knight,
^''''"^''bK5i''o^] Fii^sT PRINTED Robin Hood ballad. 427
WortJe, about
" That I may proffer, for shame ! "
" Little John ! go look ! " said Robin Hood,
" Ne let not, for no blame,
Tell me truth ! " said Robin,
" So God have part of thee ! "
" I have no more but ten shillings," said the Knight,
" So God have part of me ! "
" If thou have no more," said Robin,
" I will not one penny !
And if thou have need of any more ;
More shall I lenTd] thee !
Go now forth, Little John,
The truth, tell thou me !
If there be no more but ten shillings.
Not one penny that I see ! "
Little John spread down his mantle
Full fair upon the ground ;
And there he found, in the Knight's coffer,
But even half a pound.
Little John let it lie full still.
And went to his master full low.
" What tidings, John ? " said Robin.
" Sir, the Knight is true enough ! "
" Fill of the best wine ! " said Robin,
" The Knight shall begin !
Much wonder thinketh me
Thy clothing is so thin !
Tell me one word," said Robin,
*' And counsel shall it be :
I trow thou wert made a Knight, of force,
Or else of yeomanry 1
Or else thou hast been a sorry husband
And leaved in stroke and strife.
And okerer or else a lecher," said Robin,
" With wrong hast thou led thy life ! "
" I am none of them," said the Knight,
" By God that made me !
A hundred winters herebefore,
My ancestors, Knights have been.
But oft it hath befallen, Robin !
A man hath been disgraced,
428 First printed Robin Hood ballad. [w^derfboutTsi'L!
But GOD that sitteth in heaven above,
May amend his state !
Within two or three years, Robin ! " he said,
" (My neighbours well it know !)
Four hundred pounds of good money
Full well then might I spend.
Now, have I no goods," said the Knight ;
" But my children and my wife !
GOD hath shapen such an end,
Till GOD it may amend ! "
" In what manner," said Robin,
" Hast thou lost thy riches ? "
*' For my great folly," he said,
*' And for my kindness !
I had a son, forsooth, Robin !
That should have been my heir :
When he was twenty winters old.
In field would joust full fair.
He slew a Knight of Lancashire
And a Squire bold.
For to save him in his right
My goods be set and sold,
My lands be set to wed, Robin !
Until a certain day
To a rich Abbot here besides.
Of Saint Mary's Abbey."
" What is the sum ? " said Robin ;
" Truth then tell thou me ! "
" Sir," he said, " four hundred pounds,
The Abbot told it to me ! "
" Now, and thou lose thy land ! " said Robin,
" What shall 'fall of thee ? "
" Hastily I will me busk," said the Knight,
" Over the salt sea,
And see where Christ was quick and dead
On the Mount of Calvary !
Farewell, friend ! and have good day !
It may not better be ! "
Tears fell out of his eyen two,
He would have gone his way.
" Farewell, friends, and have good day!
Printed by w. (le-1 Pij^sT VKINTED KcW^iV HoOD BALLAD. 429
'orde, about 1510.J
Worde
I ne have more to pay ! "
'' Where be thy friends ? " said Robin.
" Sir ! never one will know me !
While I was rich enough at home
Great boast then would they blow ;
And now they run away from me
As beasts in a row,
They take no more heed of me
Than they me never saw ! "
For ruth then wept Little John,
ScATHELOCK and Much also.
" Fill of the best wine ! " said Robin,
"For here is a simple cheer.
Hast thou any friends," said Robin,
" The borrows that will be ? "
" I have none ! " then said the Knight,
" But God that died on the tree ! "
" Do way thy japes ! " said Robin,
" Thereof will I right none !
Weenest thou, I will have GOD to borrow,
Peter, Paul, or John ?
Nay, by Him that me made.
And shaped both sun and moon !
Find a better borrow," said Robin,
" Or money gettest thou none ! "
" I have none other ! " said the Knight^
*' The sooth for to say,
But if it be Our dear Lady
She failed me never or this day ! "
" By dear worthy God ! " said Robin,
" To seek all England through,
Yet found I never to my pay
A much better borrow !
Come now forth. Little John !
And go to my treasure !
And bring me four hundred pound,
And look that it well told be ! "
Forth then went Little John
And ScATHELOCK went before,
He told out four hundred pound
By eighteen [ ? eight and twenty] score.
430 First printed Robin Hood ballad. [woru'rabout^Isit!
" Is this well told ? " say Little Much.
John said, " What grieveth thee ?
It is alms to help a gentle Knight
That is fallen in poverty! "
" Master ! " then said Little John,
" His clothing is full thin !
Ye must give the Knight a livery
To help his body therein :
For ye have scarlet and green, Master !
And many a rich array ;
There is no merchant in merry England
So rich, I dare well say."
" Take him three yards of every colour,
And look it well meeted be ! "
Little John took none other measure
But his bow tree ;
And of every handful that he met
He leaped over feet three.
" What devilkins draper ! " said Little Much,
" Thinkst thou to be ? "
Scathelock stood full still, and laughed,
And said " By God Almighty !
John may give him the better measure ;
By God ! it cost him but light ! "
" Master ! " said Little John,
All unto Robin Hood,
" Ye must give the Knight an horse
To lead home all these goods."
" Take him a grey courser ! " said Robin,
"And a saddle new!
He is Our Lady's Messenger ;
God leve that he be true ! "
"And a good palfrey," said Little Much,
" To maintain him in his right ! "
"And a pair of boots," said Scathelock,
" For he is a gentle Knight ! "
"What shalt thou give him, Little John ? " said Robin,
" Sir ; a pair of gilt spurs clear.
To pray for all this company ;
God bring him out of teen ! "
" When shall my day be," said the Knight,
Printed by w.dc-1 T^ iy>q,t VRINTED jRoB/N HoOD V,ALl.Al). 43 I
orde, about 1510.J
Word.
" Sir ! and your will be ? "
" This day twelvemonth ! " said Robin,
" Under this green-wood tree.
It were great shame," said Robin,
*' A Knight alone to ride ;
Without Squire, yeoman, or page,
To walk by his side !
I shall thee lend, Little John, my man;
For he shall be thy knave !
In a yeoman's stead, he may thee stand,
If thou great need have ! "
C Cl)e seconD fptte*
i^Ow is the Knight went on his way,
This game he thought full good.
When he looked on Bernysdale,
He blessed Robin Hood':
And when he bethought on Bernysdale,
On ScATHELOCK, MucH, and John ;
He blessed them for the best company
That ever he in come.
Then spake that gentle Knight,
To Little John 'gan he say,
'' To-morrow, I must to York town,
To Saint Mary's Abbey,
And to the Abbot of that place
Four hundred pound I must pay :
And but I be there upon this night
My land is lost for aye ! "
The Abbot said to his Convent,
There he stood on ground: ,
"This day twelve months came there a Knight,
And borrowed four hundred pound
Upon all his land free ;
But he come this ilk day
Disherited shall he be ! "
" It is full early ! " said the Prior,
;2 First PRINTED 7v(977/yV //'C(9Z> BALLAD, [wordeffbout^sfo!
" The day is not yet far gone !
I had lever to pay an hundred pound
And lay [it] down anon.
The Knight is far beyond the sea
In England he is right,
And suffereth hunger and cold
And many a sorry night :
It were great pity," said the Prior,
** So to have his land :
And ye be so light of your conscience
Ye do to him much wrong ! "
" Thou art ever in my beard," said the Abbot ;
" By God and Saint Richard ! "
With that came in, a fat-headed monk,
The High Cellarer.
*' He is dead or hanged ! " said the Monk,
" By God that bought me dear !
And we shall have to spend in this place.
Four hundred pounds by year ! "
The Abbot and High Cellarer
Start forth full bold :
The Justice of England,
The Abbot there did hold.
The High Justice, and many mo,
Had taken into their hand
Wholly all the Knight's debt,
To put that Knight to wrong.
They deemed the Knight wonder sore
The Abbot and his meiny,
But he come this ilk day
Disherited shall he be.
" He will not come yet," said the Justice,
" I dare well undertake ! "
But in sorrow time for them all,
The Knight came to the gate.
Then bespake that gentle Knight
Until his meiny,
" Now, put on your simple weeds
That ye brought from the sea ! "
They came to the gates anon,
The Porter was ready himself,
Prmted^byW.d^e-| "p ^^^j PRINTED RoBIN HoOD BALLAD. 433
Worde, about :
And welcomed them every each one.
"Welcome, Sir Knight ! " said the Porter;
•' My Lord, to meat is he ;
And so is many a gentleman
For the love of thee ! "
The Porter swore a full great oath
" By God that made me !
Here be the best coresed horse
That ever yet saw I me !
Lead them into the stable ! " he said,
*' That eased might they be ! "
" They shall not come therein ! " said the Knight,
" By God that died on a tree 1 "
Lords were to meat yset
In that Abbot's hall :
The Knight went forth, and kneeled down.
And salued them, great and small.
" Do gladly, Sir Abbot! " said the Knight,
** I am come to hold my day !"
The first word the Abbot spake,
** Hast thou brought my pay ? "
" Not one penny !" said the Knight,
" By God that maked me !"
" Thou art a shrewd debtor ! " said the Abbot ;
" Sir Justice, drink to me !
What doest thou here," said the Abbot,
*' But thou hadst brought thy pay ? "
" For GOD !" then said the Knight,
" To pray of a longer day ! "
" Thy day is broke !" said the Justice ;
** Land gettest thou none ! "
" Now, good Sir Justice ! be my friend !
And fend me of my fone !"
" I am hold with the Abbot !" said the Justice,
" Both with cloth and fee ! "
" Now, good Sir Sheriff! be my friend ! "
"Nay, for God!" said he.
" Now, good Sir Abbot ! be my friend 1
For thy courtesy ;
And hold my lands in thy hand
Till I have made thee gree :
Eng.Gar.VI. 28
434 TlRST PRINTED RoBLY HoOD BALLAD. [wortrabuutT^x'
And I will be thy true servant
And truly serve thee
Till 3^e have four hundred pounds
Of money good and free."
The Abbot sware a full great oath,
*' By God that died on a tree !
Get thee land where thou mayest ;
For thou gettest none of me ! "
" By dear worthy God," then said the Knight,
** That all this world wrought !
But I have my land again.
Full dear it shall be bought !
God that was of Maiden born,
Leave us well to speed !
For it is good to assay a friend
Or that a man have need ! "
The Abbot loathly on him 'gan look,
And villainously him 'gan look :
" Out," he said, " thou false Knight !
Speed thee out of my hall !"
"Thou liest !" then said the gentle Knight, ->
" Abbot in thy hall I
False Knight was I never.
By God that made us all ! "
Up then stood that gentle Knight:
To the Abbot, said he,
" To suffer a Knight to kneel so long.
Thou canst no courtesy I
In jousts and in tournament
Full far then have I be ;
And put myself as far in press
As any that ever I see."
" What will ye give more," said the Justice,
" And the Knight shall make a release ?
And else I dare safely swear
Ye hold never your land in peace !"
" An hundred pounds ! " said the Abbot.
The Justice said, '* Give him two !"
" Nay, by God ! " said the Knight,
** Yet grete ye it not so !
Though ye would give a thousand more,
de
510.
wort',loLT;:t:] Fii^sT PRINTED Robin Hood ballad. 435
Yet wert thou never the near !
Shalt there never be mine heir,
Abbot! Justice! ne Friar!"
He started him to a board anon,
Till a table round,
And there he shook out of a bag
Even four hundred pound.
" Have here thy gold, Sir Abbot !" said the Knight,
" Which that thou lentest me !
Hadst thou been courteous at my coming,
Rewarded shouldst thou have be ! "
The Abbot sat still, and eat no more,
For all his royal cheer :
He cast his head on his shoulder,
And fast began to stare.
"Take me, my gold again !" said the Abbot,
" Sir Justice, that I took thee ! "
" Not a penny !" said the Justice,
*' By God that died on the tree !"
*' Sir Abbot, and ye Men of Law I
Now have I held my day !
Now shall I have my land again
For ought that you can say ! "
The Knight started out of the door.
Away was all his care !
And on he put his good clothing,
The other he left there.
He went him forth full merry singing
As men have told in tale.
His Lady met him at the gate
And home in Verysdale.
"Welcome, my Lord!" said his Lady,
" Sir, lost is all your good ?"
" Be merry. Dame !" said the Knight,
" And pray for Robin Hood !
That ever his soul be in bliss ;
He helped me out of my teen.
Ne had not been his kindness,
Beggars had we been !
The Abbot and I accorded be ;
436 First rruNTED Robin Hood ballad. [wurS^
He is served of his pay !
The good yeoman lent it me.
As I came by the way."
This Knight then dwelled fair at home,
The sooth for to say,
Till he had got four hundred pounds
All ready for to pay.
He purveyed him an hundred bows,
The strings well dight ;
An hundred sheafs of arrows good,
The heads burnished full bright :
And every arrow an ell long
With peacock well ydight ;
Ynocked all with white silver.
It was a seemly sight.
He purveyed him an hundred men.
Well harnessed in that stead.
And himself in that same set
And clothed in white and red.
He bare a lance gay in his hand,
And a man led his mail,
And riding with a light song
Unto Bernysdale.
But as he went, at a bridge there was a wrestling,
And there tarried was he :
And there was all the best yeomen
Of all the West country.
A full fair game there was up set ;
A white bull, ay, up-pitched ;
A great courser, with saddle and bridle
With gold burnished full bright ;
A pair of gloves, a red gold ring,
A pipe of wine, in good fay :
What man beareth him best, Iwis
The prize shall bear away.
There was a yeoman in that place,
And best worthy was he.
And for he was far ioff] and friend bestead
Yslain he should have be.
by W. de
mt 1510.
Primed by W. del Ftrst VVkI^TZV) RoBIN HoOD ballad. 4;
Worde, ;ibout 1510. J
The Knight had ruth of his yeoman
In place where that he stood :
He said, " The yeoman should have no harm,
For love of Robin Hood ! "
The Knight pressed into the place,
An hundred followed him fair,
With bows bent and arrows sharp
For to shend that company.
They shouldered all and made him room
To wdt what he would say ;
He took the yeoman by the hand
And gave him all the play ;
He gave him five marks for his wme,
There it laid on the mould :
And bade it should be set abroach,
Drink who so would !
Thus long tarried this gentle Knight
Till that play was done : _
So long abode Robin fasting,
Three hours after the noon.
Cl)e tl)(rD fptte
ITHE and listen, Gentlemen 1
All that now be here, , ,. . . ,. ^^„
Of Little John, that was the Knight s man,
Good mirth ye shall hear.
It was upon a merry day
That young men would go shoot,
Little John fetched his bow anon
And said he " would them meet."
Three times. Little John shot about.
And always he sleste [slit] the wand :
The proud Sheriff of Nottingham
By the Marks 'gan stand.
The Sheriff swore a full great oath,
" By Him that died on the tree 1
This man is the best archer
That yet saw I me !
438 First printed Robin Hood ballad. [vvvdrabouiT;i!r
Say me now, white young man !
What is now thy name ?
In what country wert thou horn ?
And where is thy wonning wan ? "
" In Holderness, I was born,
I wis, all of my dame :
Men call me Reynold Greenleaf,
When I am at home."
" Say me, Reynold Greenleaf 1
Wilt thou dwell with me ?
And every year, I will thee give
Twenty marks to thy fee ! "
" I have a Master," said Little John,
" A courteous Knight is he ;
May ye get leave of him, the better may it be ! "
The Sheriff got Little John
Twelve months of the Knight ;
Therefore he gave him right anon
A good horse and a wight.
Now is Little John a Sheriff's man,
God give us well to speed !
But always thought Little John
To quite him well his meed.
" Now, so God me help ! " said Little John,
*' And be my true lewte !
I shall be the worst servant to him
That ever yet had he ! "
It befel upon a Wednesday,
The Sheriff on hunting was gone,
And Little John lay in his bed, and was forgot at home,
Therefore he was fasting till it was past the noon.
" Good Sir Steward, I pray thee.
Give me to dine ! " said Little John.
*' It is long for Greenleaf, fasting so long to be.
Therefore I pray thee, Steward, my dinner give thou me ! "
" Shalt thou never eat nor drink," said the Steward,
*' Till my lord be come to town ! "
" I make my avow to God," said Little John
*' I had lever to crack thy crown ! "
The Butler was full uncourteous,
There he stood on lloor ;
wrrde!lo^t'!;xt'] F"«T PRINTED ROBLV HoOD EALLAD. 439
He started to the buttery, and shut fast the door.
Little John gave the Butler such a rap
His back went nigh in two
Though he lived an hundred winters, the worse he should go.
He spurned the door with his foot, it went up well and tine !
And there he made a large 'livery
Both of ale and wine.
" Sir, if ye will not dine," said Little John,
** I shall give you to drink !
And though ye live an hundred winters,
On Little John ye shall think ! "
Little John eat and little drank, the while he would.
The Sheriff had in his kitchen a Cook,
A stout man and a bold,
" I make mine avow to God ! " said the Cook,
" Thou art a shrewd hind.
In a household to dwell ! for to ask thus to dine ! "
And there he lent Little John
Good strokes three.
" I make mine avow," said Little John,
" These strokes liketh well.
Thou art a bold man and a hardy,
And so thinketh rae !
And ere I pass from this place
Assayed better shalt thou be !"
Little John drew a good sword,
The Cook took another in hand ;
They thought nothing for to flee,
But stiffly for to stand.
There they fought sore together.
Two mile away and more ;
Might neither other harm do
The maintenance of an hour.
" I make mine avow to God," said Little John,
" And be my true lewte !
Thou art one of the best swordsmen
That ever yet saw I me,
Couldst thou shoot as well in a bow.
To green wood, thou shouldst with me !
And two times in the year, thy clothing
Ychanged should be !
440 First printed RobiN Hood ballad. [wStbKit
And every year of Robin Hood,
Twenty marks to thy fee ! "
" Put up thy sword," said the Cook,
** And fellows will we be !"
Then he fetch to Little John,
The nombles of a doe.
Good bread, and full good wine.
They eat and drank thereto.
And when they had drunken well,
Their troths together they plighted,
That they would be with Robin
That ilk same day.
They did them to the treasure house
As fast as they might go ;
The locks that were good steel.
They brake them every each one.
They took away the silver vessels,
And all that they might get ;
Piece, mazers, and spoons,
Would they none forget ?
Also they took the good pence,
Three hundred pounds and more :
And did them strait to Robin Hood
Under the green-wood tree.
" God thee save, my dear master !
And Christ thee save and see !"
And then said Robin to Little John,
" Welcome might thou be !
And also that fair yeoman,
Thou bringest there with thee !
What tidings from Nottingham,
Little John ? tell thou me ! "
" Well thee greeteth the proud Sheriff!
And send thee here by me,
His Cook and his silver vessels,
And three hundred pounds and three !"
" I make mine avow to God !" said Robin,
" And to the Trinity !
It was never by his good-will
This good is come to me !"
Little John him there bethought
Word^
ord"''abmu^sm] FiRST PRINTED Robin Hood ballad. 441
On a shrewd wile. Five miles in the forest he ran.
Him happed at his will !
Then he met the proud Sheriff
Hunting with hounds and horn.
Little John could {kne.w\ his courtesy,
And kneeled him beforne.
" God thee save, my dear Master !
And Christ thee save and see 1"
" Reynold Greenleaf ! " said the Sheriff,
*• Where hast thou now be ? "
" I have been in this forest ;
A fair sight can I see ;
It was one of the fairest sights
That ever yet saw I me !
Yonder I see a right fair hart,
His colour is of green !
Seven score of deer upon a herd.
Be with him all bedeen,
His tynde are so sharp, Master,
Of sixty and well mo,
That I durst not shoot for dread.
Lest they would me slay! "
" I make mine avow to God! " said the Sheriff,
" That sight would I fain see ! "
" Busk you thitherward, my dear Master
Anon, and wend with me ! "
The Sheriff rode, and Little John,
Of foot he was full smart ;
And when they came afore Robin,
*' Lo, here is the master Hart ! "
Still stood the proud Sheriff :
A sorry man was he !
" Woe the worth, Reynold Greenleaf,
Thou hast betrayed me ! "
"T make mine avow to God," said Little John,
" Master, ye be to blame !
I was mis-served of my dinner.
When I was with you at home ! "
Soon he was to supper set.
And served with silver white :
And when the Sheriff see his vessel,
442 First trinted Robin Hood ballad. [worT! about is.o!
For sorrow, he might not eat !
" Make good cheer," said Robin Hood,
"Sheriff! for charity !
And for the love of Little John
Thy life is granted to thee ! "
When they had supped well,
The day was all agone,
Robin commanded Little John
To draw off his hosen and his shoon,
His kirtle and his coat apie,
That was furred well fine ;
And took him a green mantle,
To lap his body therein.
Robin commanded his wight young men.
Under the green-wood tree,
They shall lay in that same suit,
That the Sheriff might them see.
All night lay that proud Sheriff,
In his breech and in his shirt :
No wonder it was in green wood
Though his sides do smart.
" Make glad cheer," said Robin Hood,
*' Sheriff, for chanty !
For this is our order, I wis,
Under the green-wood tree! "
" This is harder order," said the Sheriff,
" Than any Anchor or Friar I
For all the gold in merry England,
I would not long dwell here ! "
" All these twelve months," said Robin,
*' Thou shalt dwell with me !
I shall thee teach, proud Sheriff,
An outlaw for to be ! "
" Ere I here another night," said the Sheriff,
" Robin, now I pray thee!
Smite off my head, rather to-morne.
And I forgive it thee !
Let me go then," said the Sheriff,
" For saint charity I
And I will be thy best friend,
That yet had thee! "
wordTaboutTiio':] FiRST PRINTED Robin Hood ballad. 443
" Thou shalt swear me an oath ! " said Robin,
" On my bright brand,
Thou shalt never await me scathe !
By water ne by land !
And if thou find any of my men,
By night, or by day,
Upon thine oath, thou shalt swear
To help them that thou may ! "
Now has the Sht riff ysworn this oath,
And home he began to go ;
He was as full of green wood,
As ever was heap of stone.
C Cfte fourtt) fptte.
m'f\
He Sheriff dwelled in Nottingham,
He was fain that he was gone.
And Robin and his meny men
Went to wood anon.
" Go we to dinner? " said Little John.
Robin Hood said, " Nay !
For I dread our Lady be wroth with me ;
For she [has] sent me not my pay ! "
" Have no doubt. Master ! " said Little John.
"Yet is not the sun not at rest:
For I dare say and safely swear
The Knight is. true and trusty ! "
"Take thy bow in thy hand ! " said Robin.
"Let Much wend with thee !
And so shall William Scathelock ;
And no man abide with me !
And walk up under the sayles,
And to Watling street ;
And wait after such unketh guest,
Upchance ye may them meet.
Whether he be messenger,
Or a man that mirths can ;
Or if he be a poor man,
Of my good, he shall have some !"
Forth then started Little John,
444 First printed Robin Hood ballad. [worilL'Tsit
Half in tray or teen,
And girded him with a full good sword
Under a mantle of green.
They went up to the sayles,
These yeomen all three,
They looked East, they looked West,
They might no man see.
But as they looked in Bernysdale,
By the highway
Then were they 'ware of two hlack monks,
Each on a good palfrey.
Then bespake Little John,
To Much he 'gan say :
" I dare lay my life to wed
These monks have brought our pay ! "
" Make glad cheer," said Little John,
** And frese our bows of yew !
And look your hearts be sicker and sad,
Your strings trusty and true ! "
The monk had fifty and two [men]
And seven somers full strong,
There rideth no Bishop in this land
So royally I understand.
" Brethren," said Little John,
" Here are no more but we three ;
But we bring them to dinner.
Our Master, dare we not see I "
" Bend your bows ! " said Little John,
"Make all yon press to stand !
The foremost monk, his life and his death.
Are closed in my hand.
Abide, churl Monk! " said Little John,
*' No further that thou go.
If thou dost, by dear worthy God !
Thy death is in my hand !
And evil thrift on thy head ! " said Little John,
*' Right under thy hat's band :
For thou hast made our Master wroth,
He is fasting so long ! "
" Who is your Master ? " said the Monk.
Little John said, " Rodin Hood! "
Printed by W.de-| Ptrcj TRINTED RoBIN HoOD BALLAD. 445
Worde, about 1510.J
*' He is a strong thief ! " said the Monk :
" Of him heard I never good ! "
" Thou hest then ! " said Little John,
" And that shall rue thee !
He is a yeoman of the forest ;
To dine, he hath bidden thee!"
Much was ready with a bolt,
Readily and anon,
He set the Monk tofore the breast
To the ground that he can gone.
Of hfty-two wight young yeomen
There abode not one ;
Save a little page and a groom
To lead the somers with Little John.
They brought the Monk to the lodge door,
Whether he were loth or lief,
For to speak with Robin Hood,
Maugre in their teeth.
Robin did adown his hood.
The Monk when that he see,
The Monk who was not so courteous
His hood then let he be.
" He is a churl, Master! by dear worthy God ! "
Then said Little John.
' *' Thereof, no force ! " said Robin,
*' For courtesy can he none !
How many men," said Robin,
" Had this Monk, John ? "
" Fifty and two when that we met ;
But many of them be gone."
" Let blow a horn ! " said Robin,
" That fellowship may us know ! "
Seven score of wight yeomen
Came pricking on a row.
And every each of them a good mantle
Of scarlet and of 'ray,
All they came to good Robin
To wit what he would say.
They made the Monk to wash and wipe,
And sit at his dinner,
Robin Hood and Little John
446 First printed Robin Hood rallad. [wr.tfi'^Jit'y;,^
They served them both in fere.
" Do gladly, Monk ! " said Robin.
" Grammercy, Sir ! " said he.
" Where is your Abbey, when ye are at home ;
And who is your avow ? "
" St. Mary's Abbey," said the Monk,
"Though I be simple here."
" In what office ? " said Robin.
•' Sir ! the High Cellarer."
" Ye be the more welcome," said Robin.
" So ever might I thee."
" Fill of the best wine ! " said Robin,
" This Monk shall drink to me !
But I have great marvel," said Robin,
" Of all this long day,
I dread our Lady be wroth with me,
She sent me not my pay ! "
" Have no doubt, Master! " said Little John,
** Ye have no need, I say :
This Monk, it hath brought, I dare well swear !
For he is of her Abbey."
" And She was a borrow," said Robin,
" Between a Knight and me,
Of a little money that I him lent
Under the green-wood tree ;
And if thou hast that silver ybrought,
I pray thee let me see.
And I shall help thee eftsoons
If thou have need to me ! "
The Monk swore a full great oath,
With a sorry cheer,
*' Of the borrowhood thou speakest to me
Heard I never ere ! "
" I make mine avow to God ! " said Robin,
" Monk, thou art to blame !
For GOD is held a righteous man.
And so is his name.
Thou toldest with thine own tongue
Thou mayst not say ' Nay ! '
How thou art her servant,
And servest her every day :
PnntedbyW.de-l prr-cT PRINTED RoDLV HoOD BALLAD. 447
'orde, about i5io._| -^ ^ '-"
And thou art made her messenger,
My money for to pay.
Therefore I can the more thanks,
Thou art come to thy day !
What is in your coffers ? " said Robin ;
"True, then, tell thou me?"
" Sir ! " he said, " twenty marks !
Also might I thee ! "
*' If there be no more," said Robin,
**I will not one penny.
If thou hast myster of any more,
Sir, more I shall lend to thee !
And if I find more," said Robin,
" Iwis, thou shalt it forgo ;
For of thy spending silver, Monk !
Thereof will I right none."
" Go now forth, Little John,
And the truth, tell thou me !
If there be no more but twenty marks
No penny [of] that I see ! "
Little John spread his mantle down,
As he had done before,
And he told out of the Monk's mail
Eight hundred pound and more.
Little John let it lie full still.
And went to his Master in haste ;
" Sir ! " he said, " the Monk is true enough ;
Our Lady hath doubled you cast ! "
" I make mine avow to God ! " said Robin,
*' Monk, what told I thee !
Our Lady is the truest woman
That ever yet found I me !
By dear worthy God ! " said Robin,
** To seek all England through ;
Yet found I never to my pay,
A much better borrow.
Fill of the best wine, and do him drink ! " said Robin;
" And greet well thy Lady bend ;
And if She have need to Robin Hood,
A friend She shall him find :
And if She needeth any more silver,
448 First printed Robin Hood eallad. [worderaboutTsil!
Come thou again to me !
And, by this token she hath me sent,
She shall have such three ! "
The Monk was going to London ward,
There to hold great Mote,
The Knight that rode so high on horse
To bring him under foot.
" Whither be ye away ? " said Robin.
" Sir, to manors in this land,
To reckon with our Reeves
That have done much wrong."
" Come now forth, Little John !
And hearken to my tale !
A better yeoman, I know none
To seek a Monk's mail.
How much is in yonder other corser? " said Robin,
" The sooth must we see ! "
" By our Lady ! " then said the Monk,
" That were no courtesy ;
To bid a man to dinner.
And sith him beat and bind ! "
" It is our old manner ! " said Robin,
" To leave but little behind."
The Monk took the horse with spur,
No longer would he abide !
" Ask to drink ! " then said Robin,
** Or that ye further ride ? "
" Nay, for God ! " said the Monk,
" Me rueth I came so near !
For better cheap, I might have dined
In Blyth or in Doncaster ! "
" Greet well, your Abbot ! " said Robin,
" And your Prior, I you pray !
And bid him send me such a Monk
To dinner every day ! "
Now let we that Monk be still ;
And speak we of the Knight !
Yet he came to hold his day
While that it was light.
He did him strait to Bernysdale,
wo^eraboutT5i'i':] FiRST TRiNTED Robin Hood ballad. 449
Under the green-wood tree.
And he found there Robin Hood
A-nd all his merry meiny.
The Knight light [ed] down off his good palfrey.
Robin when he 'gan see ;
So courteously he did adown his hood
And set him on his knee.
"God thee save, Robin Hood,
And all this company ! "
" Welcome, be thou, gentle Knight !
And right welcome to me ! "
Then bespake him Robin Hood,
To that Knight so free,
" What need driveth thee to green wood ?
I pray thee, Sir Knight, tell me !
And welcome be, thou gentle Knight !
Why hast thou been so long ? "
" For the Abbot and high Justice
Would have had my land ? "
" Hast thou thy land again ? " said Robin,
" Truth then tell thou me ! "
" Yea, for God ! " said the Knight,
*' And that I thank GOD and thee !
But take not a grief," said the Knight,
" That I have been so long,
I came by a wrestling.
And there I helped a poor yeoman,
Who with wrong was put behind."
" Nay, for God ! " said Robin,
" Sir Knight, that thank I thee !
What man that helpeth a good yeoman,
His friend then will I be."
" Have here four hundred pounds ! " then said the Knight,
" The which ye lent me,
And here is also twenty marks for your courtesy ! "
" Nay, for God ! " then said Robin,
" Thou brook it well for aye ;
For our Lady, by her Cellarer,
Hath sent to me my pay !
And if I took it twice,
A shame it were to me !
Eng. Gar. VI. 2Q
450 First printed Robin Hood eallad. [woXraboutT^fo!
But truly, gentle Knight,
Welcome art thou to me ! "
When Robin had told his tale,
He laughed and had good cheer,
" By my troth ! " then said the Knight,
*' Your money is ready here ! "
" Brook it well ! " said Robin,
" Thou gentle Knight so free !
And welcome be thou, gentle Knight,
Under my trystel tree !
But what shall these bows do ? " said Robin,
*' And these arrows yfeathered free ? "
" By God ! " then said the Knight,
" A poor present to thee ! "
"Come now forth, Little John,
And go to my treasure,
And bring me there four hundred pounds
The Monk overtold it me.
Have here four hundred pounds.
Thou gentle Knight and true !
And buy horse and harness good.
And gilt thy spurs all new 1
And if thou fail any spending,
Come to Robin Hood !
And, by my troth, thou shalt none fail
The whiles I have any good ;
And brook well thy four hundred pounds
Which I lent to thee !
And make thyself no more so bare ;
By the counsel of me."
Thus then helped him, good Robin,
The Knight all of his care :
GOD that sits in heaven high
Grant us well to fare !
wrSlb'outTsi'l!] First printed Robin Hood ballad. 45 1
V(^z fifti) fptte.
Ow hath the Knight his leave ytake,
And went him on his way.
Robin Hood and his merry men
Dwelled still full many a day.
Lithe and listen, Gentlemen !
And hearken what I shall say,
How the proud Sheriff of Nottingham
Did cry a full fair Play,
That all the best archers of the North
Should come upon a day;
And that shooteth all their best,
The game shall bear away !
He that shooteth all their best,
Furthest, fair, and low,
At a pair of finely butts,
Under the green-wood shaw,
A right good arrow he shall have,
The shaft of silver white,
The head and feathers of rich red gold,
In England is none like.
This then heard good Robin,
Under his trystel tree.
*' Make you ready, ye wight young men.
That shooting will I see !
Busk you, my merry young men,
Ye shall go with me !
And I will wit the Sheriff's faith;
True and if be he ! "
When they had their bows ybent,
Their tackles feathered free,
Seven score of wight young men
Stood by Robin's knee.
When they came to Nottingham,
The butts were fair and long,
Many were the bold archers
That shooted with bowes strong.
" There shall but six shoot with me,
452 First VRmTEB ROBJN I/OOD BALLAD. [wordeffboutTsio!
The others shall keep my heed,
And stand with good bows bent
That I be not deceived."
The fourth outlaw, his bow 'gan bend,
And that was Robin Hood :
And that beheld the proud Sheriff, ^
All by the butt he stood.
Thrice Robin shot about,
And always sliced the wand;
And so did good " Gilbert
With the white hand."
Little John and good Scathelock
Were archers good and free :
Little Much and good Reynold
The worst would they not be !
When they had shot about.
These archers fair and good :
Ever more was the best,
Forsooth, Robin Hood.
Him was delivered the good arrow,
For best worthy was he :
He took the gift so courteously ;
To green wood would he !
They cried out on Robin Hood,
And great horns 'gan they blow !
"Woe worth the treason ! " said Robin ;
** Full evil thou art to know !
And woe be thou, thou proud Sheriff!
Thus gladding thy guest.
Otherwise thou behote me
In yonder wild forest.
But had I thee in green wood,
Under my trystel tree.
Thou shouldst leave me a better wed.
Than thy true lewte."
Full many a bow there was bent,
And arrows let they glide !
Many a kirtle there was rent.
And hurt many a side !
The outlaws' shot was so strong
That no man might them drive.
Printed by W.de-j -pr-nQY VRll^TEB RoBIJV HoOB BAhLAB. 45,
Worde, about isio.J
And the proud Sheriff's men
They fled away full blyve.
Robin saw the [am]bushment to broke,
In green wood he would have been;
Many an arrow there was shot
Among that company.
Little John was hurt full sore,
With an arrow in his knee,
That he might neither go nor ride :
It was full great pity !
" Master! " then said Little John,
•* If ever thou lovest me ;
And for that ilk Lord's love
That died upon a tree !
And for the meeds of my service.
That I have served thee :
Let never the proud Sheriff
Alive now find me !
But take out thy brown sword
And smite all off my head !
And give me wounds dead and wide,
No life on me be left ! "
" I would not that," said Robin,
"John ! that thou be slain,
For all the gold in merry England,
Though it lay now on a row ! "
" God forbid ! " said Little Much,
" That died on a tree !
That thou shouldst. Little John 1
'Part our company ! "
Up he took him on his back.
And bare him well nigh a mile :
Many a time, he laid him down.
And shot another while.
Then was there a fair Castle
A little within the wood ;
Double ditched it was about.
And walled by the road :
And there dwelt that gentle Knight,
Sir Richard at the Lee,
That Robin had lent his good
454 First printed Robin Hood ballad. [worde!\bout i-^il
Under the green-wood tree.
In he took good Robin
And all his company.
" Welcome be thou, Robin Hood !
Welcome art thou, to me !
And much thank thee of thy comfort
And of thy courtesy,
And of thy great kindness
Under the green-wood tree !
I love no man, in all this world
So much as I do thee !
For all the proud Sheriff of Nottingham ;
Right here shalt thou be !
Shut the gates, and draw the bridge ;
And let no man come in !
And arm you well, and make you ready !
And to the wall ye win !
For one thing, Robin ! I thee behote
I swear by St. Quintin !
These twelve days thou wonest with me,
To sup, eat, and dine ! "
Boards were laid and cloths spread
Readily and anon :
Robin Hood and his merry men
To meat 'gan they gone.
C C!)e sijctl) fptte.
Ithe and listen, Gentlemen!
And hearken unto your song !
How the proud Sheriff of Nottingham
And men of armes strong
Full fast came to the High Sheriff
The country up to rout.
And they beset the Knight's Castle,
The walls all about.
The proud Sheriff loud 'gan cry
And said, " Thou traitor Knight !
Thou keepest here the King's enemy !
Against the laws and right ! "
wordeffboutTsit!] FiRST PRINTED Robin Hood ballad. 455
" Sir, I will avow that I have done
The deeds thou here be dight,
Up on all the lands that I have,
As I am a true Knight,
Wend forth. Sirs, on your way ;
And do no more to me,
Till ye wit our King's will
What he will say to thee !"
The Sheriff thus, had his answer
Without any leasing.
Forth he yode to London town,
All for to tell the King.
There he told them of that Knight,
And eke of Robin Hood ;
And also of the bold archers,
That noble were and good.
He would avow that he had done
To maintain the outlaws strong ;
He would be Lord, and set you at nought
In all the North land.
" I will be at Nottingham," said the King,
" Within this fortnight !
And take I will, Robin Hood ;
And so I will that Knight !
Go home, thou proud Sheriff!
And do as I thee bid.
And ordain good archers ynow
Of all the wide country ! "
The Sheriff had his leave y take ;
And went him on his way.
And Robin Hood to green wood.
Upon a certain day.
And Little John was whole of the arrow
That shot was in his knee ;
And did him straight to Robin Hood
Under the green-wood tree.
Robin Hood walked in the forest
Under the leaves green,
The proud Sheriff of Nottingham,
Therefore, he had great teen.
The Sheriff there failed of Robin Hood
456 First printed Robin Hood ballad. [wrrr.'^aboutTsit:
He might not have his prey.
Then he awaited this gentle Knight,
Both by night and by day.
Ever he awaited that gentle Knight,
Sir Richard at the Lee,
As he went on hawking by the river side
And let his hawks flee ;
Took he there, this gentle Knight,
With men of armes strong,
And led him home to Nottingham ward
Ybound both hand and foot.
The Sheriff swore a full great oath,
By Him that died on a tree.
He had lever than a hundred pound
That he had Robin Hood.
This Lady, the Knight's wife,
A fair Lady and free,
She set her on a good palfrey ;
To green wood anon rode she.
When she came to the forest.
Under the green-wood tree,
Found she there Robin Hood
And all his fair meiny.
" God [save] thee, good Robin !
And all thy company,
For our dear Lady's love
A boon, grant thou me !
Let thou never my wedded Lord
Shamely yslain be !
He is fast ybound to Nottingham ward,
For the love of thee ! "
Anon then said good Robin,
To that Lady free :
" What man hath your Lord ytake ? "
*' For sooth, as I thee say,
He is not yet three miles
Passed on your way."
Up then started good Robin,
As a man that had been wood ;
" Busk you, my merry young men,
For Him that died on a rood !
word"e?about^5x^o!] FiRST PRINTED RoBiN Hood ballad. 457
And he that this sorrow forsaketh,
By Him that died on a tree !
Shall he never in green wood be,
Nor longer dwell with me ! "
Soon there were good bows ybent,
Mo [re] than seven score;
Hedge ne ditch spare they none
That were them before.
" I make mine avow to God," said Robin,
" The Knight would I fain see ;
And if I may him take,
Yquit then shall it be ! "
And when they came to Nottingham
They walked in the street,
And with the proud Sheriff y wis
Soon gan they meet.
*' Abide, thou proud Sheriff! " he said,
** Abide, and speak with me !
Of some tidings of our King
I would fain hear of thee !
This seven year, by dear worthy God !
Ne yede I so fast on foot ;
I make mine avow to God, thou proud Sheriff !
That it is not for thy good."
Robin bent a good bow,
An arrow he drew at his will ;
He hit so the proud Sheriff,
Upon the ground he lay full still :
And or he might up arise,
On his feet to stand ;
He smote off the Sheriff's head,
With his bright brand.
" Lie thou there, thou proud Sheriff!
Evil might thou thrive !
There might no man to thee trust.
The whiles thou wert alive ! "
His men drew out their bright swords,
That were so sharp and keen.
And laid on the Sheriff's men
And drived them down by dene.
Robin started to that Knight,
458 First printed Robin Hood ballad. [wortfaboutTsit
And cut a two his hood ;
And took him in his hand a bow,
And bade him by him stand.
" Leave thy horse thee behind,
And learn for to run !
Thou shalt with me to green wood
Through mire, moss, and fen !
Thou shalt with me to green wood
"Without any leasing.
Till that I have got us grace
Of Edward, our comely King."
C!)e setoenti) fptte.
He King came to Nottingham
With Knights in great array
For to take that gentle Knight
And Robin Hood, if he may.
He asked men of that country
After Robin Hood,
And after that gentle Knight
That was so bold and stout.
When they had told him the case,
Our King understood their tale
And seized in his hand
The Knight's land all.
All the passe of Lancashire
He went both far and near ;
Till he came to Plom[p]ton Park
He failed many of his deer.
There our King was wont to see
Herdes many a one,
He could unneath find one deer
That bare any good horn.
The King was wondrous wroth withal,
And swore, " By the Trinity !
I would I had Robin Hood !
With eyen I might him see !
wordTaboutTixt!] First printed Robin Hood ballad. 459
And he that would smite off the Knight's head,
And bring it to me ;
He shall have the Knight's lands
Sir Richard at the Lee.
I give it him with my charter,
And seal it [with] my hand,
To have and hold for evermore
In all merry England."
Then bespake a fair old Knight,
That was true in his fay,
" O my liege Lord the King,
One word I shall you say !
There is no man in this country
May have the Knight's lands
While Robin Hood may ride or gone
And bear a bow in his hands,
That he ne shall lose his head,
That is the best ball in his hood :
Give it to no man, my Lord the King !
That ye will any good ! "
Half a year dwelled our comely King
In Nottingham, and well more,
Could he not hear of Robin Hood,
In what country that he were :
But always went good Robin
By halke and eke by hill.
And always slew the King's deer
And welt them at his will.
Then bespake a proud for'ster
That stood by our King's knee,
" If ye will see good Robin
Ye must do after me !
Take five of the best Knights
That be in your lead.
And walk down by your Abbey,
And get you monks' weed !
And I will be your leadsman
And lead you the way !
And or ye com.e to Nottingham,
Mine head then dare I lay !
That ye shall meet with good Robin,
46o First printed Robin Hood ballad. [wordSboutT5:a
In life if that he be :
Or ye come to Nottingham
With eyen ye shall him see ! "
Full hastily our King was dight,
So were his Knightes five,
Every each of them in monks' weed,
And hasted them thither blithe.
Our King was grete above his cowl,
A broad hat on his crown.
Right as he were Abbot like,
They rode up into the town.
Stiff boots our King had on,
For sooth as I you say,
He rode singing to green wood.
The convent was clothed in grey.
His mail horse and his great somers
Followed our King behind.
Till they came to green wood
A mile under the lynde.
There they met with good Rodin
Standing on the way.
And so did many a bold archer,
For sooth as I you say.
Robin took the King's horse.
Hastily in that stead :
And said, " Sir Abbot ! by your leave ;
A while ye must abide !
We be yeoman of this forest,
Under the green-wood tree,
We live by our King's deer,
Under the green-wood tree ;
And ye have churches and rents both,
And gold full great plenty :
Give us some of your spending,
For saint charity ! "
Then bespake our comely King,
Anon then said he,
" I brought no more to green wood,
But forty pounds with me.
I have lain at Nottingham,
This iortnight with our King ;
Printed by W.dc-l Pipc-p PRINTED RoElN HoOD BALLAD. 46 I
Vorcle, about 1510.J
And spent I have full much good
On many a great Lording :
And I have but forty pounds,
No more than have I me.
But if I had a hundred pounds,
I vouch it half on thee ! "
Robin took the forty pounds,
And departed it in two parts :
Half endell he gave his merry men,
And bade them merry to be.
Full courteously Robin 'gan say,
" Sir, have this for your spending !
We shall meet another day."
" Grammercy ! " then said our King.
" But well thee greeteth Edward our King,
And sent to thee his seal ;
And biddeth thee come to^Nottmgham,
Both to meat and meal ! "
He took out the broad tarpe
And soon he let him see.
Robin could his courtesy,
And set him on his knee.
" I love no man in all the world
So well as I do my King !
Welcome is my Lord's seal !
And monk for thy tiding.
Sir Abbot, for thy tidings.
To-day, thou shalt dine with me !
For the love of my King,
Under my trystel tree."
Forth he led our comely King
Full fair by the hand ;
Many a deer there was slain.
And full fust dightand.
Robin took a full great horn,
And loud he 'gan blow.
Seven score of wight young men
Came ready on a row.
All they kneeled on their knee
Full fair before Robin.
The King said, himself until,
462 First printed Robin Hood ballad. [worderaboutTsxt!
And swore, " By Saint Austin !
Here is a wondrous seemly sight !
Methinketh, by God's pine!
His men are more at his bidding
Than my men be at mine."
Full hastily was their dinner ydight,
And thereto 'gan they gone ;
They served our King with all their might,
Both Robin and Little John.
Anon before our King was set
The fat venison,
The good white bread, the good red wine,
And thereto the fine ale brown.
" Make good cheer ! " said Robin,
** Abbot, for charity !
And for this ilk tiding
Blessed might thou be !
Now shalt thou see what life we lead,
Or thou hence wend,
That thou may inform our King
When ye together lend."
Up they start all in haste,
Their bows were smartly bent :
Our King was never so sore aghast ;
• He wended to have been shent !
Two yards there were up set
Thereto 'gan they gang.
'* By fifty paces," our King said,
** The marks were too long ! "
On every side a rose garland.
They shot under the line.
" Whoso faileth of the rose garland," saith Robin,
" His tackle he shall tine,
And yield it to his Master,
Be it never so fine !
(For no man will I spare,
So drink I ale or wine ! )
And bear a buffet on his head
Awis right all bear."
And all that fell in Robin's lot.
He smote them wondrous sore.
Printed by W.de-| PiRgT PRINTED RoBIN HoOD BALLAD. 463
Vorde, about 1510.J ^
Twice Robin shot a bout,
And ever he cleaved the wand ;
And so did good " Gilbert,
With the good white hand."
Little John and good Scathelock,
For nothing would they spare.
When they failed of the garland
Robin smote them full sore.
At the last shot, that Robin shot
For all his friends' fare ;
Yet he failed of the garland
Three fingers and more.
Then bespake good Gilbert,
And thus he 'gan say, _
" Master," he said, " your tackle is lost,
Stand forth and take your pay ! "
" If it be so," said Robin,
" That may no better be ;
Sir Abbot, I deliver thee mine arrow !
I pray thee, Sir, serve thou me ! "
" It falleth not for mine order," said our Kmg,
*' Robin, by thy leave.
For to smite no good yeoman, ^
For doubt I should him grieve."
** Smite on boldly," said Robin,
" I give thee large leave ! "
Anon our King, with that word.
He folded up his sleeve,
And such a buffet he gave Robin,
To ground he yede full near.
" I make mine avow to God," said Robin,
*' Thou art a stalwart frere !
There is pith in thine arm," said Robin,
** I trow thou canst well shoot."
Thus our King and Robin Hood,
Together then they met.
Robin beheld our comely King,
Wistly in the face :
So did Sir Richard at the Lee,
And kneeled down in that place.
464 First printed Robin Hood ballad. [wr^elloutTsT^
And so did all the wild outlaws,
When they see them kneel.
" My Lord, the King of England,
Now I know you well."
" Mercy then," Robin said, "our King,
Under your trystel tree.
Of thy goodness and thy grace.
For my men and me !
" Yes, for God ! " said Robin,
" and also God me save !
I ask mercy, my Lord the King,
And for my men I crave ! "
" Yes, for God !" then said our King,
"And thereto 'sent I me ;
With that thou leave the green wood,
And all thy company ;
And come home, Sir, to my Court,
And there dwell with me."
" I make mine avow to God ! " said Robin,
** And right so shall it be,
I will come to your Court,
Your service for to see !
And bring with me, of my men,
Seven score and three.
But me like well your service,
I come again full soon ;
And shoot at the dun deer
As I wont to done."
C V^t ei0l)tl) fptte.
AsT thou any green cloth," said our King,
" That thou wilt sell now to me ? "
" Yea, for God ! " said Robin,
"Thirty yards and three."
" Robin," said our King,
" Now pray I thee !
Sell me some of that cloth
To me and my meiny."
worde^'^aboutT'S FiRST PRINTED RoDiN Hood ballad. 465
"Yes, for God !" then said Robin,
" Or else I were a fool !
Another day ye will me clothe,
I trow against the yule."
The King cast off his cowl then,
A green garment he did on,
And every knight had so I wis,
Another had full soon.
When they were clothed in Lincoln green,
They cast away their gray.
" Now we shall to Nottingham !
All thus," our King 'gan say.
Their bows bent, and forth they went,
Shooting all in fere,
Toward the town of Nottingham,
Outlaws as they were.
Our King and Robin rode together,
For sooth as I you say.
And they shot Pluck-buffet,
As they went by the way.
And many a buffet our King won
Of Robin Hood that day ;
And nothing spared good Robin
Our King in his pay.
** So God me help ! " said our King,
*' Thy game is nought to lere ;
I should not get a shot of thee.
Though I shoot all this year ! "
All the people of Nottingham,
They stood and beheld.
They saw nothing but mantles of green
That covered all the field :
Then every man to other 'gan say,
" I dread our King be slain ;
Come Robin Hood to the town, ywis
In life he left never one ! "
Full hastily they began to flee.
Both yeomen and knaves.
And old wives that might evil go
They hipped on their staves.
ENG. GAR. VI. 30
466 First printed Robin Hood ballad. [woSaboutTsil,!
The King laughed full fast,
And commanded them again :
When they see our comely King
I wis they were full fain.
They eat and drank and made them glad,
And sang with notes high.
Then bespake our comely King
To Sir Richard at the Lee :
He gave him there his land again ;
A good man he bade him be.
Robin thanked our comely King
And set him on his knee.
Had Robin dwelled in the King's Court,
But twelve months and three ;
That spent an hundred pound,
And all his men's fee.
In every place where Robin came,
Evermore he laid down,
Both for Knights and for Squires
To get him great renown.
By then the year was all agone
He had no man but twain,
Little John and good Scathelock
"With him all for to gone.
Robin saw young men shoot
Full far upon a day.
" Alas," then said good Robin,
** My wealth is went away !
Sometime I was an archer good,
A stiff, and eke a strong,
I was committed the best archer
That was in merry England.
Alas," then said good Robin,
" Alas, and well a woo !
If I dwell longer with the King,
Sorrow will me sloo ! "
Forth then went Robin Hood,
Till he came to our King :
" My Lord the Kin? of England,
Grant me mine asking !
worderaboutTsii!] FiRST PRINTED Robin Hood ballad. 467
I made a chapel in Bernysdale,
That seemly is to see :
It is of Mary Magdalene ;
And thereto would I be !
I might never in this seven night
No time to sleep ne wink ;
Neither all these seven days
Neither eat ne drink :
Me longeth sore to Bernysdale.
I may not be therefrom,
Barefoot and woolward I have hight
Thither for to go."
" If it be so," then said our King,
" It may no better be !
Seven nights I give thee leave,
No longer to dwell from me."
" Grammercy, Lord ! " then said Robin,
And set him on his knee.
He took his leave full courteously
To green wood then went he.
"When he came to green wood
In a merry morning,
There he heard the notes small
Of birds, merry singing.
" It is far gone," said Robin,
" That I was last here.
Me list a little for to shoot
At the dun deer."
Robin slew a full great hart.
His horn then 'gan he blow,
That all the outlaws of that forest,
That horn could they know.
And gathered them together
In a little throw,
Seven score of wight young men
Came ready on a row,
And fair did off their hoods
And set them on their knee.
" Welcome ! " they said, " our Master !
Under this green-wood tree ! "
468 First printed Robin Hood ballad, [worderabom 1510!
Robin dwelled in green wood
Twenty years and two ;
For all dread of Edward our King
Again would he not go.
Yet was he beguiled I wis
Through a wicked woman,
The Prioress of Kirkesley.
That nigh was of his kin,
For the love of a Knight,
Sir Roger of Donkesley.
That was her own special
(Full evil might they be ! )
They took together their counsel
Robin Hood for to slay,
And how they might best do that deed
His banes for to be.
Then bespake good Robin,
In place where as he stood,
** To-morrow, I must to Kirkesley
Craftily to be let blood ! "
Sir Roger of Doncaster,
By the Prioress he lay :
And there they betrayed good Robin Hood
Through their false play.
Christ have mercy on his soul !
(That died on the rood)
For he was a good outlaw,
And did poor men much good.
tl (ZBrpUcit Eing aBHUiarn anti IRobitt ©oon ann
Little 3of)n. 3lmprmtcti at Lontion in jFleet street
at tbc sign of tbe ^un. T5p Wc^vlmi De 2Bortie.
PREDICTIONS
FOR THE
YEAR 1708.
Wherein the Month and Day of
the Month are set down, the
Persons named, and the great
Actions and Events of next Year
particularly related, as they will
come to pass.
Written to prevent the People of England
from being further imposed on by vulgar
Almanack Makers,
BylSAAC Bl C KERST AFF, Esq.
Sold by John Morphew, near Stationers' Hall.
MDCCVIII.
470
[For over thirty years, John Partridge, a Protestant astrological Quack
of great renown, of considerable ability, and apparently a deluded
believer in his own Astrology, had been issuing his annual Almanacks^
from his house of the sign of the Blue Bull in Salisbury street, Strand.
In his Almanack, Merlinus Libcratus for 1707 [British Museum press
mark, 2465/9], there occurs the following notice, which shews that he
was already in trouble from his enemies.
If there is anything added to this Ahnanack by B.
Harris, either in the middle or end of it, besides these
Three Sheets ; it is a piece of knavery, and not mine.
Likewise if there is anything in my name, called a Prophecy
or Predictions, it is done by a pack of rascals, contrary to my
will and knowledge.
I am also informed that there is in the country an Al-
manack sold, said to be done by Dorothy Partridge as my
wife. There was never such a thing pretended to by her,
nor is it her name ; and he is a Villain that writes it : and
it is a Cheat put on the country, and this I do to prevent it,
and to advise you not to buy it.
John Partridge.
Whether or not this caught the eye of Swift, and so fired his invention
with the idea to expose PARTRIDGE, cannot now be proved : but when
Almanack time came round again, there appeared Partridge's Alcr-
linus Libc7-atus for 1708 [P.P. 2465/10], as usual ; without any such
special notice as the one just quoted : and also Swift's Isaac Bicker-
staff's Predictions for ike year 1708, in 4to [8610. c.].
George Faulkner, the Dublin printer and publisher of Swift's
Works, 1762, 8vo, states :
" The author, when he had written the following Paper, being at a loss
what name to prefix to it, passing through Long Acre, observed a sign
over a house where a locksmith dwelt, and found the name Bickerstaff
written under it : which being a name somewhat uncommon, he chose
to call himself Isaac Bickerstaff. This name was afterwards made
use of by Sir Richard Steele and Mr. Addison, in the Tatlers : in
which Papers as well as many of the Spectators, our author had a con-
siderable share." i. p. 105,
John Partridge, shoemaker, astrologer, and Doctor of Medicine [ot
Leyden], was born at East Sheen in Surrey, January 8, 1644, and died at
London June 24, 171 5, and was buried at East Sheen.
The intentional mispelling of his name, as Partrige, or Patridge, is
to be noticed, as it was part of the plan of attack on him. If he com-
plained, he might then be asked if that was his name. If he said " No ! "
he would then have no case. This is what the astrologer, at/. 502, calls
shamming his name with the want of a letter.]
471
PREDICTIONS
for the Year 1708, &^c.
Have lonj; considered the gross abuse of Astro-
logy in this Kingdom ; and upon debating
the matter with myself, I could not possibly
lay the fault upon the Art, but upon those
gross Impostors who set up to be the ArLists.
I know several Learned Men have contended
that the whole is a cheat ; that it is absurd and
', ridiculous to imagine the stars can have any
influence at all on human actions, thoughts, or incHnations:
and whoever has not bent his studies that way, may be
excused for thinking so, when he sees m how wretched a man-
ner this noble Art is treated by a few mean illiterate traders
between us and the stars ; who import a yearly stock of non-
sense, lies, folly, and impertinence, which they offer to the
world as genuine from the planets, although they descend
from no greater height than their own brains. _
I intend, in a short time, to publish a large and rational
Defence of this Art ; and therefore shall say no more in its
iustification at present than that it hath been, in all Ages de-
fended by many Learned Men ; and, among the rest, by Soc-
rates himself, whom I look upon as undoubtedly the vyisest ot
uninspired mortals. To which if we add, that those who have
condemned this Art, although otherwise learned, having been
such as either did not apply their studies this way, or at least
did not succeed in their applications ; their testimonies will
not be of much weight to its disadvantage, since they are
liable to the common objection of condemning what they did
not understand. ... • • ^ -t
Nor am I at all offended, or think it an injury to the
Art, when I see the common dealers in it, the Students in
472 Influence of Almanacks in the country. L^FJuTyos;
Astronomy, the Philomaths, and the rest of that tribe, treated
by wise men with the utmost scorn and contempt : but I
rather wonder, when I observe Gentlemen in the country,
rich enough to serve the nation in Parliament, poring in
Partridge's Almanack to find out the events of the year, at
home and abroad ; not daring to propose a hunting match,
unless Gadbury or he have fixed the weather.
I will allow either of the two I have mentioned, or any
others of the fraternity, to be not only Astrologers, but Con-
jurers too, if I do not produce a hundred instances in all
their Almanacks, to convince any reasonable man that they do
not so much as understand Grammar and Syntax ; that they are
not able to spell any word out of the usual road, nor even, in
their Prefaces, to write common sense, or intelligible English.
Then as their Observations or Predictions, they are such as
will suit any Age or country in the world.
This month, a certain great Person will be threatened with death
or sickness. This the News Paper will tell them. For there
we find at the end of the year, that no month passeth without
the death of some Person of Note : and it would be hard if it
should be otherwise, where there are at least two thousand
Persons of Note in this kingdom, many of them old ; and the
Almanack maker has the liberty of choosing the sickliest
season of the year, where he may fix his prediction.
Again, This month, an eminent Clergyman will be preferred.
Of which, there may be some hundreds, half of them with one
foot in the grave.
Then, Such a Planet in such a House shews great machina-
tions, plots, and conspiracies, that may, in time, be brought to
light. After which, if we hear of any discovery, the Astrologer
gets the honour : if not, his prediction still stands good.
And, at last, God preserve King William from all his open
and secret enemies. Amen. When, if the King should happen
to have died, the Astrologer plainly foretold it ! otherwise it
passeth but forthe pious ejaculation of a loyal subject: although
it unluckily happened in some of their Almanacks, that poor
King William was prayed for, many months after he was
dead ; because it fell out, that he died about the beginning
of the year.
To mention no more of their impertinent Predictions, What
have we to do with their advertisements about pills, or their
I. Bicker
Feb
'T7o8.]WhAT BiCKERSTAFF did FORETELLp] 473
mutual quarrels in verse and prose of Whig and Tory ? where-
with the stars have little to do.
Having long observed and lamented these, and a hundred
other abuses of this Art too tedious to repeat ; I resolved to
proceed in a New Way ; which, I doubt not, will be to the
general satisfaction of the Kingdom. I can, this year, pro-
duce but a specimen of what I design for the future : having
employed the most part of my time in adjusting and correct-
ing the calculations I made for some years past ; because
I would offer nothing to the World, of which I am not as fully
satisfied as that I am now alive.
For these last two years, I have not failed in above one or two
particulars, and those of no very great moment. I exactly
foretold the miscarriage at Toulon [fruitlessly besieged by Prince
Eugene, between 26th July, and 21st August, 1707] with all its
particulars : and the loss of Admiral [Sir Cloudesly] Shovel
[at the Scilly isles, on 22nd October, 1707] ; although I was
mistaken as to the day, placing that accident about thirty-six
hours sooner than it happened ; but upon reviewing my
Schemes, I quickly found the cause of that error. I likewise
foretold the battle of Almanza [2^th April, 1707] to the very
day and hour, with the loss on both sides, and the consequences
thereof. All which I shewed to some friends many months
before they happened : that is, I gave them papers sealed up,
to open in such a time, after which they were at liberty to
read them ; and there they found my Predictions true in every
Article, except one or two very minute.
As for the few following Predictions I now offer the World,
I forbore to publish them until I had perused the seveial
A Inianacks iov the year we are now entered upon. I found
them all in the usual strain ; and I beg the reader will com-
pare their manner with mine.
And here I make bold to tell the World that I lay the whole
credit of my Art upon the truth of these Predictions ; and I will
be content that Partridge and the rest of his clan may hcot
me for a cheat and impostor, if I fail in any single particular of
moment. I believe any man who reads this Paper [pamphlet],
will look upon me to be at least a person of as much honesty
and understanding as the common maker of Almanacks. I do
not lurk in the dark. I am not whollv unknown to the World.
474 I HAVE SET MY NaME AT LENGTH ! ['• ^j^'.T;!
I have set my name at length, to be a mark of infamy to
mankind, if they shall find I deceive them.
In one thing, I must desire to be forgiven : that I talk more
sparingly of home affairs. As it would be imprudence to dis-
cover Secrets of State, so it would be dangerous to my person :
but in smaller matters, and that as are not of public conse-
quence, I shall be very free : and the truth of my conjectures
will as much appear from these, as the other.
As for the most signal events abroad, in France, Flanders,
Italy, and Spain : I shall make no scruple to predict them in
plain terms. Some of them are of importance ; and I hope I
shall seldom mistake the day they will happen. Therefore I
think good to inform the reader, that I, all along, make use
of the Old Style observed in England; which I desire he will
compare with that of the News Papers at the time they relate
the actions I mention.
I must add one word more. I know it hath been the
opinion of several Learned [Persons], who think well enough
of the true Art of Astrology, that the stars do only incline and
r\oi force the actions or wills of men : and therefore, however
I may proceed by right rules; yet I cannot, in prudence, so
confidently assure that the events will follow exactly as I
predict them.
I hope I have maturely considered this objection, which, in
some cases, is of no little weight. For example, a man may,
by the influence of an overruling planet, be disposed or in-
clined to lust, rage, or avarice ; and yet, by the force of
reason, overcome that evil influence. And this was the case
of Socrates. But the great events of the World usually de-
pending upon numbers of men ; it cannot be expected they
should all unite to cross their inclinations, from pursuing a
general design wherein they unanimously agree. Besides,
the influence of the stars reacheth to many actions and
events which are not, in any way, in the power of Reason, as
sickness, death, and what we commonly call accidents ; with
many more, needless to repeat.
But now it is time to proceed to my Predictions : which I
have begun to calculate from the time that the sun entereth
into Aries [April] ; and this I take to be properly the beginning
of the natural year. I pursue them to the time that he
BicUerstaff.-l pARTraDGE WILL DIE ON THE 29TII OF M ARCH. 475
Feb. 1708. J
Ihirfbrkspecm nofwhatldesign.insucceedingyears to
tre^t more at Lrge ; it I may have liberty and encouragement.
M„ first Prediction is but a trifle ; yet I will mention it to
"on^h^:th'':ilUr; the cardinal PE Nomlles, Archbishop
"'onthe nth. the young Prince of the AsTURiAS, son to the
""on' tL^i4?h:a great Peer ct this realm will die at his
'°On7he wth an old Layman of great fame and learning ;
'''f:^ Public Aff!^.^'"'On the yth of this month, there will
ea^t coast of F^nce ; which will destroy many of their ships,
^l^h^o/h 4ill TeTamot fo?-the revolt of a whole Province
orli^gdl, excepting one city : by which tha^^^ of a
certain'Prince in the Alliance wi ake ^b^^^^;^^^^^; ^usy
May, against common conjectures will be no y y
month in Europe ; but very ^ ^l^^.J^^t Men on
Dauphm [Note, how SwiFTts ''' "'f%.^^^^^
the French side, one after another: ^^^^ ^ "^/ Th kh will happen
inclination of the nation just at the moment] , whicli win napi
476 Isaac Bickerstaff's P /?££>/ c ti oats. [^- ^i'^^T'^a.
on the 7th, after a short fit of sickness, and grievous torments
with the stranguary. He dies less lamented by the Court
than the Kingdom.
On the gth, a Marshal of France will break his leg by a
fall from his horse. I have not been able to discover whether
he will then die or not.
On the nth, will begin a most important siege, which the
eyes of all Europe will be upon. I cannot be more particular;
for in relating affairs that so nearly concern the Confederates,
and consequently this Kingdom ; I am forced to confine myself,
for several reasons very obvious to the reader.
On the 15th, news will arrive of a very surprising event ;
than which, nothing could be more unexpected.
On the 19th, three noble Ladies of this Kingdom, will,
against all expectation, prove with child ; to the great joy of
their husbands.
On the 23rd, a famous buffoon of the Play House will die
a ridiculous death, suitable to his vocation.
June. This month will be distinguished at home by the
utter dispersing of those ridiculous deluded enthusiasts,
commonly called Prophets [Scotch and English Jesuits affecting
inspiration, iinder the name of the French Prophets], occasioned
chiefly by seeing the time come when many of their prophecies
were to be fulfilled ; and then finding themselves deceived by
the contrary events. It is indeed to be admired [astonished
at] how any deceiver can be so weak to foretell things near
at hand ; when a very few months must, of necessity, discover
the imposture to all the world : in this point, less prudent than
common Almanack makers, who are so wise [as] to wander
in generals, talk dubiously, and leave to the reader the business
of interpreting.
On the ist of this month, a French General will be killed
by a random shot of a cannon ball.
On the Gth, a fire will break out in all the suburbs of Paris,
which will destroy above a thousand houses ; and seems to be
the foreboding of what will happen, to the surprise of all
Europe, about the end of the following month.
On the loth, a great battle will be fought, which will begin
at four of the clock in the afternoon, and last until nine at
night, with great obstinacy, but no very decisive event. I
shall not name the place, fur the reasons aforesaid ; but the
^•^ifj;''*/!] Isaac Bickerstaff's PREDrcno.vs. ^yj
Commanders of each left wing will be killed. ... I see
bonfires, and hear the noise of guns for a victory.
On the 14th, there will be a false report of the French
King's death.
On the 20th, Cardinal Portocarrero will die of a dysentery,
with great suspicion of poison : but the report of his intentions
to revolt to King Charles will prove false,
July. The 6th of this month, a certain General will,
by a glorious action, recover the reputation he lost by former
misfortunes.
On the 12th, a great Commander will die a prisoner in the
hands of his enemies.
On the 14th, a shameful discovery will be made of a French
Jesuit giving poison to a great foreign General ; and, when
he is put to the torture, [he] will make wonderful discoveries.
In short, this will prove a month of great action, if I might
have liberty to relate the particulars.
At home, the death of an old famous Senator will happen on
the 15th, at his country house, worn [out] with age and diseases.
But that which will make this month memorable to all
posterity, is the death of the French King Lewis XIV., after
a week's sickness at Marli ; which will happen on the 2gth,
about six o'clock in the evening. It seemeth to be an effect
of the gout in his stomach followed by a flux. And in three
days after, IMonsieur Chamillard will follow his master ;
dying suddenly of an apoplexy.
In this month likewise, an Ambassador will die in London;
but I cannot assign the day.
August. The affairs of France will seem to suffer
no change for a while, under the Duke of Burgundy's
administration. But the Genius that animated the whole
machine being gone, will be the cause of mighty turns and
revolutions in the following year. The new King maketh
yet little change, either in the army or the Ministry ; but the
libels against his [grand]father that fly about his very Court,
give him uneasiness.
I see an Express in mighty haste, with joy and wonder in
his looks, arriving by the break of day on the 26th of this
month, having travelled, in three days, a prodigious journey
by land and sea. In the evening, I hear bells and guns, and
see the blazing of a thousand bonfires.
478 Isaac Bickerstaff's Predictions. \^■^^^^Cl^^i
A young Admiral, of noble birth, doth likewise, tl is month,
gain immortal honour by a great achievement.
The affairs of Poland are, this month, entirely settled.
Augustus resigns his pretensions, which he had again
taken up for some time. Stanislaus is peaceably possessed
of the throne : and the King of Sweden declares for the
Emperor.
I cannot omit one particular accident here at home : that,
near the end of this month, much mischief will be done at
Bartholomew Fair \}idd on August 2^ih], by the fall of a booth.
September. This month begins with a very sur-
prisingfitof frosty weather, which will last near [ly] twelve days.
The Pope having long languished last month, the swell-
ings in his legs breaking, and the flesh mortifying ; he will
die on the nth instant. And, in three weeks' time, after a
mighty contest, he will be succeeded by a Cardinal of the
Imperial faction, but a native of Tuscany, who is now about
6i years old.
The French army acts now wholly on the defensive,
strongly fortified in their trenches : and the young French
King sendeth overtures for a treaty of peace, by the Duke of
Mantua ; which, because it is a matter of State that con-
cerneth us here at home, I shall speak no further of.
I shall add but one Prediction more, and that in mystical
terms, which shall be included in a verse out of Virgil.
Alter eritjam Tethys, et altera qucB vehat Argo
Dilcctos Hero as.
Upon the 25th day of this month, the fulfilling of this
Prediction will be manifest to everybody.
This is the furthest I have proceeded in my calculations
for the present year. I do not pretend that these are all the
great events which will happen in this period ; but that
those I have set down will infallibly come to pass.
It may perhaps, still be objected, why I have not spoken
more particularly of affairs at home, or of the success of
our armies abroad ; which I might, and could very largely
have done. But those in Power have wisely discouraged
men from meddling in public concerns : and I was resolved,
by no means, to give the least offence. This I will venture
to say, that it will be a glorious campaign for the Allies,
'■ '^Feb.'fzosJ Common Astrologers & their pothooks. 479
wherein the English forces, both by sea and land, will have
their full share of honour; that Her Majesty Queen Anne
will continue in health and prosperity; and that no ill accident
will arrive to any in the chief Ministry.
As to the particular events I have mentioned, the readers
may judge by the fulfilling of them, whether I am of the
level with common Astrologers, who, with an old paltr}'-
cant, and a few Pothooks for Planets to amuse the vulgar,
have, in my opinion, too long been suffered to abuse the
World. But an honest Physician ought not to be despised
because there are such things as mountebanks.
I hope I have some share of reputation ; which I would
not willingly forfeit for a frolic, or humour : and I believe no
Gentleman, who reads this Paper, will look upon it to be of
the same last and mould with the common scribbles that
are every day hawked about. My fortune hath placed me
above the little regard of writing for a few pence, which I
neither value nor want. Therefore, let not any wise man
too hastily condemn this Essay, intended for a good design,
to cultivate and improve an ancient Art, long in disgrace by
having fallen into mean unskilful hands. A little time will
determine whether I have deceived others, or myself : and I
think it is no very unreasonable request, that men would
please to suspend their judgements till then.
I was once of the opinion with those who despise all
Predictions from the stars, till, in the year 1686, a Man
of Quality shewed me written in his album, that the most
learned astronomer. Captain H [alley], assured him he would
never believe anything of the stars' influence, if there were
not a great Revolution in England in the year 1688. Since
that time, I began to have other thoughts [SwiFT does not
say on what subject] ; and, after eighteen years' [1690-1708J
diligent study and application [in what?], I think I have no
reason to repent of my pains.
I shall detain the reader no longer than to let him know,
that the account I design to give of next year's events shall
take in the principal affairs that happen in Europe. And if
I be denied the liberty of offering it to my own country ; I
shall appeal to the Learned World, by publishing it in Latin,
and giving order to have it printed in Holland.
FINIS.
48o
A Revenue Officer
^Jonathan Swift.']
A Letter to a Lord.
[30 March 1708.]
]\I Y Lord
N OBEDIENCE to your Lordship's commands,
as well as to satisfy my own curiosity ; I
have, for some days past, inquired constantly
after Partrige the Almanack maker: of
whom, it was foretold in Mr. Bickerstaff's
Predictions, published about a month ago,
that he should die, the 29th instant, about
eleven at night, of a raging fever.
I had some sort of knowledge of him, when I was employed
in the Revenue ; because he used, every year, to present me
with his Almanack, as he did other Gentlemen, upon the
score of some little gratuity we gave him.
I saw him accidentally once or twice, about ten days
before he died : and observed he began very much to droop
and languish ; although I hear his friends did not seem to
apprehend him in any danger.
About two or three days ago, he grew ill ; was confined
first to his chamber, and in a few hours after, to his bed :
where Dr. Case and Mrs. Kirleus [two London quacks]
were sent for, to visit, and to prescribe to him.
Upon this intelligence, I sent thrice every day a servant
or other, to inquire after his health : and yesterday, about
four in the afternoon, word was brought me, that he was
past hopes.
Upon which, I prevailed with myself to go and see him :
partly, out of commiseration : and, I confess, partly out of
curiosity. He knew me very well, seemed surprised at my
condescension, and made me compliments upon it, as well
^ ^3o MarchTyoS.'] SlIAM ACCOUNT OF PaRTRIDGE's death. 48 I
as he could in the condition he was. The people about him,
said he had been delirious : but, when I saw him, he had
his understanding as well as ever I knew, and spoke strong
and hearty, without any seeming uneasiness or constraint.
After I had told him, I was sorry to see him in those
melancholy circumstances, and said some other civilities
suitable to the occasion ; I desired him to tell me freely and
ingenuously, whether the Predictions, Mr. Bickerstaff had
published relating to his death, had not too much affected
and worked on his imagination ?
He confessed he often had it in his head, but never with
much apprehension till about a fortnight before : since
which time, it had the perpetual possession of his mind and
thoughts, and he did verily believe was the true natural
cause of his present distemper. " For," said he, " I am
thoroughly persuaded, and I think I have very good reasons,
that Mr, Bickerstaff spoke altogether by guess, and knew
no more what will happen this year than I did myself."
I told him, "His discourse surprised me, and I would be
glad he were in a state of health to be able to tell me, what
reason he had, to be convinced of Mr. Bickerstaff's
ignorance."
He replied, " I am a poor ignorant fellow, bred to a mean
trade ; yet I have sense enough to know that all pretences
of foretelling by Astrology are deceits : for this manifest
reason, because the wise and learned (who can only judge
whether there be any truth in this science), do all unani-
mously agree to laugh at and despise it ; and none but the
poor ignorant vulgar give it any credit, and that only upon
the word of such silly wretches as I and my fellows, who
can hardly write or read." I then asked him, " Why he had
not calculated his own nativity, to see whether it agreed
with Bickerstaff's Predictions ? "
At which, he shook his head, and said, " O, Sir ! this is
no time for jesting, but for repenting those fooleries, as I do
now from the very bottom of my heart."
" By what I can gather from you," said I, " the Observa-
tions and Predictions you printed with your Almanacks, were
mere impositions upon the people."
He replied, " If it were otherwise, I should have the less to
answer for. We have a common form for all those things.
Eng.Gar.VI. 31
A Revenue Oftirer.
482 BlCKERSTx\FF OUT BY ALMOST 4 HOURS. [^ ^^3oTiarchT7'
As to foretelling the weather, we never meddle with that !
but leave it to the printer, who taketh it out of any old
Almanack, as he thinketh fit. The rest was my own inven-
tion, to make my Almanack sell ; having a wife to maintain,
and no other way to get my bread : for mending old shoes is
a poor livelihood ! And," added he, sighing, " I wish I may
not have done more mischief by my physic than by astro-
logy 1 although I had some good receipts from my grand-
mother, and my own compositions were such as I thought
could, at least, do no hurt."
I had some other discourse withhim, which now I cannot call
to mind : and I fear I have already tired your Lordship. I
shall only add one circumstance. That on his deathbed, he
declared himself a Nonconformist, and had a Fanatic [the
political designation of Dissenters] preacher to be his spiritual
guide.
After half an hour's conversation, I took my leave ; being
almost stifled by the closeness of the room.
I imagined he could not hold out long ; and therefore
withdrew to a little coffee-house hard by, leaving a servant
at the house, with orders to come immediately, and tell me
as near as he could the minute when Partrige should
expire : which was not above two hours after, when, looking
upon my watch, I found it to be above Five minutes after
Seven. By which it is clear that Mr. Bickerstaff was
mistaken almost four hours in his calculation [see p. 501].
In the other circumstances he was exact enough.
But whether he hath not been the cause of this poor man's
death as well as the Predictor may be very reasonably dis-
puted. However, it must be confessed the matter is odd
enough, whether we should endeavour to account for it by
chance or the effect of imagination.
For my own part, although I believe no man has less faith
in these matters, yet I shall wait with some impatience, and
not without expectation, the fulfilling of Mr. Bickerstaff's
second prediction, that the Cardinal de Noailles is to die
upon the 4th of April [1708] ; and if that should be verified
as exactly as this of poor Partrige, I must own I shall be
wholly surprised, and at a loss, and infallibly expect the
accomplishment of all the rest.
48:
[In the original broadside, there are Deaths with darts, winged hour-
glasses, crossed marrow-bones, &c.]
[Jonathan Swift.]
An Elegy on Mr, Patrice, ^T/^^ Almanack
maker ^ who died on the 2()th of this
instant March^ 1708.
[Original broadside in the British Museum, C. 39. k./74.1
Ell, 'tis as Bickerstaff has guest ;
Though we all took it for a jest ;
Patrige is dead ! nay more, he died
Ere he could prove the good Squire lied !
Strange, an Astrologer should die
Without one wonder in the sky
Not one of all his crony stars
To pay their duty at his hearse !
No meteor, no eclipse appeared,
No comet with a flaming beard !
The sun has rose and gone to bed
Just as if Patrige were not dead;
Nor hid himself behind the moon
To make a dreadful night at noon.
He at fit periods walks through Aries,
Howe'er our earthly motion varies ;
And twice a year he'll cut th'Equator,
As if there had been no such matter.
Some Wits have wondered what analogy
There is 'twixt* Cobbling and Astrology? '^rs^'Jcobbfer.
How Patrige made his optics rise
From a shoe-sole, to reach the skies ?
A list, the cobblers' temples ties,
^S
%
J^
\simii
;n
J5^|J
Mw/i
^o|
t^M
1^
i
m
484 Connection between Cobbling & Astrology. [^llf^[
To keep the hair out of their eyes ;
From whence, 'tis plain, the diadem
That Princes wear, derives from them :
And therefore crowns are now-a-days
Adorned with golden stars and rays ;
Which plainly shews the near alliance
'Twixt Cobbling and the Planet science.
Besides, that slow-paced sign Bo-otes
As 'tis miscalled; we know not who 'tis ?
But Patrice ended all disputes ;
He knew his trade ! and called it Boots \ *
The Horned Moon which heretofore ^/wa«IU.
Upon their shoes, the Romans wore,
Whose wideness kept their toes from corns,
And whence we claim our Shoeing Horns,
Shews how the art of Cobbling bears
A near resemblance to the Spheres.
A scrap of parchment hung by Geometry,
A great refinement in Barometry,
Can, like the stars, foretell the weather :
And what is parchment else, but leather ?
Which an Astrologer might use
Either for A Imanacks or shoes.
Thus Patrice, by his Wit and parts,
At once, did practise both these Arts ;
And as the boding owl (or rather
The bat, because her wings are leather)
Steals from her private cell by night,
And flies about the candle light :
So learned Patrice could as well
Creep in the dark, from leathern cell ;
And in his fancy, fly as far,
To peep upon a twinkling star!
Besides, he could confound the Spheres
And set the Planets by the ears.
To shew his skill, he, Mars would join
j.swiftj Partridge,
^o Mar. 170S
A COBBLING STAR. 485
To Venus, in aspect malign,
Then call in Mercury for aid,
And cure the wounds that Venus made.
Great scholars have in Lucian read
VV^hen Philip, King of Greece was dead,
His soul and spirit did divide,
And each part took a different side :
One rose a Star ; the other fell
Beneath, and mended shoes in hell.
Thus Patrige still shines in each Art,
The Cobbling, and Star-gazing Part ;
And is installed as good a star
As any of the Caesars are.
Thou, high exalted in thy sphere,
May'st follow still thy calling there !
To thee, the Bull will lend his hide,
By Phabus newly tanned and dried !
For thee, they Argo's hulk will tax,
And scrape her pitchy sides for wax !
Then Ariadne kindly lends
Her braided hair, to make thee ends!
The point of Sagittarius' dart
Turns to an awl, by heavenly art !
And Vulcan, wheedled by his wife,
Will forge for thee, a paring-knife !
Triumphant Star 1 some pity shew
On Cobblers militant below !
* But do not shed thy influence down
Upon St. James's end o' the Town 1
Consider where the moon and stars
Have their devoutest worshippers!
Astrologers and lunatics
Have in Moorfields their stations fixt :
Hither, thy gentle aspect bend,
t Nor look asquint on an old friend !
* Seii nee in
A rctoo sedcia
tilii legeris
Qrbe, ife.
t Ne7>e ttiam
■vnitus obliquo
tdere Romani.
486
J. Swift.
_30 Mar. 1708.
THE EPITAPH.
Ere five foot deep, lies on his back,
A Cobbler, Starmonger, and Quack ;
Who to the stars, in pure good will.
Does to his best, look upward still.
Weep all you customers, that use
His Pills, his Almanacks, or Shoes !
A nd you that did your fortunes seek.
Step to this grave, but once a week !
This earth which bears his body's print
YouHlfind has so mucli virtue in it;
That I durst pawjt my ears, 'twill tell
Whatever concerns you, full as well
{In physic, stolen goods, or love)
As he himself could, when above !
LONDON: Printed in the Year 1708.
4S7
Squire Bickerstaff detected ,
OR THE
Astrological Impostor convicted,
BY
JOHN PARTRIDGE,
Student in Physic and Astrology.
[This was written for PARTRIDGE, either by Nicholas Rowe or Dr.
Yaldkn, and put forth by him, in good faith, in proof ot his continued
existence.]
T IS hard, my dear countrymen of these United
Nations ! it is very hard, that a Britain born,
a Protestant Astrologer, a man of Revolu-
tion Principles, an assertor of the Liberty and
Property of the people, should cry out in vain,
for justice against a Frenchman, a Papist,
and an illiterate pretender to Science, that
would blast my reputation, most inhumanly
bury me alive, and defraud my native country of those
services which, in my double capacity [Physician and Astro-
logcr], I daily offer the public.
What great provocations I have received, let the impar-
tial reader judge ! and how unwillingly, even in my ovvn
defence, I now enter the lists against Falsehood, Ignorance,
and Envy 1 But I am exasperated at length, to drag out
this Cacus from the den of obscurity, where he lurketh, to
detect him by the light of those stars he hath so impudently
traduced, and to shew there is not a Monster m the skies so
pernicious and malevolent to mankind as an ignorant preten-
der to Physic and Astrology.
I shall not directly fall on the many gross errors, nor
expose the notorious absurdities of this prostituted libeller,
488 G R E A T M E N AND P U B L I C S P IR I TS ! [ ' ^- ^^J;
until I have let the Learned World fairly into the controversy
depending; and then leave the unprejudiced to judge of the
merits and justice of my cause.
It was towards the conclusion of the year 1707 [according
to the old way of reckoning the year from March 2^th. The
precise date is Fehrnary, 1708, see p. 469], when an impudent
Pamphlet crept into the world, intituled Predictions &c. by
Isaac Bickerstaff, Esquire. Among the many arrogant
assertions laid down by that lying Spirit of Divination ; he
was pleased to pitch on the Cardinal de Noailles and my-
self, among many other eminent and illustrious persons that
were to die within the confines of the ensuing year, and
peremptorily fixed the month, day, and hours of our deaths.
This, I think, is sporting with Great Men, and Public
Spirits, to the scandal of Religion, and reproach of Power :
and if Sovereign Princes and Astrologers must make diver-
sion for the vulgar, why then, Farewell, say I, to all
Governments, Ecclesiastical and Civil ! But, I thank my
better stars ! I am alive to confront this false and audacious
Predictor, and to make him rue the hour he ever affronted a
Man of Science and Resentment.
The Cardinal may take what measures he pleases, with
him : as His Excellency is a foreigner and a Papist, he hath
no reason to rely on me for his justification. I shall only
assure the World that he is alive ! but as he was bred to
Letters, and is master of a pen, let him use it in his own
defence !
In the meantime, I shall present the Public with a faithful
Narrative of the ungenerous treatment and hard usage I have
received from the virulent Papers and malicious practices of
this pretended Astrologer.
A true and impartial
ACCOUNT
OF THE
PROCEEDINGS
OF
Isaac Bickerstaff, Esq.,
against Me.
He 29th of March, Anno Dom., 1708, being
the night this Sham Prophet had so im-
pudently fixed for my last ; which made
little impression on myself, but I cannot
answer for my whole family. For my wife,
with a concern more than usual, prevailed
on me to take somewhat to sweat for a
cold ; and betv^een the hours of 8 and 9, to
go to bed.
The maid as she was warming my bed, with the curiosity
natural to young women, runs to the window, and asks of one
passing the street, " Who the bell tolled for ? "
" Dr. Partridge," says he, " the famous Almanack maker,
who died suddenly this evening."
The poor girl provoked, told him, *' He lied like a rascal ! "
The other very sedately replied, "The sexton had so
informed him ; and if false, he was to blame for imposing on
a stranger."
She asked a second, and a third as they passed ; and every
one was in the same tone.
Now I don't say these were accomplices to a certain astro-
logical Squire, and that one Bickerstaff might be sauntering
thereabouts ; because I will assert nothing here but what I
dare attest, and plain matter of fact.
490 TUEVISITOFTHE UNDERTAKER. ['
? N. Rowe.
My wife, at this, fell into a violent disorder; and I must
own I was a little discomposed at the oddness of the accident.
In the meantime, one knocks at the door. Betty runneth
down and opening, finds a sober grave person, who modestly
inquires " If this was Dr. Partridge's ? "
vShe, taking him for some cautious City patient, that came
at that time for privacy, shews him into the dining-room.
As soon as I could compose myself, I went to him ; and was
surprised to find my gentleman mounted on a table with a
two-foot rule in his hand, measuring my walls, and taking the
dimensions of the room.
" Pray, Sir," says I, " not to interrupt you, have you any
business with me ? "
" Only, Sir," replies he, " to order the girl to bring me a
better light : for this is but a dim one."
"Sir," sayeth I, " my name is Partridge! "
" Oh ! the Doctor's brother, belike," cries he. " The stair-
case, I believe, and these two apartments hung in close
mourning will be sufficient ; and only a strip of Bays [cloth |
round the other rooms. The Doctor must needs die rich.
He had great dealings in his way, for many years. If he had
no family Coat [of arms], you had as good use the scutcheons
of the Company. They are as showish and will look as
magnificent as if he were descended from the Blood-Royal."
With that, I assumed a greater air of authority, and de-
manded, " Who employed him ? and how he came there? "
" Why, I was sent. Sir, by the Company of Undertakers,"
saith he, " and they were employed by the honest gentleman
who is the executor to the good Doctor departed : and our
rascally porter, I believe is fallen fast asleep with the black
cloth and sconces or he had been here ; and we might have
been tacking up by this time."
" Sir," says I, '' pray be advised by a friend, and make the
best of your speed out of my doors ; for I hear my wife's
voice," which, by the way, is pretty distinguishable! "and in
that corner of the room stands a good cudgel which somebody
[i.e., himself] has felt ere now. If that light in her hands, and
she knew the business you came about ; without consulting
the stars, I can assure you it will be employed very much
to the detriment of your person."
" Sir," cries he, bowing with great civility, " I perceive
? N. Rowe
fy'^s;] All the Town knows you are dead ! 491
extreme grief for the loss of the Doctor disorders you a
little at present : but early in the morning, I'll wait on
you, with all necessary materials."
Now I mention no Mr. Bickerstaff, nor do I say that a
certain star-gazing Squire has been a playing my executor
before his time : but I leave the World to judge, and if it puts
things to things fairly together, it won't be much wide of the mark.
Well, once more I get my doors closed, and prepare for
bed, in hopes of a little repose, after so many ruffling adven-
tures. Just as I was putting out my light in order to it,
anothei bounceth as hard as he can knock.
I open the window and ask, " Who is there, and what he
wants ? "
" I am Ned the Sexton," replies he, " and come to know
whether the Doctor left any orders for a Funeral Sermon ?
pnd where he is to be laid? and whether his grave is to be
plain or bricked ? "
*' Why, Sirrah ! " says I, " you know me well enough.
You know I am not dead ; and how dare you affront me after
this manner ! "
"Alack a day, Sir," replies the fellow, " why it is in print,
and the whole Town knows you are dead. Why, there's Mr.
White the joiner is but fitting screws to your coffin ! He'll
be here with it in an instant. He was afraid you would have
wanted it before this time."
"Sirrah! sirrah!" saith I, "you shall know to-morrow
to your cost that I am alive ! and alive like to be ! "
" Why, 'tis strange. Sir," says he, "you should make such
a secret of your death to us that are your neighbours. It
looks as if you had a design to defraud the Church of its dues :
and let me tell you, for one who has lived so long by the
heavens, that is unhandsomely done ! "
" Hist ! hist ! " says another rogue that stood by him,
" away, Doctor ! into your flannel gear as fast as you can ! for
here is a whole pack of dismals coming to you with their
black equipage ; how indecent will it look for you to stand
frightening folks at your window, when you should have been
in your coffin this three hours ! "
In short, what with Undertakers, Embalmers, Joiners,
Sextons, and your Elegy hawkers iipon a late practitioner in
Physic and Astrology ; I got not one wink of sleep that night,
nor scarce a moment's rest ever since.
492 Remo n s t r a n c e s in the streets. [ • ^- ^^°;^:
Now, I doubt not but tbis villanous Squire has the impu-
dence to assert that these are entirely strangers to him ; he,
good man ! knoweth nothing of the matter ! and honest
Isaac Bickerstaff, I warrant you ! is more a man of honour
than to be an accomplice with a pack of rascals that walk the
streets on nights, and disturb good people in their beds. But
he is out, if he thinks the whole World is blind ! for there is
one John Partridge can smell a knave as far as Grub street,
although he lies in the most exalted garret, and writeth
himself " Squire " ! But I will keep my temper ! and proceed
in the Narration.
I could not stir out of doors for the space of three months
after this ; but presently one comes up to me in the street :
" Mr. Partridge, that coffin you were last buried in, I have
not yet been paid for."
" Doctor ! " cries another dog, " How do you think people
can live by making graves for nothing ? Next time you die,
you may even toll out the bell yourself, for Ned ! "
A third rogue tips me by the elbow, and wonders " how I
have the conscience to sneak abroad, without paying my
funeral expenses."
"Lord!" says one, "I durst have sworn that was honest
Dr. Partridge, my old friend; but, poor man, he is gone ! "
" I beg your pardon," says another, " you look so like my
old acquaintance that I used to consult on some private
occasions : but, alack, he is gone the way of all flesh."
" Look, look ! " cries a third, after a competent space of star-
ing at me; " would not one think our neighbour the Almanack
maker was crept out of his grave, to take another peep at
the stars in this world, and shew how much he is improved
in fortune telling by having taken a journey to the other."
Nay, the very Reader of our parish (a good sober discreet
person) has sent two or three times for me to come and be
iDuried decently, or send him sufficient reasons to the con-
trary : or if I have been interred in any other parish, to
produce my certificate as the Act requires.
My poor wife is almost run distracted with being called
Widow Partridge, when she knows it's false : and once a
Term, she is cited into the Court, to take out Letters of
Administration.
? N. Rowe.
"7^3:] Is LOOKED UPON AS ONE SEVEN YEARS DEAD. 493
But the greatest grievance is a paltry Quack that takes up
my calHng just under my nose ; and in his printed directions
with a, A'^. B.tS^, says : He lives in the house of the late ingenious
Mr. John Partridge^ an eminent Practitioner in Leather^
Physic, and Astrology.
But to shew how far the wicked spirit of envy, malice, and
resentment can hurry some men, my nameless old persecutor
had provided a monument at the stone-cutter's, and would
have it erected in the parish church : and this piece of noto-
rious and expensive villany had actually succeeded, if I had
not used my utmost interest with the Vestry ; where it was
carried at last but by two voices, that I am alive.
That stratagem failing, out cometh a long sable Elegy
bedecked with hour-glasses, mattocks, skulls, spades, and
skeletons, with an Epitaph [seep. 486] as confidently written
to abuse me and my profession, as if I had been under
ground these twenty years.
And, after such barbarous treatment as this, can the
World blame me, when I ask. What is become of the freedom
of an Englishman ? and. Where is the Liberty and Property
that my old glorious Friend [William III.] came over to
assert ? We have driven Popery out of the nation ! and
sent Slavery to foreign climes ! The Arts only remain in
bondage, when a Man of Science and Character shall be
openly insulted ! in the midst of the many useful services he
is daily paying the public. Was it ever heard, even in
Turkey or Algiers, that a State Astrologer was bantered out
of his life, by an ignorant impostor ? or bawled out of the
world, by a pack of villanous deep-mouthed hawkers ?
Though I print Almanacks, and publish Advertisements ;
although I produce certificates under the Minister's and
Churchwardens' hands, that I am alive : and attest the same,
on oath, at Quarter Sessions : out comes A full and true
Relation of the death and interment of John Partridge.
Truth is borne down ; Attestations, neglected ; the testimony
of sober persons, despised : and a man is looked upon by his
neighbours as if he had been seven years dead, and is buried
alive in the midst of his friends and acquaintance.
Now can any man of common sense think it consistent
with the honour of my profession, and not much beneath the
dignity of a philosopher, to stand bawling, before his own
494 Partridge's genuine idea of Bickerstaff. [ • ^°;^^:
door, " Alive ! Alive ! Ho ! the famous Doctor Partridge !
no counterfeit, but all alive ! " as if I had the twelve celestial
Monsters of the Zodiac to shew within, or was forced for a
livelihood, to turn retailer to May and Bartholomew Fairs.
Therefore, if Her Majesty would but graciously be pleased
to think a hardship of this nature worthy her royal considera-
tion ; and the next Parl[ia]m[en]t, in their great wisdom, cast
but an eye towards the deplorable case of their old Philomath
that annually bestoweth his poetical good wishes on them :
I am sure there is one Isaac Bickerstaff, Esquire, would
soon be trussed up ! for his bloody persecution, and putting
good subjects in terror of their lives. And that henceforward,
to murder a man by way of Prophecy, and bury him in a
printed Letter, either to a Lord or Commoner, shall as legally
entitle him to the present possession of Tyburn, as if he
robbed on the highway, or cut your throat in bed.
Advert'ise?nent .
N.B.'SS' There is now in the Press, my Appeal to the Learned;
Or my general Invitation to all Astrologers, Divines, Physicians,
Lawyers, Mathematicians, Philologers, and to the Literati of the
whole World, to come and take their Places in the Common Court
of Knowledge, and receive the Charge given in by me, against
Isaac Bickerstaff, Esq., that most notorious Impostor in
Science and illiterate Pretender to the Stars ; where I shall openly
convict him of ignorance in his profession, impudence and false-
hood in every assertion, to the great detriment and scandal of
Astrology. I shall further demonstrate to the Judicious, that
France and Rome are at the bottom of this horrid conspiracy
against me ; and that the Cidprit aforesaid is a Popish emissary,
has paid his visits to St. Germains, and is now in the Measures of
Lewis XIV. ; that in attempting my reputation, there is a
general Massacre of Learning designed in these realms ; and,
through my sides, there is a wound given to all the Protestant
Almanack makers in the universe.
Vivat Regina !
Partridge
1709
•] "It was a cold touch!
495
Not satisfied with this Impartial Account, when next Almanack time
came (in the following November, 1708), PARTRIDGE'S ^/;//^wrt67<r for 1709
P.P. 2465/8] contained the following :
You may remember that there was a Paper pubHshed
predicting my death upon the 29th March at night, 1708,
and after the day was past, the same villain told the World I
was dead, and how I died, and that he was with me at the
time of my death.
I thank GOD, by whose mercy I have my Being, that I
am still alive, and (excepting my age) as well as ever I was
in my life: as I was also at that 29th of March. And that
Paper was said to be done by one Bickerstaff, Esq. But that
was a sham name, it was done by an impudent lying fellow.
But his Prediction did not prove true ! What will he say
to that? For the fool had considered the "Star of my
Nativity" as he said. Why the truth is, he will be hard put
to it to find a salvo for his Honour. It was a bold touch !
and he did not know but it might prove true.
One hardly knows whether to wonder most at the self-delusion or
credulity of this last paragraph by the old quack.
This called forth from Swift :
A
VINDICATION
OF
ISAAC BICKERSTAFF, Esq, ^c.
f R. Partridge hath been lately pleased to
treat me after a very rough manner, in
that which is called his Almanack for the
present year. Such usage is very undecent
from one Gentleman to another, and does
not at all contribute to the discovery of
Truth, which ought to be the great End in
all disputes of the Learned. To call a
man, foul, and villain, and impudent fellow, only for differing
from him in a point merely speculative, is, in my humble
opinion, a very improper style for a person of his Education.
I appeal to the Learned World, whether, in my last year's
496 BlCKERSTAFFSP/^£DICT/ONSV.VR^Tl^ PORTUGAL. p^JJ;
Predictions, I gave him the least provocation for such un-
worthy treatment. Philosophers have differed in all Ages ;
but the discreetest among them, have always differed as
became Philosophers. Scurrility and Passion in a Controversy
among Scholars, is just so much of nothing to the purpose ;
and, at best, a tacit confession of a weak cause.
My concern is not so much for my own reputation, as that
of the Republic of Letters; which Mr. Partridge hath
endeavoured to wound through my sides. If men of public
spirit must be superciliously treated for their ingenious
attempts ; how will true useful knowledge be ever advanced?
I wish Mr. Partridge knew the thoughts which foreign
Universities have conceived of his ungenerous proceeding
with me : but I am too tender of his reputation to publish
them to the World, That spirit of envy and pride, which
blasts so many rising Geniuses in our nation, is yet unknown
among Professors abroad. The necessity of justifying myself
will excuse my vanity, when I tell the reader that I have re-
ceived nearly a hundred Honorary Letters from several part
of Europe, some as far as Muscovey, in praise of my per-
formance : besides several others, which (as I have been credibly
informed) were opened in the P[ost] Office, and never sent me.
It is true, the Inquisition in P[ortuga]l was pleased to burn
my Predictions [A fact, as Sir Paul METHUEN,the English
Ambassador there, informed SwiFT], and condemned the
Author and the readers of them : but, I hope at the same
time, it will be considered in how deplorable a state Learn-
ing lieth at present in that Kingdom. And, with the pro-
foundest reverence for crowned heads, I will presume to add,
that it a little concerned His Majesty of Portugal to interpose
his authority in behalf of a Scholar and a Gentleman, the sub-
ject of a nation with which he is now in so strict an alliance.
But the other Kingdoms and States of Europe have treated
me with more candour and generosity. If I had leave to
print the Latin letters transmitted to me from foreign parts,
they would fill a Volume ! and be a full defence against all
that Mr. Partridge, or his accomplices of the Pfortugajl
Inquisition, will be ever able to object : who, by the way,
are the only enemies my Predictions have ever met with, at
home or abroad. But I hope I know better what is due to
the honour of a Learned Correspondence in so tender a point.
^'^itoG Mock Quotations from Learned Letters. 497
Yet some of those illustrious Persons will, perhaps, excuse
me for transcribing a passage or two, in my own vindication.
* The most learned Monsieur Leibnitz thus addresseth
to me his third Letter, Illustrissimo Bickerstaffio Astrologico
Instaitratori, &c. Monsieur le Clerc, quoting my Predic-
tions in a treatise he published last year, is pleased to say,
Ita nuperrime BICKERSTAFFIUS, magnum illiid AnglicB sidus.
Another great Professor writing of me, has these words,
BICKERSTAFFIUS nobilis Angliis, Astrologanim htijusce secidi
facile Princeps. Signior Magliabecchi, the Great Duke's
famous Library Keeper, spendeth almost his whole Letter in
compliments and praises. It is true the renowned Professor
of Astronomy at Utrecht seemeth to differ from me in one
article ; but it is after the modest manner that becometh a
Philosopher, as Pace tanti viri dixerim : and, page 55, he
seemeth to lay the error upon the printer, as, indeed it ought,
and sayeth, vel forsan error typographic cum alioqiun BICKER-
STAFFIUS vir doctissimus, &c.
If Mr. Partridge had followed these examples in the con-
troversy between us, he might have spared me the trouble of
justifying myself in so public a manner. I believe few men
are readier to own their error than I, or more thankful to
those who will please to inform him of them. But it seems
this Gentleman, instead of encouraging the progress of his
own Art, is pleased to look upon all Attempts of this kind as
an invasion of his Province.
He has been indeed so wise, as to make no objection
against the truth of my Predictions, except in one siTigle point,
relating to himself. And to demonstrate how much men are
blinded by their own partiality, I do solemnly assure the
reader, that he is the only person from whom I ever heard
that objection offered ! which consideration alone, I think,
will take off its weight.
With my utmost endeavours, I have not been able to trace
above two Objections ever made against the truth of my last
year's Prophecies.
The first was of a Frenchman, who was pleased to publish
to the World, that the Cardinal DE NOAILLES was still alive,
notwithstanding the pretended Prophecy of Monsieur Biquer-
* The quotations here, are said to be a parody of those of Bentlev
in his controversy with BOYLE.
Eng. Car. VI. 32
49S Proofs that Partridge is not alive. p-^;;'i'j;
STAFFE. But how far a Frenchman, a Papist, and an enemy
is to be believed, in his own cause, against an English
Protestant, who is true to the Government, I shall leave to
the candid and impartial reader !
The other objection isthe unhappy occasion of this Discourse,
and relateth to an article in my Predictions, which foretold the
death of Mr. Partridge to happen on March 29, 1708. This,
he is pleased to contradict absolutely, in the Almanack he has
published for the present year ; and in that ungentlemanly
manner (pardon the expression !) as I have above related.
In that Work, he very roundly asserts that he is not only
now alive, hit was likewise alive upon that very 2gth of March,
when I had foretold he shotdd die.
This is the subject of the present Controversy between us,
which I design to handle with all brevity, perspicuity, and
calmness. In this dispute, I am sensible the eyes, not only
of England, but of all Europe will be upon us: and the
Learned in every country will, I doubt not, take part on that
side where they find most appearance of Reason and Truth.
Without entering into criticisms of Chronology about the
hour of his death, I shall only prove that Mr. Partridge is not
alive.
And my first argument is thus. Above a thousand
Gentlemen having bought his Almanack for this year, merely
to find what he said against me : at every line they read,
they would lift up their eyes, and cry out, between rage and
laughter. They uDere sure, no man alive ever wrote such stuff as
this ! Neither did I ever hear that opinion disputed. So
that Mr. Partridge lieth under a dilemma, either of disown-
ing his Almanack, or allowing himself to be no man alive.
Death is defined by all Philosophers [as] a separation of
the soul and body. Now it is certain that the poor woman
[Mrs. Partridge] who has best reason to know, has gone
about, for some time, to every alley in the neighbourhood, and
swore to her gossips that her husband had neither life nor soul
in him. Therefore, if an uninformed Carcass walks still about,
and is pleased to call itself Partridge; Mr. Bickerstaff doth
not think himself any way answerable for that ! Neither had
the said Carcass any right to beat the poor boy, who
happened to pass by it in the street, crying A fidl and tru&
Account of Dr. Partridge's death, S-c.
■^■^1709-] Proofs that Partridge is not alive. 499
Secondly. Mr. Partridge pretendeth to tell fortunes
and recover stolen goods, which all the parish says, he
must do bj^ conversing with the Devil and other evil spirits :
and no wise man will ever allow, he could converse
personally with either, until after he was dead.
Thirdly. I will plainly prove him to be dead out of his
own Almanack for this year; and from the very passage
which he produceth to make us think him alive. He there
sayeth, He is not only now alive, but was also alive upon that
very 2gth of March, which I foretold he should die on. By this,
he declareth his opinion that a man may be alive now, who
was not alive a twelve month ago. And, indeed, here lies
the sophistry of his argument. He dareth not assert he was
alive ever since the 2gth of March ! but that he is now alive,
and was so on that day. I grant the latter, for he did not die
until night, as appeareth in a printed account of his death,
in 3i Letter to a Lord; and whether he be since revived, I
leave the World to judge ! This indeed is perfect cavilling ;
and I am ashamed to dwell any longer upon it.
Fourthly. I will appeal to Mr. Partridge himself,
whether it be probable I could have been so indiscreet as to
begin my Predictions with the only falsehood that ever was
pretended to be in them ! and this in an affair at home,
where I had so many opportunities to be exact, and must
have given such advantages against me, to a person of Mr.
Partridge's Wit and Learning: who, if he could possibly
have raised one single objection more against the truth of my
Prophecies, would hardly have spared me !
And here I must take occasion to reprove the above-
mentioned Writer [i.e., SwiFT himself, sec p. 482] of the
Relation of Mr. Partridge's death, in a Letter to a Lord, who
was pleased to tax me with a mistake of fottr whole hours in
my calculation of that event. I must confess, this censure,
pronounced with an air of certainty, in a matter that so
nearly concerned me, and by a grave judicious author, moved
me not a little. But though I was at that time out of Town,
yet several of my friends, whose curiosity had led them to be
exactly informed (as for my own part ; having no doubt at
all of the matter, I never once thought of it ! ) assured me, I
computed to something under half an hour: which (I speak
my private opinion ! ) is an error of no very great magnitude,
that men should raise clamour about it !
500 Dead men still issuing Almanacks. ['-^".Lg:
I shall only say, it would not be amiss, if that Author
would henceforth be more tender of other men's reputation,
as well as of his own ! It is well there were no more
mistakes of that kind : if there had been, I presume he
would have told me of them, with as little ceremony.
There is one objection against Mr. Partridge's death, which
I have sometimes met with, although indeed very slightly
offered. That he still continueth to write Almanacks. But
this is no more than what is common to all of that Profes-
sion. Gadbury, Poor Robin, Dove, Wing, and several
others, do yearly publish their Almanacks, though several of
them have been dead since before the Revolution. Now the
natural reason of this I take to be, that vvhereas it is the
privilege of other Authors, to live after their deaths ;
Almanack makers are only excluded, because their Disserta-
tions, treating only upon the Minutes as they pass, become
useless as those go off: in consideration of which. Time,
whose Registers they are, gives them a lease in reversion,
to continue their Works after their death. Or, perhaps, a
Name can make an Almanack as well as sell one. And to
strengthen this conjecture, I have heard the booksellers
affirm, that they have desired Mr. Partridge to spare him-
self further trouble, and only to lend his Name; which could
make Almanacks much better than himself.
I should not have given the Public or myself, the trouble
of this Vindication, if my name had not been made use of by
several persons, to whom I never lent it : one of which, a
few days ago, was pleased to father on me, a new set of
Predictions. But I think these are things too serious to be
trifled with. It grieved me to the heart, when I saw my
Labours, which had cost me so much thought and watching,
bawled about by the common hawkers of Grub street ; which I
only intended for the weighty consideration of the gravest per-
sons. This prejudiced the World so much at first, that several
of my friends had the assurance to ask me, " Whether I were
in jest ? " To which I only answered coldly, that " the event
will shew ! " But it is the talent of our Age and nation to
turn things of the greatest importance into ridicule. When
the end of the year had verified all my Predictions ; out
cometh Mr. Partridge's /I /;;z^7/'m67e/ disputing the point of
his death. So that I am employed, like the General who
J. Panridse.-| PartRTDGE DISCONTINUES HIS AlMANACK. 50I
was forced to kill his enemies twice over, whom a
necromancer had raised to life. If Mr. Partridge has
practised the same experiment upon himself, and be again
alive; long may he continue sol But that doth not, in the
least, contradict my veracity ! For I think I have clearly
proved, hy invincible demonstration, that he died, at farthest,
within half an hour of the time I foretold [; and not four
hours sooner, as the above-mentioned Author, in his Letter
to a Lord hath maliciously suggested, with a design to blast
my credit, by charging me with so gross a mistake] .
FINIS.
Under the combined assault of the Wits, Partridge ceased to pubhsh
his Almanack for a while ; but afterwards took heart again, publishing
his '■'■ Mcrlinus Redivivus, being an Almanack for the year 17 14, by John
Partridge, a Lover of Truth [P.P. 2465/6] ; " at p. 2 of which is the
following epistle.
To Isaac Bickerstaff, Esq.
Sir,
There seems to be a kind of fantastical propriety in
a dead man's addressing himself to a person not in Bei>ng.
Isaac Bickerstaff {i.e., Richard Steele] is no more [the
T atler havi^ig come to an end], and I have now nothing to
dispute with on the subject of his fictions concerning me, sed
inagni noniinis umbra, " a shadow only, and a mighty name."
I have indeed been for some years silent, or, in the lan-
guage of Mr. Bickerstaff, " dead " ; yet like many an old
man that is reported so by his heirs, I have lived long enough
to bury my successor [f/z^Tatler having been discontinued]. In
short, I am returned to Being after you have left it ; and since
you were once pleased to call yourself my brother-astrologer,
the world may be apt to compare our story to that of the twin-
stars CASTORand Pollux, and say it was our destiny, not to ap-
pear together, but according to the fable, to live and die by turns.
Now, Sir, my intention in this Epistle is to let you know
that I shall behave myself in my new Being with as much
moderation as possible, and that I have no longer any
quarrel with you [i.e., STEELE], for the accounts you inserted
in your writings [the joke was continued in the Tatler] con-
cerning my death, being sensible that you were no less
abused in that particular than myself.
502 Partridge comes back from the dead, p-
Partriilrre.
1714 5-
The person from whom you took up that report, I know,
was your namesake, the author of Bickerstaff's Predictions^
* Vide Dr. a notorious cheat.* And if you had been indeed as
s[wi]FT. much an Astrologer as you pretended, you might
have known that his word was no more to be taken than that
of an Irish evidence [SwiFT was now Dean of St. Patrick's] :
that not being the only Tale of a Tub he had vented. The only
satisfaction therefore, I expect is, that your bookseller in the
next edition of your Works [The Tatlcr], do strike out my name
and insert his in the room of it. I have some thoughts of
obliging the World with his nativity, but shall defer that
till another opportunity.
I have nothing to add further, but only that when you
think fit to return to life again in whatever shape, of Censor
[the designation of the supposed Writer of the Tatler], a Guardian,
an Englishman, or any other figure, I shall hope you will
do justice to Your revived friend and servant,
John Partridge.
On the last leaf of this Abnannck is the following notice : —
This is to give notice to all people, that all those Prophecies,
Predictions, Almanacks, and other pamphlets, that had my
name either true, or shammed with the want of a Letter
[i.e., spelling his name Partrige instead of PARTRIDGE] : I
say, they are all impudent forgeries, by a breed of villains, and
wholly without my knowledge or consent. And I doubt not
but those beggarly villains that have scarce bread to eat
without being rogues, two or three poor printers and a book-
binder, with honest Ben, will be at their old Trade again of
Prophesying in my name. This is therefore to give notice,
that if there is anything in print in my name beside this
Almanack, you may depend on it that it is a lie, and he is a
villain that writes and prints it.
In his Almanack for 1715 [P.P. 2465/7], PARTRIDGE says —
It is very probable, that the beggarly knavish Crew will be
this year also printing Prophecies and Predictions in my name,
to cheat the country as they used to do. This is therefoi e
to give notice, that if there is anything of that kind done in
my name besides this Almanack printed by the Company of
Stationers, you may be certain it is not mine, but a cheat,
and therefore refuse it.
THE
^xt^tnt S)tate
OF
W I T
IN A
LETTER
TO A
Friend in the Country.
LONDON:
Printed in the Year, M D C C X I.
(Price 2d.)
505
THE
present ^tate
O F
WIT, &c.
S I R
*
Ou acquaint me in your last, that you are
still so busy building at , that your
friends must not hope to see you in Town
this year : at the same time, you desire
me, that you may not be quite at a loss
in conversation among the beau mondc
next winter, to send you an account of
the present State of Wit in Town : which,
without further preface, I shall endeavour
to perform ; and give you the histories and characters of all
our Periodical Papers, whether monthly, weekly, or diurnal,
with the same freedom I used to send you our other Town
news.
I shall only premise, that, as you know, I never cared one
farthing, either for Whig or Tory : so I shall consider our
Writers purely as they are such, without any respect to
which Party they belong.
Dr. King has, for some time, lain down his monthly
Philosophical Transactions, which the title-page informed us at
first, were only to be continued as they sold ; and though
that gentleman has a world of Wit, yet as it lies in one par-
ticular way of raillery, the Town soon grew weary of his
Writings : though I cannot but think that their author deserves
a much better fate than to languish out the small remainder
of his life in the Fleet prison.
5o6 Gay's opinion of Daniel Defoe. QMayl;^!:
About the same time that- the Doctor left off writing, one
Mr, OzELL put out his Monthly Amusement; which is still
continued : and as it is generally some French novel or play
indifferently translated, it is more or less taken notice of, as
the original piece is more or less agreeable.
As to our Weekly Papers, the poor Review [by Daniel
Defoe] is quite exhausted, and grown so very contemptible,
that though he has provoked all his Brothers of the Quill
round, none of them will enter into a controversy with him.
This fellow, who had excellent natural parts, but wanted a
small foundation of learning, is a lively instance of those Wits
who, as an ingenious author says, " will endure but one
skimming " [!j.
The Observator was almost in the same condition ; but since
our party struggles have run so high, he is much mended for
the better : which is imputed to the charitable assistance of
some outlying friends.
These two authors might however have flourished some
time longer, had not the controversy been taken up by abler
hands.
The Examiner is a paper which all men, who speak with-
out prejudice, allow to be well written. Though his subject
will admit of no great variety ; he is continually placing it
in so many different lights, and endeavouring to inculcate
the same thing by so many beautiful changes of expression,
that men who are concerned in no Party, may read him
with pleasure. His way of assuming the Question in debate
is extremely artful ; and his Letter to Crassus is, I think, a
masterpiece. As these Papers are supposed to have been
written by several hands, the critics will tell you that they
can discern a difference in their styles and beauties ; and
pretend to observe that the first Examiners abound chiefly in
Wit, the last in Humour.
Soon after their first appearance, came out a Paper from
the other side, called the Whig Examiner, written with so
much fire, and in so excellent a style, as put the Tories in
no small pain for their favourite hero. Every one cried,
" BiCKERSTAFF must be the author ! " and people were the
more confirmed in this opinion, upon its being so soon laid
down ; which seemed to shew that it was only written to
3Mal'p7".] The Writers in the Examiner. 507
bind the Examiners to their good behaviour, and was never
desis^ned to be a Weekly Paper.
The Examiners, therefore, have no one to combat with,
at present, but their friend the Medley : the author of which
Paper, though he seems to be a man of good sense, and
expresses it luckily now and then, is, I think, for the most
part, perfectly a stranger to fine writing.
I presume I need not tell you that the Examiner carries
much the more sail, as it is supposed to be written by the
direction, and under the eye of- some Great Persons who sit
at the helm of affairs, and is consequently looked on as a
sort of Public Notice which way they are steering us.
The reputed author is Dr. S[wifJt, with the assistance,
sometimes, of Dr. Att[erbur]y and Mr. P[rio]r.
The Medley is said to be written by Mr. OldlMIXoJn ; and
supervised by Mr. Mayn[warin]g, who perhaps might
entirely write those few Papers which are so much better
than the rest.
Before I proceed further in the account of our Weekly
Papers, it will be necessary to inform you that at the begin-
ning of the winter [on Jan. 2, 171 1] , to the infinite surprise
of all men, Mr. Steele flang up his Tatler; and instead
oi Isaac BiCKERSTAFF,Esquire,^VLh^cr\htdi himself Richard
Steele to the last of those Papers, after a handsome
compliment to the Town for their kind acceptance of his
endeavours to divert them.
The chief reason he thought fit to give for his leaving off
writing was, that having been so long looked on in all public
places and companies as the Author of those papers, he found
that his most intimate friends and acquaintance were in pain
to speak or act before him.
The Town was very far from being satisfied with this
reason, and most people judged the true cause to be, either
That he was quite spent, and wanted matter to continue
his undertaking any longer ; or
That he laid it down as a sort of submission to, and
composition with, the Government, for some past offences;
or, lastly.
That he had a mind to vary his Shape, and appear again
in some new light.
5oS Immense social influence of the Tatler. \_^ly^^!^^l
However that were, his disappearance seemed to be bewailed
as some general calamity. Every one wanted so agreeable
an amusement, and the Coffee-houses began to be sensible
that the Esquire's Liicuhratioiis alone had brought them more
customers, than all their other News Papers put together.
It must indeed be confessed that never man threw up his
pen, under stronger temptations to have employed it longer.
His reputation was at a greater height, than I believe ever
any living author's was before him. It is reasonable to
suppose that his gains were proportionably considerable.
Every one read him with pleasure and good-will ; and the
Tories, in respect to his other good qualities, had almost
forgiven his unaccountable imprudence in declaring against
them.
Lastly, it was highly improbable that, if he threw off
a Character the ideas of which were so strongly impressed in
every one's mind, however finely he might write in any new
form, that he should meet with the same reception.
To give you my own thoughts of this Gentleman's Writings,
I shall, in the first place, observe, that there is a noble
difference between him and all the rest of our Polite and
Gallant Authors. The latter have endeavoured to please
the Age by falling in with them, and encouraging them
in their fashionable vices and false notions of things. It
would have been a jest, some time since, for a man to
have asserted that anything witty could be said in praise
of a married state, or that Devotion and Virtue were any
way necessary to the character of a Fine Gentleman.
BiCKERSTAFF ventured to tell the Town that they were
a parcel of fops, fools, and coquettes ; but in such a manner
as even pleased them, and made them more than half
inclined to believe that he spoke truth.
Instead of complying with the false sentiments or vicious
tastes of the Age — either in morality, criticism, or good breed-
ing— he has boldly assured them, that they were altogether
in the wrong; and commanded them, with an authority which
perfectly well became him, to surrender themselves to his
arguments for Virtue and Good Sense.
It is incredible to conceive the effect his writings have had
on the Town ; how many thousand follies they have either
3Mayp7"-] ^^ ^^'^^ ^^^ ^^ ^ ^^^^ ^^"^^ ^^ TlIINKING. 5O9
quite banished or given a very great check to ! how much
countenance, they have added to Virtue and ReHgion ! how
many people they have rendered happy, by shewing them it
was their own fault if they were not so ! and, lastly, how
entirely they have convinced our young fops and young
fellows of the value and advantages of Learning !
He has indeed rescued it out of the hands of pedants and
fools, and discovered the true method of making it amiable
and lovely to all mankind. In the dress he gives it, it is a
most welcome guest at tea-tables and assembhes, and is
relished and caressed by the merchants on the Change.
Accordingly there is not a Lady at Court, nor a Banker in
Lombard Street, who is not verily persuaded that Captain
Steele is the greatest Scholar and best Casuist of any man
in England.
Lastly, his writings have set all our Wits and Men of Letters
on a new way of Thinking, of which they had little or no
notion before : and, although we cannot say that any of them
have come up to the beauties of the original, I think we may
venture to affirm, that every one of them writes and thinks
much more justly than they did some time since.
The vast variety of subjects which Mr. Steele has treated
of, in so different manners, and yet All so perfectly well,
made the World believe that it was impossible they should
all come from the same hand. This set every one upon
guessing who was the Esquire's friend ? and most people at
first fancied it must be Doctor Swift; but it is now no
longer a secret, that his only great and constant assistant
was Mr. Addison.
This is that excellent friend to whom Mr. Steele owes so
much ; and who refuses to have his name set before those
Pieces which the greatest pens in England would be proud
to own. Indeed, they could hardly add to this Gentleman's
reputation : whose works in Latin and English Poetry long
since convinced the World, that he was the greatest Master
in Europe of those two languages.
I am assured, from good hands, that all the visions, and
other tracts of that way of writing, with a very great
number of the most exquisite pieces of wit and raillery
throughout the Lucubrations are entirely of this Gentleman's
composing : which may, in some measure, account for that
5IO The suppositious Continuations of Tatler. \^;^^;,
different Genius, which appears in the winter papers, from
those of the summer ; at which time, as the Examiner often
hinted, this friend of Mr. Steele was in Ireland.
Mr. Steele confesses in his last Volume of the Tatlers
that he is obliged to Dr. Swift for his Town Shower, and the
Description of the Morn, with some other hints received from
him in private conversation.
I have also heard that several of those Letters, which came
as from unknown hands, were written by Mr. Henley:
which is an answer to your query, " Who those friends are,
whom Mr. Steele speaks of in his last Tatler }"
But to proceed with my account of our other papers.
The expiration of Bickerstaff's L:icuhrations was attended
with much the same consequences as the death ofMELiBCEUS's
Ox in Virgil: as the latter engendered swarms of bees, the
former immediately produced whole swarms of little satirical
scribblers.
One of these authors called himself the Growler, and
assured us that, to make amends for Mr. Steele's silence,
he was resolved to growl at us weekly, as long as we should
think fit to give him any encouragement. Another Gentle-
man, with more modesty, called his paper, the Whisperer;
and a third, to please the Ladies, christened his, the Tell
tale.
At the same time came out several Tatlers; each of which,
with equal truth and wit, assured us that he was the genuine
Isaac Bickerstaff.
It may be observed that when the Esquire laid down his
pen ; though he could not but foresee that several scribblers
would soon snatch it up, which he might (one would think)
easily have prevented : he scorned to take any further care
about it, but left the field fairly open to any worthy successor.
Immediately, some of our Wits were for forming themselves
into a Club, headed by one Mr. Harrison, and trying how
they could shoot in this Bow of Ulysses ; but soon found
that this sort of writing requires so fine and particular a
manner of Thinking, with so exact a Knowledge of the World,
as must make them utterly despair of success.
They seemed indeed at first to think, that what was only
the garnish of the former Tatlers, was that which recom-
r^ll] TlIEV ARE ALL SWEPT AWAY BY THE SPECTATOR. $\l
mended them ; and not those Substantial Entertainments
which they everywhere abound in. According they were
continually talking of their Maid, Night Cap, Spectacles, and
Charles Lillie. However there were, now and then, some
faint endeavours at Humour and sparks of Wit : which the
Town, for want of better entertainment, was content to hunt
after, through a heap of impertinences ; but even those are,
at present, become wholly invisible and quite swallowed up
in the blaze of the Spectator.
You may remember, I told you before, that one cause
assigned for the laying down the Tatler was, Want of
Matter; and, indeed, this was the prevailing opinion in
Town : when we were surprised all at once by a paper
called the Spectator, which was promised to be continued
every day ; and was written in so excellent a. style, with so
nice a judgment, and such a noble profusion of Wit and
Humour, that it was not difficult to determine it could
come from no other hands but those which had penned the
Luctibrations.
This immediately alarmed these gentlemen, who, as it is
said Mr. Steele phrases it, had " the Censorship in Com-
mission." They found the new Spectator came on like a
torrent, and swept away all before him. They despaired
ever to equal him in Wit, Humour, or Learning ; which had
been their true and certain way of opposing him: and there-
fore rather chose to fall on the Author ; and to call out for
help to all good Christians, by assuring them again and
again that they were the First, Original, True, and Undis-
puted Isaac Bickerstaff.
Meanwhile, the Spectator, whom we regard as our Shelter
from that flood of false wit and impertinence which was break-
ing in upon us, is in every one's hands ; and a constant topic
for our morning conversation at tea-tables and coffee-houses.
We had at first, indeed, no manner of notion how a diurnal
paper could be continued in the spirit and style of our present
Spectators : but, to our no small surprise, we find them still
rising upon us, and can only wonder from whence so pro-
digious a run of Wit and Learning can proceed ; since sonie
of our best judges seem to think that they have hitherto, in
general, outshone even the Esquire's first Tatlcrs.
Most people fancy, from their frequency, that they must be
5 1 2 Addison behind the curtain, Steele in front. [J- f^^^;
composed by a Society : I withal assign the first places to
Mr. Steele and his Friend.
I have often thought that the conjunction of those two
great Geniuses, who seem to stand in a class by themselves,
so high above all our other Wits, resembled that of two
statesmen in a late reign, whose characters are very well
expressed in their two mottoes, viz., Prodesse quain conspici
[ ? ], and Otium awn dignitatc [Edward
Montagu, Earl of Halifax]. Accordingly the first [Addi-
son] was continually at work behind the curtain, drew up
and prepared all those schemes, which the latter still drove
on, and stood out exposed to the World, to receive its praises
or censures.
Meantime, all our unbiassed well-wishers to Learning are
in hopes that the known Temper and prudence of one of these
Gentlemen will hinder the other from ever lashing out into
Party, and rendering that Wit, which is at present a common
good, odious and ungrateful to the better part of the Nation
[by which, of course, Gay meant the Tories].
If this piece of imprudence does not spoil so excellent a
Paper, I propose to myself the highest satisfaction in reading
it with you, over a dish of tea, every morning next winter.
As we have yet had nothing new since the Spectator^ it
only remains for me to assure you, that I am
Yours, &c.,
JLo H n]. G[a y].
Westminster f May 3, 1711.
POSTCRIPT,
Upon a review of my letter, I find I have quite forgotten
the British Apollo ; which might possibly have happened,
from its having, of late, retreated out of this end of the
Town into the country : where, I am informed however, that
it still recommends itself b)' deciding wagers at cards, and
giving good advice to shopkeepers and their apprentices.
FINIS.
51,
Thomas Tickell.
Life of y osEPH Addison,
[Preface to first edition of Addison's IVorks 1721.]
OsEPH Addison, the son of Lancelot Addison,
D.D., and of Jane, the daughter of Nathaniel
Gulston, D.D., and sister of Dr. William
Gulston, Bishop of Bristol, was born at
Milston, near Ambrosebury, in the county of
Wilts, in the year 1671.
His father, who was of the county of West-
moreland, and educated at Queen's College in
Oxford, passed many years in his travels through Europe
and Africa; where he joined to the uncommon and excellent
talents of Nature, a great knowledge of Letters and Things:
of which, several books published by him, are ample testi-
monies. He was Rector of Milston, above mentioned, when
Mr. Addison, his eldest son, was born : and afterwards
became Archdeacon of Coventry, and Dean of Lichfield.
Mr. Addison received his first education at the Chartreuse
[Cliarterhoiisc School in London] ; from whence he was removed
very early to Queen's College, in Oxford. He had been there
about two years, when the accidental sight of a Paper of his
verses, in the hands of Dr. Lancaster, then Dean of that
House, occasioned his being elected into Magdalen College.
He employed his first years in the study of the old Greek
and Roman Writers ; whose language and manner he caught,
at that time of life, as strongly as other young people gain a
French accent, or a genteel air.
An early acquaintance with the Classics is what may be
called the Good Breeding of Poetry, as it gives a certain
gracefulness which never forsakes a mind that contracted it
in youth ; but is seldom, or never, hit by those who would
learn it too late.
£a'g. Gar. VI. 23
514 BOILEAU'S IGNORANCE OF OUR LITERATURE, p" ™:
He first distinguished himself by his Latin compositions,
pubhshed in the Musa; Anglicance : and was admired as one
of the best Authors since the Augustan Age, in the two
universities and the greatest part of Europe, before he was
talked of as a Poet in Town.
There is not, perhaps, any harder task than to tame the
natural wildness of Wit, and to civilize the Fancy. The
generality of our old English Poets abound in forced conceits
and affected phrases ; and even those who are said to come
the nearest to exactness, are but too often fond of unnatural
beauties, and aim at something better than perfection. If
Mr. Addison's example and precepts be the occasion that
there now begins to be a great demand for Correctness, we
may justly attribute it to his being first fashioned by the
ancient Models, and familiarized to Propriety of Thought and
Chastity of Style.
Our country owes it to him, that the famous Monsieur
BoiLEAU first conceived an opinion of the English Genius for
Poetry, by perusing the present he made him of the Mnsce
Anglicancv. It has been currently reported, that this famous
French poet, among the civilities he shewed Mr. Addison on
that occasion, affirmed that he would not have written against
Perrault, had he before seen such excellent Pieces by a
modern hand. Such a saying would have been impertinent,
and unworthy [of j Boileau ! whose dispute with Perrault
turned chiefly upon some passages in the Ancients, which he
rescued from the misinterpretations of his adversary. The
true and natural compliment made by him, was that those
books had given him a very new Idea of the English Polite-
ness, and that he did not question but there were excellent
compositions in the native language of a country, that pro-
fessed the Roman Genius in so eminent a degree.
The first English performance made public by him, is a
short copy of verses To Mr. Dryden, with a view particu-
larly to his Translations.
This was soon followed by a Version of the fourth Georgic
of Virgil; of which Mr. Dryden makes very honourable
mention in the Postscript to his own Translation of Virgil's
Works : wherein, I have often wondered that he did not, at
the same time, acknowledge his obligation to Mr. Addison,
for giving the Essay upon the Gcorgics, prefixed to Mr. Dryden 's
T. TIckell
I'^ya.':] Public monev ruRciiAsiNG Politeness. 515
Translation. Lest the honour of so exquisite a piece of
criticism should hereafter be transferred to a wrong Author,
I have taken care to insert it in this Collection of his Works.
Of some other copies of Verses, printed in the Miscellanies
while he was young, the largest is An Account of the greatest
English Poets ; in the close of which, he insinuates a design
he then had of going into Holy Orders, to which he
was strongly importuned by his father. His remarkable
seriousness and modesty, which might have been urged as
powerful reasons for his choosing that life, proved the chief
obstacles to it. These qualities, by which the Priesthood is
so much adorned, represented the duties of it as too weighty
for him, and rendered him still the more worthy of that
honour, which they made him decline. It is happy that this
very circumstance has since turned so much to the advantage
of Virtue and Religion ; in the cause of which, he has be-
stowed his labours the more successfully, as they were his
voluntary, not his necessary employment. The World be-
came insensibly reconciled to Wisdom and Goodness, when
they saw them recommended by him, with at least as much
Spirit and Elegance as they had been ridiculed [with] for
half a century.
He was in his twenty-eighth year [1699], when his inclina-
tion to see France and Italy was encouraged by the great
Lord Chancellor Somers, one of that kind of patriots who
think it no waste of the Public Treasure, to purchase Polite-
ness to their country. His Poem upon one of King William's
Campaigns, addressed to his Lordship, was received with
great humanity ; and occasioned a message from him to the
Author, to desire his acquaintance.
He soon after obtained, by his Interest, a yearly pension
of three hundred pounds from the Crown, to support him in
his travels. If the uncommonness of a favour, and the dis-
tinction of the person who confers it, enhance its value ;
nothing could be more honourable to a young Man of Learning,
than such a bounty from so eminent a Patron.
How well Mr. Addison answered the expectations of my
Lord Somers, cannot appear better than from the book of
Travels, he dedicated to his Lordship at his return. It is not
hard to conceive why that performance was at first but in-
differently relished by the bulk of readers ; who expected an
5r6 Addison's T r a v e l s i.v I t a l y. \^-
TIckell.
i7.'i.
Account, in a common way, of the customs and policies of the
several Governments in Italy, reflections upon the Genius of
the people, a Map [description] of the Provinces, or a measure
of their buildings. How were they disappointed ! when,
instead of such particulars, they were presented only with a
Journal of Poetical Travels, with Remarks on the present
picture of the country compared with the landskips [land-
scapes] drawn by Classic Authors, and others the like uncon-
cerning parts of knowledge ! One may easily imagine a
reader of plain sense but without a fine taste, turning over
these parts of the Volume which make more than half of it,
and wondering how an Author who seems to have so solid an
understanding when he treats of more weighty subjects in the
other pages, should dwell upon such trifles, and give up so
much room to matters of mere amusement. There are indeed
but few men so fond of the Ancients, as to be transported
with every little accident which introduces to their intimate
acquaintance. Persons of that cast may here have the
satisfaction of seeing Annotations upon an old Roman Poem,
gathered from the hills and valleys where it was written.
The Tiber and the Po serve to explain the verses which were
made upon their banks; and the Alps and Apennines are
made Commentators on those Authors, to whom they were
subjects, so many centuries ago.
Next to personal conversation with the Writers themselves,
this is the surest wa}' of coming at their sense; a compen-
dious and engaging kind of Criticism which convinces at first
sight, and shews the vanity of conjectures made by Anti-
quaries at a distance. If the knowledge of Polite Literature
has its use, there is certainly a merit in illustrating the Per-
fect Models of it ; and the Learned World will think some
years of a man's life not misspent in so elegant an employ-
ment. I shall conclude what I had to say on this Perform-
ance, by observing that the fame of it increased from year
to year; and the demand for copies was so urgent, that their
price rose to four or five times the original value, before it
came out in a second edition.
The Letter from Italy to my Lord Halifax may be con-
sidered as the Text, upon which the book of Travels is a large
Comment ; and has been esteemed by those who have a
relish for Antiquity, as the most exquisite of his poetical per-
T. T
';'^^J|:] He ^Y r I t e s the Campaign. 517
formances. A Translation of it, by Signer Salvini, Professor
of the Greek tongue, at Florence, is inserted in this edition ;
not only on account of its merit, but because it is the
language of the country, which is the subject of the Poem.
The materials for the Dialogues iipon Medals, now first
printed from a manuscript of the Author, were collected in
the native country of those coins. The book itself was
begun to be cast in form, at Vienna ; as appears from a letter
to Mr. Stepney, then Minister at that Court, dated in
November, 1702.
Some time before the date of this letter, Mr. Addison had
designed to return to England; when he received advice from
his friends that he was pitched upon to attend the army
under Prince Eugene, who had just begun the war in Italy,
as Secretary from His Majesty. But an account of the death
of King William, which he met with at Geneva, put an end
to that thought : and, as his hopes of advancement in his own
country, were fallen with the credit of his friends, who were
out of power at the beginning of her late Majest}/'s reign,
he had leisure to make the tour of Germany, in his way home.
He remained, for some time after his return to England,
without any public employment : which he did not obtain till
the year 1704, when the Duke of Marlborough arrived at
the highest pitch of glory, by delivering all Europe from
slavery ; and furnished Mr. Addison with a subject worthy
of that Genius which appears in his Poem, called The Cam-
paign.
The Lord Treasurer Godolphin, who was a fine judge of
poetry, had a sight of this Work when it was only carried on
as far as the applauded simile of the Angel ; and approved of
the Poem, by bestowing on the Author, in a few days after,
the place of Commissioner of Appeals, vacant by the removal
of the famous Mr. [John] Locke to the Council of Trade.
His next advancement was to the place of Under Sec-
retar}., which he held under Sir Charles Hedges, and the
present Earl of Sunderland. The opera of Rosamond was
written while he possessed that employment. What doubts
soever have been raised about the merit of the Music, which,
as the Italian taste at that time began wholly to prevail, was
thought sufficient inexcusable, because it was the com-
position of an Englishman ; the Poetry of this Piece has given
5i8 Tickell's innuendo against Steele. ['^•'^'^';'J,':
as much pleasure in the closet, as others have afforded from
the Stage, with all the assistance of voices and instruments.
The Comedy called The Tender Husband appeared much
about the same time ; to which Mr. Addison wrote the Pro-
logue. Sir Richard Steele surprised him with a very
handsome Dedication of his Play ; and has since acquainted
the Public, that he owed some of the most taking scenes of
it, to Mr. Addison.
His next step in his fortune, was to the post of Secretary
under the late Marquis of Wharton, who was appointed
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, in the year 1709. As I have
proposed to touch but very lightly on those parts of his life,
which do not regard him as an Author ; I shall not enlarge
upon the great reputation he acquired, by his turn for busi-
ness, and his unblemished integrity, in this and other employ-
ments.
It must not be omitted here, that the salary of Keeper
of the Records in Ireland was considerably raised, and that
post bestowed upon him at this time, as a mark of the
Queen's favour.
He was in that Kingdom, v^^hen he first discovered Sir
Richard Steele to be the Author of the Tatler, by an
observation upon ViRGiL, which had been by him com-
municated to his friend. The assistance he occasionally
gave him afterwards, in the course of the Paper, did not a
little contribute to advance its reputation ; and, upon the
Change of the Ministry, he found leisure to engage more
constantl)^ in that Work : which, however, was dropped at
last, as it had been taken up, without his participation.
In the last Paper, which closed those celebrated Perform-
ances, and in the Preface to the last Volume, Sir Richard
Steele has given to Mr. Addison, the honour of the most
applauded Pieces in that Collection. But as that ac-
knowledgement was delivered only in general terms, without
directing the Public to the several Papers; Mr. Addison
(who was content with the praise arising from his own Works,
and too delicate to take any part of that which belonged to
others), afterwards, thought fit to distinguish his Writings in
the Spectators and Guardians, by such marks as might remove
the least possibility of mistake in the most undiscerning
readers.
TiCKELl's EDITION INDICATES AdDISOn's TaTLERS. 519
It was necessary that his share in the Tatlers should be
adjusted in a complete Collection of his Works: for which
reason, Sir Richard Steele, in compliance with the request
of his deceased friend, delivered to him by the Editor, was
pleased to mark with his own hand, those Tatlers, which are
inserted in this edition ; and even to point out several, in the
writing of which, they were both concerned.
The Plan of the Spectator, as far as regards the feigned
Person of the Author, and of the several Characters that
compose his Club, was projected in concert with Sir Richard
Steele. And because many passages in the course of the
Work would otherwise be obscure, I have taken leave to insert
one single Paper written by Sir Richard Steele, wherein
those Characters are drawn ; which may serve as a Dramatis
PersoncB, or as so many pictures for an ornament and
explication of the whole.
As for the distinct Papers, they were never or seldom
shewn to each other, by their respective Authors ; who fully
answered the Promise they had made, and far outwent the
Expectation they had raised, of pursuing their Labour in the
same Spirit and Strength with which it was begun.
It would have been impossible for Mr. Addison (who made
little or no use of letters sent in, by the numerous correspon-
dents of the Spectator) to have executed his large share of his
task in so exquisite a manner ; if he had not engrafted into
it many Pieces that had lain by him, in little hints and
minutes, which he from time to time collected and ranged in
order, and moulded into the form in which they now appear.
Such are the Essays upon Wit, the Pleasures of the Imagi-
nation, the Critique ttpon MiLTON, and some others : which I
thought to have connected in a continued Series in this
Edition, though they were at first published with the inter-
ruption of writings on different subjects. But as such a
scheme would have obliged me to cut off several graceful
introductions and circumstances peculiarly adapted to the
time and occasion of printing then ; I durst not pursue that
attempt.
The Tragedy of Cato appeared in public in the year 1713 ;
when the greatest part of the last Act was added by the
Author, to the foregoing which he had kept by him for many
years. He took up a design of writing a play upon this sub-
520 Why Cato had "^o D e d ic a tio n.\^
. Tlctell.
1721,
ject, when he was very young at the University ; and even
attempted something in it there, though not a Hne as it now
stands. The work was performed by him in his travels, and
retouched in England, without any formed resolution of
bringing it upon the Stage, until his friends of the first Quality
and Distinction prevailed on him, to put the last finishing to
it, at a time when they thought the Doctrine of Liberty very
seasonable.
It is in everybody's memory, with what applause it was
received by the Public ; that the first run of it lasted for a
month, and then stopped only because one of the performers
became incapable of acting a principal part.
The Author received a message that the Queen would be
pleased to have it dedicated to her : but as he had designed
that compliment elsewhere, he found himself obliged, by his
duty on the one side, and his honour on the other, to send it
into the World without any Dedication.
The fame of this tragedy soon spread through Europe ; and
it has not only been translated, but acted in most of the lan-
guages of Christendom. The Translation of it into Italian
by Signor Salvini is very well known : but I have not been
able to learn, whether that of Signor Valetta, a young
Neapolitan Nobleman, has ever been made public.
If he had found time for the writing of another tragedy, the
Death of Socrate3 would have been the story. And, how-
ever unpromising that subject may appear ; it would be pre-
sumptuous to censure his choice, who was so famous for
raising the noblest plants from the most barren soil. It serves
to shew that he thought the whole labour of such a Perform-
ance unworthy to be thrown away upon those Intrigues and
Adventures, to which the romantic taste has confined Modern
Tragedy: and, after the example of his predecessors in
Greece, would have employed the Drama to wear out of our
minds everything that is mean or little, to cherish and cultivate that
Humanity which is the ornament of our nature, to soften Insolence,
tu soothe Affliction, and to subdue our minds to the dispensations
of Providence. {Spectator. No. 39.)
Upon the death of the late Queen, the Lords Justices,
in whom the Administration was lodged, appointed him their
Secretary.
Soon after His Majesty's arrival in Great Britain, the
T. Tickell
17-'
',';] A D D I s o n's r o s t II u m o u s Works. 521
Earl of Sunderland, being constituted Lord Lieutenant of
Ireland; Mr. Addison became, a second time, Secretary for
the Affairs of that Kingdom : and was made one of the Lords
Commissioners of Trade, a little after his Lordship resigned
the post of Lord Lieutenant.
The Paper called the Freeholder, was undertaken at the time
when the Rebellion broke out in Scotland.
The only Works he left behind for the Public, are the Dia-
lo^uesupon medals, and the Treatise upon the Christian Religion.
Some account has been already given of the former: to which
nothing is now to be added, except that a great part of the
Latin quotations were rendered into English in a very hasty
manner by the Editor and one of his friends who had the good
nature to assist him, during his avocations of business. It
was thought better to add these translations, such as they
are ; than to let the Work come out unintelligible to those
who do not possess the learned languages.
The Scheme for the Treatise upon the Christian Religion
was formed by the Author, about the end of the late Queen's
reign ; at which time, he carefully perused the ancient
Writings, which furnish the materials for it. His continual
employment in business prevented him from executing it, until
he resigned his office of Secretary of State ; and his death put
a period to it, when he had imperfectly performed only one
half of the design : he having proposed, as appears from the
Introduction, to add the Jewish to the Heathen testimonies
for the truth of the Christian History. He was more as-
siduous than his health would well allow, in the pursuit of
this Work : and had long determined to dedicate his Poetry
also, for the future, wholly to religious subjects.
Soon after, he was, from being one of the Lords Commis-
sioners of Trade, advanced to the post of Secretary of State ;
he found his health impaired by the return of that asthmatic
indisposition; which continued often, to afflict him durmg his
exercise of that employment : and, at last, obliged him to beg
His Majesty's leave to resign.
His freedom from the anxiety of business so far re-estab-
lished his health, that his friends began to hope he might
last for many years : but (whether it were from a life too
522 Add I son's Letter to J. C ra ggs. [
T. Ticlcll.
J721.
sedentary; or from his natural constitution, in which was one
circumstance very remarkable, that, from his cradle, he never
had a regular pulse) a long and painful relapse into an asthma
and dropsy deprived the World of this great man, on the 17th
of June, 1719.
He left behind him only one daughter, by the Countess
of Warwick ; to whom he was married in the year 1716.
Not many days before his death, he gave me directions to
collect his Writmgs, and at the same time committed to my
care the Letter addressed to My. Craggs, his successor as
Secretary of State, wherein he bequeaths them to him, as a
token of friendship.
Such a testimony, from the First Man of our Age, in such
a point of time, will be perhaps as great and lasting an honour
to that Gentleman as any even he could acquire to himself;
and yet it is no more than was due from an affection that
justly increased towards him, through the intimacy of several
years. I cannot, save with the utmost tenderness, reflect on
the kind concern with which Mr. Addison left Me as a sort of
incumbrance upon this valuable legacy. Nor must I deny
myself the honour to acknowlege that the goodness of that
Great Man to me, like many other of his amiable qualities,
seemed not so much to be renewed, as continued in his
successor ; who made me an example, that nothing could
be indifferent to him which came recommended to Mr.
Addison.
Could any circumstance be more severe to me, while I was
executing these Last Commands of the Author, than to see
the Person to whom his Works were presented, cut off in the
flower of his age, and carried from the high Office wherein he
had succeeded Mr. Addison, to be laid next him, in the same
grave ? I might dwell upon such thoughts as naturally rise
from these minute resemblances in the fortune of two persons,
whose names probably will be seldom mentioned asunder
while either our Language or Story subsist ; were I not afraid
of making this Preface too tedious : especially since I shall
want all the patience of the reader, for having enlarged it
with the following verses.
[Tickell's Poem on Addison, or " Prose in rhyme," as it is called at
p. 536, is omitted as not relating to the Controversy between him and
Stllle.]
Sir Richard Steele.
Dedicatory Epistle to William
C O N G R E V E'
[This Dedication is prefixed to the Second"!
Edition of Addison's Z)^»w/«tr, 1722. J
To Mr. Congreve:
occasioned by Mr. T i c k e l l ' s Preface to the four
volumes of Mr. Addison's "'""'-"
Works.
S T R
His is the second time that I have, without
your leave, taken the liberty to make a
public address to you.
However uneasy you may be, for your
own sake, in receiving compliments of
this nature, I depend upon your known
humanity for pardon; when I acknowledge
that you have this present trouble, for mine.
When I take myself to be ill treated with regard to my
behaviour to the merit of other men ; my conduct towards
you is an argument of my candour that way, as well as that
your name and authority will be my protection in it. You
will give me leave therefore, in a matter that concerns us in
the Poetical World, to make you my judge whether I am not
injured in the highest manner ! for with men of your taste
and delicacy, it is a high crime and misdemeanour to be
guilty of anything that is disingenuous. But I will go into
my matter.
Upon my return from Scotland, I visited Mr. Tonson's
shop, and thanked him for his care in sending to my
house, the Volumes of my dear and honoured friend Mr.
Addison ; which are, at last, published by his Secretary,
Mr. TiCKELL : but took occasion to observe, that I had not
seen the Work before it came out ; which he did not think fit
to excuse any otherwise than by a recrimination, that I had
put into his hands, at a high price, a Comedy called The
524 The Drummer left out of Addison's Works.]^^^''^^;^
Dnnnmcr', which, by my zeal for it, he took to be written b}^
Mr. Addison, and of which, after his [Addison's] death, he
said, I directly acknovvleged he was the author.
To urge this hardship still more home, he produced a
receipt under my hand, in these words —
March 12, I7i5[-i6].
Received then, the sum of Fifty Guineas for the Copy [copy
right] of the Comedy called, The Drummer or the Haunted
House. / say, received by order of the Author of the said
Comedy, RICHARD STEELE.
and added, at the same time, that since Mr. Tickell had
not thought fit to make that play a part of Mr. Addison's
Works ; he would sell the Copy to any bookseller that would
give most for it [i.e., ToNSON threw the onus of the authen-
ticity of the Drummer on Steele].
This is represented thus circumstantially, to shew how in-
cumbent it is upon me, as well in justice to the bookseller,
as for many other considerations, to produce this Comedy a
second time [It was first printed in 1716J ; and take this
occasion to vindicate myself against certain insinuations
thrown out by the Publisher [Thomas Tickell] of Mr.
Addison's Writings, concerning my behaviour in the nicest
circumstance — that of doing justice to the Merit of my Friend.
I shall take the liberty, before I have ended this Letter,
to say why I believe the Drummer a performance of Mr.
Addison : and after I have declared this, any surviving
writer may be at ease ; if there be any one who has hitherto
been vain enough to hope, or silly enough to fear, it may be
given to himself.
Before I go any further, I must make my Public Appeal to
you and all the Learned World, and humbly demand, Whether
it was a decent and reasonable thing, that Works written,
as a great part of Mr. Addison's were, in correspondence
[coadjutor ship] with me, ought to have been published with-
out my review of the Catalogue of them ; or if there were
any exception to be made against any circumstance in my
conduct, Whether an opportunity to explain myself should
not have been allowed me, before any Reflections were made
on me in print.
Wlicn I had perused Mr. Tickbll's Preface^ I had soon
Sir R. Steele
17
^;] Tickell's rabid jealousy of Steele. 525
so many objections, besides his omission to say anytliing of
the Dvuuuucr, against his long-expected performance : the
chief intention of which (and which it concerns me first to
examine) seems to aim at doing the deceased Author justice,
against me ! whom he insinuates to have assumed to myseh,
part of the merit of my friend.
He is pleased, Sir, to express himself concerning the
present Writer, in the following manner —
The Comedy called The Tender Husband, appeared much
about the same time; to which Mr. Addison wrote the Prologue:
Sir Richard Steele surprised him with a very handsome
Dedication of this Play ; and has since acquainted the PiMic,
that he owed some of the most taking scenes of it, to Mr, Addison.
Mr. Tickell's Preface. Pag. 11 \see p. 518].
He was in that Kingdom [Ireland] , when he first discovered
Sir Richard Steele to be the Author of the Tatler, by an
observation upon Virgil, which had been by him communicated
to his friend. The assistance he occasionally gave him afterwards,
in the course of the Paper, did not a little contribute to advance its
reputation ; and, upon the Change of the Ministry [in the autumn
of 1710] , he found leisure to engage more constantly in that
Work : which, however, was dropped at last, as it had been taken
lip, without his participation.
In the last Paper which closed those celebrated Performances,
and in the Preface to the last Volume, Sir Richard Steele
has given to Mr. Addison, the honour of the most applauded
Pieces in that Collection. But as that acknowledgement was
delivered only in general terms, without directing the Public to
the several Papers ; Mr. A DDISON {who was content with the
praise arising from his own Works, and too delicate to take any
part of that which belonged to others), afterwards thought fit to
distinguish his Writings in the Spectators and Guardians by
such marks as might remove the least possibility of mistake in the
most undiscerning readers. It was necessary that his share in the
Tatlers should be adjusted in a complete Collection of his Works :
for which reason. Sir RiCHARD Steele, in compliance with the
request of his deceased friend, delivered to him by the Editor, was
pleased to mark with his own hand, those Tatlers which are
inserted in this edition ; and even to point out several, in the
writing of which, they both were concerned, f'ag. i2\see p. 518, 519].
526 Steele's acknowledgements of Addlson. [^''''''•
Steele
1722
The Plan of the Spectator, as far as it related to the feii^iicd
Person of the Author, and of the several Characters that compose
his Club, was projected in concert with Sir RiCHARD STEELE:
and because many passages in the course of the Work would other-
wise be obscure, I have taken leave to insert one Paper written
by Sir Richard Steele, wherein those Characters are drawn ;
which may serve as a Dramatis Personae, or as so many pictures
for an ornament and explication of the whole. As for the distinct
Papers, they were never or seldom slieivn to each other, by their
respective Authors ; who fully answered the Promise they made,
and far outwent the Expectation. tJiey had raised, of pursuing their
Labour in the same Spirit and Strength withwhich it was begun.
Page 13 [Sir p. 519].
It need not be explained that it is here intimated, that I
had not sufficiently acknowledged what was due to Mr.
Addison in these Writings. I shall make a full Answer to
what seems intended by the words, He was too delicate to take
any part of that which belonged to others; if I can recite out of
my own Papers, anything that may make it appear groundless.
The subsequent [folloiving] encomiums bestowed by me
on Mr. Addison will, I hope, be of service to me in this
particular.
But I have only one Gentleman, who will be nameless, to
thank for any frequent assistance to me : which indeed it would
have been barbarous in him, to have denied to one with whom he
has lived in an intimacy from childhood; considering the great
Ease with which he is able to despatch the most entertaining Pieces
of this nature. This good office he performed with such force of
Genius, Humour, Wit, and Learning, that I fared like a distressed
Prince who calls in a powerful neighbour to his aid ; I was undone
by my auxiliary ! When I had once called him in, I could not
subsist without dependence on Jiim.
The same Hand wrote the distinguishing Characters of Men
and Women under the names of Musical Instruments, the
Distress of the News-Writers, the Inventory of the Play
House, and the Description of the Thermometer; which I
cannot but look upon, as the greatest embellishments of this Work.
Pre/, to the 4th VoL of the Taihrs.
As to the Work itself, the acceptance it has met with is the best
proof of its value : but I shoidd err against that candour ichich
an honest man should always carry about him, if I did not own
SirR. Steele.-J SteeLE's ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS OF AdDISON. 527
that the most approved Pieces in it were written by others ; and
those, which have been most excepted against by myself. The
Hand that has assisted me in those noble Discourses npon the
Immortality of the Soul, the Glorious Prospects of another Life, and
the most sublime ideas of Religion and Virtue, is a person, who is
too fondly Iny friend ever to own them : but I shotdd little deserve
to be his, if I usurped the glory of them. I must acknowledge, at
the same time, that I think the finest strokes of Wit and Humour
in all Mr. Bickerstaff's Lucubrations, are those for which he
is also beholden to him. Tatler, No. 271.
/ hope the Apology I have made as to the license allowable to a
feigned Character may excuse anything which has been said in
these Discourses of the Spectator and his Works. But the imputation
of the grossest vanity would still dwell upon me, if I did not give
some account by what means I was enabled to keep up the Spirit
of so long and approved a performance. All the Papers marked
with a 0,1^,1, or 0—that is to say, all the Papers which I have
distinguished by any letter in the name of the Muse C L I 0 —
were given me by the Gentleman, of whose assistance I formerly
boasted in the Preface and concluding Leaf of theTsiilev. I am
indeed much more proud of his long-contimied friendship, than I
shotdd be of the fame of being thought the Author of any Writings
which he himself is capable of producing.
I remember, when I finished the Tender Husband ; I told him,
there was nothing I so ardently wished as that we might, some
time or other, publish a Work written by tis both ; which should
bear the name of the Monument, in memory of otir friendship. I
heartily wish what I have done here, were as honorary to that
sacred name, as Learning, Wit, and Htcmanity render those Pieces,
which I have taught the reader how to distinguish for his.
When the Play above mentioned was last acted, there were so
many applauded strokes in it which I had from the same hand,
that I thought very meanly of myself that I had never ptiblicly
acknowledged them.
After I have put other friends upon importuning him to publish
Dramatic as well as other Writings, he has by him ; I shall end
what I think I am obliged to say on this head, by giving the reader
this hint for the better judgement of my productions : that the best
Comment upon them woidd be, an Account when the Patron [i.e.,
Addison] to the Tender Husband was in England or abroad
[i.e., Ireland]. Spectator, No 555.
528 TiCKELL.AX INTERMEDLER IN THINGS ABOVE HIM
rSfeele.
'|_ 1722.
My purpose in this Application is only to shew the esteem I have
for yon, and that I look tipon my intimacy with yon as one of the
most valnable enjoyments of my life. DaiUation before the Tender
Husband.
I am sure, you have read my quotations with indignation
against the little [petty] zeal which prompted the Editor (who
by the way, has himself done nothing in applause of the Works
which he prefaces) to the mean endeavour of adding to Mr.
Addison, by disparaging a man who had (for the greatest part
of his life) been his known bosom friend, and shielded him
from all the resentments which many of his own Works would
have brought upon him, at the time they were written. It is
really a good office to Society, to expose the indiscretion of
Intermedlers int he friendship and correspondence [coadjutor-
ship] of men, whose sentiments, passions, and resentments are
too great for their proportion of soul !
Could the Editor's indiscretion provoke me, even so far as
(within the rules of strictest honour) I could go ; and I were
not restrained by supererogatory affection to dear Mr. Addison,
I would ask this unskilful Creature, What he means, when
he speaks in an air of a reproach, that the Tatler was laid
down as it was taken up, without Jiis participation ? Let him speak
out and say, why without his knowledge would not serve his
purpose as well !
If, as he says, he restrains himself to " Mr. Addison's
character as a Writer; " while he attempts to lessen me, he
exalts me ! for he has declared to all the World what I never
have so explicitly done, that I am, to all intents and pur-
poses, the Author of the Tatler! He very justly says, the
occasional assistance Mr. Addison gave me, in the course of
that Paper, " did not a little contribute to advance its reputa-
tion, especially when, upon the Change of Ministry [August,
1710], he found leisure to engage more constantly in it." It
was advanced indeed ! for it was raised to a greater thing
than I intended it ! For the elegance, purity, and correctness
which appeared in his Writings were not so much my pur-
pose ; as (in any intelligible manner, as I could) to rally all
those Singularities of human life, through the different Pro-
fessions and Characters in it, which obstruct anything that
was truly good and great.
Sir R. Steele.-| XiCKELL's FANTASTICAL & IGNORANT ZEAL. 529
After this Acknowledgement, you will see ; that is, such
a man as you will see, that I rejoiced in being excelled !
and made those little talents (whatever they are) which I
have, give way and be subservient to the superior qualities of
a Friend, whom I loved ! and whose modesty would never
have admitted them to come into daylight, but under such a
shelter.
So that all which the Editor has said (either out of design,
or incapacity), Mr. Congreve ! must end in this: that
Steele has been so candid and upright, that he owes
nothing to Mr. Addison as a Writer ; but whether he do, or
does not, whatever Steele owes to Mr. Addison, the Public
owe Addison to Steele !
But the Editor has such a fantastical and ignorant zeal
for his Patron, that he will not allow his correspondents
[coadjutors] to conceal anything of his ; though in obedience
to his commands !
What I never did declare was Mr. Addison's, I had his
direct injunctions to hide ; against the natural warmth and
passion of my own temper towards my friends.
Many of the Writings now published as his, I have been
very patiently traduced and culminated for ; as they were
pleasantries and oblique strokes upon certain of the wittiest
men of the Age : who will now restore me to their goodwill,
in proportion to the abatement of [the] Wit which they
thought I employed against them.
But I was saying, that the Editor won't allow us to obey
his Patron's commands in anything which he thinks would
redound to his credit, if discovered. And because I would
shew a little Wit in my anger, I shall have the discretion to
shew you that he has been guilty, in this particular, towards
a much greater man than your humble servant, and one
whom you are much more obliged to vindicate.
Mr. Dryden, in his ViRGiL, after having acknowledged
that a "certain excellent young man" [i.e., W. Congreve
himself] had shewed him many faults in his translation of
Virgil, which he had endeavoured to correct, goes on to
say, " Two other worthy friends of mine, who desire to have
their names concealed, seeing me straightened in my time,
took pity on me, and gave me the Life of Virgil, the two Pre-
faces to the Pastorals and the Georgics, and all the Arguments
£JVG. Gar, VI. 34
530 Tickell's earnestness to disparage Steele.^- ^\7'^;
in prose to the whole Translation." If Mr. Addison is one of
the two friends, and the Preface to the Georgics be what the
Editor calls the Essay upon the Georgics as one may adventure
to say they are, from their being word for word the same, he
has cast an inhuman reflection upon Mr. Dryden : who,
though tied down not to name Mr. Addison, pointed at him
so as all Mankind conservant in these matters knew him,
with an eulogium equal to the highest merit, considering
who it was that bestowed it. I could not avoid remarking
upon this circumstance, out of justice to Mr. Dryden : but
confess, at the same time, I took a great pleasure in doing it ;
because I knew, in exposing this outrage, I made my court
to Mr. Congreve.
I have observed that the Editor will not let me or any one
else obey Mr. Addison's commands, in hiding anything he
desired to be concealed.
I cannot but take further notice, that the circumstance of
marking his Spectators [with the letters C, L, /, 0,], which I
did not know till I had done with the Work ; I made my own
act ! because I thought it too great a sensibility in my friend ;
and thought it (since it was done) better to be supposed
marked by me than the Author himself. The real state of
which, this 2ealot rashly and injudiciously exposes! I ask
the reader. Whether anything but an earnestness to disparage
me could provoke the Editor, in behalf of Mr. Addison, to
say that he marked it out of caution against me : when I had
taken upon me to say, it was I that did it ! out of tenderness
to him.
As the imputation of any the Least Attempt of arrogating
to myself, or detracting from Mr. Addison, is without any
Colour of Truth : you will give me leave to go on in the same
ardour towards him, and resent the cold, unaffectionate, dr}^,
and barren manner, in which this Gentleman gives an Account
of as great a Benefactor as any one Learned Man ever had of
another. Would any man, who had been produced from a
College life, and pushed into one of the most considerable
Employments of the Kingdom as to its weight and trust, and
greatly lucrative with respect to a Fellowship [i.e., of a
College] : and who had been daily and hourly with one of the
greatest men of the Age, be satisfied with himself, in saying
nothing of such a Person besides what all the World knew !
Sir R. Steele
1722.
] TiCKELL, EXECUTOR FOR AdDISOn's FAME. 53 T
except a particularity (and that to his disadvantage !) which
I, his friend from a boy, don't know to be true, to wit, that
he never had a regular pulse " !
As for the facts, and considerable periods of his life he
either knew nothing of them, or injudiciously places them in
a worse light than that in which they really stood.
When he speaks of Mr. Addison's declining to go into
Orders, his way of doing it is to lament his seriousness and
modesty which might have recommended him, proved the
chief obstacles to it, tt seems these qualities, by which the Priesthood
ts so much adorned, represented the duties of it as too weighty for him
and rendered him still more worthy of that honour which they
made him decline. These, you know very well ! were not the
Reasons which made Mr. Addison turn his thoughts to the
civil World ; and, as you were the instrument of his becom-
ing acquainted with my Lord Halifax, I doubt not but you
remember the warm instances that noble Lord made to the
Head of the College, not to insist upon Mr. Addison's going
into Orders. His arguments were founded on the general
pravity [depravity] and corruption of men of business [public
men] who wanted liberal education. And I remember, as if
I read the letter yesterday, that my Lord ended with a
compliment, that "however he might be represented as no
friend to the Church, he would never do it any other injury
than keeping Mr. Addison out of it ! "
The contention for this man in his early youth, among the
people of greatest power; Mr. Secretary Tickell, the
Lxecutor for his Fame, is pleased to ascribe to " a serious
visage and modesty of behaviour."
^ When a Writer is grossly and essentially faulty, it were a
jest to take notice of a false expression or a phrase, othenvise
Priesthood in that place, might be observed upon ; as a term
not used by the real well-wishers to Clergymen, except when
they would express some solemn act, and not when that
Order is spoken of as a Profession among Gentlemen. I will
not therefore busy myself about the " unconcerning parts of
knowledge, but be content like a reader of plain sense without
politeness." And since Mr. Secretary will give us no account
ot this Gentleman, I admit "the Alps and Apennines" instead
ot the Editor, to be " Commentators of his Works," which,
as the Editor says, " have raised a demand for correctness.''
532 Affection of the Addison family forSteele.P"'^;
This " demand," by the way, ought to be more strong upon
those who were mcst about him, and had the greatest ad-
vantage of his example. But as our Editor says, " that
those who come nearest to exactness are but too often fond
of unnatural beauties, and aim at something better than
perfection."
Believe me. Sir, Mr. Addison's example will carry no man
further than that height for which Nature capacitated him :
and the affectation of following great men in works above the
genius of their imitators, will never rise farther than the pro-
duction of uncommon and unsuitable ornaments in a barren
discourse, like flowers upon a heath, such as the Author's
phrase of " something better than perfection."
But in his Preface, if ever anything was, is that " some-
thing better : " for it is so extraordinary, that we cannot say,
it is too long or too short, or deny but that it is both. I
think I abstract myself from all manner of prejudice when I
aver that no man, though without any obligation to Mr.
Addison, would have represented him in his family and in
his friendships, or his personal character, so disadvantageously
as his Secretary (in preference of whom, he incurred the
warmest resentments of other Gentlemen) has been pleased
to describe him in those particulars.
Mr. Dean Addison, father of this memorable Man, left
behind him four children, each of whom, for excellent talents
and singular preferments, was as much above the ordinary
World as their brother Joseph was above them. Were
things of this nature to be exposed to public view, I could
shew under the Dean's own hand, in the warmest terms, his
blessing on the friendship between his son and me ; nor had
he a child who did not prefer me in the first place of kindness
and esteem, as their father loved me like one of them : and I
can with pleasure say, I never omitted any opportunit}' of
shewing that zeal for their persons and Interests as became
a Gentleman and a Friend.
Were I now to indulge myself, I could talk a great deal to
you, which I am sure would be entertaining : but as I am
speaking at the same time to all the World, I consider it
would be impertinent.
sirR.steeie.-j Steele's SPLENDID Sketch of Addison. 533
Let me then confine myself awhile to the following Play
[The Drinnmer], which I at first recommended to the Stage,
and carried to the Press.
No one who reads the Preface which I published with it,
will imagine I could be induced to say so much, as I then
did, had I not known the man I best loved had had a part in
it ; or had I believed that any other concerned had much
more to do than as an amanuensis.
But, indeed, had I not known at the time of the transac-
tion concerning the acting on the Stage and the sale of the
Copy; I should, I think, have seen Mr. Addison in every
page of it ! For he was above all men in that talent we call
Humour; and enjoyed it in such perfection, that I have often
reflected, after a night spent with him apart from the World,
that I had had the pleasure of conversing with an intimate
acquaintance of Terence and Catullus, who had all their
Wit and Nature heightened with Humour more exquisite
and delightful than any other man ever possessed.
They who shall read this Play, after being let into the secret
that it was written by Mr. Addison or under his direction,
will probably be attentive to those excellencies which they
before overlooked, and wonder they did not till now observe
that there is not an expression in the whole Piece which has
not in it the most nice propriety and aptitude to the Character
which utters it. Here is that smiling Mirth, that delicate
Satire and genteel Raillery, which appeared in Mr. Addison
when he was free among intimates ; I say, when he was free
from his remarkable bashfulness, which is a cloak that hides
and muffles merit : and his abilities were covered only by
modesty, which doubles the beauties which are seen, and gives
credit and esteem to all that are concealed.
The Drummer miade no great figure on the Stage, though
exquisitely well acted: but when I observe this, I say a much
harder thing of the Stage, than of the Comedy.
When I say the Stage in this place, I am understood to
mean, in general, the present Taste of theatrical representa-
tions : where nothing that is not violent, and as I may say,
grossly delightful, can come on, without hazard of bemg
condemned or slighted.
It is here republished, and recommended as a closet piece
[i.e.,for private reading], to recreate an intelligent mind in a
534 Steele, an Aide-de-Camp to Addison. [^''^-^',7'::
vacant hour: for vacant the reader must be, froni every
strong prepossession, in order to relish an entertainment,
quod ncqiieo monstrare etsentio tantum, which cannot be enjoyed
to the degree it deserves, but by those of the most polite
Taste among Scholars, the best Breeding among Gentlemen,
and the least acquainted with sensual Pleasure among the
Ladies.
The Editor [Thomas Tickell] is pleased to relate con-
cerning Cato, that a Play under that design was projected by
the Author very early, and wholly laid aside ; in advanced
years, he reassumed the same design ; and many years after
Four acts were finished, he wrote the Fifth ; and brought it
upon the Stage.
All the Town knows, how officious I was in bringing it on,
and you (that know the Town, the Theatre, and Mankind
very well) can judge how necessary it was, to take measures
for making a performance of that sort, excellent as it is, run
into popular applause.
I promised before it was acted (and performed my duty ac-
cordingly to the Author), that I would bring together so just
an audience on the First Days of it, it should be impossible for
the vulgar to put its success or due applause at any hazard :
but I don't mention this, only to shew how good an Aide-de-
Camp I was to Mr. Addison ; but to shew also that the Editor
does as much to cloud the merit of this Work, as I did to
set it forth.
Mr. Tickell's account of its being taken up, laid down,
and at last perfected, after such long intervals and pauses,
would make any one believe, who did not know Mr. Addison,
that it was accomplished with the greatest pain and labour ;
and the issue rather of Learning and Industry than Capacity
and Genius : but I do assure you, that never Play which could
bring the author any reputation for Wit and Conduct, not-
withstanding it was so long before it was finished, employed
the Author so little a time in writing.
If I remember right, the Fifth Act was written in less than
a week's time I For this was particular in this Writer, that
when he had taken his resolution, or made his Plan for what
he designed to write ; he would walk about the room and
dictate it into Language, with as much freedom and ease as
Si. R. Stede.-j g^j. j^LE OFTEN AN AMANUENSIS TO AdDISON. 535
any one could write it down : and attend to the Coherence
and Grammar of what he dictated.
I have been often thus employed by him; and never took
it into my head, though he only spoke it and I took all the
pains of throwing it upon paper, that I ought to call myself
the Writer of it.
I will put all my credit among men of Wit for the truth of
my averment, when I presume to say that no one but Mr.
Addison was, in any other way, the Writer of the Drummer.
At the same time, I will allow, that he sent for me (which
he could always do, from his natural power over me, as much
as he could send for any of his clerks when he was Secretary
of State), and told me that a Gentleman then in the room
had written a play that he was sure I would like ; but it was
to be a secret : and he knew I would take as much pains,
since he recommended it, as I would for him.
I hope nobody will be wronged or think himself aggrieved,
that I give this rejected Work [the Comedy o/The Drummer not
included by TiCKELL in his collected edition of Addison's Works]
where I do : and if a certain Gentleman [T/cxfiLL] is injured
by it, I will allow I have wronged him upon this issue ; that
if the reputed translator [Tickell] of the First Book of
Homer shall please to give us another Book, there shall
appear another good Judge in poetry, besides Mr. Alexander
Pope, who shall like it !
But I detain you too long upon things that a^e too personal
to myself, and will defer giving the World a true Notion of
the Character and Talents of Mr. Addison, till I can speak
of that amiable Gentlemen on an occasion void of con-
troversy.
I shall then perhaps say many things of him which will be
new even to you, with regard to him in all parts of his
Character: for which I was so zealous, that I could not
be contented with praising and adorning him as much as lay
in my own power ; but was ever soliciting and putting my
friends upon the same office.
And since the Editor [TiCKELL] has adorned his heavy
536Tickell's attempt on Steele's reputation. p,t;.
Discourse with Prose in rhyme at the end of it, upon Mr.
Addison's death : give me leave to atone for this long and
tedious Epistle, by giving after it, what I dare say you will
esteem, an excellent Poem on his marriage [by Mr. Wel-
STED].
I must conclude without satisfying as strong a desire, as
every man had, of saying something remarkably handsome to
the Person to whom I am writing : for you are so good a
judge, that you would find out the Endeavourer to be witty !
and therefore, as I have tired you and myself, I will be con-
tented with assuring you, which I do very honestly, I would
rather have you satisfied with me on this subject, than any
other man living.
You will please pardon me, that I have, thus, laid this nice
affair before a person who has the acknowledged superiority to
all others ; not only in the most excellent talents ; but possess-
ing them with an equanimity, candour,and benevolence which
render those advantages a pleasure as great to the rest of the
World as they can be to the owner of them. And since Fame
consists in the Opinion of wise and good men : you must not
blame me for taking the readiest way to baffle any Attempt
upon my Reputation, by an Address to one, whom every wise
and good man looks upon, with the greatest affection and
veneration.
I am, Sir,
Your most obliged,
most obedient, and
most humble servant,
Richard Steele.
LAW
IS A
jSottcimle00 ^it
Exemplified in the CASE of
The Lord Strutt, John Bull,
Nicholas Frog, and Lewis Baboon :
Who spent all they had in a Lawsuit.
Frinted from a Manuscript found in the Cabinet
of the famous Sir Humphry Polesworth,
L 0 ND O N:
Printed for John Morphew, near Stationers'
Hall, I 7 I 2. Price 3d.
538
[The precise date of the publication of this First Part, is fixed by an
advertisement in No. 14 of Volume II. of [Swift's] Examiner^ to be the
28th February, 1712.]
539
THE CONTENTS.
Chap. I. The Occasion of the Lawsuit p. 541
II. How Bull and Frog grew jealous, that the
Lord Strutt intended to give all his custom
to his grandfather LEWIS BABOON p. 543
III. A copy of Bull and Frog's letter to Lord
Strutt p. 543
IV. How Bull and Frog went to law with
Lord Strutt about the premisses, and were
joined by the rest of the Tradesmen p. 544
V. The true characters of John Bull, Nic.
Frog, and Hocus p. 545
VI. Of the various success of the Lawsuit p. 546
VII. How John Bull was so mightily pleased
with his success, that he was going to leave off
his trade, and turn lawyer p' 547
540
The Contents.
r J. Arbuthnot, M D.
Lfart I. 28 Feb. 1712.
Chap. VIII. How John discovered that Hocus had an
intrigue with his wife, and what followed
thereupon p. 548
IX. How Signior Cavallo, an Italian Quack,
undertook to cure Mrs. Bull of her ulcer ...p. 550
X. Of John Bull's second wife, and the good
advice that she gave him p. 552
XI. How John looked over his Attorney's
^ill P' 553
XII. How John grew angry, resolved to accept
a Composition; and what methods were
practised by the lawyers for keeping him
f^omit /,. 554
XIII. How the lawyers agreed to send Don DiEGO
DiSMALLO the Conjuror, to John Bull,
to dissuade him from making an end of his
Lawsuit; and what pa^ed between them ...p. 556
541
Law is a Bottomless Pit.
CHAPTER I.
The Occasion of the Lawsuit,
Need not tell you the great quarrels that
have happened in our neighbourhood, since the
death of the late Lord Strutt [the late King of
Spain, Charles 11. , who died in 1700J, how the
Parson [Cardinal Portocarrero] and a cun-
ning Attorney got him to settle his estate upon his
cousin Philip Baboon [the Duke of ANyou,
afterwards PHILIP V.], to the great disappoint-
ment of his cousin, Esquire South [the Archduke Charles],
Some stick not to say, that the Parson and the Attorney forged
a Will, for which they were well paid by the Family of the
Baboons [the House of Bourbon], Let that be as it will, it
is matter of fact, that the honour and estate have continued
ever since in the person of Philip Baboon.
You know that the Lord Strutts have, for many years, been
possessed of a very great landed estate, well conditioned,
wooded, watered; with coal, salt, tin, copper, iron, &c., all
within themselves : that it has been the misfortune of the
Family, to be the property of their stewards, tradesmen, and
inferior servants, which has brought great incumbrances
upon them ; and, at the same time, the not abating of their
expensive way of living has forced them to mortage their best
manors. It is credibly reported, that the butcher's and
baker's bills of a Lord Strutt that lived two hundred years
ago, are not yet paid.
542 France bullying all Europe. [paiit^^teT;,^.*
When Philip Baboon came first to the possession of the
Lord Strutt's estate, his Tradesmen [the Allies], as is usual
upon such occasions, waited upon him, to wish him joy, and
to bespeak his custom. The two chief were John Bull
[the English] the clothier, and Nic. Frog [the Dutch] the linen
draper. They told him, that " the Bulls and the Frogs had
served the Lord Strutts with drapery ware for many years,
that they were honest and fair dealers, that their bills had
never been questioned, that the Lord Strutts lived gene-
rously and never used to dirty their fingers with pen, ink,
and counters, that his Lordship might depend upon their
honesty, and they would use him as kindly as they had done
his predecessors."
The young Lord seemed to take all in good part, and dis-
missed with a deal of seeming content ; assuring them that
he did not intend to change any of the honourable maxims of
his predecessors.
CHAPTER II.
How Bull and Frog grew jealous, that the Lord Strutt
intended to give all his custom to his grandfather LEWIS
Baboon.
T HAPPENED, unfortunately for the peace of our
neighbourhood, that this young Lord had an old
cunning rogue, or, as the Scots call it, a "false loon "
-^ of a grandfather, that one might justly call a "Jack
of all trades." Sometimes you would see him behind his
counter selling broadcloth ; sometimes, measuring linen ;
next day he would be dealing in mercery ware. High heads,
ribbons, gloves, fans, and lace, he understood to a nicety ;
Charles Mather could not bubble a young beau better
with a toy ! nay, he would descend even to the selling of
tape, garters, and shoebuckles. When shop was shut up,
he would go about the neighbourhood, and earn half a crown
by teaching the young men and maids to dance. By these
methods he had acquired immense riches, which he used to
squander away at back-sword, quarter-staff, and cudgel-play,
in which he took great pleasure ; and challenged all the
country.
Pa{'tl'^"!!'F°eb.^/7i^.] Parody OF THE /".^i^j/Tyo.v Treaties. 543
You will say it is no wonder if Bull and Frog should be
jealous of this fellow.
" It is not impossible," says Frog to Bull, "but this old
rogue will take the management of the young Lord's busi-
ness into his hands ; besides, the rascal has good ware, and
will serve him as cheap as anybody, in that case. I leave
you to judge, what must become of us and our families ! we
must starve, or turn journeymen to old Lewis Baboon !
therefore, neighbour, I hold it advisable that we write to
young Lord Strutt, to know the bottom of this matter.
CHAPTER III.
A copy of Bull and Frog's letter to Lord Strutt,
Lord,
Suppose your Lordship knows that the Bulls and
the Frogs have served the Lord Strutts with all
sorts of drapery ware, time out of mind; and whereas
we are jealous, not without reason, that your Lordship
intends henceforth to buy of your grandsire, old Lewis Baboon :
this is to inform your Lordship, that this proceeding does not suit
with the circumstances of our families, who have lived and made a
good figure in the World by the generosity of the Lord Strutts.
Therefore we think fit to acquaint your Lordship, that you must find
sufficient security to us, our heirs and assigns, that you will not
employ LEWIS BABOON, or else we will take our remedy at law, clap
an action upon you of ^20,000 for old debts, seize and destrain your
goods and chattels; which, considering your Lordship's circum-
stances, will plunge you into difficulties from which it will not be
easy to extricate yourself : therefore we hope when your Lordship
has better considered on it, you will comply with the desire of
Your loving friends,
John Bull,
N I c. Frog.
Some of Bull's friends advised him to take gentler methods
with the young Lord ; but John naturally loved rough play.
It is impossible to express the surprise of the Lord Strutt,
upon the receipt of this letter. He was not flush in " ready "
544 The Allies join England & Holland. [^■an''L"%Tl'
[money], either to go to law or to clear old debts ; neither
could he find good bail.
He offered to bring matters to a friendly accommodation ;
and promised, upon his word of honour, that he would not
change his drapers : but all to no purpose, for Bull and
Frog saw clearly that old Lewis would have the cheating of
him 1
CHAPTER IV.
How Bull and Frog went to law with Lord Strutt about
the premisses, and were joined by the rest of the Tradesmen.
Ll endeavours of accommodation between Lord
Strutt and his drapers proved vain. Jealousies
increased, and indeed it was rumoured abroad, that
the Lord Strutt had bespoke his new liveries of
old Lewis Baboon.
This coming to Mrs. Bull's ears, when John Bull came
home, he found all his family in an uproar. Mrs. Bull [the
late Ministry of Lord GoDOLPHiN and the Duke of Marl-
borough], you must know, was very apt to be choleric.
"You sot!" says she, "you loiter about alehouses and
taverns ! spend your time at billiards, nine-pins or puppet-
shows ! or flaunt about the streets in your new gilt chariot !
never minding me, nor your numerous family. Don't you
hear how Lord Strutt has bespoke his liveries at Lewis
Baboon's shop ! Don't you see how that old fox steals
away your customers, and turns you out of your business
every day; and you sit, like an idle drone, with your hands in
your pockets! Fie upon it ! Up man ! rouse thyself! I'll
sell to my shift, before I'll be so used by that knave ! "
You must think Mrs. Bull had been pretty well tuned
up by Frog ; who chimed in with her learned harangue.
No further delay, now ! but to Counsel learned in the Law
they go! who unaminously assured them of the justice and
infallible success of their Lawsuit.
I told you before, that old Lewis Baboon was a sort of a
"Jack of all trades " ; which made the Tradesmen jealous, as
well as Bull and Frog. They hearing of the quarrel, were
glad of an opportunity of joining against old Lewis Baboon,
Paft'i!"!""':] The original portrait of John Bull. 545
provided that Bull and Frog would bear the charges of the
suit; even lying Ned the Chimney-sweeper [the Duke of
Savoy], and Tom the Dustman [the King of Portugal] put
in their claims ; and the Cause [war] was put into the hands
of Humphry Hocus [the Duke of Marlborough] the
Attorney [the General].
A Declaration was drawn up to sheu', that BuLL and Frog
had nndoubted right by prescription to be drapers to the Lord
Strutts ; that there were several old contracts to that purpose ;
that Lewis Baboon had taken up the 'trade of Clothier and
Draper, without serving his time or purchasing his Freedom ; that
he sold goods, that were not marketable without the stamp ; that
he himself was more fit for a bully than a tradesman, and went
about through all the country fairs, challenging people to fight
prizes, wrestlings and cudgel-play. And abundance more to
this purpose.
CHAPTER V.
The true characters of John Bull, Nic. Frog, and Hocus.
|0r the better understanding of the following History,
the reader ought to know, that Bull, in the main,
was an honest, plain-dealing fellow, choleric, bold,
and of a very unconstant temper. He dreaded not
old Lewis either at back-sword, single falchion, or cudgel-
play; but then he was very apt to quarrel with his best
friends, especially if they pretended to govern him. If you
flattered him, you might lead him like a child ! John's
temper depended very much upon the air ; his spirits rose
and fell with the weather-glass. John was quick, and under-
stood his business very well : but no man alive was more
careless in looking into his accounts ; or more cheated by
partners, apprentices, and servants. This was occasioned
by his being a boon companion, loving his bottle and his
diversion : for, to say truth, no man kept a better house
than John, or spent his money more generously. By plain
and fair dealing, John had acquired some "plumbs" ; and
might have kept them, had it not been for this unhappy
Lawsuit.
Nic. Frog was a cunning sly whoreson, quite the reverse
£a'g. Gar. VI. otf
546 Character of Duke of Marlrorougii. [kn^L'"^^"':
of John in many particulars : covetous, frugal, minded do-
mestic affairs: would pine his belly to save his pocket; never
lost a farthing by careless servants or bad debtors. He did
not care much for any sort of diversions, except tricks of
High German artistes and legerdemain. No man exceeded
Nic. in these. Yet it must be owned, that Nic. was a fair
dealer ; and, in that way, had acquired immense riches.
Hocus [the Diikc of Marlborough] was an old cunning
Attorney. What he wanted of skill in law, was made by a
Clerk which he kept [?], that was the prettiest fellow in the
world. He loved mone}', was smooth-tongued, gave good
words, and seldom lost his temper. He was not " worse
than an Infidel " ; for he provided plentifully for his family :
but he loved himself better than them all. He had a terma-
gant wife [the Duchess of Marlborough], and, as the neigh-
bours said, "was plaguy henpecked!" He was seldom
observed, as some Attorneys will practise, to give his own
personal evidence in causes: he rather chose to do it per test,
conduct. In a word, the man was very well for an Attorney
[General].
CHAPTER VI.
Of the various siicccss of the Lawsuit.
|Aw is a bottomless pit ! It is a cormorant, a harpy
that devours everything ! "
John Bull was flattered by his lawyers that
his suit would not last above a year or two, at
most ; that before that time he would be in quiet possession
of his business; yet ten long years did Hocus steer his Cause
[the war] through all the meanders of the Law, and all the
Courts: no skill, no address was wanting. And, to say
truth, John did not starve the cause. There wanted not
" yellow boys " to fee Counsel, hire witnesses, and bribe
juries. Lord Strutt was generally cast, never had one
verdict [victory] in his favour : and John was promised, that
the Next, and the Next, would be the final Determination. But,
alas, that final Determination and happy conclusion were
like an enchanted island : the nearer John came to it, the
further it went from him. New trials upon new points still
arose! new doubts, new matters to be cleared! In short,
ptnL^^fJ EnCxLisii victories & French prostration. 547
lawyers seldom part with so good a cause, till they have got
the oyster, and their clients the shell.
John's ready money, book debts, bonds, mortgages, all
went into the lawyers' pockets. Then John began to borrow
money on Bank Stock, East India Bonds: and now and then a
farm went to pot.
At last, it was thought a good expedient to set up Squire
South's [Archduke Charles'] title, to prove the Will forged,
and dispossess Philip, Lord Strutt, at once. Here again
was a new field for the lawyers ! and the Cause grew more
intricate than ever. John grew madder and madder. Wher-
ever he met any of Lord Strutt's servants, he tore off their
clothes. Now and then, you would see them come home
naked, without shoes, stockings, and linen.
As for old Lewis Baboon, he was reduced to his last shift,
though he had as many as any other. His children were
reduced from rich silks to doily stuffs. His servants were in
rags and barefooted : instead of good victuals, they now lived
upon neck beef and bullock's liver. In short, nobody got
much by the matter, but the men of law.
CHAPTER VII.
How John Bull was so mightily pleased with his success,
that he was going to leave off his trade, and tnrn lawyer.
T IS wisely observed by a great philosopher, that
" habit is a second nature." This was verified in the
case of John Bull, who, from an honest and plain
tradesman, had got such a haunt about the Courts
of Justice, and such a jargon of law words, that he concluded
himself as able a lawyer as any that pleaded at the bar, or
sat on the bench.
He was overheard, one day, talking to himself after this
manner. " How capriciously does Fate or Chance dispose
of mankind ! How seldom is that business allotted to a man
for which he is fitted by Nature ! It is plain I was intended
for a man of law ! How did my guardians mistake my genius,
in placing me, like a mean slave, behind a counter ! Bless
me ! what immense estates these fellows raise by the Law !
besides, it is the profession of a Gentleman. What a pleasure
548 The Dutch more prudent ix the war. [l;^^,'\
bulhnrit.
712.
it is to be victorious in a cause ! to swagger at the bar !
What a fool am I to drudge any more in this woollen trade !
for a lawyer I was born, and a lawyer I will be ! One is
never too old to learn ! "
All this while, John had conned over such a catalogue of
hard words, as were enough to conjure up the Devil. These
he used to l3ubble indifferently in all companies, especially at
coffeehouses; so that his neighbour tradesmen began to shun
his company, as a man that was cracked. Instead of the
affairs of Blackwall Hall, and price of broad cloth, wool,
bayes ; he talked of nothing but "Actions upon the Case,
Returns, Capias, Alias capias, Demurrers, Venire facias.
Replevins, Supersedeas, Certioraris, Writs of Error, Actions
of Trover and Conversion, Trespasses, Precipes et Dedimus.'*
This was matter of jest to the learned in law. However,
Hocus and the rest of the tribe, encouraged John in his
fancy : assuring him, that he had a great genius for law ; that
they questioned not but, in time, he might raise money enough
by it, to reimburse him of all his charges; that if he studied,
he would undoubtedly arrive to the dignity of a Lord Chief
Justice. As for the advice of honest friends and neighbours,
John despised it. He looked upon them as fellows of a low
genius; poor grovelling mechanics! John reckoned it more
honour to have got one favourable verdict, than to have sold
a bale of broad cloth.
As for Nic. Frog, to say the truth, he was more prudent :
for though he followed his Lawsuit closely, he neglected not
his ordinary business ; but was both in Court and in his shop
at the proper hours.
CHAPTER VII L
How John discovered that Hocus had an intrigue with his
wife, and what followed thereupon.
JJOhn had not run on a madding so long, had it not
been for an extravagant wife [tlie Administration of
Lord GoDOLPHiN], whom Hocus perceiving John
to be fond of, was resolved to win over to his side.
It was observed by all the neighbourhood, that Hocus had
J. Arbuthnot.
Parti
i7°2'.]TORY DESCRIPTION OF aWiIIG GOVERNMENT. 549
dealings with John's wife, that were not so much for his
honour : but this was perceived by John a little too late.
She was a luxurious jade, loved splendid equipages, plays,
treats, and balls ; differing very much from the sober manners
of her ancestors, and by no means fit for a tradesman's wife.
Hocus fed her extravagancy, and, what was still more
shameful, with John's own money ! It is matter of fact,
that upon all occasions, she ran out extravagantly on the
praise of Hocus. When John used to be finding fault with
his bills, she used to reproach him as ungrateful to his
greatest benefactor ! one that had taken so much pains in his
Lawsuit, and retrieved his Family from the oppression of old
Lewis Baboon.
A good swinging sum of John's readiest cash went towards
building of Hocus's country-house \tlic Vote for the buildin<^ of
Blenheiui]. This affair between Hocus and Mrs. Bull was
so open, that all the world were scandalized at it. John was
not so clodpated, but at last he took the hint.
The Parson of the parish [Doctor Sacheverel] preaching
one day, a little sharply against adultery [Resistance to Kiiis^s],
Mrs. Bull told her husband, that " he was a very uncivil
fellow to use such coarse language before People of Condi-
tion ; " that " Hocus was of the same mind, and that they
would join, to have him turned out of his living, for using
personal reflections."
" How do you mean,"' says John, " by personal reflec-
tions ? I hope in God, wife, he did not reflect on you ! "
" No, thank God ! my reputation is too well established
in the world, to receive any hurt from such a foul-mouthed
scoundrel as he ! His doctrine tends only to m.ake husbands
[Sovereigns], tyrants; and wives [Nations], slaves. Must we
be shut up, and husbands left to their liberty ? Very pretty,
indeed ! A wife must never go abroad with a Platonic to see
a play or a ball ! she must never stir without her husband, nor
walk in Spring Gardens with a cousin! I do say, husband !
and I will stand by it, that without the innocent freedoms of
life, matrimony would be a most intolerable state ! and that
a wife's virtue ought to be the result of her own reason, and
not of her husband's government. For my part, I would
scorn a husband that would be jealous ! "
All this while, John's blood boiled in his veins. He was
550 Shrewsbury tries to s.-we the Whigs, [kft'l^'ijxt
now confirmed in his suspicions. Jade was the best word
that John gave her.
Things went from better to worse, until Mrs. Bull aimed
a knife at John ; though John threw a bottle at her head very
brutally indeed. After this, there was nothing but confusion.
Bottles, glasses, spoons, plates, knives, forks, and dishes f^evv
about like dust. The result of which was, that Mrs. Bull
received a bruise in her right side, of which she died half a
year after [the fall of Lord Godolphin's Administration, aboitt
six months after the trial of Doctor Sacheverel in March,
1710].
The bruise imposthumated, and afterwards turned into
an ulcer, which made everybody shy to come near her, she
smelt so ; yet she wanted not the help of many able
physicians, who attended very diligently, and did what men
of skill could do : but all to no purpose, for her condition
was now quite desperate ; all regular physicians and her
nearest relations having given her over.
CHAPTERIX.
How Si'^nior Cavallo, an Italian Quack, undertook to cure
Mrs. Bull of her ulcer.
H liRE is nothing so impossible in Nature, but mounte-
banks will undertake ; nothing so incredible, but
they will affirm. Mrs. Bull's condition was looked
upon as desperate by all Men of Art. Then Signior
Cavallo [the Duke of Shrewsbury] judged it was high
time for him to interpose. He bragged that he had an
infallible ointment and plaster, which, being applied to the
sore, would cure it in a few days ; at the same time, he would
give her a pill that would purge off all her bad humours,
sweeten her blood, and rectify her disturbed imagination.
In spite of all Signior Cavallo's applications, the patient
grew worse. Every day she stank so, that nobody durst
come witbin a stone's throw of her; except Signior Cavallo
and his wife, whom he sent every day to dress her, she having
a very gentle, soft hand. x\.ll this while, Signior apprehended
no danger.
Paft''i!"i7"2:] Whig legacies: War, Discord, I interest. 551
If one asked him, " How Mrs. Bull did ? "
" Better and better ! " says Signior Cavallo ; the ** parts
heal and her constitution mends. If she submits to my
Government, she will be abroad in a little time."
Nay, it is reported that he wrote to his friends in the
country that " she should dance a jig [meet the Parliament]
next October, in Westminster Hall ! that her illness had
been chiefly owing to bad physicians."
At last, Signior, one day, was sent for in great haste, his
patient growing worse and worse.
When he came, he affirmed that " it was a gross mistake,
that she was never in a fairer way. Bring hither the salve,"
says he, " and give her a plentiful draught of my cordial ! "
As he was applying his ointments, and administering the
cordial, the patient gave up the ghost : to the confusion of
Signior Cavallo, and the great joy of Bull and his friends.
Signior flang away out of the house in great disorder, and
swore there was foul play, for he was sure that his medicines
were infallible.
Mrs. Bull having died without any signs of repentance or
devotion, the Clergy would hardly allow her Christian burial.
The Relations had once resolved to sue John for murder:
but considering better of it, and that such a trial would rip
up old sores, and discover things not so much to the reputa-
tion of the deceased ; they dropped their design.
She left no Will : only there was found in her strong box
the following words written on a scrip of paper. " My curse
on John Bull and all my posterity, if ever they come to any
Composition with my Lord Strutt ! "
There were many epitaphs written upon her. One was as
follows ;
Here lies John's ivifc,
Plague of his life !
She spent his ivealth !
She wronged his health !
And left him datightcrs three
As bad as She !
The daughters' names were Polemia [War], Discordia
[Discord], and UsUKiA [High rate of Interest].
;52 A COMPLIMENT TO OuEEN AnNE. [pi;t L^'^^sTcb
Arbiithnot, ftl.D.
712.
CHAPTER X.
Of John Bull's second wife, and the f^ood advice thai she
I.
|OnN quickly got the better of his grief, and it being
that neither his constitution, nor the affairs of his
Family could permit him to live in an unmarried
state : he resolved to get him another wife.
A cousin of his last wife was proposed ; but he would
have no more of that breed ! In short, he wedded a sober
Country Gentlewoman, of a good family, and plentiful fortune
[Qnccii Anne]: the reverse of the other in her temper. Not
but that she loved money, for she was of a saving temper ; and
applied her fortune to pay John's clamorous debts, that the
unfrugal methods of his last wife, and this ruinous Lawsuit
had brought him into.
One day, as she had got her husband into a good humour,
she talked to him after the following manner: "My Dear!
since I have been your wife, I have observed great abuses and
disorders in your Family. Your servants are mutinous and
quarrelsome, and cheat you most abominably. Your cook-
maid is in a combination with your butcher, poulterer, and
fishmonger. Your butler purloins your liquor, and your
brewer sells you hogwash. Your baker cheats, both in weight
and tale [niujibcr]. Even your milk-woman and your nursery-
maid have a fellow feeling. Your tailor, instead of shreds,
cabbages [steals] whole yards of cloth. Besides, having such
long scores, and not going to market for ready money, forces
us to take bad ware of the Tradesmen, at their own price.
You have not posted your books these ten years. [Lord
(tODULPHIN carrying War Credits over from year to year, during
the period of his Administration.] How is it possible for a
man of business to keep his affairs even in the World, at this
rate? Pray God, this Hocus be honest! Would to God,
you would look over his bills, and see how matters stand
l)etween Frog and you ! Prodigious sums are spent in this
Lawsuit, and more must be borrowed of scriveners and
usurers, at heavy interest. Besides, my Dear! let me beg of
you to lay aside that wild project, of leaving your business to
turn lawyer : for which, let me tell you, Nature never
j.Arbuthnot, M.D.-i TOTALLING UP THE War Credits. 553
Part I. 28 Feb. 1712 J '
desi-ned you. Believe me, these rogues do but flatter, that
"^flThetd ^aU-thirwhilelwith paHence, tiH she pricUed
his ma--ot, and touched him m the tender pomt. Then, he
b okTSSfinto a violent passion, "What. I not fit for a
iavvyer' Let me tell you, my dodpated relations spoilt the
T^liest genius in the World, when they bijd me a mechanic !
S Strutt and his old rogue of a grandsire have found to
their cost that I can manage a Lawsuit as well as any othei .
'! I do not deny what yoSsay," says Mrs. Bull, " nor do I
call n question /our parts ; but I say it does not suit with your
drcum?tances. You and your predecessors have lived in good
put" ion among your neighbours by this -me c o h.
trade- and it were madness to leave it off 1 Besides, there
are few that know all the tricks and cheats of these lawyers.
Does no your own experience teach you, how they have
drawn vou on from one Term to another ; and how you have
dan ed the round of all the Courts, still flattering you with
a final issue: and. for aught I can see, your Cause is not a
hit clearer than it was seven years ago.
" rU be hanged," says John, "if I accept of any Com-
nosition ivom S?rutt, or his Grandfather ! I'll rather whee
^bou t^ie streets an engine to grind knives and scissors !
However, I will take your advice, and look over my accounts.
CHAPTER XI.
How John looked over his Attorney's hill.
Hfn Tohn first brought out the bills [the War
Credit, the surprise of all the Family was unex-
pressible. at the prodigious di"^^,"^^°,?,%°f;t\T bale
. short, they would have measured with the best bale
of cloth n JoHN's%hop. Fees to Judges, putsue Judges
Clerks, Protolotaries. Philizers, Chirographers Under Cl^
Proclamators, Counsel, Witnesses, J^^^men Marshals ip
staffs, Cryers, Porters ; for enrollings exempl ficat.ons, bads
vou-hers returns, caveats, examinations, filings ot woias,
InU-ies decla^-ations, replications, recordats, nolle proseqms,
^^ar^mUtrurus, demurrers, special verdicts, ^formations
scire i!tc^as, supersedeas, Habeas Corpus, coach hire, treating of
witnesses, &c.
554 The Queen calls in Lord Oxford. [pJit'^'s'^l'/;?^:
" Verily," says John, " there are a prodigious number of
learned words in this Law ; what a pretty science it is ! "
"Ay, but husband! you have paid for every syllable and
letter of these fine words ! Bless me ! what immense sums
are at the bottom of the account ! "
John spent several weeks in looking over his bills, and by
comparing and stating his accounts, he discovered that,
besides the extravagance of every article, he had been
egregiously cheated ; that he had paid for Counsel that were
never fee-ed, for Writs that were never drawn, for dinners
that were never dressed, and journeys that were never made.
In short, that Hocus and Frog had agreed to throw the
burden of the Lawsuit upon his shoulders.
CHAPTER XII.
How John grew angry, resolved to accept a Composition ; and
what methods were practised by the lawyers for keeping him from it.
Ell might the learned Daniel Burgess say, that
*' a Lawsuit is a suit for life ! " He that sows his
grain upon marble, will have many a hungry belly
before harvest. This John felt, by woful experience.
John's Cause was a good milch cow ; and many a man
subsisted his family out of it.
However John began to think it high time to look about
him. He had a cousin in the country, one Sir Roger Bold
[Robert Harley, Earl of Oxford]; whose predecessors
had been bred up to the law, and knew as much of it as
anybody ; but having left off the profession for some time,
they took great pleasure in compounding lawsuits amongst
their neighbours : for which, they were the aversion of the
Gentlemen of the Long Robe, and at perpetual war with all
the country attorneys.
John put his Case in Sir Roger's hands, desiring him to
make the best of it-
The news had no sooner reached the ears of the lawyers,
but they were all in an uproar. They brought all the rest of
the Tradesmen [the Allies] upon John. Squire South [ArcJi-
duke Charles] swore he was betrayed, that he would starve
before he compounded. Frog said he was highly wronged.
Even Ned the Chimney-sweeper [Duke of Savoy] and Tom
pafu.^'iril:] Portrait of Duchess of Marlborough. 555
the Dustman [King of PORTUGAL] complained that their
Interest was sacrificed.
As for Hocus's wife [the Duchess of Marlborough], she
took a hackney chair, and came to John's house immediately;
and fell a scolding at his wife [Queen Anne], like the
mother of Beelzebub ! " You silly, awkward, ill-bred,
country sow, you ! Have you no more manners than to rail
at my husband, that has saved that clodpated, numskulled,
ninny-hammer of yours from ruin, and all his Family ! It is
well known how he has risen early, and sat up late to make
him easy ; when he was sotting at every alehouse in the town !
I knew his last wife ! She was a woman of breeding, good-
humour, and complaisance ! knew how to live in the world ;
but as for you, you look like a puppet moved by clockwork !
Your clothes hang upon you as if they were upon tenter-
hooks ; and you come into a room as if you were going to
steal something ! Get you gone into the country, to look
after your mother's poultry, to milk the cows, churn the
butter, and dress up nosegays for a holiday! and meddle not
with matters that you know no more of, than the signpost
before your door ! It is well known that my husband has
an established reputation ! He never swore an oath, nor
told a lie in all his life! He is grateful to his benefactors,
faithful to his friends, liberal to his dependents, and dutiful
to his superiors ! He values not your money more than the
dust under his feet ; but he hates to be abused! Once for
all, Mrs. Mynx ! leave off talking of my husband, or I will
put out these saucer eyes of yours ! and make that red
streaked country face look as raw as an ox-cheek upon a
butcher's stall ! Remember, I say, that there are pillories
and ducking stools ! " With this, away she flang ; leaving
Mrs. Bull no time to reply.
No stone was left unturned to fright John from this Com-
position [the Peace, finally settled by the treaties signed at Utrecht,
on the 315^ March of the next year after this tract]. Some-
times they spread reports at the coffeehouses, that John and
his wife had run mad ! that they intended to give up house,
and make over all their estate to old Lewis Baboon ! that
John had been often heard talking to himself, and seen in the
streets without shoes or stockings ! that he did nothing, from
morning to night, but beat his servants ; after having been
the best master alive ! As for his wife, she was a mere natural !
556 Lord Nottingham accused of trimming. [i;,f;l':'%"°^:
Sometimes John's house was beset with a whole regiment
of Attorneys' clerks, bailiffs and bailiffs' followers, and other
small retainers of the law ; who threw stones at his windows,
and dirt at himself as he went along the street.
When John complained of want of ready money to carry on
his Suit ; they advised him to pawn his plate and jewels, and
that Mrs. Bull should sell her linen and wearing clothes 1
CHAPTER XIII.
How the lawyers agreed to send Don DiEGO Dismallo the
Conjuror, to JoHN Bull, to dissuade him from making an end
of his Lawsuit; and what passed between them.
Bull iF^S^^^^ ^°^^ "^y ^^^^ friend Don Diego [Daniel
Finch, Earl of Nottingham] ?
Don. Never worse ! Who can be easy,
when their friends are playing the fool ?
Bull. But then you may be easy, for I am resolved to
play the fool no longer 1 I wish I had hearkened to your
advice, and compounded this Lawsuit sooner.
Don. It is true, I was then against the ruinous ways of
this Lawsuit ; but looking over my Scheme since, I find there
is an error in my calculation. Sol and Jupiter were in a
wrong House, but I have now discovered their true places.
I tell you I find that the stars are unanimously of opinion,
that you will be successful in this Cause, that Lewis will
come to an untimely end, and Stkutt will be turned out of
doors by his wife and children.
[The Satire here is against Lord NOTTINGHAM ; and the Party
of the HigJi Flyers or the Warm Gentlemen, of which he was one of
the leaders. He had, while Secretary of State, in 1703, brought
Defoe to the Pillory : see Vol. VIL]
Then he went on with a torrent of ecliptics, cycles,
epicycles, ascendants, trines, quadrants, conjunctions. Bulls,
Bears, Goats, Rams, and abundance of hard words ; which
being put together, signified nothing. John, all this while,
stood gaping and staring, like a man in a trance.
FINIS.
JOHN BULL
in his SENSES:
BEING THE
SECOND PART
OF
Law is a Bottomless Pit.
Printed from a Manuscript found in the Cabinet
of the famous Sir Humphry Polesworth.
LONDON,
Printed for John Morphew, near Stationers'
Hall, I 7 I 2. Price 3d.
558
[It appears by an advertisement in No. 1 6, of Volume II. of the Examiner,
that the Second Edition of Part I. was pubhshed on the 13th March, 171 2.
That edition contains the following announcement.
On Tuesday next will be Publish'd,
yoHN Bull in his Senses: Being the
Second Part of Law is a Bottomless Pit.
This fixes the first appearance of Part II. to be on Tuesday, iSth
March, 17 12.]
559
THE CONTENTS.
Chap. I. Mrs. Bull's Vindication of the indispensable
duty of cnckoldom [Resistance to Arbitrary
Power] incumbent upon wives [Nations] in
case of tyranny, infidelity, or insufficiency
of Imsbands [Sovereigns] ; being a full
Answer to the Doctor's [Sacheverel]
Sermon against Adidtery [Resistance to
Arbitrary Power] ^- 5^-
II. The two great parties of Wives, the Devotoes
[High Church] and the Hitts [Low Church] p. 563
III. An account of the Conference between Mrs.
Bull [Queen Anne] and Don Diego
Z)/Sii/^LLO [Lord Nottingham] /"• 564
The Articles of Agreement between John
Bull and Nicholas Frog p. 567
Nicholas Frog's letter to Lewis Baboon,
Master of the noble Science of Defence p. 568
;6o
The Contents.
r J. Arbmhnot, M.D.
L Pan II. i8 Mar. 1712.
CiiAP. IV. Hoiv the Guardians of the deceased Mrs.
Bull's three daughters, came to John Bull,
and what advice they gave him; wherein is
briefly treated the characters of the three
daughters P' 57^
Also John Bull's answer to the three
Guardians P- 573
V. Esquire South' s message and letter to Mrs.
Bull />. 575
56i
John Bull in his Senses.
CHAPTER I .
Mr^. Bull's Vindication of the indispensable duty of cnckol-
dom [Resistance to Arbitrary Power] incumbent upon wives
[Nations] in case of tyranny, infidelity, or insufficiency of
husbands [Sovereigns] : being a full Answer to the Doctor's
[Sacheverel] Sermon against Adultery [Resistance to Arbi-
trary Power].
Ohn found daily fresh proofs of the infidehty
and bad designs of his deceased wife. Amongst
other things, one day, looking over his Cabi-
net, he found the following paper :
It is evident that Matrimony [Government
in a State] is founded upon an Original Contract
[see Vol. VII. p.539], Wim'6j' the wife makes over
the Right she has by the Law of Nature, in favour of the husband,
by which he acquires the property of all her posterity. But tlien
the obligation is mutual; and where the Contract is broken on one
side, it ceases to bind on the other. Where there is a Right, there
must be a Power to maintain it, and to punish the offending party
This power, I affirm to be that Original Right, or rather that
indispensable duty of cuckoldom [Resistance to Oppression and
Arbitrary Power] lodged in all wives, in the cases above mcntwnca.
No wife is bound \i. e.. People to any Sovereign] by any law
to which she herself has not consented. All cvconomical pother
is lodged originally in the husband and wife [Sovereign ana
People]; the executive part being in the husband. Botli nave
their privileges secured to them by law and reason : but wut any
man infer from the husband's being invested with the executive
hower, that the wife is deprived of her share, and that which is
the principal branch of it, the original right of cuckoldom [Ke-
ENC. GAR. VI. 3^
562 A MARVELLOUS IrONY OF WhIG rRINCIPLES.[pJ;^^n
buthnot.
1 71 2.
sistance to Arbitrary Power] ? and that she has no remedy left
but preces et lachrymse, or an appeal to a supreme Court of
Judicature ?
No less frivolous are the argtiuicnts draicm from the general appel-
lations and terms of Husband and Wife [Sovereign and People].
A Jinsband denotes several different sorts of Magistrates, according
to the usages and customs of different climates and countries. In
some Eastern nations, it signifies a Tyrant, with the absolute power
of life and death. In Turkey, it denoteth an Arbitrary Governor,
with power of perpetual imprisonment. In Italy, it gives the
husband the power of poison and padlocks. In the countries of
England, France, and Holland, it has quite a different meaning,
implying a free and equal Government : securing to the wife, in
certain cases, the liberty of cuckoldom [Resistance], and the
property of pin money and separate maintenance. So that the
arguments drawn from the terms of Husband and Wife are falla-
cious, and by no means fit to support a tyrannical doctrine, as
that of Absolute unlimited Chastity [Passive Obedience] and
conjugal fidelity.
The general exhortations to chastity in wives are meant only for
rules in ordinary cases; but suppose the three conditions oj Ability,
Justice, and Fidelity in the Husband. Such an unlimited, un-
conditioned fidelity in the Wife coidd never be stipposed by reason-
able men. It seems a refection upon the Church, to charge her
with doctrines that countenance oppression.
The doctrine of the Original Right of cuckoldom is congruous to
the Law of Nature, which is superior to all luunan laws ; and for
that, I dare appeal to all wives I It is much to the honour of our
English wives that they have never given up that Fundamental
Point; and that, though in former Ages they were muffled up in dark-
ness and superstition, yet that notion seemed cngravenon theirminds,
and the impression was so strong, that nothing could impair it.
To assert the illegality of cuckoldom f Resistance], upon any pre-
tence whatever, were to cast odious colours upon the nuirried state,
to blacken the necessary means of perpetuating families. Such
laws can never be supposed to have been designed to defeat the very
end of matrimony, the increase of mankind. I call them necessary
means, for in many cases what other means are left ? Such a
doctrine wounds the honour of families, unsettles the titles to king-
doms, honours, and estates; for if the actions from which such
settlements spring were illegal, all that is built upon them must be
Part
rtn'''i8''Mar.^/7!^G HiGII ClIURCH AND Low ClIURCII. 563
so too : but the last is absurd, therefore the first must be so like-
wise. What is the cause that Europe groans, at present, under
the heavy load of a cruel and expensive war ; bid the tyrannical
custom of a certain Nation [Spain] and the scrupidoiLS nicety of
a silly Queen; whereby the Kingdom might have had an heir,
and a controverted stLccession might have been avoided ? These
are the effects of the narrow maxims of your Clergy, " That one
must not do evil, that good may come of itJ"
From all that has been said, one may clearly perceive the ab-
surdity of the doctrine of the seditious, discontented, hotheaded,
ungiftcd, nnedifying Preacher [Doctor Sacheverel] asserting
that '■^ the grand security of the matrimonial state, and the pillar
upon which it stands, is founded upon the wife's belief of an abso-
lute unconditional fidelity to the husband" By which bold
assertion he strikes at the root, digs the foundation, and removes
the basis upon whicli the happiness of a married state is built.
As for his personal reflections, I would gladly know, who are
those Wanton Wives he speaks of ? who are those Ladies of high
stations that he so boldly traduces in his Sermon ? It is pretty plain,
whom these aspersions are aimed at ! for which he deserves the
pillory, or something worse.
In confirmation of this doctrine of the indispensable duty of
cuckoldom [Resistance! , I could bring the example of the wisest
wives of all Ages ; who, by these means, have preserved their
husbands' families from ruin and oblivion : but what has been
said, is a sufficient ground for punishing this pragmatical Parson.
CHAPTER II.
The two great parties of Wives, the Devotoes and the Hitts.
He doctrine of unlimited chastity [non-resistance] and
fidelity in wives, was universally espoused by all
husbands [Sovereigns] ; who went about the country,
and made the wives sign papers, signifying their
utter detestation and abhorrence of Mrs. Bull's wicked
doctrine of the indispensable duty of cuckoldom. Some
yielded, others refused to part with their native liberty ;
which gave rise to two great parties amongst the wives — the
Devotoes [High Church], and the Hitts [Low Church] ; though
it must be owned that the distinction was more nominal
n
564 Talk of Mrs. Bull AxXd Don Dismallo. yjl'^')"!
than real. For the Devotees would abuse freedoms some-
times ; and those who were distinguished by the name of
Hitts, were often very honest.
At the same time, there was an ingenious treatise, that
came out with the title of Good advice to Jmsbands. In which
they are counselled not to trust too much to their wives'
owning the doctrine of unlimited conjugal fidelity, and so to
neglect family duty, and a due watchfulness over the manners
of their wives ; that the greatest security to husbands was a
vigorous constitution, good usage of their wives, and keeping
them from temptation : many husbands having been sufferers
by their trusting too much to general professions ; as was
exemplified in the case of a foolish and negligent husband
[James II.], who, trusting to the efficacy of this principle,
was undone by his wife's elopement from him [The Revolution
0/1688].
CHAPTER III.
An account of the Conference between Mrs. Bull and Don
Diego Dismallo.
Don Diego. [W^ ^^IS it possible, Cousin Bull ! that you
can forget the honourable maxims of
the Family you are come of, and break
your word with three of the honestest,
best-meaning persons in the world. Esquire South, Frog,
and Hocus, that have sacrificed their Interest to yours ? It
is base to take advantage of their simplicity and credulity,
and leave them in the lurch at last !
Mrs. Bull. I am sure,they have left my Family in a bad con-
dition. We have hardly money to go to market, and nobody
will take our words for sixpence. A very fine spark, this
Esquire South [Archduke Charles] ! My husband took him
in, a dirty boy. It was the business of half the servants to
attend to him, the rogue did bawl and make such a noise !
Sometimes he fell into the fire, and burnt his face; sometimes
broke his shins clambering over the benches : and always
came in so dirty, as if he had been dragged through the
kennel at a boarding school. He lost his money at chuck-farth-
ing, shufile-cap, and all-fours ; sold his books, and pawned
his linen, which we were always forced to redeem. Then the
iVi""'?""':] Hints that Holland has thriven. 565
T Arbiithiiot
Pa
whole generation of him are so in love with bagpipes and
puppet-shows ! 1 wish you knew what my husband has paid
at the pastrycooks and confectioners, for Naples biscuit, tarts,
custards, and sweetmeats. All this while, my husband con-
sidered him as a Gentleman of good family that had fallen
into decay, gave him a good education, and has settled him
in a good credible way of living ; having procured him, by his
Interest, one of the best places in the country : and what
return, think you ! does this tine Gentleman make us? He
will hardly give me or my husband, a good word or a civil ex-
pression ! Instead of plain Sir, and Madam ; which (though
I say it) is our due : he calls us Goody, and Gaffer such a one!
that he did us a great deal of honour to board with us : huffs
and dings at such a rate, because we did not spend the little
we have left, to get him the title and estate of Lord Strutt;
and then, forsooth 1 we shall have the honour to be his
woollen-drapers.
Don Diego. And would you lose the honour of so noble
and generous an undertaking ? Would you rather accept the
scandalous Composition, and trust that old rogue Lewis
Baboon ?
Mrs. Bull. Look you, friend Diego ! if we law it on till
Lewis turns honest, I am afraid our credit will run low at
Blackwall Hall '. I wish every man had his own ! but I still
say, that Lord Strutt's money shines as bright, and chinks
as well as Squire South's. I don't know any other hold that
we Tradesmen have of these Great Folks, but their Interest.
Buy dear, and sell cheap ! and, I'll warrant ye ! you will keep
your customer. The worst is, that Lord Strutt's servants
have got such a haunt about that old rogue's shop, that it
will cost us many a firkin of strong beer to bring them back
again : and the longer they are in a bad road, the harder it
will be to get them out of it.
Don Diego. But poor Frog ! what has he done ? On my
conscience, if there be an honest, sincere man in the world,
it is that Frog!
Mrs. Bull. I think, I need not tell you how much Frog
has been obliged to our Family from his childhood. He
carries his head high now, but he had never been the man he
is, without our help. Ever since the commencement of this
Lawsuit, it has been the business of Hocus, in sharing our
566 Marlborough helping the Dutch. [iJ; lT"^s^llr^^;?.:
expenses, to plead for Frog. " Poor Frog," says he, "is in
hard circumstances. He has a numerous family and lives
from hand to mouth ; his children do not eat a bit of good
victuals from one year's end to the other; but live on salt
herrings, sour curd, and bore-cole. He does his utmost,
poor fellow ! to keep things even in the world, and has exerted
himself beyond his ability in this Lawsuit : but he really has
not wherewithal to go on. What signifies this hundred
pounds ? place it upon your side of the account ! It is a
great deal for poor Frog, and a trifle for you."
That has been Hocus's constant language, and I am sure
he has had obligations enough to us, to have acted another
part.
Don Diego. No doubt Hocus meant all this for the best ;
but he is a tender-hearted charitable man. Frog is indeed
in hard circumstances.
Mrs. Bull. Hard circumstances ! I swear this is provok-
ing to the last degree. All the time of the Lawsuit, as fast as
we have mortgaged. Frog has purchased. From a plain
tradesman, with a shop, warehouse, and a country hut with
a dirty fishpond at the end of it, he is now grown a very rich
Country Gentleman, with a noble landed estate, noble palaces,
manors, parks, gardens, and farms finer than any we were
ever master of. Is it not strange, when my husband disbursed
great sums every Term, Frog should be purchasing some
new farm or manor ? So that if this Lawsuit lasts, he will
be far the richest man in his country.
What is worse than all this, he steals away my customers
every day. I have twelve of the richest and the best that
have left my shop by his persuasion, and whom to my know-
ledge, he has under bonds never to return again. Judge you,
if this be neighbourly dealing !
Don Diego. Frog is indeed pretty close in his dealings,
but very honest ! You are so touchy and take things so
hotly; I am sure there must be some mistake in this !
Mrs. Bull. A plaguy one indeed ! You know, and 3^ou
have often told me, how Hocus and those rogues kept my
husband, John Bull, drunk for five years together, with
punch and strong waters (I am sure he never went one
night sober to bed), till they got him to sign the strangest
deed that ever you saw in your life. The methods they took
p.niL''';8M°an'7P.:] Parody OF The Darrier Treaty. 567
to manage him, I'll tell you another time : at present, I only
read the writing [the Barrier Treaty].
Articles of Agreement between John Bull, Clothier,
and Nicholas Frog, Linendraper.
I. Thai for maintaining the ancient good correspondence and
friendship between the said parties, I, Nicholas Frog, do
solemnly engage and promise to keep peace in John Bull's
family : that neither his wife, children, nor servants give him any
trouble, disturbance, or molestation whatever ; but to oblige thcrn
all, to do their duty quietly in their respective stations. And
whereas the said John BuLL, from the assured confidence that
he has in my friendship, has appointed me Executor of his last
Will and Testament, and GiLardian to his children ; I do under-
take for me, my heirs and assigns,, to see the same duly executed
and performed^ and that it shall be unalterable in all its parts, by
John Bull or anybody else. For that purpose, it shall be law-
fid and allowable for me to enter his house at any hour of the day
or night, to break open bars, bolts, and doors, chests of drawers and
strong boxes, in order to secure the peace of my friend John
Bull's family, and to see his Will duly executed.
II. In consideration of which kind neighbourly office of
Nicholas Frog, in that he has been pleased to accept of the
aforesaid Trust, I, John Bull, having duly considered that my
friend Nicholas Frog at this time lives in a marshy soil and
unwholesome air, infested with fogs and damps, destructive of the
health of himself, wife, and children, do bind and oblige me, my
heirs and assigns, to purchase for the said Nicholas Frog,
with the best and readiest of my cash, bonds, mortgages, goods and
chattels, a landed estate, with parks, gardens, palaces, rivers, fields,
and outlets, consisting of as large extent as the said Nicholas
Frog shall think fit. And whereas the said Nicholas Frog
is at present hemmed in too closely by the grounds of Lewis
Baboon, Master of the Science of Defence; I, the said John
Bull, do oblige myself, with the readiest of my cash, to purchase
and enclose the said grounds for as many fields and acres as the
said Nicholas shall think fit; to the extent that the said
Nicholas may have free egress and regress, without let or
molestation, suitable to the df.mands of himself and family.
568 Suggestions as to Dutch treachery. [-'■^"iT.'' ^71°;
III. Furthermore, the said John Bull ohli^^es himself to
make the country neighbours of Nicholas Frog allot a certain
part of yearly rents to pay for the repairs of the said landed estate,
to the intent that his good friend NICHOLAS FliOG may be eased
of all charges.
IV. And whereas the said NICHOLAS Frog did contract with
the deceased Lord Strutt ahont certain liberties, privileges, and
imniunitics, formerly in the possession of the said John Bull ; I,
the said JOHN BULL, do freely, by these Presents, renounce, quit,
and make over to tJie said Nicholas, the liberties, privileges, and
immunities contracted for, as if they never had belonged to vie.
V. The said John Bull obliges himself, his heirs and assigns,
not to sell one rag of broad or coarse cloth to any gentleman within
the neighbourhood of the said NICHOLAS, except in such quantities
and sucJi rates as the said NICHOLAS shall think fit.
Signed and sealed^
John Bull,
N I c . Frog.
The readin,g of this paper put Mrs. Bull in such a passion
that she fell down right into a fit, and they were forced to
give her a good quantity of the Spirits of Hartshorn before
she recovered.
Don Diego. Why in such a passion, Cousin ? Con-
sidering your circumstances at that time, I don't think such
an unreasonable contract. You see Frog, for all this, is
religiously true to his bargain ! He scorns to hearken to any
competition without your privacy.
Mrs. Bull. You know the contrary, read that letter !
(Reads the superscription.) For LEWIS Baboon, Master oj
the noble Science of Defence.
Sir,
Understand that you are, at this time, treating with
my friend John Bull, about the restoring of the Lord
Strutt's custom; and besides allowing him certain
privileges of parks and fishponds. I wonder how you,
that are a man that knoics the World, can talk with that simple
fellow ! He has been my bubble [toolj these twenty years ; and to
Patui'l'Tz'] Nottingham offended at Harley's power, 569
viy certain knowledge, understands no more of his own Affairs than
a child in swaddling clothes. I know he has got a sort of a
pragmatical silly jade of a wife that pretends to take him out of
viy hands ; bid you and she both will find yourselves mistaken,
r II find those that shall manage her ! and for him, he dares as
well be hanged as make one step in his Affairs without^ my consent.
If you will give me what you promised him, I will make all
things easy, and stop the Deeds of Ejectment against Lord Strutt ;
if you will not, take what follows! I shall have a good Action
againstyou, for pretending [designing] to ro6 me of my bubble,
take this warning from
Your loving friend,
Nicholas Frog.
I am told, Cousin Diego! you are one of those that have
undertaken to govern me, and that you have said, you will
carry a green bag yourself rather than we shall make an end
of our Lawsuit. I'll teach them, and you too, to manage !
Don Diego. For God's sake, Madam ! why so choleric !
I say, this letter is some forgery ! It never entered into the
head of that honest man, Nic. Frog, to do any such thing 1
Mrs. Bull. I can't abide you! You have been railmg,
these twenty years, at Esquire South, Frog, and Hocus ;
calling them rogues and pickpockets : and, now, they are
turned the honestest fellows in the world ! What is the
meaning of all this ?
Don Diego. Pray tell me, how you came to employ this
Sir Roger m your Affairs, and not think of your old friend
Diego?
Mrs. Bull. So, so, there it pinches ! To tell you the
truth, I have employed Sir Roger in several weighty affau-s,
and have found him trusty and honest ; and the poor man
always scorned to take a farthing of me. I have abundance
that profess great zeal, but they are greedy of the pence. My
husband and I are now in circumstances, that we must be
served upon cheaper terms than we have been.
Don Diego. Well, Cousin, I find I can do no good with
you ! I am sorry that you will rum yourself, by trusting this
Sir Roger.
570 Descriptions OF War AND Discord, [p J- i^^^'^^'l^T^;^^^^^^^^^
CHAPTER IV.
How the Guardians of the deceased Mrs. Bull's three
daughters, came to jfoHN BULL, and what advice they gave him;
wherein is briefly treated the characters of the three daughters.
Also John Bull's answer to the three Guardians,
Told you in my First Part [p. 55 iL that Mrs.
Bull, before she departed this Hfe, had blessed John
with three daughters. I need not repeat their
names; neither would willingly use any scandalous
reflections upon young ladies, whose reputations ought to be
very tenderly handled : but the characters of these were so
well known in the neighbourhood, that it is doing them
no injury to make a short description of them.
The eldest [War] was as termagant, imperious, prodigal,
lewd, profligate wench as ever breathed. She used to ranti-
pole about the house, pinch the kitten, kick the servants,
and torture the cats and dogs. She would rob her father's
strong-box for money to give the young fellows she was fond
of. She had a noble air, and something great in her mien ;
but such a noisome infectious breath, as threw all the ser-
vants that dressed her into consumption. If she smelt the
fresh nosegay, it would shrivel and wither as it had been
blighted. She used to come home in her cups, and break the
china and the looking-glasses ; was of such an irregular
temper, and so entirely given to her passion, that you might
as well argue with the North Wind as with her Ladyship;
and so expensive, that the income of three Dukedoms was not
enough to supply her extravagance. Hocus loved her best.
The second daughter [Discord], born a year after her
sister, was a peevish, froward, ill-conditioned creature as
ever was born, ugly as the Devil ; lean, haggard, pale ;
with saucer eyes, a sharp nose, and hunchbacked : but
active, sprightly, and diligent about her affairs. Her ill
complexion was occasioned by her bad diet, which was
coffee, morning, noon, and night [i.e., Discord fed on the con-
troversies in the Coffeehouses]. She never rested quietly a-
bed, but used to disturb the whole family with shrieking out
in her dreams ; and plague them, next day, with interpreting
them : lor she took them all for Gospel ! She would cry out
Parfii!"i7°2:] Description of High Rate of Interest. 571
"Murder!" and disturb the whole neighbourhood; and
when John came running downstairs to inquire what the
matter was, " Nothing," forsooth ! " only her maid had
stuck a pin wrong in her gown."
She turned away one servant for putting too much oil in
her salad, and another for putting too little salt in her water-
gruel. But such as, by flattery, had procured her esteem,
she would indulge in the greatest crimes. Her father had
two coachmen [Prime Ministers]. When one [Harley] was
on the coach-box, if the coach swung but the least to one
side, she used to shriek so loud that all the street concluded
she was overturned : but, though the other [Godolphin] was
eternally drunk, and had overturned the whole Family, she
was very angry with her father for turning him away.
Then she used to carry tales and stories from one to
another, till she had set the whole neighbourhood together
by the ears ; and this was the only diversion she took pleasure
in. She never went abroad but what she brought home such
a bundle of monstrous lies, as would have amazed any
mortal but such as knew her ; of " a whale that had swal-
lowed a fleet of ships" ; of "the lions being let out of the
Tower, to destroy the Protestant religion"; of " the Pope's
being seen in a brandy shop at Wapping " ; and a " pro-
digious strong man that was going to shove down the cupola
of St. Paul's"; of *' three millions of Five Pound pieces that
Esquire South had found under an old wall " ; of " blazing
stars," " flying dragons," and abundance of such stuff.
All the servants in the Family made high court to her,
for she domineered there ; and turned out and in, whom
she pleased. Only there was an old grudge between her
and Sir Roger : whom she mortally hated, and used to
hire fellows to squirt kennel water upon him, as he passed
along the streets ; so that he was forced constantly to
wear a surtout of oiled cloth, by which means he came home
pretty clean, except where the surtout was a little scanty.
As for the third [Usury], she was a thief and a common
mercenary prostitute. In the practice of her profession, she
had amassed vast magazines of all sorts of things. She had
above five hundred suits of clothes ; and yet went abroad
like a cinder-wench. She robbed and starved all the servants,
so that nobody could live near her.
572 Satire ON Marlborough's love of money, [panii."^;^^:
So much for John's three daughters; which you will say
were rarities to be fond of. Yet Nature will shew itself!
Nobody could blame their Relations for taking care of them ;
and therefore it was that Hocus, with two other of the
Guardians, thought it their duty to take care of the Interest
of the three girls, and give John their best advice before
he compounded the Lawsuit.
Hocus. What makes you so shy of late, my good friend ?
There is nobody loves you better than I, nor has taken more
pains in your affairs ! As I hoped to be saved ! I would do
anything to serve you ! I would crawl upon all fours to serve
you ! I have spent my health and paternal estate in your
service ! I have indeed a small pittance left, with which
I might retire, and with as good conscience as any man.
But the thoughts of this disgraceful Composition so touches
me to the quick, that I cannot sleep. After I had brought
the Cause to the last stroke, that one verdict more had quite
ruined old Lewis and Lord Strutt, and put you in the quiet
possession of everything : then to Compound ! I cannot bear it.
This Cause was my favourite. I had set my heart upon
it ! It is like an only child, I cannot endure that it
should miscarry. For God's sake, consider only to what
a dismal condition old Lewis is brought ! He is at an end
of all his cash; his Attorneys [Generals] have hardly one
trick left, they are at an end of all their chicane : besides,
he has both his law and his daily bread now upon trust.
Hold out one Term longer ! and, I'll warrant you ! before
the next, we shall have him in the Fleet. I'll bring him to
the pillory ! his ears shall pay for his perjuries ! For the
love of God, don't compound ! Let me be hanged, if you
have a friend in the World that loves you better than I ! there
is nobody can say I am covetous! or that I have any Interest
to pursue, but yours !
Second Guardian [Lord Godolphin, the late Lord
Treasurer], There is nothing so plain than that this Lewis
has a design to ruin all his neighbouring Tradesmen ; and at
this time, he has such a prodigious income by his trade of
all kinds, that if there is not some stop put to his exorbitant
riches, he will monopolize everything, and nobody will be
able to sell a yard of drapery or mercery ware but himself.
Arbuthnot.-l Pi^AISEFOR M ARLr.OROUGIl's GENERALSHIP. 573
Jr'art 11. 1712. J
I therefore hold it advisable that you continue the Lawsuit,
and burst him at once. My concern for the three poor
motherless children obliges me to give you this advice ; for their
estates, poor girls ! depend upon the success of this Cause.
Third Guardian [Lord Cowper, the late Lord Chancellor].
I own this Writ of Ejectment has cost dear; but then
consider it a jewel well worth the purchasing at the price of
all you have. None but Mr. Bull's declared enemies can
say, he has any other security for his clothing trade but the
ejectment of Lord Strutt. The only question then, that
remains to be decided, is, Who shall stand the expenses of the
Suit ? To which the answer is plain. Who but he that is to
have the advantage of the sentence ! When Esquire South
has got possession of his title and honour, is not John Bull
to be his Clothier ? Who then but John, ought to put him
in possession ! Ask but an indifferent Gentleman, who ought
to bear his charges at Law ? and he will readily answer,
♦' His tradesmen ! " I do therefore affirm, and I will go to
death with it ! that being his Clothier ; you ought to put him
in quiet possession of his estate ! and with the same generous
spirit you have begun it, complete the good work ! If you
persist in the bad measures you are now in, what must become
of the three poor orphans ? my heart bleeds for the poor girls !
John Bull. You are very eloquent persons, but give me
leave to tell you, that you express a great deal more con-
cern for the three girls than for me. I think my Interest
ought to be considered in the first place.
As for you. Hocus 1 I can't but say you have managed
my Lawsuit with great address and much to my honour : and,
though I say it ! you have been well paid for it ! Never
was Attorney's bill more extravagant ! and, give me leave to
say, there are many articles [in it], which the most gripmg
of your profession never demanded. I have trusted you
with the disbursing of great sums of money, and you have
constantly sunk some into your own pocket. 1 tell you, I
don't like that sinking! j 1 -j
Why must the burden be taken off Frog's back, and laid
upon my shoulders? He can drive about his own parks
and fields in his gilt chariot ; when I have been forced to
mortgage my estate ! His Note will go further than my
574 Jo"^' Bull's reply to the Guardl\ns. yufn."''!""':
Bond. Is it not matter of fact, that from the richest trades-
man in all the country, I am reduced to beg and borrow from
Scriveners and Usurers [The National Debt], that suck the
heart and blood out of me : and what was all this for ? Did
you like Frog's countenance better than mine ? Was not I
your old friend and relation ? Have I not presented you
nobly ? Have I not clad your whole family ? Have you
not had a hundred yards at a time of the finest cloth in my
shop ? Why must the rest of the Tradesmen be not only
indemnified from charges, but forbidden to go on with their
own business, and what is more their concern than mine ?
As to holding out this Term, I appeal to your own con-
science, has not that been your constant discourse these six
years, " One Term more, andold Lewis goes to pot ! " If thou
art so fond of my Cause, be generous for once ! and lend me
a brace of thousands. Ah Hocus ! Hocus! I know thee!
Not a sou, to save me from gaol, I trow !
Look ye, Gentlemen ! I have lived with credit in the World ;
and it grieves my heart, never to stir out of my doors, but to
be pulled b}^ the sleeve, by some rascally dun or another,
*' Sir, remember my bill ! " " There is a small concern of a
thousand pounds; I hope you think on it. Sir! " And to have
these usurers transact [sell and buy] my debts at coffeehouses
and alehouses ; as if I were going to break up shop. Lord !
that ever the rich, the generous John Bull, Clothier, the
envy of all his neighbours, should be brought to compound
his debts for five shillings in the pound ; and to have his
name in an advertisement for a statute of Bankrupt ! The
thought of it makes me mad ! I have read somewhere in the
Apocrypha, that one should not consult with a woman, touching
her of whom she is jealous; nor with a mcrchayit, concerning
exchange; nor with a buyer, of selling ; nor with an nnmerciftd
man, of kindness ; &c. I could have added one thing more.
Nor with an Attorney, about compounding a Lawsuit.
ThisEjectment of Lord Strutt will never do ! The evidence
is crimp [concocted] ; the witnesses swear backwards and
forwards, and contradict themselves ; and his tenants [the
people of Spain] stick by him. If it were practicable, is it
reasonable that when Esquire South is losing his money to
sharpers and pickpockets, going about the country with fid-
dlers and buffoons, and squandering his income with hawks
J. Arbuthnot.-|(3ouRTEOUS ALLUSION TO PrINCE EuGENE. 575
Part II. 1712J ^
and dogs, I should lay out the fruits of my honest industry
in a Lawsuit for him,only upon the hopesof being hisClothier ?
and when the Cause is over, I shall not have the benefit of
my project for want of money to go to market !
Look ye, Gentlemen ! John Bull is but a plain man ; but
John Bull knows when he is ill used. I know the infirmity
of our Family ! We are apt to play the boon companion ; and
throw away our money in our cups. But it was an unfair
thing in you, Gentlemen ! to take advantage of my weakness;
to keep a parcel of roaring bullies about me, day and
night, with huzzas and hunting horns, and ringing the
chlinges on butchers' cleavers ! never to let me cool! and
make' me set my hands to papers, when I could hardly hold
my pen ! There will come a Day of Reckonmg for all that
Droceedm"^.
In the mean time. Gentlemen ! I beg you will let me look
into my affairs a little, and that you would not grudge me
a very small remainder of a very great estate !
CHAPTER V.
Esquire South' s message and letter to Mrs. Bull.
He arguments used by Hocus and the rest of the
Guardians had hitherto proved insufficient. John
and his wife could not be persuaded to bear the ex-
^ pense of Esquire South's Lawsuit. They thought
it reasonable that, since he was to have the honour and
advantage, he should bear the greatest share of the charges ;
and retrench what he lost to sharpers, and spent upon country
dances and puppet-plays, to apply it to that use. This was
not very grateful [agreeable] to the Esquire [here standing pr
the Emperor of A USTKIA, the father of A rchduke CHARLES].
Therefore, as the last experiment, he was resolved to send
Signior Bene-nato, Master of his Foxhounds [Prince
Eugene of Savoy, who came to England on this political mission
to Queen Anne, m Jan.-March, 1711] to Mrs. BuLL,to try what
good he could do with her. , . re
This Signior Bene-nato had all the qualities ot a tine
Gentleman, that were fit to charm a lady's heart ;_ and if any
person in the world could have persuaded her, it was he \
576 Failure of Prince Eugene's Mission, [i^.vfit"":"?^.
But such was her unshaken fideh'ty to her husband, and the
constant purpose of her mind to pursue his Interest, that the
most refined arts of gallantry that were practised could not
seduce her loyal heart. The necklaces, diamond crosses,
and rich bracelets that were offered; she rejected with the
utmost scorn and disdain. The music and serenades that
were given her, sounded more ungratefully in her ears than
the noise of a screech owl. However, she received Esquire
South's letter by the hands of Signior Bene-nato, with that
respect which became his Quality.
The copy of the letter is as follows ; in which you will
observe, he changes a little his usual style.
■Madam,
^He Writ of Ejectment against Philip Baboon pre-
tended Lord Strutt, is just ready to pass. There
want but a few necessary forms, and a Verdict
[victory] or two more, to put me in the quiet posses-
sion of my Honour and Estate. I question not but that, according
to your wonted generosity and goodness, you will give it the
finishing stroke : an honour that I would grudge anybody but
yourself.
In order to ease you of some part of the charges, I promise to
furnish pen, ink, and paper ; provided you pay for the stamps.
Besides, I have ordered my Steward to pay, out of the readiest and
best of my rents, £^ los, a year, till my Suit is finished. I wish
you health and happiness, being
With due respect.
Madam,
Your assured friend.
So U T H .
What answer Mrs. Bull returned to this letter, you shall
know in my Third Part : only they were at a pretty good
distance in their Proposals. For as Esquire South only offered
to be at the charges of pen, ink, and paper ; Mrs. Bull re-
fused any more than to lend her barge to carry his Counsel
to Westminster Hall [the English fleets transporting the forces
to Barcelona],
FINIS.
JOHN BULL
Still
In his SENSES:
BEING THE
THIRD PART
OF
Law isaBottomlessPit.
Prifitedfrom a Manuscript found in the Cabinet
of the Ja?nous Sir Humphry Polesivorth :
and published fas well as the twofor?ner Parts)
by the Author of the New Atlantis.
LONDON:
Printed for John Morphew, near Stationers'
Hall, 17 12. Price 6d.
Eng. Gar. VI. 37
578
[The first appearance of this Third Part is fixed by an advertisement
in No. 20, of Vokune II. of the Exai)iiiia- to be Thursday, loth April,
17 1 2.]
579
THE CONTENTS.
The Publisher'' s Preface /•• 580
Chap. I. The Character of John Bull's mother ... ^. 581
II. The Character of John Bull's sister Peg,
with the quarrels that happened between Master
and Miss in their childhood /*• 583
III. Jack's Charms, or the method by which he
gained Peg's heart />• 585
IV. How the Relations reconciled John and his
sister Peg ; and what return Peg made to
John's message p' 5^7
V. Of some quarrels that happened after Peg was
taken into the Family p. 590
,VI. The Conversation between John Bull and
his wife p. 592
VII. Of the hard shifts Mrs. Bull was put to, to
preserve the Manor of Bullock's Hatch ; with
Sir Roger's method of keeping off importu-
nate duns p. 596
VIII. A continuation of the Conversation betwixt
John Bull and his wife /•• 598
IX. A copy of Nicholas Frog's letter to John
Bull />. 604
X. Of some extraordinary things that passed at
the Salutation tavern, in the Conference be-
tween Bull, Frog, Esquire South, and
Lewis Baboon />• 607
58o
The Publisher s Preface.
He World is much indebted to the famous Sir
Humphry Polesworth, for his ingenious and
impartial Account of John Bull's Lawsuit; yet
there is just cause of complaint against him, in
that he retails it only by parcels, and won't give us the whole
Work. This forces me, who am only the Publisher, to be-
speak the assistance of his friends and acquaintance, to
engage him to lay aside that stingy humour, and to gratify
the curiosity of the public at once. He pleads in excuse, that
" they are only Private Memoirs, written for his own use, in
a loose style, to serve as a help to his ordinary conversation."
I represented to him the good reception of the two first
Parts had met [with], that though they had been calculated
by him only for the meridian of Grub street, yet they were
taken notice of by the better sort ; that the World was now
sufficiently acquainted with John Bull, and interested in
his little concerns. He answered with a smile, that " he
had, indeed, some trifling things to impart that concerned
John Bull's Relations and domestic affairs: if these would
satisfy me, he gave me free leave to make use of them !
because they would serve to make the History of the Lawsuit
more intelligible."
When I had looked over the manuscript, I found likewise
some further account of the Composition ; which perhaps may
not be unacceptable to such as have read the two former
Parts.
'^^^
CHAPTER I .
The Character of John Bull's mother.
Ohn had a mother [the Church of Euf^land]
whom he loved and honoured extremely ;
a discreet, grave, sober, good-conditioned,
cleanly old Gentlewoman as ever lived.
She was none of your cross-grained, terma-
gant scolding Jades that one had as good
be hanged, as live in the house with ! such
as are always censuring the conduct, and
telling scandalous stories, of their neighbours ; extolling their
own good qualities, and undervaluing those of others. On
the contrary, she was of a meek spirit : and as she was
strictly virtuous herself, so she always put the best construc-
tion upon the words and actions of her neighbours ; except
where they were irreconcilable to the rules of honesty and
decency. She was neither one of your precise prudes, nor
one of your phantastical old belles that dress themselves like
girls of fifteen : as she neither wore a ruff, forehead cloth,
nor high-crowned hat, so she had laid aside feathers, flowers,
and crimpt ribbons in her head-dress, furbelow [flounce],
scarfs, and hooped petticoats. She scorned to patch [wear
black spots on the face] and paint ; yet she loved to keep her
Lands and her face clean. Though she wore no flaunting laced
ruffles, she would not keep herself in a constant sweat with
greasy flannel. Though her hair was not stuck with jewels,
she was not ashamed of a diamond cross. She was not, like
some ladies, hung about with toys and trinkets, twiser
582 Middle position of Church of England. [ilJlin.",'""^:
[tweezer] cases, pocket-glasses, and essence-bottles ! she used
only a gold watch, and an Ahnanack to mark the hours and
the Holy Days.
Her furniture was neat and genteel, well fancied with a bun
gout. As she affected not the grandeur of a State with a
canopy, she thought there was no offence in an elbow-chair.
She had laid aside your carving, gilding, and Japan [japaiiiicd]
work, as being too apt to gather dirt : but she never could
be prevailed upon to part with plain wainscot and clean
hangings. There are some ladies who affect to smell a stink
in everything; they are always highly perfumed, and con-
tinually burning frankincense in their rooms iRoman Catholic
ivovsliip] : she was above such affectation ; yet she never
would lay aside the use of brooms and scrubbing brushes,
and scrupled not to lay her linen in fresh lavender.
She was no less genteel in her behaviour, well bred with-
out affectation ; in the due mean between one of your affected
curtseying pieces of formality [N onconfovmity], and your romps
that have no regard to the common rules of civility. There
are some ladies that affect a mighty regard for their relations.
"Wemu:^t not eat to-day, for my uncle Tom or my cousin
Betty died this time ten years! [Saints Days]." "Let us
have a ball to-night, it is my neighbour Such-a-one's birth-
day ! " She looked upon all this as a grimace [inask], yet
she constantly observed her Husband's birthday [Christmas
Day], her wedding day [? Wliitsnnday], and some few more.
Though she was a trul}^ good woman, and had a sincere
motherly love for her son John ; yet there wanted not those
who endeavoured to create a misunderstanding between
them : and they had so far prevailed with him once [in the
time of the Commonwealth] that he had turned her out of doors
[exclusion of the Episcopacy from the House of Lords in 1644] ; to
his great sorrow, as he found afterwards, for his affairs went
all at sixes and sevens.
She was no less judicious in the turn of her conversation,
and choice of her studies, in which she far exceeded all her
sex [all other Clturches]. Your rakes that hate the company of
all sober grave Gentlewomen, would bear hers: and she would,
by her handsome manner of proceeding, sooner reclaim, than
some that were more sour and reserved [Nonconformists]. She
was a zealous preacher up of Chastity and Conjugal Fidelity
p{Vuil"'i7r2:] A PORTRAIT [!] OF THE KiRK OF SCOTLAND. 583
in wives [obedience and submission to the Kiitf^] ; and by no
means a friend to the new-fangled doctrine of tlie " Indis-
pensable Duty of Cuckoldom " [Resistance to Arbitrary
PoK'er'^. Though she advanced her opinions with a becoming
assurance ; }'et she never ushered them in, as some positive
creatures do, with dogmatic assertions, '* This is infallible ! "
" I cannot be mistaken ! " " None but a rogue can deny it ! "
It has been observed, that such people are oftener in the
wrong than anybody.
Though she had a thousand good qualities, she was not
without her faults : amongst which, one might perhaps reckon
too great lenity to her servants ; to whom she always gave
good counsel, but often too gentle correction.
I thought I could not say less of John Bull's mother,
because she bears a part in the following transactions.
CHAPTER II.
The Character of JOHN Bull's sister Peg, witht he quarrels
that happened between Master and Miss in their childhood.
Ohn has a sister [the Kirk of Scotland], a poor girl
that had been starved at nurse. Anybody would
have guessed Miss to have been bred up under the
influence of a cruel step-dame, and John to be the
fondling of a tender mother. John looked ruddy and plump,
with a pair of cheeks like a trumpeter; Miss looked pale and
wan, as if she had the green sickness : and, no wonder, for
John was the darling! He had all the good bits, was cram-
med with good pullet, chicken, pig, goose, and capon: while
Miss had only a little oatmeal and water, or a dry crust
without butter. John had his golden pippins, peaches, and
nectarines; poor Miss a crab apple, sloe, or a blackberry.
Master lay in the best apartment, with his bedchamber
[England] towards the south sun : Miss lodged in a garret
[Scotland], exposed to the north wind, which shrivelled her
countenance. However this usage, though it stunted the
girl in her growth, gave her a hardy constitution.
She had life and spirit in abundance, and knew when she
584 Dissenting chaRxMs for a State Kirk. [pa^tuL
Arhutlinot.
1712,
was ill used. Now and then, she would sei^e upon John's
commons, snatch a leg of a pullet or a bit of good beef: for
which they were sure to go to fisticuffs. Master was indeed
too strong for her, but Miss would not yield in the least
point ; but even when Master had got her down, she would
scratch and bite like a tiger. When he gave her a cuff on
the ear, she would prick him with her knitting needle. John
brought a great chain, one day, to tie her to the bed-post :
for which affront, Miss aimed a penknife at his heart. In
short, these quarrels grew up to rooted aversions. They gave
one another nicknames. She called him " Gundy-guts ! "
and he called her " Lousy Peg ! "
Though the girl was a tight clever M^ench, as any was :
and, through her pale looks, you might discern spirit and
vivacity, which made her, not indeed a perfect beauty, but
something that was agreeable.
It was barbarous in parents, not to take notice of these
early quarrels, and make them live better together : such
domestic feuds proving afterwards the occasions of misfor-
tunes to them both.
Peg had indeed some odd humours and comical antipathy;
for which John would jeer her. " What do you think of my
sister Peg," says he, " that faints at the sound of an organ I
and yet will dance and frisk at the noise of a bagpipe ? "
"What is that to you. Gundy-guts!" quoth Peg,
** everybody is to choose their own music ! "
Then Peg had taken a fancy, not to say her Paternoster ;
which made people imagine strange things of her.
Of the three brothers that have made such a clutter in the
world. Lord Peter, Martin, and Jack [the names by uhich
Swift in his Tale of a Tub distinguisJied the Roman Catholics,
the Church of England, and the Fanatics (Dissenters)J, Jack had,
of late, been her inclination. Lord Peter she detested, nor
did Martin stand much better in her good graces; but Jack
had found the way to her heart. I have often admired
[wondered] what charms she discovered in that awkward
booby ! till I talked with a person that was acquainted with
the intriirue, who gave me the following: account of it.
J Arbuthnot M.D.-j y^ p^j^Q^y QP PresI] YTERIAN MANNERS. 585
Part III. 10 April 1712.J
CHAPTER III.
Jack's Charms, or the mcihod by which he gained Peg's heart.
N THE first place, Jack [the Fanatics (Dissenters)] was
a very young fellow, by much the youngest of the
three brothers ; and people indeed wondered how
such a young upstart jackanapes [puppy] should
grow so pert and saucy, and take so much upon him.
2. Jack braqged of greater abilities than other men. He
was well gifted ! as he pretended. I need not tell you, what
secret influence that has upon the ladies.
3. Jack had a most scandalous tongue, and persuaded Peg
that all mankind besides himself was diseased by that scar-
let-faced whore, Signiora Bubonia [the Pope]. "As for his
brother, Lord Peter ; the tokens were evident in him,
blotches, scabs, and the corona [the tonsxire] ! His brother
Martin, though he was not quite so bad, had some nocturnal
pains ; which his friends pretended were only scorbutical,
but he was sure proceeded from a worse cause."
By such maliciousinsinuations, he had possessed [persuaded]
the lady, that he was the only man in the world of a sound
pure and untainted Constitution ; though there were some
that stuck not to say, that Signiora Bubonia and Jack railed
at one another, only the better to hide an intrigue ; and that
Jack had been found with Signiora under his cloak, carrying
her home in a dark stormy night.
4. Jack was a prodigious ogler. He would ogle you the
outside of his eye inward, and the white upward !
K Tack gave himself out for a man of great estate m the
Fortunate Islands [Heaven], of which the sole property was
vested in his person. By this trick, he cheated abundance
of poor people of small sums, pretending to make over plan-
tations in the said Islands : but when the poor wretches
came there with Jack's Grant, they were beaten, mocked,
and turned out of doors.
6 I told you that Peg was whimsical, and loved anything
that was particular [pecidiar]. In that way. Jack was her
man ! for he neither thought, spoke, dressed, nor acted like
other mortals. He was for your " bold strokes " ! He railed
586 A ClIURCIIMAX MOCKING AT THE KiRK. [pai'tm."'.';"^:
at fops, though himself the most affected in the World ; in-
stead of the common fashion, he would visit his mistress in a
mourning cloak, band, short cuffs, and a peaked beard. He in-
vented a wa}' of coming into a room backwards, which he said
" shewed more humility and less affectation." Where other
people stood, he sat [in sin<^'ing] ; where they sat, he stood [in
prayer]. When he went to Court, he used to kick away the
State, and sit down by his Prince, cheek by jowl. " Confound
these States," says he, "they are a modern invention ! "
When he spoke to his Prince, he always turned his back
upon him. If he were advised to fast for his health, he
would eat roast beef. If he was allowed a more plentiful
diet ; then he would be sure, that day ! to live upon water-
gruel. He would cry at a w'edding, and laugh and make
jests at a funeral.
He was no less singular in his opinions. You would have
burst your sides, to hear him talk politics. " All Government,"
says he, " is founded upon the right distribution of punish-
ments ; decent executions keep the world in awe : for that
reason, the majority of mankind ought to be hanged every
year ! For example, I suppose the Magistrate ought to pass
an irreversible sentence upon all blue-eyed children from the
cradle [Predestination] : but that there may be some shew of
justice in this proceeding, these children ought to be trained
up by masters appointed for that purpose, to all sorts of vil-
lainy, that they may deserve their fate; and the execution of
them may serve as an object of terror to the rest of mankind."
As to giving pardons, he has this singular method :
That when the wretches had the ropes about their necks,
it should be inquired [of them] Who believed they should be
hanged ? and Who not ? The first were to be pardoned, the
latter hanged outright. Such as were once pardoned, were
never to be hanged afterwards, for any crime whatever.
He had such skill in physiognomy, that he would pro-
nounce, peremptorily, upon a man's face. " That fellow,"
says he, " do what he will, cannot avoid hanging ! He has
a hanging look ! " By the same Art, he would prognosticate
a Principality to a scoundrel.
He was no less particular in the choice of his studies.
They were generally bent toward exploded Chimeras, the
pcrpetuiun nwbilc, the circular shot, philosopher'tj stone, and
Par/fil'^'oXnu?^ Union OF England AND Scotland. 587
silent gunpowder ; making chains for fleas, nets for flies, and
instruments to unravel cobwebs and split hairs.
Thus I think I have given you a distinct account of the
methods he practised upon Peg.
Her brother would, now and then, ask her, "What a Devil !
dost thou see in that pragmatical [busybody of a] coxcomb, to
make thee so in love with him ? He is a fit match for a
tailor's or a shoemaker's daughter : but not for you, that are
a Gentlewoman ! "
" Fancy is free ! " quoth Peg, " I will take my awn way,
do you take yours ! I do not care for your flaunting beaus
that gang with their breast open, and their sarks l? shirts]
over their waistcoats ! that accost me with set speeches out
of Sidney's Arcadia, or The Academy of Coinpliments ! Jack
is a sober, grave young man : though he has none of your
studied harangues, his meaning is sincere. He has a great
regard to his father's Will ; and he that shews himself a good
son, will make a good husband ! Besides, I know he has the
original Deed of Conveyance to the Fortunate Islands : the
others are counterfeits ! "
There is nothing so obstinate as young ladies in their
amours ; the more you cross them, the worse they ai'e !
CHAPTER IV.
How the Relations reconciled John and his sister Peg ; and
what return Peg made to John's message.
(89
1
Ohn Bull, otherwise a good-natured man, was very
hard hearted to his sister Peg; chiefly from an
aversion he had conceived in his infancy. While
he flourished, kept a warm house, and drove a
plentiful trade ; poor Peg was forced to go hawking and
peddling about the streets, selling knives, scissors, and shoe-
buckles; now and then carried a basket of fish to the market;
sewed, span, and knitted for a poor livelihood till her fingers'
ends were sore. And when she could not get bread for her
family, she was forced to hire them out at journeywork to
their neighbours [the emigration of the Scotch to other countries].
Yet in these, her poor circumstances, she still preserved the
588 The necessity for Peg's consent. [plvfm.%"°':
air and mien of a Gentlewoman, a certain decent pride that
extorted respect from the haughtiest of her neighbours.
When she came into any full assembly, she would not yield
the pas to the best of them ! If one asked her, " Are not you
related to John Bull ? " *' Yes," says she, " he has the
honour to be my brother ! "
So Peg's affairs went on, till all the Relations cried out
" Shame ! " on John, for his barbarous usage of his own flesh
and blood : that it was an easy matter for him to put her in
a creditable way of living, not only without hurt, but with
advantage to himself; she being an industrious person, and
might be serviceable to him in his way of business.
" Hang her ! Jade ! " quoth John, " I cannot endure her,
as long as she keeps that rascal Jack's company ! "
They told him the way to reclaim her was to take him
into his house [the Act of Toleration in i68g], that by conver-
sation, the childish humours of their younger days might be
worn out.
These arguments were enforced by a certain incident. It
happened that John was, at that time, making his Will
[ ? tlie Act of Settlement in 1700], the very same in which Nic.
Fkog is named Executor. Now his sister Peg's name being
in the entail [the ri^j^ht of the Succession to the Scottish Croivn, if
Queen Anne should die childless], he could not make a thorough
Settlement without her consent.
There was indeed a malicious story went about, as if John's
last Wife [the GODOLPHIN Administration] had fallen in love
with Jack, as he was eating custards on horseback ;* that she
persuaded John to take his sister Peg into the house, the
better to drive on her intrigue with Jack, concluding he
would follow his Mistress, Peg. All I can infer from this
story is, that when one has got a bad character in the World,
=■■ [Dean Swift in the Fifth edition of the Ta/c of a Tub, p. 133, 17 10,
has in the Text]
How Jack's tatters came into fashion in Court and City.
How he got upon a great horse, and eat custard.
[And in the notes to the same]
Sir Humphry Euwyn, a Presbyterian, was some years a£^o[i697] Lord
Mayor of London ; and had the insolence to go in his formahties to a
conventicle, with the ensigns of his office.
Custard ib a famous dish at a Lord Mayor's feast.
P Jnr^X'i''7P..] T II E T E R M S O F T II E U N I O X . 5S9
people will report and believe anything of them, true or false.
But to return to my story.
When Peg received John's message, she huffed and
stormed like the Devil !
" My brother John," quoth she, " is grown wondrous kind-
hearted, all of a sudden ! but I meikle doubt whether it be
not mair for his awn conveniency than my good ! He draws
up his weits and his deeds, forsooth ; and I mun set my hand
to them unsight unseen ! I like the young man [the House of
Hanover] he has settled upon well enough ; but I think I
ought to have a valuable consideration for my consent. He
wants my poor little farm [Scotland], because it makes a nook
in his park wall [Great Britain], Ye may e'en tell him, he
has mair than he makes good use of! He gangs up and
down drinking, roaring, and quarrelling through all the
country markets ! making foolish bargains in his cups, which
he repents when he is sober ! like a thriftless wretch, spend-
ing the goods and gear that his forefathers wan with the
sweat of their brows ! * light come, light go,' he cares not a
farthing ! But why should I stand surety for his silly con-
tracts ? The little I have is free, and I can call it my own !
* Hame's hame, be it never so hamely ! ' I ken him well
enough I he could never abide me : and when he has his ends,
he'll e'en use me as he did before ! I am sure I shall be
treated like a poor drudge ! I shall be set to tend the bairns,
darn the hose, and mend the linen 1
"Then there's no living with that old carline [? thistle] his
mother ! She rails at Jack, and Jack is an honester man
than any of her kin ! I shall be plagued with her spells and
Paternosters, and silly auld warld Ceremonies ! I mun never
pair my nails on a Friday, nor begin a journey on Childermass
[Christmas] Day ! and I mun stand becking and hinging
[hoiving and scraping] as I gang out and into the hall [Church].
" Tell him he may e'en gan his gait ! I'll have nothing to
do with him ! I'll stay, like the poor country mouse, in my
own habitation ! "
So Peg talked. But for all that, by the interposition of good
friends ; and by many a bonny thing that was sent, and many
more that was promised Peg, the matter was concluded : and
Peg was taken into the House, upon certain Articles [Act of
Union between England and Scotland, 1707] one of which
590 The Dissenters striving for power. [kn1u.' Apni^/;--
That she might have the freedom of Jack's conversation, and
might take Jiinifor better and for xvorse, if she pleased ; provided
always, he did not come into the house at unseasonable hours ; and
disturb the rest of the old woman, John's mother.
CHAPTER V.
Of some quarrels that happened after Peg was taken into the
Family.
T IS an old observation, that the quarrels of relations
are harder to reconcile than any other ; injuries
from friends fret and gall more, and the memory of
them is not so easily obliterated. This is cunningly
represented by one of your old sages, called Esop, in the stcry
of the bird that was grieved extremely for being wounded
with an arrow feathered with his own wing ; as also of the
oak that let many a heavy groan, when he was cleft with a
wedge of his own timber.
There was no man in the world less subject to rancour
than John Bull, considering how often his good nature had
been abused : yet I don't know but he was too apt to hearken
to tattling people that carried tales between him and his
sister Peg, on purpose to sow jealousies and set them together
by the ears.
They say, that there were some hardships put upon Peg,
that had been better let alone; but it was the business of
good people to restrain the injuries on one side, and moderate
the resentments on the other. A good friend acts both parts ;
the one without the other will not do !
The purchase money of Peg's farm was ill paid. Then
Peg loved a little good liquor, and the servants shut up the
wine cellar : but for that Peg found a trick ; for she made a
false key [Occasional Conformity]. Peg's servants complained
that they were debarred from all manner of business, and
never suffered to touch the least thing within the house. If
they offered t© come into the warehouse, then straight went
the yard [measuring rod\ slap over their noddle ! If they
ventured into the counting-house, a fellow would throw an
ink-bottle at their head ! If they came into the best apart-
Pa«ni."''^7°'-] Reactionary y:/cr^ AGAINST Dissenters. 591
ment, to set anything there in order; they were saluted with
a broom ! If they meddled with anything in the kitchen, it
was odds but the cook laid them over the pate with a ladle !
One that would have gone into the stables, was met by two
rascals, who fell to work with him, with a brush and a curry
comb ! Some climbing up into the coach box, were told that
" one of their companions [?] had been there before, that
could not drive ! " then slap went the long whip about their
ears 1
On the other hand, it was complained that Peg's servants
were always asking for drink money ! that they had more
than their share of the Christmas Box. To say the truth,
Peg's lads bustled pretty hard for that : for when they were
endeavouring to lock it up, they got in their great fists, and
pulled out handfuls of half-crowns, some shillings and six-
pences ; others in the scramble picked up guineas and broad
pieces.
But there happened a worse thing than this. It was com-
plained that Peg's servants had great stomachs [Fanatics
(Dissenters) getting into places of trust], and brought too
many of their friends and acquaintance to the table, that
John's family was like[ly] to be eaten out of house and
home.
Instead of regulating this matter as it ought to be, Peg's
young men were thrust from the table [Fanatics excluded by
the passing of the Occasional Conformity Act, in 1711]. Then
there was the Devil and all to do ! spoons, plates and dishes
flew about the room like mad; and Sir Roger [Robert
Harley], who was now Major Domo, had enough to do to
quiet them.
Peg said this was contrary to agreement, whereby she
was, in all things, to be treated like a child of the family.
Then she called upon those that had made her such fair
promises, and undertook for her brother John's good be-
haviour ; but, alas, to her cost, she found that they were the
first and readiest to do her the injury.
John, at last, agreed to this regulation, that Peg's footmen
might sit with his book-keeper, journeymen, and apprentices;
and Peg's better sort of servants might sit with his footmen,
if they pleased.
Then, they began to order plum-porridge and minced pies
592 John Bull's story of the War. [pannt'^ioApni^z;";
for Peg's dinner [the Act 0/1712, restoring the ancient rights
of Patrons in the bestowal of Scotch ecclesiastical presentations ;
which had been, of late, in the power of the Kirk] . Peg told them ,
" She had an aversion to that sort of food ; that upon the
forcing down of a mess of it some years ago, it threw her
into a fit until she brought it up again." Some alleged it
was nothing but humour, that the same mess should be
served up again for supper, and breakfast next morning :
others would have made use of a horn. But the wiser sort
bid let her alone, and she might take to it of her own
accord.
CHAPTER VI.
The Conversation between John Bull and his wife, [Queen
Anne].
Mrs. Bull.
jHouGH our affairs, Honey! are in a
bad condition ; I have a better opinion
of them, since you seem to be con-
vinced of the ill course you have been
in, and are resolved to submit to proper remedies. But
when I consider your immense debts, your foolish bargains,
and the general disorder of your business ; I have a curiosity
to know, what Fate or Chance has brought you into this
condition ?
John Bull. I wish you would talk of some other subject.
The thoughts of it make me mad ! Our Family must have
their run !
Mrs. Bull. But such a strange thing as this, never hap-
pened to any of your Family before ! They have had Law-
suits [wars] ; but though they spent the income, they never
mortgaged the Stock [Capital] ! Sure, you must have come
of the Norman or Norfolk blood in you : prithee, give me
some account of these matters!
John Bull. Who could help it ? There lives not such a
fellow by bread, as that old Lewis Baboon ! It is the
cheatingest, [most] contentious rogue upon the face of the
earth !
You must know, one day, as Nic. Frog and 1 were over
a bottle, making up an old quarrel, the old knave would
Pa«^iiL^"X"i^^7-] '^"E Treaties of Partition. 593
needs have us drink a bottle of his Champagne : and so, one
after another, till my friend Nic. and I, not being used to
such heady stuff, got drunk. Lewis, all the while, either by
the strength of his brain or flinching his glass, kept himself
sober as a judge.
" My worthy friends," quoth Lewis, " henceforth, let us
live neighbourly! I am as peaceable and quiet as a lamb, of
my own temper; but it has been my misfortune to live among
quarrelsome neighbours. There is but one thing that can
make us fall out, and that is the Inheritance of Lord
Strutt's estate. I am content, for peace sake, to waive my
right, and submit to any expedient to prevent a Lawsuit. I
think an equal division will be the fairest way 1 "
" Well moved, old Lewis ! " quoth Frog, " and I hope my
friend John here, will not be refractory ! " At the same
time, he clapped me on the back, and slabbered me all over,
from cheek to cheek, with his great tongue.
" Do as you please, Gentlemen! " quoth I ; " it is all one to
John Bull! "
We agreed, to part that night, and next morning to meet
at the corner of Lord Strutt's park wall, with our surveying
instruments: which accordingly we did [the negotiations for
the first Treaty of Partition in 1698].
Old Lewis carried a chain and a semicircle; Nic, paper,
rulers, and a lead pencil ; and I followed at some distance
with a long pole.
We began first surveying the meadow grounds ; afterwards,
we measured the cornfields, close [ficld\ by close ; then we
proceeded to the woodlands, the copper and tin mines [the
West Indies]. All this while, Nic. laid down everything
exactly, upon paper, and calculated the acres and roods to a
great nicety. When we finished the land, we were going to
break into the house and gardens, to take an inventory of his
plate, pictures, and other furniture.
Mrs. Bull. What said Lord Strutt to all this ?
John Bull. As we had almost finished our concern, we
were accosted by some one of Lord Strutt's servants.
" Hey day ! what's here ? What a Devil ! is the meaning of
all these trangrams and gimcracks. Gentlemen ? What, in
the name of wonder 1 are you going about, jumping over my
Master's hedges, and running your lines across his grounds ?
£A-G. Gar. VI. ^8
594 Cull then, a little thin man. [pa„-\iL'ToXHi^i^7-:
If you are at any field pastime, you might have asked leave !
my Master is a civil well bred person as any is ! "
Mrs. Bull. What could you answer to this ?
John Bull. Why, truly, my neighbour Frog and I were
still hot-headed. We told him, " His Master was an old
doating puppy that minded nothing of his own business !
that we were surveying his estate, and settling it for him ;
since he would not do it himself ! "
Upon this, there happened a quarrel ; but we being stronger
than they, sent them away with a fiea in their ear.
They went home, and told their Master. " My Lord ! "
say they, " there are three odd sort of fellows going about
your grounds, with the strangest machines that ever we
beheld in our life. We suppose they are going to rob your
orchard, fell your trees, or drive away your cattle. They
told us strange things, about ' settling your estates.' One
[Lewis Baboon] is a lusty old fellow in a black wig with a
iDlack beard, and without teeth. There's another [Nicholas
Frog] thick squat fellow in trunk hose [knce-brccchcs]. The
third is a little long-nosed thin man (I was then lean, being
just come out of a fit of sickness [? the war i68g — 1697]).
We suppose it is fit to send after them, lest they carry some-
thing away ! "
Mrs. Bull. I fancy this put the old fellow in a rare tweag
[passion] !
John Bull. Weak as he was, he called for his long Toledo
[swordj, swore, and bounced about the room, " 'Sdeath !
what am I come to, to be affronted so by my tradesmen ? I
know the rascals ! M}' barber, linendraper, and clothier
dispose of my estate ! Bring hither my blunderbuss ! I'll
warrant ye, you shall see daylight through them ! Scoun-
drels ! dogs ! the scum of the earth ! Fkog ! that was my
father's kitchen-boy ; he pretend to meddle with my estate !
with my Will ! Ah, poor Strutt ! what art thou come to
at last ! Thou hast lived too long in the world to see thy
age and infirmity so despised ! How will the ghosts of my
noble ancestors receive these tidings ? they cannot, they must
not sleep quietly in their graves ! " In short, the old gentle-
man was carried off in a fainting fit ; and, after bleeding in
both arms, hardly recovered.
Mrs. Bull. Really, this was a very extraordinary way of
proceeding : I long to hear the rest of it !
pl'raK"xI:]LEAYIS ACTS OX THE WiLL, NOT THE TREATY.595
John Bull. After we had come back to the tavern, and
taken the other bottle of Champagne, we quarrelled a little
about the division of the estate. Lewis hauled and pulled
the map on one side, and Frog and I on the other ; till we
had like to have torn the parchment to pieces.
At last, Lewis pulled out a pair of tailor's great shears,
and clipped off a corner for himseU [Gtiipuscoa and Sicily went
to Finance, by the First Partition Treaty of i6g8j, which he said
was a Manor that lay convenient for him : and left Frog and
me the rest to dispose of as we pleased.
We were overjoyed to think that Lewis was contented
with so little, not smelling what was at the bottom of the plot.
There happened, indeed, an incident that gave us some
disturbance. A cunning fellow, one of my servants, two
days after, peeping through the keyhole, observed that old
Lewis had stole away our part of the map, and saw him
fiddling and turning the map from one corner to the other,
trying to join the two pieces again. He was muttering
something to himself, which he did not well hear, only these
words, *' 'Tis a great pity ! 'tis a great pity ! " My servant
added, that he believed this had some ill meaning.
I told him, " He was a coxcomb, always pretending to be
wiser than his companions ! Lev/is and I are good friends.
He is an honest fellow ; and, I dare say ! will stand to his
bargain.
The sequel of the story proved this fellow's suspicion to
be too well grounded. For Lewis revealed our whole secret
to the deceased Lord Strutt, who (in reward to his
treachery, and revenge to Frog and me), settled his whole
estate upon the present Philip Baboon [Philip, Duke of
ANjfOU, afterwards Philip V.]. Then we understood what he
meant by piecing the map together.
Mrs. Bull. And were you surprised at this ? Had not
Lord Strutt reason to be angry ? Would you have been
contented to have been so used yourself?
John Bull. Why, truly, Wife ! it was not easily recon-
ciled to the common methods ! but then it was the fashion
to do such things.
I have read of your Golden Age, your Silver Age, &c.: one
might justly call this, the Age of the Lawyers [Claimants],
There is hardly a man of substance in all the country, but
596 It is an age of Pretenders. [vJm!''TXr\i'''yl-.
had a Counterfeit that pretended to his estate. As the
philosophers say, that there is a dupHcate of every terrestial
animal, at sea; so it was in this Age of Lawyers, there were,
at least, two of everything. Nay, on my conscience ! I think
there were three Esquire Hackums [ ? ] at one time.
Lewis Baboon entertained a fellow [the Chevalier St.
George, afterwards called the Old Pretender] that called him-
self John Bull's Heir. I knew him no more than the child
unborn ; yet he brought me into some trouble and expense.
1 here was another that pretended to be Esquire South
[Luiperor of Austria]: and two Lord Strutts, you know!
In short, it was usual for a parcel of fellows to meet and
dispose of the whole estates in the country.
" This lies convenient for me, Tom ! " " Thou would do
more good with that, Dick ! than the old fellow that has it ! "
So to law they went with the true owners. The lawyers got
well by it : everybody else was undone.
It was a common thing for an honest man, when he
came home at night, to find another fellow domineering in
his family, hectoring his servants, and calling for his supper.
In every house, you might observe two SosiAS quarrelling who
was Master! For my own part, I am still afraid of the same
treatment ! that I should find somebody behind my counter
selling my broadcloth.
Mrs. Bull. There are a sort of fellows that they call
Banterers and Bamboozlers. that play such tricks ; but it
seems these fellows were in earnest!
John Bull. I begin to think that Justice is a better rule
than Conveniency, for all some people make so slight on it !
CHAPTER VII.
Of the hard shifts Mrs. Bull was put to, to preserve the
Manor of Bullock's Hatch ; with Sir Roger's method to keep off
importunate duns.
S John Bull and his wife were talking together,
they were surprised with a sudden knocking at the
door.
"Those wicked Scriveners and Lawyers, no
doubt ! " quoth John. And so it was; some asking for the
Part Iil'^Io April''i^7"i^G E N G L A N d's F I N A N C I A L S T R A I T S . 5 9 /
money that he owed, and others warning to prepare for the
approaching Term.
" What a cursed life do I lead ! " quoth John. " Deht is
like deadly sin. For GOD's sake ! Sir Roger ! get me rid
of these fellows ! "
" I'll warrant you ! " quoth Sir Roger, " leave them to
me!"
And indeed it was pleasant enough to observe Sir Roger's
method with those importunate duns. His sincere friendship
for John Bull, made him submit to many things, for his
service, which he would have scorned to have done for him-
self.
Sometimes he would stand at the door with his long pole,
to keep off the duns, till John got out at the back door.
When the lawyers and Tradesmen [the Allies] brought ex-
travagant bills. Sir Roger used to bargain beforehand for
leave to cut off a quarter of a yard in any part of the bill he
pleased : he wore a pair of scissors in his pocket for this
purpose, and would snip it off so nicely, as you cannot
imagine ! Like a true goldsmith, he kept all your holidays
[i.e., to gain more time] : there was not one wanting in his
Calendar! When ready money was scarce, he would set
them a telling [counting] a Thousand Pounds in sixpences,
groats, and threepenny pieces. It would have done your
heart good to have seen him charge through an army of
Lawyers, Attorneys, Clerks, and Tradesmen ! sometimes with
sword in hand, at other nuzzling like an eel in the mud.
When a fellow stuck like a burr that there was no shaking
him off, he used to be mighty inquisitive about the health of
his uncles and aunts in the country ! he would call them all
by their names : for he knew everybody, and could talk to
them in their own way. The extremely impertinent, he
would send them away to see some strange sight, as the
dragon at Hockley the Hole, or bid him call the 30th of next
February.
Now and then, you would see him in the kitchen, weighing
the beef and butter, paying ready money that the maids
might not run a [on] tick at the market, and the butchers (by
bribing of them) sell damaged and light meat. Another
time, he would slip into the cellar, and gauge the casks.
In his leisure minutes, he was posting his books, and
59S John Bull contl\ues his stokv. [pari]iL'''loAp,'ii^i7"."
gathering in his debts : such frugal methods were necessary
where money was so scarce, and duns so numerous.
All this while, John kept his credit, could show his head
both at the Change and Westminster Hall ; no man pro-
tested his bill, nor refused his bond : only the Sharpers and
Scriveners, the Lawyers and other Clerks pelted Sir Roger
as he went along. The Squirters were at it, with their
kennel water ; for they were mad for the loss of their bubble
[victim], and that they could not get him to mortgage the
Manor of Bullock's Hatch [to repeal the Sacramental Test Act
0/1673!.
Sir Roger shook his ears, and nuzzled along; well satisfied
within himself that he was doing a charitable work, in rescu-
ing an honest man from the claws of harpies and blood-suckers.
Mrs. Bull did all that an affectionate wife and a good
housewife could do. Yet the boundaries of virtues are indi-
visible lines. It is impossible to march up close to the
frontiers of frugality, without entering the territories of
parsimony. Your good housewives are apt to look into the
minutest things. Therefore some blamed Mrs. Bull for new
heelpiecing of her shoes, grudging a quarter of a pound of
soap and sand to scour the rooms : but especially that she
would not allow her maids and apprentices the benefit oiJoHN
BuNYAN, the London Apprentice, or the Seven Champions in the
black letter [the Act for restraining the Press, against seditious
pamphlets] .
CHAPTER VIII.
A continuation of the Conversation betwixt JOHN Bull and
his wife.
Mrs. Bull. '^ ffl!'^ IS a most sad life we lead, my Dear!
to be so teazed, paying interest for old
debts, and still contracting new ones.
However, I do not blame you for vindi-
cating your honour, and chastizing old Lewis. To curb
the insolent, protect the oppressed, recover onejs own, and
defend what one has, are good effects of the Law. The only
thing I want to know is, how you come to make an end of
your money, before you have finished your Suit ?
Pr.rrnt:'':oAp'iiV;":] How TUK National Debt grew. 599
John Bull. I was told by the Learned in the Law, that my
Suit stood upon three iirm pillars: More Money for more Law,
more Law for more Money, and no Composition . " More
Money for more Law," was plain to a demonstration ; for
who can go to Law without money ? and it was as plain, that
any man that has Money, may have Law for it ! The third
was as evident as the other two : for what Composition
[Peace] could be made with a rogue that never kept a word
he said ?
Mrs. Bull. I think you are most likely to get out of this
labyrinth by the second door, by want of ready money to
purchase this precious commodity ! But you seem not only
to have bought too much of it, but to have paid too dear for
what you have bought ! else how was it possible to run so
much in debt, when, at this very time, the yearly income
that is mortgaged to those usurers, would discharge Hocus's
bills, and give you your bellyful of Law for all your life,
without running one sixpence in debt ! You have been bred
up to business ! I suppose you can cypher ! I wonder you
never used your pen and ink !
John Bull. Now, you urge me too far ! Prithee, dear
wife ! hold thy tongue ! Suppose a young heir, heedless, raw,
and inexperienced ; full of spirit and vigour, with a favourite
passion, in the hands of Money Scriveners [TMoney Lenders] !
Such fellows are like your wire-drawing mills ! if they get
hold of a man's finger they will pull in his whole body at
last, till they squeeze the heart, blood, and bowels out of
him. When I wanted money, half a dozen of these fellows
were always waiting in my antechamber, with their securities
ready drawn. I was tempted with the " ready" ! Some farm
or other went to pot 1 I received with one hand, and paid
it away with the other, to Lawyers that, like so many hell-
hounds, were ready to devour me. Then the rogues would
plead poverty and scarcity of money. That always ended in
[my] receiving Ninety for the Hundred ! After they had gotten
possession of my best rents, they were able to supply me
with my own money ! But what was worse, when I looked
into my securities [Perpetual Consols], there was no clause of
redemption.
Mrs. Bull. " No Clause of Redemption," say you ! that's
hard !
6oo The first years of the War i 702-1 707. y^nilT.yTz
John Bull. No great matter, for I cannot pay them !
They had got a worse trick than that ! The same man
bought and sold to himself, paid the money, and gave the
acquittance. The same man was Butcher and Grazier,
Brewer and Butler, Cook and Poulterer. There is something
still worse than all this. There came twenty bills on me, at
once ; which I had given money to discharge. I was like[ly]
to be pulled to pieces by Brewer, Butcher, and Baker; even
my Herb-Woman dunned me as I went along the streets
(thanks to my friend Sir Roger! else I must have gone to
gaol). When I asked the meaning of this, I was told,
"The money went to the Lawyers; Counsel won't tick [give
credit], Sir!" Hocus was urging, my Bookkeeper [Lord
Treasurer GoDOLPHiN] sat sotting all day, playing at Putt
and All Fours. In short, by griping Usurers, devouring
Lawyers, and negligent Servants, I am brought to this pass !
Mrs. Bull. This was hard usage; but, methinks, the least
reflection mif;:ht have retrieved you !
John Bull. 'Tis true ! yet consider my circumstances !
My honour was engaged, and I did not know how to get
out ! Besides, I was, for five years, often drunk ; always
muddled ! They carried me from tavern to tavern, to ale-
houses and brandy-shops; and brought me acquainted with
such strange dogs ! " There goes the prettiest fellow in the
world," says one, " for managing a jury ; make him yours ! "
" There is another can pick you up witnesses !" " Serjeant
Such-a-One has a silver tongue at the bar!" I believe in
time I should have retained every single person within the
Inns of Court !
The night after a trial, I treated the Lawyers, their wives,
and daughters, with fiddles, hautboys, drums, and trumpets.
I was always hot-headed ! Then they placed me in the
middle ; the Attorneys and their Clerks dancing about me,
whooping and holloaing, " Long live John Bull ! the glory
and support of the Law ! "
Mrs. Bull. Really, Husband ! you went through a very
notable course !
John Bull. One of the things that first alarmed me, was
that the}' shewed a spite against my poor old Mother.
'* Lord !" quoth I, "what makes you so jealous of a poor
old innocent Gentlewoman that minds only her Prayers and
Part
J Arbutlinot, M.D.-| g ^^jp,^ ON THE HlGII FlYING FURY. 6oi
rtlll. ioApnli7i2.J "^
her Practice of Piety ? She never meddles in any of your
concerns !"
"Foh!" say they, "to see a handsome, brisk, genteel,
young fellow so much governed by a doating old woman ! Why
don't you go and suck the bubby [breasts. Bu bu is the cry of
the child needing its mother's milk] ? Do you consider she keeps
you out of a good jointure ! She has the best of your estate
settled upon her for a rent-charge [tithcs]\ Hang her, old
thief 1 turn her out of doors ! seize her lands! and let her go
to Law if she dares ! "
" Soft and fair, Gentlemen ! " quoth I ; " my mother is my
mother ! Our Family is not of an unnatural temper ! Though
I don't take all her advice, I won't seize her jointure ! Long
may she enjoy it, good woman ! I don't grudge it her! She
allows me, now and then, a brace of Hundreds [taxation of the
Clergy] for my Lawsuit ; that is pretty fair !"
About this time, the old Gentlewoman fell ill of an odd
sort of a distemper [deterioration and worldliness of the Estab-
lished Clergy]. It began with a coldness and numbness in
her limbs ; which, by degrees, affected the nerves (I think
the Physicians call them), seized the brain, and at last
ended in a lethargy. It betrayed itself, at first, in a sort of
indifference and carelessness in all her actions, coldness to
her best friends, and an aversion to stir or go about the
common offices of life. She that would sometimes rattle off
her servants pretty sharply ; now if she saw them drink, or
heard them talk profanely, never took any notice of it.
Instead of her usual charities to deserving persons, she threw
away her money upon roaring swearing bullies and randy
beggars that went about the streets.
" What is the matter with the old Gentlewoman ? " said
everybody ; " she never used to do in this manner!"
At last, the distemper grew more violent, and threw her
downright into raving fits [Complaints against Moderation] ;
in which, she shrieked out so loud, that she disturbed the
whole neighbourhood. In her fits, she call out upon Sir
William [William III.]: "O, Sir William! thou hast
betrayed me ! killed me ! stabbed me ! sold me ! See, see,
Clum with his bloody knife! seize him! seize him! stop
him I Behold the Fury with her hissing snakes ! Where
is my son John ? Is he well ? is he well ? Poor man, I
602 ArBUTHNOt's two great colleagues, p- 'VariHi!' ^/j!^:
pity him ! " And abundance more of such strange stuff that
nobody could make anything of.
I knew Httle of the matter ; for when I inquired about her
health, the answer was, " She was in a good moderate
way!"
Physicians were sent for in haste : Sir Roger with great
difficulty brought R[adcli]ff [the Tory party]. G[ar]th
[tJie Whig party] came upon the first message. There were
several others called in : but, as usual upon such occasions,
they differed strangely at the Consultation.
At last they divided into two parties; one sided with
G[ar]th, and the other with RrADCLi]FF.
Dr. G[ar]th. This case seems to me, to be plainly
hysterical. The old woman is whimsical ; it is a common
thing for your old women to be so ! I'll pawn my life 1
Blisters with the Steel diet will recover her !
Others suggested strong purging and letting of blood,
because she was plethoric. Some went so far as to say the
old woman was mad ; and that nothing would do better than
a little corporal correction.
R[adclijFF. Gentlemen, you are mistaken in this case.
It is plainly an acute distemper ! and she cannot hold out
three days, without she is supported with strong cordials !
I came into her room with a good deal of concern, and
asked them, " What they thought of my mother ? "
" In no manner of danger, I vow to God ! " quoth
GrARjTH, "the old woman is hysterical, fanciful. Sir, I vow
to God!"
*' I tell you, Sir ! " says R[adclI;FF, " she can't live three
days to an end, unless there is some very effectual course
taken with her ! She has a malignant fever ! "
Then " Fool ! " " Puppy ! " and " Blockhead ! " were the
best words they gave. I could hardly restrain them from
throwing the ink-bottles at one another's heads.
I forgot to tell you, that one party of the physicians desired
I should take my sister Peg into the house to nurse her; but
the old Gentlewoman would not hear of that.
At last, one physician asked, " If the Lady had ever been
used to take laudanum ? "
Her maid answered, " Not that she knew ! " that " indeed
there was a High German liveryman of hers, one Yan
Par/iiL''''iSii^^7i^:] INFLUENCE OF House of Hanover. 603
Ptschirnsooker [Invitwg over the Palatines] that gave her a
sort of a Quack powder."
The physician desired to see it; "Nay," says he, "there
is opium in this, I am sure ! "
Mrs. Bull. I hope you examined a Httle into this matter!
John Bull. I did indeed ! and discovered a great mystery
of iniquity.
The witnesses made oath, that they had heard some of
the liverymen frequently railing at their Mistress. They
said " She was a troublesome fiddle faddle old woman, and so
ceremonious that there was no bearing of her ! They were
so plagued with bowing and cringing, as they went in and
out of the room, that their backs ached 1 She used to scold
at one, for his dirty shoes : at another, for his greasy hair,
and not combing his head 1 Then she was so passionate
and fiery in her temper, that there was no living with her !
She wanted something to sweeten her blood ! They never
had a quiet night's rest, for getting up in the morning to
early sacraments ! They wished they could find some way
or another to keep the old woman quiet in her bed ! "
Such discourses were so often overheard among the livery-
men, that the said Yan Ptschirnsooker had undertaken this
matter.
A maid made affidavit, that she " had seen the said Yan
Ptschirnsooker, one of the liverymen, frequently making
up of medicines, and administering them to all the neigh-
bours"; that she " saw him, one morning, make up the
powder which her mistress took," that she "had the curi-
osity to ask him, whence he had the ingredients ? "
" They come," says he, "from several parts of de world.
Dis I have from Geneva ! dat from Rome ! this white powder
from Amsterdam ! and the red from Edinburgh : but the
chief ingredient of all comes from Turkey ! "
It was likewise proved, that the said Yan Ptschirnsooker
had been frequently seen at the Rose with Jack, who was
known to bear an inveterate spite to his Mistress ; that he
brought a certain powder to his Mistress, which the
Examinant believes to be the same, and spoke the following
words : Madam, here is grand secret van de warld ! viy
siveetning powder ! It does temperate de humour, despel de windt,
and cure dc vapour ! It lullctJi and quictcth dc animal spirits,
604 A SPECIMEN OF DUTCH CLAIMS. [parUit'^'ioXnl^'y^^
procuring rest and pleasant dreams ! It is de infallible receipt for
de scnrvy, all heats in de bluodt, and breaking out iipon de skin I
It is de true bloodt stauncher, stopping all Jinxes of de bloodt !
If you do take this, yon will never ail anything ! it will cure yoit
of all diseases ! and abundance more to this purpose, which
the Examinant does not remember.
John Bull was interrupted in his story by a porter, that
brought him a letter from Nicholas Frog; which is as
follows :
CHAPTER IX.
A copy of Nicholas Frog's letter to John Bull,
Ohn Bull reads
Friend John !
What schellum is it, that makes thee jealous of thy
old friend Nicholas ? Hast thou forgot how, some years ago,
he took thee out of the Sponging-house [The Revolution of
1688].
'Tis true, my friend Nic. did so, and I thank him ! but he
made me pay a swinging reckoning.
Thou bcginst now to repent the bargain that thou wast so fond
of I and, if thou durst, would foreswear thy own hand and seal.
Thou sayst that " thou hast purchased me too great an estate
already ! " when, at the same time, thou knowcst I have only a
mortgage [the Spanish Netherlands]. 'Tis true, I have
possession, and the tenants own me for Master; but has not
Esquire SoUTH the equity of redemption ?
No doubt, and will redeem it very speedily ! Poor Nic.
has only possession ; eleven points of the Law !
As for the turnpikes [the prohibition of trade to all but the
English] / have set up ; they are for other people, not for my
friend JoHN ! I have ordered my servant constantly to attend,
ParUH.''''i?Apnl'^7r2:] FROg's LETTER, & JoIIN's comments. 605
to let thy carriages through, without paying anything ; only I
hope thou wilt not come too heavy ladened, to spoil my ways I
Certainly, I have just cause of offence against thee, my friend !
for supposing it possible that thou and I shoidd ever quarrel.
What honndsfoot is it, that puts these whims in thy head ? Ten
thousand lasts [a Last was estimated to contain 10,000
herrings] of devils haul me, if I do not love thee as I love my
life!
No question ! as the Devil loves holy water !
Does not thy own hand and seal oblige thee to purchase for me, till
I say " It is enough ! " Are not these words plain ? I say, it is
not enough ! Dost thou think thy friend Nicholas Frog
made a child's bargain ! Marks the words of thy contract, tota
pecunia, with all thy money !
Very well ! I have purchased with my own money, my
children's, and my grandchildren's money: is that not
enough ? Well, tota pecunia, let it be ! for, at present, I
have none at all ! He would not have me purchase with
other people's money, sure ! Since tota pecunia is the
bargain, I think it is plain " no more money, no more pur-
chase ! "
And, whatever the World may say ! Nicholas Frog is but a
poor man in comparison of the rich, the opulent John Bull,
great Clothier of the World I
I have had many losses ! Six of my best sheep were drowned ;
and the water has come into my cellar, and spoiled a pipe of my
best brandy. It would be a more friendly act in thee, to carry a
Brief about the coimtry, to repair the losses of thy poor friend !
Is it not evident to all the World, that I am still hemmed in by
Lewis Baboon ? Is he not just upon my borders ?
And so he will be, if I purchase a thousand acres more ;
unless he gets somebody betwixt them !
/ tell thee, friend John I thou hast flatterers that persuade thee
6o6 "TlIOU ART AS FICKLE AS THE WIND ! " [p.^.J^f/^^f^Ja'/^P;.
thou art a man of business. Do not believe them ! If thou
wouldst still leave thy affairs in my hands, thou shoiddst see how
handsomely I woidd deal by thee ! That ever thou shouldst be
dazzled with the Enchanted Islands [the South Seas, i.e., the
Spanish Colonies in the Pacific] and mountains of gold, that
old Lewis promises thee! 'Dswounds/ why dost thou not lay
out thy money to purchase a place at Court, of honest Israel ? I
tell thee, thou must not so much as think of a Composition [Peace].
Not think of a Composition, that is hard indeed ! I can-
not help thinking of it, if I would !
Thou complainest of want of money, let thy wife and daughters
hum the gold lace upon their petticoats ! sell thy fat cattle !
retrench but a sirloin of beef and a peck-loaf in a week, from thy
gormandizing stomach !
Retrench my beef, a dog ! retrench my beef! Then it is
plain the rascal has an ill design upon me ! He would
starve me !
Mortgage thy Manor of Bidlock's Hatch, or pawn thy crop for
ten years !
A rogue ! Part with my country seat, my patrimony, all
that I have left in the world ! FU see thee hanged first !
Why hast thou changed thy A ttorney ! Can any man manage
thy Cause better for thee ?
Very pleasant ! Because a man has a good Attorney, he
must never make an end of his Lawsuit !
Ah, John! John! I wish thou knewst tJiy own mind!
Thou art as fickle as the wind ! I tell thee, thou Iiadst better let
this Composition alone, or leave it to thy
Loving friend,
N I c . Frog.
Part UL^'xSplil^:^?--] O ^ E HAS A D U M B D E V I l! 607
CHAPTER X.
Of some extraordinary tilings that passed at the Salutation
tavern, in the Conference between BuLL, Frog, Esquire South,
and Lewis Baboon.
RoG had given his word that he would meet the
above-mentioned company at the Salutation [the
Congress at Utrecht], to talk of this Agreement.
Though he durst not directly break his appointment,
he made many a shuffling excuse. One time, he pretended
to be seized with the gout in his right knee ; then he got a
great cold that had struck him deaf of one ear : afterwards
two of his coach horses fell sick, and he durst not go by
water for fear of catching an ague.
John would take no excuse ; but hurried him away.
*' Come Nic. ! " says he, " let us go and hear at least, what
this Old Fellow has to propose ! I hope there is no hurt in
that ! "
" Be it so," says Nic, " but if I catch any harm, woe be
to you ! My wife and children will curse you as long as they
live ! "
When they were come to the Salutation, John concluded
all was sure, then ! and that he should be troubled no more
with law affairs. He thought everybody as plain and sincere
as he was.
" Well, neighbours ! " quoth he, " let us now make an end
of all matters, and live peaceably together for the time to
come! If everybody is as well inclined as I, we shall
quickly come to the upshot of our affair ! " And so, pointing
to Frog to say something : to the great surprise of all
the company, Frog was seized with a dead palsy in the
tongue.
John began to ask him some plain questions, and whooped
and holloaed in his ear.
John Bull. Let us come to the point, Nic! Who wouldst
thou have to be Lord Strutt ? Wouldst thou have Philip
Baboon ?
Nic. shook his head, and said nothing.
6o8 The other has a spirit of infirmity! [p^;^;';
Arbuthnot.
1712.
John Bull. Wilt thou then have Esquire South to be
Lord Strutt?
Nic. shook his head a second time.
John Bull. Then who, the Devil ! wilt thou have ? Say
something or another!
Nic. opened his mouth, and pointed to his tongue ; and
cried, " A ! a ! a ! a ! " ; which was as much as to say he could
not speak.
John Bull. Shall I serve Philip Baboon with broad-
cloth ; and accept of the Composition that he offers, with the
liberty of his parks and fishponds ?
Then Nic. roared like a bull, " O ! o ! o ! o ! "
John Bull. If thou wilt not let me have them, wilt thou
take them thyself ?
Then Nic. grinned, cackled, and laughed, till he was like
to kill himself; and seemed to be so pleased that he fell a
frisking and dancing about the room.
John Bull. Shall I leave all this matter to thy manage-
ment, Nic. ! and go about my business ?
Then Nic. got up a glass and drank to John; shaking him
by the hand till he had like to have shaken his shoulder out
of joint.
John Bull. I understand thee, Nic. 1 but I shall make
thee speak before I go !
Then Nic. put his finger to his cheek, and made it cry
" Buck ! ": which is as much as to say, " I care not a farthing
for thee ! "
John Bull. I have done, Nic. ! If thou wilt not speak, I
will make my own terms with old Lewis here !
Then Nic. lolled out his tongue, and turned his back to
him.
John perceiving that Frog would not speak, turned to old
Lewis, " Since we cannot make this obstinate fellow speak,
Lewis! pray condescend a little to his humour, and set down
thy meaning upon paper, that he may answer it on another
scrap ! "
" I am infinitely sorry," quoth Lewis, "that it happens so
unfortunately ! for, playing a little at cudgels the other day,
a fellow has given me such a rap over the right arm that I
Par/ili''''"o''Aprlu;'^:] TlIE THIRD HAS A MAD DEVIL ! 609
am quite lame [disabled]. I have lost the use of my forefinger
and my thumb, so that I cannot hold my pen."
John Bull. That is all one, let me write for you !
Lewis. But I have a misfortune that I cannot read any-
body's hand but my own.
John Bull. Try what you can do with your left hand !
Lewis. That is impossible ! It will make such a scrawl
that it will not be legible !
As they were talking of this matter, in came Esquire
South, all dressed up in feathers and ribbons, stark staring
mad, brandishing his sword as if he would have cut off their
heads ; crying, " Room, room, boys ! for the grand Esquire
of the world ! the flower of Esquires ! What ! covered in my
Presence ! I will crush your souls, and crack you like lice! "
With that, he had like to have struck John Bull's hat
into the fire ; but John, who was pretty strong fisted, gave
him such a squeeze, as made his eyes water.
He still went on with his pranks, ** When I am Lord of
the Universe, the sun shall prostrate and adore me ! Thou,
Frog! shalt be my bailiff! Lewis! my tailor! and thou
John Bull ! shalt be my fool ! "
All this while. Frog laughed in his sleeve, gave the Esquire
the other noggin of brandy, and clapped him on the back ;
which made him ten times madder.
Poor John stood in amaze, talking thus to himself, " Well,
John ! thou art got into rare company 1 One has a dumb
devil ! the other a mad devil ! and the third, a spirit of In-
firmity I An honest man has a fine time of it amongst such
rogues ! What art thou asking of them, after all ? some
mighty boon, one would think ! Only to sit quietly at thy
own fireside. 'Sdeath ! what have I to do with such fellows ?
John Bull, after all his losses and crosses, can live better
without them; than they can, without him I Would to God !
I lived a thousand leagues off them I but the Devil is in
it."
As he was talking to himself, he observed Frog and old
Lewis edging towards one another to whisper; so that
John was forced to sit with his arms akimbo to keep them
asunder.
£ac. Car. VL
39
6ioWhAT have I TO DO WITH SUCH FELLOWS ! [i^n llT^T^l'.
Some people advised John to bleed Frog under the tongue :
or take away his bread and butter, which would certainly
make him speak ; to give Esquire South, hellebore : as for
Lewis, some were for emollient pultas's [poultices] ; others
for opening his arm with an incision knife.
I could not obtain from Sir Humphry, at this time, a
copy of John's letter, which he sent to his nephew by the
young Necromancer; wherein he advises him not to eat
butter and ham, and drink old hock in the morning with the
Esquire and Frog, for fear of giving him a sour breath.
FINIS.
AN
APPENDIX
TO
JOHN BULL
Still
In his SENSES;
O R
Law is a BottomlessP it.
Printed from a Manuscript found in the Cabinet of
the famous Sir Humphry Poles worth:
and published (as well as the Three former
Parts) by the Author oj the New Atlantis.
L O ND O A',
Printed for John Morphew, near Stationers'
Hall, 17 12. Price 3d.
6l2
[In an advertisement in the Examiner, Vol. II., No. 23, ist May, 1712 ;
it is stated that this ylppcmUx would be published "to-morrow:" there-
fore its date is 2nd May, 1712.]
6i3
AN APPENDIX
T O
JOHN BULL
Still in his Senses^ ^c.
CHAPTER I.
The apprehending, examination, and imprisonment of Jack, for
suspicion of poisoning.
He attentive Reader cannot have forgotten
that, in my last Part, the Story of Yan
Ptschirnsooker's Powder, was interrup-
ted by a message from Frog. 1 have a
natural compassion for curiosity, bemg
much troubled with the distemper myself;
I therefore, to gratify that uneasy itchmg
^ sensation in my Reader, I have procured
the following account of that matter.
Yan Ptschirnsooker came off, as rogues usua ly do upon
such occasions, by peaching [Utrning evidence on] his part-
ner • and being extremely forward to bnng him to the gallo^^s,
jAck was accused as the contriver of all the roguery.
And, indeed, it happened, unfortunately for the poor fe low
that he was known to bear a most inveterate spite against the
old Gentlewoman ; and, consequently, that never any ill accident
happened to her, but he was suspected to be at the bo t ", o
it. If she pricked her finger; Jack, to be^f ^pH , er res
in the way! If some noise in the street disturbed hei rest ,
who could it be but Jack? in some of his nocturnal rambler
If a servant ran away. Jack had debauched ^^^'^'"i^^^^J 1; .^J
Every tittle tattle that went about, Jack was always suspected
for the author of it ! , . , ^ rr • . ^f tl^P
However all was nothing to this last affau ol the
6 14 WORLDLIMINDEDNESS OF DiSSENTERS. [pIv^'il App'.'^y^;
Temperating Moderating Powder. The Hue and Cry went
after Jack, to apprehend him, dead or alive, wherever he could
be found. The Constables looked out for him, in all his usual
haunts ; but to no purpose ! Where, do you think, did they
find him at last ? Even smoking his pipe very quietly, at his
brother Martin's ! from whence, he was carried, with a vast
mob at his heels, before the Worshipful Mr. Justice Overdo.
Several of his neighbours made oath, that, of late, the
prisoner had been observed to lead a very dissolute life, re-
nouncing even his usual hypocrisy and pretences to sobriety ;
that he frequented taverns and eating-houses, and had been
often guilty of drunkenness and gluttony at my Lord Mayor's
table [the Dissenters holding Civic appointments] ; that he had
been seen in the company of lewd women ; that he had trans-
ferred his usual religious care of the engrossed copy of his
father's Will [the printed Bible], to Bank Bills, Orders for
Tallies, and Debentures [Dissenters becoming worldly minded] ;
* Tale of these he now affirmed, with more literal truth, to be
the Tilt. ^ji(,(ii^ drink, and cloth ; the Philosopher's Stone, and the
Universal Medicine*; that he was so far from shewing his cus-
tomary reverence to the Will, that he kept company with
those [? sceptics] that called his Father a " cheating rogue ! "
and his Will " a forgery ! " ; that he not only sat quietly and
heard his Father railed at, but often chimed in with the
discourse, and hugged the authors as his bosom friends ; that
I Tn/e of instead of asking for blows at the corners of the strcets,f
the Tub. j^g bestowed them as plentifully as he begged them
before. In short, that he was grown a mere rake, and had
nothing left in him of old Jack, except his spite to John
Bull's mother.
Another witness made oath, that Jack had been overheard
bragging of a trick he had found out to manage the " old
formal Jade," as he used to call her. " D this numbed
skull of mine," quoth he, "that I could not light on it sooner !
As long as I go in this ragged tattered coat, I am so well
known that I am hunted away from the old woman's door by
every barking cur about the house ; they bid me defiance !
There is no doing mischief as an open enemy ! I must find
some way or another of getting withindoors! and then I shall
have better opportunities of playing my pranks, besides the
benefit of good keeping ! \Jhc suggestion here is, that the Dis-
Paniii. -^Apt'tMay:';.'^:] ^iRs OF Low Church party. 615
scntcrs turned Low Church, for the sake of the good things in the
Establishment.]
Two witnesses swore, that several years ago, there came to
their mistress's door, a young fellow in a tattered coat, that
went by thename of Timothy Trim ; whom they did, in their
conscience, believe to be the very prisoner, resembling him
in shape, stature, and the features of his countenance ; that
the said Timothy Trim being taken into the family, clapped
their mistress's livery over his own tattered coat [Church forms
over Dissenting principles] ; that the said Timothy was ex-
tremely officious about their mistress's person, endeavouring
by flattery and tale-bearing, to set her against the rest of their
servants. Nobody was so ready to fetch anything that was
wanted, or reach what was dropped ! that he used to shove
and elbow his fellow servants, to get near his mistress : es-
pecially when money was a paying or receiving, then he was
never out of the way ! That he was extremely diligent about
everybody's business but his own.
That the said Timothy, while he was in the Family, used
to be playing roguish tricks. When his mistress's back was
turned, he would loll out his tongue, make mouths, and laugh
at her, walking behind her like a harlequin, ridiculing her
motions and gestures : if his mistress look about, he put on a
grave, demure countenance, as [ifj he had been in a fit of
devotion. That he used often to trip upstairs so smoothly
that you could not hear him tread, and put all things out of
order ; that he would pinch the children and servants, when
he met them in the dark, so hard that he left the print of his
forefingers and thumb in black and blue ; and then slink into
a corner, as if nobody had done it. Out of the same malicious
design, he used to lay chairs and joint-stools in their way,
that they might break their noses by falling over them. The
more young and unexperienced, he used to teach to talk
saucily and call names.
During his stay in the Family, there was much plate
missing ; that being catched with a couple of silver spoons in
his pocket, with their handles wrenched off, he said, " He was
only going to carry them to the goldsmith's to be mended ! "
That the said Timothy was hated by all the honest ser-
vants, for his ill-conditioned, splenetic tricks : but especially
for his slanderous tongue ; traducing them to his mistress, as
drunkards and thieves.
6i6 Struggles OF High & Low Cn\jRCH.[^-i:^rnu''^,E:
That the said Timothy, by lying stories, used to set all
the Family together by the ears ; taking delight to make them
fight and quarrel. Particularly, one day sitting at table, he
spoke words to this effect :
" I am of opinion," quoth he, " that little short fellows,
such as we are, have better hearts, and could beat the tall
fellows. I wish it came to a fair trial ! I believe these long
fellows, as sightly as they are, should find their jackets well
thwacked ! " A parcel of tall fellows, who thought themselves
affronted by this discourse, took up the question : and to it
they went! the Tall Men [High Church] and the Low Men
[Low Church. These ecclesiastical badges first sprang up in Queen
Anne's reign] ; which continues still a faction in the Family,
to the great disorder of our mistress's affairs.
That the said Timothy carried this frolic so far, that he
proposed to his mistress, that she should entertain no servant
that was above four feet seven inches high ; and for that purpose
he prepared a gauge, by which they were to be measured.
That the good old Gentlewoman was not so simple as to go
into his projects. She began to smell a rat. " This Trim,"
quoth she, *' is an odd sort of a fellow ! Methinks, he makes
a strange figure with that ragged tattered coat appearing
under his livery ! Can't he go spruce and clean, like the rest
of the servants ? The fellow has a roguish leer with him,
which I don't like by any means. Besides he has such a
twang in his discourse, and such an ungraceful way of speak-
ing through the nose, that one can hardly understand him !
I wish [hope] the fellow be not tainted with some bad
disease ! "
The witnesses further made oath, that the said Timothy
lay out a nights, and went abroad often at unseasonable
hours; that it was credibly reported, he did business in another
family ; that he pretended to have a squeamish stomach, and
could not eat at table with the rest of the servants [? the
strict Communion of some Dissenters], though this was but a
pretence to provide some nice bit for himself; that he refused
to dine upon salt fish, only to have an opportunity to eat a
calf's head, his favourite dish, in private [alluding to the Calfs
Head Club] ; that for all his tender stomach, when he was got
by himself, he would devour capons, turkeys, and sirloins of
beef, like a cormorant.
Pan n L " App!' ^!jF2:] J A C K C O M M I T T E D T O 1 1 1 S T R I A L. 6 I 7
Two other witnesses gave the following evidence. That in
his officious attendance upon his mistress, he had tried to slip in
a powder into her drink ; and that once he was catched en-
deavouring to stifle her with a pillow as she was asleep : that
he and Ptschirnsooker were often in close conference, and
that they used to drink together at the Rose, where it seems
he was well enough known by the true name of Jack.
The prisoner had little to say in his defence. He endeavoured
to prove him alibi ; so that the trial turned upon this single
question, Whether the said Timothy Trim and Jack were the
same person ? which was proved by such plain tokens, and
particularly by a mole under the left pap, that there was no
withstanding the evidence. Therefore the worshipful Mr.
Justice committed him, in order to his trial.
CHAPTER II.
How Jack's friends came to visit him in prison, and what
advice they gave him.
|AcK hitherto had passed in the World, for a poor,
simple, well-meaning, half-witted, crack-brained
fellow. People were strangely surprised to find him
in such a roguery ; that he should disguise himself
under a false name, hire himself out for a servant to an old
Gentlewoman, only for an opportunity to poison her 1 They
said that it was more generous to profess an open emnity,
than, under a profound dissimulation, to be guilty of such a
scandalous breach of trust, and of the sacred rights of
hospitality.
In short, the action was universally condemned by his best
friends. They told him, in plain terms, that "this was come
as a judgement upon him, for his loose life, his gluttony,
drunkenness, and avarice, laying aside his Father's Will in an
old mouldy trunk, and turning stock-jobber, newsmonger,
and busybody, meddling with other people's affairs, shaking
off his old serious friends, and keeping company with buffoons
and pickpockets, his Father's sworn enemies ! " that " he
had best throw himself upon the mercy of the Court, repent,
and change his manners!"
6i8 Jack must hang himself! [p,,,„i. J^':^-^^^;":
To say truth, Jack heard these discourses with some com-
punction ; however he resolved to try what his new acquain-
tance would do for him.
They sent Habbakuk Slyboots [ ? ] who de-
livered him the following message, as the peremptory com-
mands of his trusty companions.
Habbakuk. Dear Jack ! I am sorry for thy misfortune !
Matters have not been carried on with due secrecy; however,
we must make the best of a bad bargain ! Thou art in the
utmost jeopardy, that is certain ! hang ! draw ! and quarter !
are the gentlest things they talk of. However, thy faithful
friends, ever watchful for thy security, bid me tell thee, that
they have one infallible expedient left to save thy life. Thou
must know, we have got into some understanding with the
enemy, by means of Don Diego Dismallo. He assures us,
there is no mercy for thee, and that there is only one way
left to escape. It is indeed somewhat out of the common
road : however, be assured it is the result of most mature
deliberation !
Jack. Prithee, tell me quickly ! for my heart is sunk down
into the very bottom of my belly.
Habbakuk. It is the unanimous opinion of your friends,
that you make as if you hanged yourself ! they will give it
out that you are quite dead, and convey your body out of
prison in a bier ; and that John Bull, being busied with his
Lnwsuit, will not inquire further into the matter.
Jack. How do you mean, " make as if I had hanged
myself" ?
Habbakuk. Nay, but you must really hang yourself up in a
true genuine rope, that there may appear no trick in it; and
leave the rest to your friends.
Jack. Truly this is a matter of some concern, and my
friends, I hope, won't take it ill, if I inquire into the means
by which they intend to deliver me. A rope and a noose are
no jesting matters !
Habbakuk. Why so mistrustful ! Hast thou ever found us
false to thee ? I tell thee, there is one ready to cut thee down !
Jack. May I presume to ask, who it is, that is entrusted
with that important office ?
Habbakuk. Is there no end of thy " Hows ? " and thy
" Whys ? " That is a secret !
Pa-Jt m "''^7°2] How THE Dissenters were sacrificed. 619
Jack. A secret, perhaps, that I may be safely trusted
with ! for I am not likely] to tell it af^ain ! I tell you plainly,
it is no strange thing for a man, before he hangs himself up,
to inquire who is to cut him down !
Habbakuk. Thou suspicious creature ! If thou must needs
know it, I tell thee, it is Sir Roger ! He has been in tears ever
since thy misfortune. Don Diego and we have laid it so,
that he is to be in the next room ; and before the rope is well
about thy neck, rest satisfied he will break in, and cut thee
down ! Fear not, old boy ! we'll do it, I warrant thee !
Jack. So I must hang myself up, upon hopes that Sir
Roger will cut me down ; and all this, upon the credit of
Don Diego ! A fine stratagem indeed to save my life, that
depends upon hanging, Don Diego, and Sir Roger !
Habbakuk. I tell thee there is a mystery in all this, my
friend ! a piece of profound policy ! If thou knew what good
this will do to the common Cause, thy heart would leap for
joy ! I am sure thou wouldst not delay the experiment one
moment 1
Jack. This is to the tune of All for the better! What is
your Cause to me, when I am to be hanged ?
Habbakuk. Refractory mortal! If thou Vv^ilt not trust
thy friends, take what follows! Know assuredly, before
next full moon, that thou wilt be hung up in chains, or thy
quarters perching upon the most conspicuous places of the
kingdom ! Nay, I don't believe they will be contented with
han^ging ! they talk of impaling ! or breaking on the wheel ! and
thou choosest that, before a gentle suspending of thyself for
one minute 1 Hanging is not so painful a thing as thou
imaginest. I have spoken with several that have undergone
it. They all agree it is no manner of uneasiness ! Be sure
thou take good notice of the symptoms ; the relation will be
curious ! It is but a kick or two with thy heels, and a wry
mouth or so 1 Sir Roger will be with thee, in the twinkling
of an eye ! . .,,
Jack. But what if Sir Roger should not come ? will my
friends be there to succour me ? ,
Habbakuk. Doubt it not! I will provide everything
against to-morrow morning ! Do thou keep thy own secret !
say nothing ! I tell thee, it is absolutely necessary lor the
common good, that thou shouldst go through this operation.
620 Jack GIVING AN Implicit Faith, [pannrtpp^'i^;":
CHAPTER III.
How Jack hanged himself up, by the persuasion of his friends ;
who broke their word, and left his neck in the noose.
jjAcK was a professed enemy to Implicit Faith ;
and yet I dare say, it was never more strongly
exerted, nor more basely abused, than upon this
occasion. He was now with his friends, in the
state of a poor disbanded Officer after a Peace, or rather a
wounded soldier after a battle ; like an old favourite of a
cunning Minister after the job is over, or a decayed beauty
to a cloyed lover in quest of new game : or like a hundred
such things that one sees every day. There were new
intrigues, new views, new projects on foot. Jack's life was
the purchase of Diego's friendship ; much good may it do
them 1 The Interest of Hocus and Sir William Crawley
[ ? ], which was now more at heart, made this
operation upon poor Jack absolutely necessary.
You may easily guess that his rest, that night, was but
small, and much disturbed : however the remaining part of
his time, he did not employ, as his custom was formerly, in
prayer, meditation, or singing a double verse of a Psalm ; but
amused himself with disposing of his Bank Stock.
Many a doubt, many a qualm overspread his clouded
imagination. " Must I then," quoth he, " hang up my own
personal, natural, individual Self, with these two hands !
Durus Sermo 1 What if I should be cut down, as my friends
tell me ; there is something infamous in the very attempt !
The world will conclude I had a guilty conscience. Is it
possible that good man, Sir Roger, can have so much pity
upon an unfortunate scoundrel that has persecuted him so
many years ? No, it cannot be ! I don't love favours that
pass through Don Diego's hands 1 On the other side, my
blood chills about my heart, at the thought of these rogues
with their hands pulling out my very entrails ! Hang it! for
once, I'll trust my friends ! "
So Jack resolved ; but he had done more wisely to have
put himself upon the trial of his country, and made his defence
in form. Many things happen between the cup and the lip.
Witnesses might have been bribed, juries managed, or
prosecution stopped.
J. Arbuthnot, M-D."! T^^cx's SCRUPLES AT IIANGTNr, HIMSELF. 62 I
Part III. App. I7I2.J J
But so it was. Jack, for this time, had a sufficient stock of
Implicit Faith, which led him to his ruin, as the sequel of the
story shews. , , . , , ^ .
And now the fatal day was come, m which he was to try
this hanging experiment. His friends did not fail him at the
appointed hour, to see it put in practice.
Habbakuk brought him a smooth strong tough rope made
of many a ply of wholesome Scandinavian hemp, compactly
twisted together, with a noose that slipped as glib as a bird-
catcher's °^in
Tack shmnk and grew pale at first sight of it. He handled
it, measured it, stretched it, fixed it against the iron bar of
the window to try its strength ; but no familiarity could
reconcile him to it ! He found fault with the length, the thick-
ness, and the twist : nay, the very colour did not please him!
"Will nothing less than hanging serve?" quoth Jack.
" Won't my enemies take bail for my good behaviour ? Will
they accept of a fine, or be satisfied with the pillory and im-
prisonment, a good sound whipping, or burning in the cheek?
Habbakuk. Nothing but your blood will appease their
rage' Make haste, else we shall be discovered ! There is
nothing like surprising the rogues 1 How they will be dis-
appointed, when they hear that thou hast prevented their
revenge, and hanged thine own self !
Jack That is true ! but what if I should do it in effigies ?
Is there" never an old Pope or Pretender to hang up in my
stead ? We are not so unlike but it may pass !
Habbakuk. That can never be put upon Sir Roger !
Jack. Are you sure he is in the next room ? Have you
provided a very sharp knife in case of the worst ?
Habbakuk. Dost thou take me for a common liar ! 13e
satisfied no damage can happen to your person ! Your friends
will take care of that ! , „ ^ „ 1 .
Jack. Mayn't I quilt the rope! It galls me strangely.
Besides, I don't like this running knot ; it holds too tight ! 1
may be stifled all of a sudden ! „
Habbakuk. Thou hast so many " Ifs and Ands!
Prithee, despatch! it might have been over before this
^'Tack. But now I think on it, I would fain settle some
affairs for fear of the worst : have a little patience !
62 2 Sir Roger will not cut Jack down. [pJ'ul^app!' ^;i^:
Habbakuk. There is no having patience : thou art such
a fainting silly creature !
Jack. O thou most detestable abominable Passive
Obedience 1 did I ever imagine I should become thy votary
in so pregnant an instance ! How will my brother Martin
laugh at this story, to see himself outdone in his own call-
ing ! He has taken the doctrine, and left me the practice !
No sooner had he uttered these words, but like a man of
true courage, he tied the fatal cord to the beam, fitted the
noose, and mounted upon the bottom of a Tub, the inside of
which he had often graced in his prosperous days. This
footstool, Habbakuk kicked away; and left poor Jack swing-
ing like the pendulum of Paul's clock. The fatal noose per-
formed its office, and, with most strict ligature, squeezed the
blood into his face, till it assumed a purple dye.
While the poor man heaved from the very bottom of his
belly for breath, Habbakuk walked with great deliberation
into both the upper and lower room, to acquaint his friends ;
who received the news with great temper [equaniiniiy], and
with jeers and scoffs instead of pity.
"Jack has hanged himself! " quoth they, "let us go and
see how the poor rogue swings ! "
Then they called Sir Roger.
" Sir Roger ! " quoth Habbakuk, " Jack has hanged him-
self; make haste and cut him down ! "
Sir Roger turned, first one ear, and then the other, not
understanding what he said.
Habbakuk. I tell you. Jack has hanged himself up !
Sir Roger. Who is hanged ?
Habbakuk. Jack !
Sir Roger. I thought this had not been hanging day !
Habbakuk. But the poor fellow has hanged himself!
Sir Roger. Then let him hang ! I don't wonder at it :
the fellow has been mad these twenty years I
With this, he slank away.
Then Jack's friends began to hunch and push one another.
** Why don't you go and cut the poor fellow down ? "
" Why don't you ? "
And " Why don't you ? "
Pan III. Ap1,'.'''fMay^7:^:] NOR WILL ANY OF HIS FRIENDS. 623
"Not I!" quoth one.
" Not I ! " quoth another.
" Not I ! " quoth a third, " he may hang till Doomsday
before I relieve him ! ''
Nay it is credibly reported that they were so far from
succouring their poor friend in this his dismal circumstance,
that Ptschirnsooker and several of his companions went in
and pulled him by the legs, and thumped him on the breast.
Then they began to rail at him for the very thing which
they had both advised and justified before; viz., his getting
into the old Gentlewoman's family, and putting on her livery.
The Keeper who performed the last office, coming up, found
Jack swinging with no life in him. He took down the body
gently, and laid it on a bulk, and brought out the rope to the
company.
" This, Gentlemen ! is the rope that hanged Jack ! What
must be done with it ? "
Upon which, they ordered it to be laid among the curiosi-
ties of Gresham College; and it is called "Jack's rope" to
this very day.
However, Jack, after all, had some small tokens of life in
him : but lies, at this time, past hopes of a total recovery ; with
his head hanging on one shoulder, without speech or motion.
The Coroner's Inquest supposing him dead, brought him
in Non Compos.
CHAPTER IV.
The Conference between Don Diego Dismallo and John
Bull.
Uring the time of the foregoing transaction, Don
Diego was entertaining John Bull.
Don Diego. I hope, Sir, this day's proceedings
will convince you of the sincerity of your old friend
Diego, and the treachery of Sir Roger.
John Bull. What's the matter now ?
Don Diego. You have been endeavouring for several years,
to have justice done upon that rogue Jack ; but, what through
the remissness of Constables, Justices, and packed juries, he
has always found the means to escape.
624 Nottingham tries to curry favour. [pL m!'X°p: ^!y?;.
John Bull. What then ?
Don Diego. Consider, then, who is your best friend, he
that would have brought him to condign punishment, or he
that has saved him ? By my persuasion. Jack had hanged
himself, if Sir Roger had not cut him down !
John Bull. Who told you that Sir Roger has done so ?
Don Diego. You seem to receive me coldly ! Methinks,
my services deserve a better return !
John Bull. Since you value yourself upon hanging this
poor scoundrel ; I tell you, when I have any more hanging
work, I will send for thee ! I have some better employment
for Sir Roger. In the meantime, I desire the poor fellow
may be looked after.
When he hrst came out of the North country into my
Family, under the pretended name of Timothy Trim, the
fellow seemed to mind his loom and his spinning-wheel till
somebody turned his head. Then he grew so pragmatical,
that he took upon him the government of my whole Family
[the Commonwealth] . I could never order anything within or
without doors ; but he must be always giving his counsel,
forsooth ! Nevertheless, tell him I will forgive what is past!
and if he would mind his business for the future, and not
meddle out of his own sphere ; he will find that John Bull is
not of a cruel disposition !
Don Diego. Yet all your skilful physicians say that
nothing can recover your mother, but a piece of Jack's liver
boiled in her soup !
John Bull. Those are Quacks ! My mother abhors such
cannibal's food ! She is in perfect health at present. I would
have given many a good pound to have had her so well, some
time ago.
There are indeed twoor three troublesome old nurses, that,
because they believe I am tender-hearted, will never let me
have a quiet night's rest, with knocking me up, " Oh, Sir !
your mother is taken extremely ill ! She is fallen into a
fainting fit 1 She has a great emptiness, and wants sus-
tenance ! " [The Tory cry of " The Church is in danger ! "] This
is only to recommend themselves, for their great care. John
Bull, as simple as he is, understands a little of a pulse.
FINIS.
LEWIS BABOON
Turned Honest,
AND
JOHN BULL
POLITICIAN.
Being
The Fourth Part
OF
Law is a Bottomless Pit.
Printed from a Manuscript found in the Cabinet
of the famous Sir Humphry Pole s worth. ■
and published fas well as the 'Three forf?ier
Parts and Appendixy/ by the Author of the
New Atlantis.
LONDON: Printed for John MoR PHEW,
near Stationers' Hall, i 7 i 2 . Price 6d.
Eng. Gar. VI. aq
626
[The appearance of this Last Part is fixed to be 24th July, 17 12, by an
advertisement in the Examiner, Vol. II., No. 35, of that date.]
627
THE CONTENTS.
Chap. I. The Sequel of the History of the Meeting at
^/fg Salutation />• 633
11. How John Bull and Nicholas Frog
settled their acconnts />. 637
III. How John Bull found all his Family in an
uproar at home p- 641
IV. How Lewis Baboon same to visit John
Bull, and what passed between them p. 644
V. Nicholas Frog's letter to John Bull ;
wherein he endeavours to vindicate all his con-
duct with relation to John Bull and the
Lawsuit />• 647
VI. The discourse that passed between Nicholas
Frog and Esquire South, which John
Bull overheard P- 649
628
The Contents
r J. Arbuthnot, M.D
L Part n
V. 28 July 1712'
Chap. VII. The rest of Nicholas's fetches to keep
John out of Ecclcsdown Castle [Dunkirk] p. 652
VIII. Of the great joy that John expressed when he
got possession of Ecclesdown ^-655
629
THE PREFACE.
Hen I was first called to the Office of Historiop-apJicr
to John Bull, he expressed himself to this purpose,
" Sir Humphry ! I know you are a plain dealer I
It is for that reason that I have chosen you for this
important trust ! Speak the truth, and spare not !"
That I might fulfil those his honourable intentions, I obtained
leave to repair to, and attend him in his most secret retirements :
and I put the Journals of all transactions into a strong box, to be
opened at a fitting occasion ; after the manner of the Historio-
graphers of some Eastern monarchs. This I thought was the safest
way ; though I declare I was never afraid to be chopped [off] by
my Master, for telling the truth.
It is from those Journals, that my Memoirs are compiled. There-
fore let not Posterity, a thousand years hence, look for truth in the
voluminous Annals of pedants, who are entirely ignorant of the
secret springs of great actions ! If they do, let me tell them, they
will be nebused /
With incredible pains have I endeavoured to copy the several beau-
tics of the ancient and modern historians, the impartial temper of
Herodotus, the gravity, austerity, and strict morals of Thucy-
DIDES, the extensive knowledge of Xenophon, the sublimity and
grandeur of TiTUS Livius; and to avoid the careless style of
630 Glorying in the Stamp Act. [pJvvl'^s'jui'y'';?;.
PoLYBius f I have borrowed considerable ornaments from
DiONYSius Harlicarnassens and DiODORUS SicULUS ! The
specious gilding of TACITUS, I have endeavoured to shun !
Mariana, D'Avila, and Fra Paulo are those among the
Moderns, whom I thought most worthy of imitation ; but I cannot
be so disingenuous, as not to own the infinite obligations I have
to the Pilgrim's Progress of John Bunyan, and the Tenter
Belly of the Rev. Joseph Hall.
From such encouragement and helps, it is easy to guess, to what
a degree of perfection I might have brought this great Work, had
it not been nipped in the bud, by some illiterate people in both
Houses of Parliament: ivho, envying the great figure I was to make
in future Ages, under pretence of raising money for the war, have
padlocked [by the Stamp Act] all those very pens that were to
celebrate the actions of their heroes, by silencing at once the whole
University of Grub street. I am persuaded that nothing but the
prospect of an approaching Peace could have encouraged them to
make so bold a step. But suffer me, in tJie name of the rest of the
Matriculates of that famous University, to ask them some plain
questions. Do they think that Peace will bring along with it a Gol-
den Age ? Will there be never a dying speech of a Traitor ? Are
Cethegus and Cat aline turned so tame that there will be no
opportunity to cry about the streets, " A dangerous Plot ! "? Will
Peace bring such Plenty that no gentleman will have occasion to
go upon the highway, or break into a house ?
I am sorry that the World should be so much imposed upon, by
the dreams of a false prophet, as to imagine the Millenium is at
hand. 0 Grub street I tJwu fruitful nursery of towering geniuses !
how do I lament tJiy downfall ! Thy ruin could never be meditated
by any who meant well to English Liberty! No modern Lycceum
will ever equal thy glory, whether in soft Pastorals thou sangst
the flames of pampered apprentices and coy cookmaids, or mournful
paruv.'^^uui;^''!^:] Scoffing at Grui] street Writers 1631
Ditties of departing lovers ! or if to Mceonian strains, thou raiscdst
thy voice, to record the stratagems, the arduous exploits, and the
nocturnal scalade of needy heroes, the terror of your peaceful
citizen ! describing the powerful Betty, or the artful Picklock,
or the secret caverns and grottoes ofVULCAN sweating at his forge
and stamping the Queen's image on viler metals, which he retails
for beef and pots of ale ! or if thou wert content in simple Narra-
tive to relate the cruel acts of implacable revenge; or the complaints
of ravished virgins blushing to tell their adventure before the
listening crowd of City damsels : whilst, in thy faithful History,
thou intcrminglest the gravest counsels and the purest morals ! nor
less acute and piercing wert thou in thy search and pompous
description of the Works of Nature; whether, in proper and empha-
tic terms, thou didst paint the blazing comet's fiery tail, the
stupendous force of dreadful thunder and earthquakes, and the
unrelenting inundations ! Sometimes, with Machiavellian sagacity,
thou unravelledst the intrigues of State, and the traitorous con-
spiracies of rebels ; giving wise counsel to Monarchs ! How didst
thou move our terror and our pity with thy passionate scenes
between Jack Catch and the heroes of the Old Bailey! how
didst thou describe their intrepid march up Holborn Hill ! Nor
didst thou shine less in thy Theological capacity, when thou gavest
ghostly counsel to dying felons, and recorded the guilty pangs of
Sabbath-breakers ! How will the noble Arts of John Overton's
painting and sculpture now languish! where rich invention,
proper expression, correct design, divine altitudes, and artful con-
trast, heightened with the beauties of Clar Obscur [Chiar obscuro]
imbellish thy celebrated pieces, to the delight and astonishment of
the judicious multitude !
Adieu, persuasive Eloquenee ! The quaint Metaphor, the
poignant Irony, the proper Epithet, and the lively Simile are fled
to Burlei^ih on the Hill !
632 Mock Condolence WITH Grub street. [p|;,fl'v';'''|j;;Vy'^/^]^;
Instead of these, we shall have I know not what ! " The
» Vide [William illiterate Will tell the rest with pleasure."*
Fleetwouu]
s't A^fl'H^"^ / hope the Reader will excuse this digression, due,
F'our'slrlwns]. ^ ^'^JK ^f condoUnce, to my worthy brethren of
Grub street, for the approaching barbarity that is likely to
overspread all its regions, by this oppressive and exorbitant tax
[the Stamp duty]. It has been my good fortune to receive
my education there ; and so long as I preserved some figure
and rank among the Learned of that Society, I scorned to take
my degree either at Utrecht or Leyden, though I were offered it
gratis by the Professors there.
LEWIS BABOON
Turned Honest,
AND
U LL
POLITICIAN.
CHAPTER I .
The Sequel of the History of the Meeting at the Salutation :
Here, I think I left John Bull sitting
between Nic. Frog and Lewis Baboon,
with his arms akimbo, in great concern to
keep Lewis and Nic. asunder.
As watchful as he was, Nic. found means,
now and then, to steal a whisper ; and, by a
cleanly conveyance under the tab e, to slip a
1.=^==—-- short noteintoLEWis'shand: which Lew^^^^
as slyly, put into John's pocket, with a pmch or a jog to
TH^^^hattt'^un^sitrto retire into a corner, to peruse
634 Story OF English help to Dutch. [par/i^'-'",Jj"°5y'/;x'^.
these billd-doiLX of Nic.'s; wherein he found that Nic. had
used great freedoms, both with his Interest and reputation.
One contained these words :
Dear Lewis,
Thou seest clearly that this blockhead can never brinf!; his
inattcrs to bear ! Let thee and me talk to-night by ourselves at
the Rose, and I will give thee satisfaction !
Another was thus expressed :
Friend LEWIS,
Has thy sense quite forsaken thee, to make BULL such offers ?
Hold fast ! part with nothing ! and I will give thee a better
bargain, I'll warrant thee !
In some of his billets, he told Lewis that John Bull
was under his guardianship ! that the best part of his servants
were at his command ! that he could have JOHN gagged and
bound, iz'henever he pleased, by the people of his own Family !
In all these epistles, blockhead ! dunce ! ass ! coxcomb ! were
the best epithets he gave poor John.
In others, he threatened that, he, Esquire South, and the
rest of the Tradesmen [the Allies] woidd lay LEWIS down upon
his back, and beat out his teeth, if he did not retire immediately,
and break iLp the meeting !
I fancy I need not tell my reader that John often changed
colour as he read, and that his fingers itched to give Nic. a
good slap on the chops : but he wisely moderated his choleric
temper.
" I saved this fellow," quoth he, ** from the gallows, when
he ran awav from his last master [the rise of the Dutch
Republic with English help] ; because I thought he was
harshly treated : but the rogue was no sooner safe under my
protection, than he began to lie, pilfer, and steal, like the Devil !
" When I first set him up in a warm house ; he had hardly
put up his Sign, when he began to debauch [entice] my best
customers from me. Then it was his constant practice to
rob my fish-ponds [Dutch fishing for herrings off the English
coast; see Vols. IL p. 6i ; IILp. 621 ; IV. p. 323] ; not only
to feed his family, but to trade with the fishmongers. I
connived at the fellow, till he began to tell me that ' they
were his, as much as mine ! '
" In my Manor of Eastcheap [East Indies] , because it
paruv!'^"'4^juiyV7S Ingratitude OF THE Dutch. 635
lay at some distance from my constant inspection, he broke
down my fences, robbed my orchards, and beat my servants.
When I used to reprimand him for his tricks ; he would
talk saucilv, lie, and brazen it out as if he had done nothing
amiss. ' Will nothing cure thee of these pranks, Nic. ? '
quoth I. * I shall be forced, some time or another, to chastise
thee ! ' The rogue got up his cane and threatened me ;
and was well thwacked for his pains [tlic wars "with the Dutch
in 1652, 1665, and 1671J.
" But I think his behaviour at this time, worst of all !
After I have almost drowned myself, to keep his head above
water ; he would leave me sticking in the mud, trusting to
his goodness to help me out ! After I have beggared myself
with this troublesome Lawsuit, he takes it in mighty dudgeon,
because I have brought him here, to end matters amicably !
and because I won't let him make me over, by deed and
indenture, as his lawful cully [dupe] 1 which to my certain
knowledge, he has attempted several times.
*' But, after all, canst thou gather grapes from thorns ? Nic.
does not pretend to be a Gentleman ! He is a tradesman,
a self-seeking wretch 1 But how comest thou to bear all
this, John ? The reason is plain ; thou conferrest the
benefits, and he receives them : the first produces love, and
the last ingratitude.
"Ah, Nic! thou art a dog, that is certain! Thou
knowest too well, that I will take care of thee, else thou
wouldst not use me thus. I won't give thee up, it is true :
but, as true it is, that thou shalt not sell me, according to
thy laudable custom ! "
While John was deep in this soliloquy, Nic. broke out
into the following protestation :
" Gentlemen,
I believe everybody here present, will allow me to be a
very just and disinterested person. My friend John Bull
here, is very angry with me; forsooth, because I won'tagree
to his foolish bargains. Now I declare to all mankind, I
should be ready to sacrifice my own concerns to his quiet ;
but the care of his Interest and that of the honest Trades-
men [the Allies] that are embarked with us, keeps me from
entering into this Composition. What shall become of those
poor creatures ? The thought of their impending ruin
636 Unwillingness for Peace at Utreciit.Q;^^^^'!';'/'^"!;,^'^-,^^^
disturbs my night's rest ! Therefore I desire they may
speak for themselves. If they are willing to give up this
affair, I shan't make two words of it ! "
John Bull begged him to lay aside that immoderate
concern for him : and withal, put him in mind that the
Interest of those Tradesmen had not sat quite so heavy upon
him, some years ago, on a like occasion.
Nic. answered little to that, but immediately pulled out
a boatswain's whistle. Upon the first whiff, the Tradesmen
came jumping in the room, and began to surround Lewis
like so many yelping curs about a great boar : or, to use a
modester simile, like duns at a great Lord's levee, the morn-
ing he goes into the country. One pulled him by the sleeve !
another by the skirt ! a third holloaed in his ear ! They
began to ask him for all that had been taken from their fore-
fathers, by stealth, fraud, force, or lawful purchase ! Some
asked for Manors ! Others, for acres that lay convenient for
them ! that he would pull down his fences ! level his ditches !
All agreed in one common demand, that he should be purged,
sweated, vomited, and starved, till he came to a sizeable
bulk like that of his neighbours.
One modestly asked him leave to call him " Brother ! "
Nic. Frog demanded two things, to be his Porter and his
Fishmonger; to keep the keys of his gates, and furnish his
kitchen. John's sister. Peg, only desired that he would let
his servants [French Protestants] sing Psalms a Sundays.
Some descended even to the asking of old clothes, shoes and
boots, broken bottles, tobacco pipes, and ends of candles.
" Monsieur Bull," quoth Lewis, "you seem to be a man
of some breeding! For God's sake! use your Interest
with these Messieurs, that they would speak but one at once !
for if one had a hundred pair of hands and as many tongues,
he cannot satisfy them all, at this rate 1 "
John begged they might proceed with some method.
Then they stopped all of a sudden, and would not say a
word.
" If this be your play," quoth John, " that we may not be
like a Quaker's dumb meeting ; let us begin some diversion !
What do ye think of Rouly Pouly, or a Country Dance ?
What if we should have a match at football ? I am sure
wc shall never end matters at this rate I "
Pan fv\"2l''juV/7^-] Nic, Frog's financial legerdemain. 6^j
CHAPTER II.
How John Bull and Nicholas Frog settled their accounts.
John Bull. ||'^^|Uring this general cessation of talk,
what if you and I, Nic. ! should
inquire how money matters stand
between us ?
ITic. Frog. With all my heart ! I love exact dealing;
and let Hocus audit ! he knows how the money was dis-
bursed.
John Bull. I am not for that, at present ! We will settle
it between ourselves ! Fair and square, Nic. ! keeps friends
together. There have been laid out in this Lawsuit, at one
time, 36,000 pounds and 40,000 crowns. In some cases, I,
in others }'ou, bear the greater proportion.
Nic. Right ! I pay Three-fifths of the greater number;
and you pay Tw^o-thirds of the lesser number. I think this
is " fair and square " as you call it.
John. Well, go on !
Nic. Two-thirds of 36,000 pounds is 24,000 pounds for
your share; and there remains 12,000 pounds. Again, of
the 40,000 crowns, I pay 24,000 ; which is Three-fifths ;
and you pay only 16,000, which is Two-fifths. 24,000
crowns make 6,000 pounds, and 16,000 crowns make 4,000
pounds: 12,000 and 6,000 make 18,000; 24,000 and 4,000
make 28,000. So there are 18,000 pounds to my share of
the expenses, and 28,000 pounds to yours."
After Nic. had bamboozled John a while about the 18,000
and the 28,000; John called for counters. But what with
sleight of hand, and taking from his own score and adding
to John's, Nic. wrought the balance always on his own
side.
John Bull. Nay, good friend Nic, though I am not quite
so nimble in the figures, I understand ciphering as well as
you ! I will produce my accounts one by one, fairly written
out of my own books.
And here I begin with the first. You must excuse me,
if I don't pronounce the Law terms right.
638 John Bull's Account of the WAR.[p,.7iv^'■'':','^]C;y':7,'^:
John reads.
£ s. d.
Fees to the Lord Chief Justice and other Judges,
by way of dividend 200 10 6
Fees to /)Z^/s7/c Judges 50 o o
To Esquire South, ior post Tcnninmns 100 10 6
To ditto ior N on est fadums 200 o o
To ditto for Discontinuance, Noli pro-
sequi, and Retraxit 80 10 6
To ditto for a Non Omittas, and fil-
ing a />os^ Diem 50 o o
To Hocus, ior a. DediniHS protcstatcm ... 300 o o
To ditto for Casas and Fifas after a
Devastavit 500 o o
To ditto for a Capias ad couipu-
tandum 100 10 6
To Frog's New tenants [the Barrier towns],
per Account to Hocus,
ior Audita querelas 200 o o
On the said Account, for
Writs of Ejectment and
Destringas 300 o o
To Esquire South's quota for a Return of a
Non est inventus and nulla
habet bona 150 10 o
To for a Pardon in forma pau-
peris 200 o o
To Jack for a Melius inquirendum
upon a Felo de se 100 o o
To Don Diego ior a. Deficit 50 o o
To Coach hire 500 o o
For treats to Juries and Witnesses 300 o o
Sum ^^3,382 12 o
Due by Nic. Frog 3^1,691 6 o
Of which, paid by Nic. Frog 1,036 11 o
Remains due by Nic. Frog £6^^ 15 o
knlT^":^lyV;r;.] Frog's CONTRA Account OF the samt-. 639
Then Nic. Frog pulled out his bill out of his pocket, and
began to read
Nicholas Frog's Account.
Remains to be deducted out of the former Account : £ s. d.
To Hocus for Entries of a i^^«-c nzconsz^/io ... 200 o o
To John Bull's Nephew {the Old Pretender] for
a Venire Facias : the money not
yet all laid out 300 o o
The coach hire for my wife and family, and the
carriage of my goods during the time of this
Lawsuit
For the extraordinary expenses of feeding my
family, during this Lawsuit
To Major Ab
To Major Will
Sum £"1,700 10 6
From which deduct 1,691 6 o
There remains due to Nic. Frog ^^g 4 6
200
10
b
500
0
0
300
0
0
200
0
0
Besides ; recollecting, I believe I paid for Diego's Deficit.
John Bull. As for your Venire facias, I have paid you for
one already ! In the other, I believe you will be nonsuited.
I'll take care of my nephew myself. Your coach hire and
family charges are most unreasonable deductions ! At that
rate, I can bring in any man in the world, my debtor ! But
who, the Devil ! are those two Majors that consume all my
money ? I find they always run away with the balance in
all accounts.
Nic. Frog. Two very honest Gentlemen, I assure you! that
have done me some service.
To tell you plainly. Major Ab. denotes thy "greater Abi-
lity," and Major Will., thy "greater Willingness," to carry
on this Lawsuit. It was but reasonable, thou shouldst pay
both for thy Power and thy Positiveness !
John Bull. I believe I shall have those two honest Majors'
'discount on my side, in a little time.
Nic. Frog. Why all this higgling with thy friend, about
640 England should not waitfor Allies ![/;^f/l^^-;'';;°{;.^/^\^:
such a paltry sum ? Does this become the generosity of the
noble and rich John Bull ? I wonder thou art not ashamed!
0 Hocus ! Hocus ! where art thou ? It used to go another-
guess manner in thy time ! When a poor man has almost
undone himself for thy sake ; thou art for fleecing him, and
fleecing him ! Is that thy conscience, John ?
John Bull. Very pleasant indeed 1 It is well known thou
retainest thy Lawyers by the year ; so that a fresh Lawsuit
adds but little to thy expense. They are thy customers : I
hardly ever sell them a farthing's worth of anything 1 Nay,
thou hast set up an eating-house, where the whole tribe of
them spend all they can rap or run [i.e., all the ready money they
can chink, and all the credit they can run]. If it were well
reckoned, I believe thou gettest more of my money than thou
spendest of thy own. However, if thou wilt needs plead
poverty, own at least that thy Accounts are false.
Nic. Frog. No, marry ! won't I 1 I refer myself to these
honest Gentlemen [the Tradesmen, i.e., the Allies] ! Let them
judge between us! Let Esquire South speak his mind,
Whether my accounts are not right ? and Whether we ought
not to go on with the Lawsuit ?
John Bull. Consult the butchers about keeping of Lent ! I
tell you, once for all, John Bull knows where his shoe
pinches. None of your Esquires shall give him the law, as
long as he wears this trusty weapon by his side, or has an
inch of broad-cloth in his shop !
Nic. Frog. Why, there it is! You will be Judge and
Party ! I am sorry thou discoverest so much of thy headstrong
humour before these strange Gentlemen ! I have often told
you, that it would prove thy ruin some time or another !
John saw clearly he should have nothing but wrangling ;
and that he should have as little success in settling his ac-
counts as in ending the Composition.
" Since they will needs overload my shoulders," quoth
John, "I shall throw down the burden with a squash amongst
them ; take it up who dares ! A man has a fine time of it,
among a combination of sharpers that vouch for one another's
honesty ! John, look to thyself ! Old Lewls makes reasonable
offers ! When thou hast spent the small pittance that is left,
thou wilt make a glorious figure, when thou art brought to
Part
J Arbuthnot,M.D.-i AciTATioN AS TO THE Succession, 641
t IV. 24 July 1712.J
live upon Nic. Frog's and Esquire South's generosity and
gratitude. If they use thee thus, when they want thee ; what
will they do, when thou wantest them ? I say again, John
look to thyself!"
John wisely stifled his resentments; and told the company
that, " in a little time, he should give them law, or some-
thing better!"
All. Law ! Law I Sir, by all means ! What are twenty-
two poor years towards the finishing a Lawsuit ? For the
love of God ! more Law, Sir !
John BulL Prepare your demands, how many years
more of Law you want I that I may order my affairs accord-
ingly. In the meanwhile, farewell 1
CHAPTER III.
How John Bull found all his Family in an uproar at home.
pc. Frog (who thought of nothing but of carrying
John to the market, and there disposing of him as
his own proper goods) was mad to find that John
thought himself now of age to look after his own
affairs. He resolved to traverse this new project, and to
make him uneasy in his own Family. He had corrupted or
deluded most of his servants into the most extravagant con-
ceits in the world, that their Master was run mad ! and wore
a dagger in one pocket, and poison in the other ! he had sold
his wife and children to Lewis ! disinherited his hen;! and
was going to settle his estate upon a parish boy ! that if they
did not look after their Master, he would do some very
mischievous thing !
When John came home, he found a more surprising scene
than any he had yet met with [the national excitement as to the
Hanoverian Succession] ; and that, you will say, was somewhat
extraordinary. 1 u • j- „^^
He called his cook-maid Betty to bespeak his dinner.
Betty told him that "she begged his pardon, she could
not dress dinner till she knew what he intended to do with
his Will [the Act of Settlement, enstmng the Hanoverian
Succession] ! "
Eng. Gar. VI. 4^
642 John Bull's servants gone mad ! [pj\v!^l'^'}°\y\\^^:
" Why, Betty, forsooth, thou art not run mad ! art thou ?
My will at present, is to have dinner."
" That may be," quoth Betty, " but my conscience won't
allow me to dress it, till I know whether you intend to do
righteous things by your heir [the Princess Sophia] ? "
" I am sorry for that, Betty ! " quoth John, " I must find
somebody else then ! "
Then he called John the barber.
" Before I begin," quoth John, " I hope your Honour
won't be offended, if I ask you. Whether you intend to alter
your Will ? If you won't give me a positive answer, your
beard may grow down to your middle, for me ! "
" I gad, and so it shall ! " quoth Bull, " for I will never
trust my throat in such a mad fellow's hands ! "
" Where is Dick the butler ? "
" Look ye ! " quoth Dick, " I am very willing to serve you
in my calling, do ye see ! but there are strange reports, and
plain dealing is best, do you see ! I must be satisfied if 5-ou
intend to leave all to your nephew, and if Nic. Frog is still
your executor, do you see ! If you will not satisfy me as to
these points, do you see ! you may drink with the ducks ! "
" And so I will ! " quoth John, " rather than keep a butler
that loves my heir better than myself."
Hob the shoemaker and Pricket the tailor told him that
they " would most willingly serve him in their several
stations, if he would promise them, never to talk with Lewis
Baboon, and let Nicholas Frog, linendraper, manage his
concerns!" that they "could neither make shoes nor clothes to
any that were not in good correspondence with their worthy
friend Nicholas."
John Bull. Call Andrew my journeyman ! How go
affairs, Andrew ? I hope the Devil has not taken possession
of thy body too !
Andrew. No, Sir! I only desire to know, what you
would do if you were dead ?
John Bull. Just as other dead folks do, Andrew !
[Aside. This is amazing 1
Andrew. I mean if your nephew shall inherit your
estate ?
John Bull. That depends upon himself! I shall do
nothing to hinder him !
PaniO:''"uufy^i7i^.'] Nottingham's speech of Sorites. 643
Andrew. But will j-ou make it sure ?
John Bull. Thou meanest that I should put him in
possession ; for I can make no surer without that ! He has
all the Law can give him !
Andrew. Indeed, Possession, as you say, would make it
much surer. They say " it is eleven points of the Law ! "
John began now to think they were all enchanted. He
inquired about the age of the moon ? if Nic. had not given
them some intoxicating potion ? or if old mother Jenisa
was not still alive ?
" No, on my faith ! " quoth Harry, " I believe there is no
potion in the case but a little aiirum potabilc. You will
have more of this, by and by ! "
He had scarce spoken the word, when, of a sudden, Don
Diego, followed by a great multitude of his tenants and
workpeople, came rushing into the room.
Don Diego. Since those worthy persons, who are as much
concerned for your safety as I am, have employed me as their
Orator ; I desire to know whether you will have it, by way
of Syllogism, Enthymeme [a syllogism drawn from probable
premisses, and which therefore does not pretend to be demonstrative].
Dilemma [an argtiment in which the adversary is caught between
two diffcidties], or Sorites [a heap of syllogisms, the conclusion
of the one forming the premiss of the next].
John now began to be diverted with their extravagance.
John Bull. Let us have a Sorites, by all means ! though
they are all new to me !
Don Diego. It is evident to all that are versed in history,
that there were two sisters that played the whore two thou-
sand years ago: therefore it follows, that it is not lawful for
John Bull to have any manner of intercourse with Lewis
Baboon. If it is not lawful for John Bull to have any manner
of intercourse (correspondence if you will ! that is much the
same thing !) ; then, a fortiori, it is much more unlawful for
the said John to make over his wife and children to the said
Lewis. If his wife and children are not to be made over, he
is not to wear a dagger and ratsbane in his pockets. Jf he
wears a dagger and a ratsbane, it must be to do mischief to
himself or somebody else. If he intends to do mischief, he
644 J«"^' ^3^^LL BECOMES A POLITICIAN. [pJ l^^^'^fX'^^.R:
ought to be under Guardians : and there are none so fit as
myself and some other worthy persons, who have a commis-
sion for that purpose from Nic. Frog, the Executor of his
Will and Testament.
John Bull. And this is your Sorites, you say !
With that, he snatched a good oaken cudgel, and began to
brandish it. Then happy was the man that was first at the
door ! Crowding to get out, they tumbled down stairs : and
it is credibly reported, some of them dropped very valuable
things in the hurry, which were picked up by others of the
Family.
'' That any of these rogues," quoth John, "should imagine,
I am not as much concerned as they, about having my affairs
in a settled condition ; or that I would wrong my heir, for I
know not what ! Well, Nic. 1 I really cannot but ap-
plaud thy diligence ! I must own this is really a prettv sort
of a trick ; but it shan't do thy business, for all that ! "
CHAPTERIV.
How Lewis Baboon came to visit John Bull, and what
passed between them.
Think it is but ingenuous to acquaint the reader,
that this chapter was not written by Sir Humphry
himself, but by another very able Pen of the Uni-
versity of Grub street.
John had, by some good instructions that were given him,
got the better of his choleric temper ; and wrought himself
up to a great steadiness of mind to pursue his own Interest
through all impediments that were thrown in the way. He
began to leave off some of his old acquaintance, his roaring
and bullying about the streets. He put on a serious air,
knitted his brows : and, for a time, had made a very con-
siderable progress in politics ; considering that he had been
kept a stranger to his own affairs. However, he could not
help discovering some remains of his nature, when he
happened to meet with a foot-ball, or a match at cricket : for
which Sir Roger was sure to take him to task.
pa«''iv.''july ^^7-;] Proposals from French Government. 645
John was walking about his room, with folded arms and a
most thoughtful countenance, when his servant brought hirn
word, that one Lewis Baboon, below, wanted to speak with him.
John had got an impression that Lewis was so deadly a
cunning a man, that he was afraid to venture himself alone
with him. At last, he took heart of grace. " Let him come
up," quoth he, " it is but sticking to my point, and he can
never overreach me ! "
Lewis Baboon. Monsieur Bull ! I will frankly acknow-
ledge that my behaviour to my neighbours has been some-
what uncivil ; and I believe you will readily grant me ! that
I have met with usage accordingly. I was fond of backsword
and cudgel-play from my youth ; and I now bear in my body,
many a black and blue gash and scar, God knows ! I had
as good a warehouse and as fair possessions as any of my
neighbours, though I say it ! but a contentious temper,
flattering servants, and unfortunate stars, have brought me
into circumstances that are not unknown to you.
These my misfortunes are heightened by domestic calami-
ties that I need not relate. I am a poor old battered fellow;
and I would willingly end my days in peace ! But, alas, I
see but small hopes of that ! for every new circumstance
affords an argument to my enemies to pursue their revenge !
Formerly, I was to be banged, because I was too strong ;
and now, because I am too weak to resist ! I am to be
brought down, when too rich; and oppressed, when too poor!
Nic. Frog has used me like a scoundrel ! You are a Gentle-
man, and I freely put myself in your hands, to dispose of me
as ^•ou think fit.
John Bull. Look you, Master Baboon ! as to your usage
of your neighbours, you had best not dwell too much upon
that chapter ! let it suffice, at present, that you have been
met with. You have been rolling a great stone uphill all
your life ; and, at last, it has come tumbling down till it is
likefly] to crush you to pieces.
Plain dealing is best. If you have any particular mark,
Monsieur Baboon ! whereby one may know when you fib,
and when you speak truth ; you had best tell it me ! that one
may proceed accordingly. But since, at present, I know of
none such, it is better that you should trust me, than that I
should trust you !
646 Dunkirk, a security for the Peace, [pivflv"''';?,!;.^;!^:
Lewis Baboon. I know of no particular mark of veracity
amongst us Tradesmen, but Interest : and it is manifestly
mine, not to deceive you at this time. You may safely trust
me, I can assure you !
John Bull. The trust I give is, in short, this. I must
have something in hand, before I make the bargain ; and the
rest, before it is concluded.
Lewis Baboon. To shew you I deal fairly, name your
something !
John Bull. I need not tell thee, old boy ! thou canst
guess !
Lewis Baboon. Ecclesdown Castle, I'll warrant you !
because it has been formerly in your family! [Dunkirk, sold
by Charles II. to France, in 1662, for £"500,000]. Say no
more, you shall have it !
John Bull. I shall have it to mine own self !
Lewis Baboon. To thine own self !
John Bull. Every wall, gate, room, and inch of Eccles-
down Castle, you say !
Lewis Baboon. Just so !
John Bull. Every single stone of Ecclesdown Castle to
mine own self, speedily !
Lewis Baboon. When you please ! What need more
words !
John Bull. But tell me, old boy ! hast thou laid aside all
thy Equivocals and Mentals [reservations] in this case?
Lewis Baboon. There is nothing like matter of fact.
Seeing is believing.
John Bull. Now thou talkest to the purpose! let us shake
hands, old boy ! Let me ask thee one question more ! What
hast thou to do with the affairs of my Family, to dispose of
my estate, old boy ?
Lewis Baboon. Just as much as you have to do with the
affairs of Lord Strutt !
John Bull. Ay, but my trade, my very being was concerned
in that !
Lewis Baboon. And my Interest was concerned in the
otlier. But let us drop both our pretences ! for I believe it is
a moot point whether I am more likely to make a Master
Bull ; or you, a Lord Strutt.
John Bull. Agreed, old boy ! but then I must have
PartIv!''"4''julyV7l^:] DuTCII EFFORTS AGAINST THE PeACE. 647
security that I shall carry my broadcloth to market, old
boy!
Lewis Baboon. That you shall ! Ecclesdown Castle !
Ecclesdown, remember that ! Why wouldst thou not take
it, when it was offered thee, some years ago ?
John Bull. I would not take it, because they told me thou
wouldst not give to me !
Lewis Baboon. How could Monsieur Bull be so gross
abused by downright nonsense ! They that advised you to
refuse, must have believed I intended to give ! else why
would they not make the experiment ? But I can tell you
more of that matter, than perhaps you know at present.
John Bull. But what sayst thou as to the Esqun-e, Nic.
Frog, and the rest of the Tradesmen [the Allies]! I must
take care of them.
Lewis Baboon. Thou hast but small obligations to rsic,
to my certain knowledge. He has not used me like a
Gentleman!
John Bull. Nic, indeed, is not very nice in your punctihos
of ceremony : he is clownish, as a man may say._ Belching
and calling of names have been allowed him, time out of
mind, by prescription. But however, we are engaged in
one common cause, and I must look after him.
Lewis Baboon. All matters that relate to him and the
rest of the Plaintiffs in this Lawsuit, I will refer to your
justice !
CHAPTER V.
Nicholas Frog's letter to John Bull ; wherein he en-
deavours to vindicate all his conduct with relation to John Bull
and the Lawsuit.
Uc. perceived now that his cully [dupe] had eloped,
that John intended henceforth to deal without a
broker; but he was resolved to leave no stone
unturned to recover his bubble.
Among other artifices, he wrote a most obliging letter,
which he sent him printed in a fair character [type].
Dear friend, , -n r
When I consider the late ill usage I have met with from you,
648 Frog's fair seeming letter. [pJ\\^:''tTn\y''!7^^:
I am reflecting, What it was that could provoke you to it ? bid
upon a narrow inspection into my conduct, I can find nothing to
reproach myself with, but too partial a concern for your Interest.
You no sooner set this Composition afoot, but I was ready to
comply, and prevented [anticipated] your every wishes : and the
Affair might have been ended before now, had it not been for the
greater concerns of Esquire SoUTH and the other poor creatures
embarked in the same common Cause, whose safety touches me to
the quick.
You seemed a little jealous that I had dealt tmf airly with you
in money matters, till it appeared, by your own accounts, that
there was something due to me upon the balance.
Having nothing to answer to so plain a demonstration, you
began to complain as if I had been familiar with your reputation :
when it is well known, not only I, but the meanest servant in my
family, talk of yoti with the utmost respect. I have always, as far
as in me lies, exhorted your servants and tenants to be dutifid : not
that I any ways meddle in your domestic affairs, which were very
unbecoming for me to do. If some of your servants express their
great concern for yon in a manner that is not so polite, you ought
to impute it to their extraordinary zeal, which deserves a reward
rather than a reproof.
You cannot reproach me for want of success at the Salutation ;
since I am not master of the passions and Interests of other folks.
I have beggared myself with this Lawsuit, undertaken merely in
complaisance to you I and, if you would have had but a little
patience, I had greater things in reserve that I intended to have
done for you.
I hope what I have said will prevail with you to lay aside
your unreasonable jealousies ; and that we may have no more
meetings at the Salutation, spending our time and money to no
purpose. My concern for your welfare and prosperity almost
makes me mad ! You may be assured, I will continue to be.
Your affectionate friend and servant,
Nicholas Frog.
John received this with a good deal of sang froid.
" Transeat,'" quoth John, " cum cceteris erroribus ! "
He was now at his ease. Pie saw he could now make a
very good bargain for himself, and a very safe one for other
folks.
J. Arbuthnot, M.D.I Fj^oG ROGUiNG EsQUiRE South. 649
Pan IV. 24Julyi7i3-J
» Mv shirt," quoth he, " is near me, but my skin in nearer!
Whilst I tak; care of the welfare of other folks, nobody can
blame me for applying a little balsam to my_ own sores ! It
is a pretty thing; afte? all, for a man to do his own business :
.man has such a tender concern for himself, there is nothing
hk^tf This is somewhat better, I trow! that for John
RULL to be standing in the market like a great dray horse,
wUh FROG'S paws upon his head, ' What will ye give me for
^^''^'Se^rteur NIC. Frog! though John Bull has not read
ApItottes Platos, and Machiavellis, he can see as
r ntoTmTstoAe a'^^^^ ! " With that,. John began to
chuckle and laugh, till he was like to burst his sides.
CHAPTER VI.
The discourse that passed between Nicholas Frog and
Esquire SOUTH, which JOHN BULL overheard.
Ohn thought every minute a year till he got into
1 Ecclesdown Castle. He repaired to jhe^Sa/.-
Frrlesdown v^asxie. aa'- i^p""— --
__, rJ^rwith a design to break matter the gent y
^fAa to his partners. Before he entered, he oveiheara
^^ N ic and the Esquire in a very pleasant conference.
T«n„irP South O the ingratitude and injustice of man-
t-ind'^ That Iohn' BULL, whom I have honoured w.th my
^?endsh^':ni°protection so long.^houM nch at ,as ; and
K^it^f t Sou^LtT/h^sSinTte^^per, shou.d he
keptout of their own! j ^^ ;„ ^„^,e
.inrrusf:::fdrerof"arlUo the prosperity and
grandeur of my family ! _ _ , ^^ ^q^\^
"Mip Frog- Nay, he is mistaken tiiere xou. 1
'"Si. s«.lh. A. ,™ »,. .h« -y .i»U". •■•» " '•
650 The Allies will not have a Peace. [pJ,-i^';^^^4'^j"„";^^/;P,^^
get so much by the purchase, should refuse to put me in
possession ! Did you ever know any man's tradesmen serve
him so before ?
Nic. Frog. No, indeed, an it please your Worship ! it is
a very unusual proceeding ! and I would not have been guilty
of it for the world ! If your Honour had not a g^'eat stock
of moderation and patience, you would not bear it so well as
you do !
Esquire South, It is most intolerable, that is certain,
Nic. ! and I will be revenged !
Nic. Frog. Methinks, it is strange that Philip Baboon's
tenants [the Spaniards] do not all take your Honour's part,
considering how good and gentle a master you are !
Esquire South. True, Nic. ! but few are sensible of merit
in this world. It is a great comfort to have so faithful a
friend as thyself in so critical a juncture.
Nic. Frog. If all the world should forsake you, be assured
Nic. Frog never will ! Let us stick to our point, and we
will manage Bull, I'll warrant ye !
Esquire South. Let me kiss thee, dear Nic! I have
found one honest man among a thousand at last !
Nic. Frog. If it were possible, your Honour has it in your
power to wed me still closer to your interest !
Esquire South. Tell me quickly, dear Nic. !
Nic. Frog. You know I am your tenant. The difference
between my lease and an inheritance is such a trifie, as I am
sure you will not grudge your poor friend ! That will be an
encouragement to go on ! Besides, it will make Bull as
mad as the Devil. You and I shall be able to manage him
then, to some purpose !
Esquire South. Say no more ! It shall be done, Nic. !
to thy heart's content !
John, all this while, was listening to this comical dialogue ;
and laughed heartily in his sleeve, at the pride and simplicity
of the Esquire, and the sly roguery of his friend Nic.
Then, of a sudden, bolting into the room, he began to tell
them that he believed he had brought Lewis to reasonable
terms, if they would be pleased to hear them.
Then they all bawled out aloud, "No Composition! Long
live Esquire South and the Law ! "
As John was going to proceed, some roared, some stamped
J. Arhuthnot, M.D.I ■Rr^TT o.-trr^ << T T , " . ^ T7 y
Paitiv. Jui;i7i2.j l^ULL SAYS " Us, AS Frog HAD DONE. 651
with their feet, and others stopped their ears with tlieir
fingers.
" Nay, Gentlemen," quoth John, " if you will but stop
your proceeding for a while, you shall judge yourselves
whether Lewis's proposals are reasonable.
All. Very fine indeed ! Stop proceeding, and so loose a
Term {a campaig)i\.
John Bull. Not so, neither! We have something by
way of advance. He will put us in possession of his Manor
and Castle of Ecclesdown.
Nic. Frog. What dost thou talk of Us. thou meanest
thyself!
John Bull. When Frog took possession of anything, it
was always said to be for Us ; and why may not John Bull
be Us, as well as Nic. Frog was Us ? I hope John Bull is
no more confined to Singularity than Nic. Frog ! or take it
so, the constant doctrine that Thou hast preached up, for
many years, was that thou and I are One ; and why must
we be supposed Two in this case, that were always One
before? It is impossible thou and I can fall out, Nic. ! we
must trust one another ! I have trusted thee with ?i great
many things ; prithee, trust me with this one trifle !
Nic. Frog". That principle is true in the main ; but there
is some speciality in this case that makes it highly incon-
venient for us both.
John Bull. Those are your jealousies, that common
enemies sow between us. How often hast thou warned me
of those rogues, Nic. ! that would make us mistrustful of one
another ?
Nic. Frog. This Ecclesdown Castle is only a bone of
contention !
John Bull. It depends upon you to make it so ! For my
part, I am as peaceable as a lamb.
Nic. Frog. But do you consider the unwholesomeness of
the air and soil, the expenses of reparations and servants ! I
would scorn to accept of such a quagmire !
John Bull. You are a great man, Nic. ! but in my
circumstances, I must be even content to take it as it is.
Nic Frog. And are you really so silly as to believe the old
cheating rogue will give it you !
John Bull. I believe nothing but matter of fact. I stand
and fall by that ! I am resolved to put him to it.
652 Frog's devices to move John Bull. Wjt^'r'iJju.yYz.'^:
Nic. Frog. And so relinquish the hopefullest Cause in
the world ! a claim that will certainly, in the end, make thy
fortune for ever !
John Bull. Wilt thou purchase it, Nic. ? Thou shalt have
a bumping pennyworth ! Nay, rather than we should differ,
I'll give thee something to take it off my hands !
Nic. Frog. If thou wouldst but moderate that hasty im-
patient temper of thine, thou shouldst quickly see a better
thing than all that ! What shouldst thou think to find old
Lewis turned out of his paternal estates and mansion house
of Clay Pool [Paris] ? Would not that do thy heart good,
to see thy old friend Nic. Frog, Lord of Clay Pool ? Then
thou and thy wife and children shalf walk in my gardens, buy
toys, drink lemonade ; and now and then we should have a
country dance.
John Bull. I love to be plain. I'd as lief see myself in
Ecclesdown Castle, as thee in Clay Pool ! I tell you again,
Lewis gives this as a pledge of his sincerity : if you won't
stop proceeding, to hear him, I will !
i CHAPTER VII.
The rest of Nicholas's fetches to keep John out of Eccles-
down Castle.
Hen Nic. could not dissuade John by argument, he
tried to move his pity. He pretended to be sick and
likely to die ; that he should leave his wife and
children in a starving condition, if John did abandon
him ; that he was hardly able to crawl after such a trouble-
some business as this Lawsuit : and therefore begged that his
good friend would not leave him 1
When he saw that John was still inexorable, he pulled out
a case-knife, with which he used to sncakcr-sncc; and threatened
to cut his own throat. Thrice he aimed the knife to his
windpipe with a most determined threatening air. " What
signifies life ! " quoth he, " in this languishing condition ? It
will be some pleasure that my friends will revenge my death
upon this barbarous man, that has been the cause of it ! "
All this while, John looked sedate and calm, neither offering
plvflvl^july''-.'^;] Bull struggles to protect Baroox. 6
03
in the least to snatch the knife, nor stop his blow ; trusting
to the tenderness Nic. had for his own person.
When he perceived that John was immoveable in his pur-
pose, he applied himself to Lewis.
"■ Art thou," quoth he, " turned bubble [a deludcr] in thy
old age, from being a sharper in thy youth ? What occasion
hast thou to give up Ecclesdown Castle to John Bull ? his
friendship is not worth a rush ! Give it me, and I'll make it
worth thy while ! If thou dislikest that proposition, keep it
thyself! I had rather thou shouldst have it, than he! If
thou hearkenest not to my advice, take what follows. Esquire
South and I will go on with the Lawsuit in spite of John
Bull's teeth ! "
Lewis Baboon. Monsieur Bull has used me like a Gentle-
man ! and I am resolved to make good my promise, and trust
him for the consequences.
Nic. Frog. Then I tell thee thou art an old doating fool !
With that, Nic. bounced up with a spring equal to that of
one of your nimblest tumblers or rope dancers, falls foul upon
John Bull to snatch the cudgel he had in his hand, that he
might thwack Lewis with it. John held it fast, so that there
was no wrenching it from him. At last Esquire South
buckled to, to assist his friend Nic.
John hauled on one side, and they two on the other.
Sometimes they were like to pull John over : then it went,
all of a sudden, again on John's side. So they went see-
sawing up and down, from one end of the room to the other.
Down tumbled the tables, bottles, glasses, and tobacco pipes.
The wine and the tobacco were all spilt about the room; and
the little fellows were almost trod under foot : till more of the
Tradesmen [Allies] joining with Nic. and the Esquire, John
was hardly able to pull against them all. Yet he never quitted
hold of his trusty cudgel ; which by the contranitent force of
two so great Powers broke short in his hands.
Nic seized the longer end, and with it began to bastinado
old Lewis: who had slank into a corner, waiting the event
of this squabble. Nic. came up to him with an insolent,
menacing air ; so that the old fellow was forced to scuttle out
of the room, and retire behind a dung-cart. He called to
Nic. " Thou insolent jackanapes ! Time was when thou
durst not have used me so! Thou now takest me unprovided,
654 England should make a separate Peace ! [plvuv.''';;"^;
but old and infirm as I am, I shall find a weapon, by and by,
to chastise thy impudence ! "
When John Bull had recovered his breath, he be^an to
parley with Nic. " Friend Nic. ! I am glad to find thee so
strong after thy great complaints ! Really thy motions, Nic. !
are pretty vigorous for a consumptive man ! As for thy
worldly affairs, Nic! if it can do thee any service, I freely
make over to thee this profitable Lawsuit; and I desire all these
Gentlemen to bear witness to this my act and deed, yours be
all the gain ! as mine have been the charges. I have brought
it to bear finely ! However, all I have laid out upon it goes
for nothing ; thou shalt have it with all its appurtenances ! I
ask nothing but leave to go home !
Nic. Frog. The Counsel are fee-ed, and all things prepared
for a trial : thou shalt be forced to stand the issue ! It shall
be pleaded in thy name as well as mine ! Go home, if thou
canst ! The gates are shut, the turnpikes locked, and the
roads barricadoed [Dutch refusal to admit English goods in the
district of the Barrier towns] .
John Bull. Even these very ways, Nic. ! that thou toldest
me, " were as open to me as thyself ! " If I can't pass with
my own equipage, what can I expect for my goods and
waggons ? I am denied passage through those very grounds,
that I have purchased with my own money ! However, I
am glad I have made the experiment, it may serve me in some
stead.
John Bull was so overjoyed that he was going to take
possession of Ecclesdown, that nothing could vex him,
" Nic. ! " quoth he, " I am just going to leave thee ! cast a
kind look upon me at parting ! "
Nic. looked sour and glum, and would not open his mouth.
John Bull. I wish thee all the success that thy heart can
desire ! and that these Gentlemen of the long robe may have
their bellyful of Law !
Nic. could stand it no longer; but flang out of the room
with disdain, and beckoned the lawyers to follow him.
John Bull. Bye ! bye, Nic, ! Not one poor smile at part-
ing ! Won't you like to shake you day-day, Nic. ? Bye,
Nic. !
With that, John marched out of the common road, across
the country, to take possession of Ecclesdown.
Pan i v.''' 24 July ^171^:] TlIE DELIGHT OF HAVING DUXKIRK. 655
CHAPTER VIII.
Of the great joy that John expressed when he got possession of
Ecclesdown.
Hen John had got into his Castle, he seemed hke
Ulysses upon his plank, after he had been well
soused in cold water ; who, as Homer says, was as
glad as a Judge going to sit down to dinner, after
hearing a long cause upon the Bench. I dare say John
Bull's joy was equal to that of either of the two. He
skipped from room to room, ran upstairs and downstairs,
from the kitchen to the garrets, and from the garrets to the
kitchen. He peeped into every cranny. Sometimes he ad-
mired the beauty of the architecture, and the vast solidit}- of
the mason's work : at other times, he commended the sym-
metry and proportion of the rooms. He walked about the
gardens. He bathed himself in the Canal ; swimming, diving,
and beating the liquid element, like a milk-white swan. The
hall resounded with the sprightly violin and the martial
hautboy. The Family tripped it about, and capered like hail-
stones bounding from a marble floor. Wine, Ale, and
October [beer] flew about as plentifully as kennel-water.
Then a frolic took John in the head, to call up some of Nic.
Frog's pensioners [the Whigs], that had been so mutinous in
his Family.
John Bull. Are you glad to see your master in Eccles-
down Castle ?
All. Yes, indeed. Sir !
John Bull. Extremely glad ?
All. Extremely glad !
John Bull. Swear to me that ye are so !
Then they began to sink their souls to the lowest pit of
hell, if any person in the world rejoiced more than they did !
John Bull. Now, hang me ! if I don't believe you are a
parcel of perjured rascals ! However, take this bumper of
October, to your master's health !
656H0LLAND ALONE, MAY BE HURT BY FrANCe! [i/;/[v"'';"°';
Then John got upon the battlements ; and looking over, he
called to Nic. Frog :
'' How do you do, Nic. ! Do you see where I am, Nic. ?
I hope the Cause goes on swimmingly, Nic. ! When dost
thou intend to go to Clay Pool, Nic. ? Wilt thou buy there
some high-heads of the newest cut, for my daughters ? How
comest thou to go with thy arm tied up ? Has old Lewis
given thee a rap over the finger ends ? Thy weapon was a good
one when I wielded it ; but the butt end remains for my
hands. I am so busy in packing up my goods, that I have
■no time to talk with thee any longer ! It would do thy heart
good, to see what waggon loads I am preparing for market !
If thou wantest any good office of mine ; for all that has
happened, I will use thee well, Nic. ! Bye, Nic. ! "
*^* John Bull's thanks to Sir Roger, and Nic. Frog's
malediction upon all shrews, the original cause of his misfortunes,
arc reserved for the next volume.
FINIS,
THE END OF THE
^ijctf) Ooliime
OF AN English Garner,
UNWIN BROTHERS, THE (JKESIIA.M IHliSS, CHILWORTH AND LONDON.
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An English gamer
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