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Full text of "An English grammar; methodical, analytical, and historical. With a treatise on the orthography, prosody, inflections and syntax of the English tongue; and numerous authorities cited in order of historical development"

AN ENGLISH GRAMMAR: 

METHODICAL, ANALYTICAL, AND HISTORICAL. 



WITH A TREATISE ON THE ORTHOGRAPHY, PROSODY, INFLECTIONS 
AND SYNTAX OF THE ENGLISH TONGUE; 



AND NUMEROUS AUTHORITIES CITED IN ORDER OF HISTORICAL 
DE VELOPMENT. 



BY PROFESSOK MAETZNER, 

OF BERLIN. 



TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN, WITH THE SANCTION OF THE AUTHOR, 

? BY CLAIR JAMES GRECE, LL.B., 

FELLOW OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY. 



IN THREE VOLUMES. VOL. I. 





LONDON: 



JOHN MUEEAY, ALBEMAKLE STEE|ET. 

1874. 






\\o) 




PREFACE 

BY THE TRANSLATOR. 



hile the lexicographical department of the English 
tongue has been cultivated, and further productions are awaited, 
the grammatical has been almost completely neglected. The 
works of this class have not striven after a higher aim than 
the constitution of certain arbitrary formulas for the attainment 
of a superficial propriety in the use of the stores of the language ; 
formulae tried by which the greatest lights of English literature 
would, almost without exception, stand condemned, while a scien- 
tific foundation for the formulae and rules has hardly been 
attempted. English grammar has, in fact, under the hands of 
native grammarians, barely emerged from the region of dogmatism. 
From this observation the work of Dr. JLatham must be excepted, 
yet the purport of that work is rather archeological than gram- 
matical ; and the learned author probably never contemplated that 
his work would be resorted to for the elucidation of a doubtful 
construction or idiom. 

While Englishmen have thus been content to leave the usage 
of their own tongue, so far as its more delicate grammatical features 
are concerned, blind, instinctive and unconscious, the nation in 
which erudition and scientific philology are, as it were, indigenous, 
having already subjected the classical tongues to an exhaustive 
scientific treatment, as well lexicographically as grammatically, 



IV Preface. 

has undertaken the scientific treatment of the grammar of the 
English tongue. That the grammar of the tongue should have 
been approached by Germans from that purely scientific point of 
view, from which natives have not hitherto regarded it, will not 
surprise us when we consider the relations of German to the 
classical tongues of antiquity and to our own vernacular. The 
German is the living classical tongue. While the modern tongues 
of the West of Europe are constructed out of the debris of Latin, 
as English is from the debris of Romance and of a decayed and 
decapitated Germanic idiom, the modern Highdutch, or German, 
exhibits, even more than the classical tongues themselves, a syste- 
matic orderly development from indigenous materials. The growth 
and development of language, which, to a Frenchman or an English- 
man lie external and remote, are, to a German, ready to hand ; and, 
as the cloudless nights of the plains of Shinar prompted the 
ancient Chaldeans to study the motions of the heavenly host, the 
purely indigenous structure of their native speech has suggested 
to the Germans the investigation of the laws of the vocal material 
in which thought is deposited and communicated. 

Moreover, as each new conquest in the territory of the 
Unknown would be fleeting, but for the invention of terms to 
impart stability to each acquisition, the people which pursues with 
success an investigation in a fresh field has the prerogative of 
creating the appropriate terminology. Such was the prerogative 
of the Greeks in Logic and Metaphysics, and, if it be allowed to 
term it a prerogative, in Theology. Such, likewise, was the pre- 
rogative of the Romans in Law and administration, and such, in 
our own age, is that of the Germans in scientific Philology. The 
instruments of thought which had been invented and perfected in 
subjecting the classical tongues to analysis stood ready to be 
applied upon the English. To a foreigner, moreover, the language 
presents itself denuded of the debasing usages of life, as a homely 
landscape, beheld from a distant eminence, becomes inviting, so 
that common place associations do not obtrude themselves upon 
the enquirer and disturb his contemplation in his purely scientific 
pursuit. 

The Grammar of Professor M a t z n e r is the fruit of researches 



Preface. V 

and labours, astounding in their extent and completeness, ranging 
over the entire history of the English tongue. Previous investi- 
gations in the field of Old-French, one of the mightiest tributaries 
of Modern-English, had paved the way to similar researches in 
the ancient Germanic idioms, and these have been completed by a 
thorough study of the standard luminaries of Modern-English 
literature, with especial regard to the light they were adapted to 
throw upon the grammatical peculiarities of the tongue. Calcu- 
lated to supply a void in the linguistic literature of our country, 
I have, in order to render it accessible to those of our nation who 
are either unacquainted with the language in which the text is 
composed or are not sufficient masters of it to read it with facility, 
ventured upon a translation. I have become painfully conscious 
with the progress of the work how unequal I am to cope with the 
difficulties which even a simple translation has presented. The 
difficulty has been that a translation from a more powerful into a 
feebler vehicle is sometimes unattainable. The coarser lineaments 
are capable of reproduction, but the finer traits vanish in the 
alembic. This will be generally conceded as regards the rendering 
of the artistic productions of a language, but the conception is 
prevalent that scientific treatises are capable of being transferred, 
without loss, from any one cultivated tongue into any other. The 
difference, however, is one of degree only. Even for purely 
scientific exposition the members of one cultivated tongue never 
precisely cover those of another. That the German inherits, as 
its special prerogative, the terms of scientific philology and of 
modern metaphysics, the creation of the post-Kantian philosophy, 
I have already indicated, and this is precisely the walk to which 
the present work belongs. A cumbrous periphrasis has therefore 
been in many cases the sole mean of rendering some of the neatest 
and most exact expressions of the original. In the Prosody, for 
instance, An-laut, In-laut and Aus-laut, with their paronyms, are 
frequently recurring. The generic element laut, meaning sound, 
is here differentiated with perfect propriety by the prepositions an, 
signifying inception, in, signifying inclusion, and aus, signifying 
finality : so that the first means the sound at the beginning ; the 
second that in the middle; and the latter that at the end of a 



VI Preface. 

syllable. How poor in meaning, notwithstanding their vocal com- 
plexity, are the expressions, I will not call them equivalents, by 
which the poverty of our vernacular has constrained me to render 
them, is obvious at once. While I am thus sensible of the defects 
of my translation, I hope that the circumstance above mentioned 
will lenify any hostile criticism which they may provoke. 

It is due to the eminent author of the vast monument of industry 
and erudition which is now ushered into the British public to 
furnish them with a sketch of his biography. Edward Matzner, 
the son of a house- painter, was born on the 25 th of May 1805 at 
Rostock in Mecklenburg. He was a pupil at the gymnasium, or 
grammar school, of Greifswald in Prussian Pomerania, where he 
began his career as an author by the publication, in 1822, of a 
romantic drama in five acts, called Hermann and Thusnelda. 
Philology and theology were the subjects of his studies, both at 
Greifswald, and afterwards at Heidelberg, but philosophy, or 
thought in the most elevated and abstract forms of its activity, 
and philology, or the study of the vehicle of thought in its mani- 
fold manifestations, presented to his vigorous and enquiring mind 
so many more attractions than the theology which had been his 
destined career that the latter was gradually abandoned. In 1830 
he became a tutor at Yverdun in French Switzerland, but quitted 
that post the following year to become the master of a French 
gymnasium at Berlin, which, after about another year, he quitted 
for a gymnasium at Bromberg in Posen. He was constrained by 
ill-health to give up this appointment in 1834, and remained in 
private life till 1838, when he accepted the post of director, or 
head-master, of a collegiate establishment at Berlin for the higher 
education of girls, which he still fills. The duties of his appoint- 
ment leave him leisure for the prosecution of his favourite studies 
and pursuits. His wife Ida, was sister of Dr. Gustav Eberty, now 
Stadtgerichtsrath, or one of the members of the central court of 
justice for Berlin, and also one of the members for Berlin in the 
Prussian House of Representatives. She died in 1870. 
His published works are as follows : 
A Latin Essay upon the Homeric Zeus, 1834. 
Licurgi Oratio in Leocatem. Berlin, 1836. 



Preface. VII 

Aristophanis Orationes XV. Berlin, 1838. 

Aphorismen aus Theodor Parow's Nachlass. Berlin, 1837. 

Dinarchi Orationes III. Berlin, 1842. 

Ueber volksthiimliche Getranke in cultur-historischer Bezie- 
hung, in den Verhandlungen der poly tech nischen Gesellschaft. 
Berlin, 1857. 

Syntax der Neufranzosischen Sprache. Theil I. Berlin, 1843. 
Theil II. 1845. 

Ueber das Geschworengericht und das Schuldwesen ; in der 
Zeitschrift fiir volksthiimliches Becht und nationale Gesetzgebung, 
von Gustav Eberty. Halle, 1844. 

Franzosische Grammatik, mit besonderer Beriicksichtigung 
cles Lateinischen. Berlin, 1856. 

Altfranzosische Lieder, berichtigt und erlautert, nebst Glossar. 
Berlin, 1853. 

Vorwort zu : Aus Stadler's Nachlass. Berlin, 1865. 

Eiiglische Grammatik. Theil I. I860. 

. Theil II. Berlin, 1865. 

Alt-Englisehe Sprachproben. 1869. 

Several essays and reviews in Noack's Jahrbiicher fiir specu- 
lative Philosophic and in Bergmann's philosophische Monatshefte. 

Essays in the philosophical periodical : Der Gedanke ; edited 
by Michelet. 

He was elected an honorary member of the Philological 
Society of London in 1869. 



CONTENTS. 



Introduction. Page 

The English Language 1 

First Part. The Doctrine of the Word. 
Section the First; Prosody, or, the Doctrine of Sounds. 
I. The Word, according to its Ingredients. 

The Alphabet 12 

The Vowels in General 12 

The Pronunciation of the Vowels and Diphthongs in detail . 14 

I, Y ! 16 

E 23 

A 30 

0.. 37 

U 42 

Silence of Vowels 45 

Consonants in general 49 

The Pronunciation of the Consonants in detail 52 

1) The Nasal and the Liquid sounds (m, n, I, r) 52 

2) The Lipsounds (p, b, / (ph, gh) v, w, (wh) 54 

3) The Tooth-sounds (t. d, th, s, c, z, ch, sh, j, o) 55 

4) The Throat-sounds (c, k, q, qu, ch, g, (gh, gu) h, y and x) . . 64 

Silence of Consonants 66 

Silence of Vowels with Consonants 72 

The Syllable, and the Division of Syllables 73 

The Word and its Accent 76 

A) The Doctrine of the Accent, as Principal Accent . . . . . 77 

1) The Accent of the Simple Word 77 

2) The Accent of the Compound Word 83 

B) Of the Subordinate Accent 92 

II. The Elements of the Word according to their Origin. 

Origin of the Vowels and Diphthongs. 

I (le) 95 

Y 99 

E (Ee, Ei, Ey, Ea, Eo, Eu, Ew) 100 

A (Ai, Ay, Au, Aw) 108 






X Contents. 

Page 

(00, Oe, Oi, Oy, Oa, Ou, Ow} 114 

V(Ue, Ui, Uy) 124 

Origin of the Consonants 1-26 

1) The Nasal and the Liquid sounds (7/1, n, I, r) 128 

2) The Lipsounds (p, 6, /, ph, w, w) 131 

3) The Tooth-sounds (t, d, th, s, z, sh, j) 136 

4) The Throat-sounds (k, ek, q, c, cA, g, (gu, gh) h, y, x) . . . 144 
Changes of the Primitive Word through its Contraction and Amplification 163 

A) Contraction of the Word 163 

1) The Falling off of Vowels 164 

. 2) The Omission of Consonants 166 

3) The Omission of Vowels and Consonants 172 

B) Amplification of Words 177 

1) Adding on of Vowels 177 

2) Adding on of Consonants 181 

Assimilation of Consonants 192 

Transposition of Sounds, or, Metathesis . 193 

Assimilation of Different Words and Double Forms of the same Word . 196 

A) Assimilation of Different Words 196 

B) Double Forms of the Same Word 213 

Second Section. The Doctrine of Forms. 
I. The Parts of Speech and their Inflective Forms. 

A) The Noun. 

1) The Substantive 219 

Declension of the Substantive in General 220 

The Regular Formation of the Plural 223 

The Irregular Formation of the Plural 226 

Plural Formation of Compound Substantives 232 

Peculiarities in the Use of the Numerals 233 

The Formation of the Genitive 242 

Peculiarities in the Use of genitive Forms 245 

The Gender of Substantives . 248 

2) The Adjective . . 269 

The Declension of Adjectives 270 

The Comparison of the Adjective 272 

3) The Numeral 283 

a) The Cardinal Numeral 283 

b) The Ordinal Numeral 288 

c) The Multiplicative Numeral 290 

4) The Pronoun 290 

A) The Personal Pronoun 290 

B) The Demonstrative Pronoun 301 

C) The Interrogative Pronoun 303 

D) The Relative Pronoun 305 

E) The Indefinite Pronoun 308 

5) The Article 315 

B) The Verb 318 

Sorts of the Verb and their Interchange 318 

The Forms of the English Verb in general 323 

The Weak and the Strong conjugation 326 

Anomalous Verbs of the Weak conjugation 338 

The Strong Conjugation 353 

Irregular Verbs 376 

Compound and Periphrastic tenses 384 

C) Particles 386 

1) The Adverb 386 

Origin and Form of Adverbs . 388 



Contents. XI 

Page 

a) Substantive Adverbs . , 389 

b) Adjective Adverbs 391 

c) Adverbs of Number 398 

d) Pronominal Adverbs 399 

e) Prepositional Adverbs 401 

f) Negative and Affirmative Particles 406 

2) Thr Preposition 408 

3) The Conjunction 417 

4) The Interjection 425 

II. The Formation of Words. 

A) Derivation 432 

1) Improper Derivation 432 

2) Derivation Proper 435 

a) Germanic Derivative Terminations 435 

b) Romance Derivative Terminations 454 

1) Derivative Terminations of Nouns 454 

>) Derivational Suffixes of the Verb 472 

A) Verbs derived from Verbs 472 

B) Verbs derived from Nouns 473 

B) Compounding 474 

1) The Compounding of Nouns 477 

The Compound Substantive 477 

a) Compounding of Two Substantives 477 

b) Compounding of an Adjective and a Substantive . . . . . 482 

c) Compounding of a Verb and Substantive 483 

The Compound adjective 485 

a) Compounding of Two Adjectives 485 

b) Compounding of a Substantive and an Adjective 486 

c) Compounding of a Verb and an Adjective 488 

2) The Compounding of the Verb 488 

a) Compounding of Two Verbs 488 

b) Compounding of a Substantive and a Verb 489 

c) Compounding of an Adjective and a Verb 489 

3) The Compounding of the Verb and of Nouns with Particles . . 491 

a) Compounding with Anglosaxon Particles . . . . . . .491 

1) Inseparable Particles 491 

2) Separable Particles 494 

b) Compounding with Romance Particles 498 

1) Inseparable Particles 498 

2) Separable Prepositional Particles 500 

3) Adverbial Particles 508 



INTRODUCTION. 

THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE. 



A he English language, at present diffused not only over Great 
Britain, Ireland and the surrounding islands, but also throughout the 
English colonies out of Europe, as well as throughout the common- 
wealth of North America, is a peculiar mixed language, formed 
within Great Britain. Its most essential constituent, the Anglosaxon, 
after the expulsion of the Celtic language, coalesced with Normanfrench 
elements, and has established itself as its formative power. 

The primitive inhabitants of Great Britain and Ireland were 
Celts. Immigrant Belgic populations, which, even before Julius Cae- 
sar's time occupied the coasts of Britain, were likewise of Celtic stock, 
the most civilized among them being the inhabitants ot Kent. The 
Celtic language, peculiar to the whole of western Europe when the 
Romans took possession of Britain, is still spoken, as the language 
of the people, in Ireland, in the highlands and islands of Scotland, 
where subsequent immigrants from Ireland in the third century (Picts 
and Scots) displaced the ancient Caledonians from the West onwards; 
also in Wales and in the Isle of Man, as well as in French Lower 
Brittany. The Celtic literature of the druidical era has perished; a 
modern one has arisen only under the influence of foreign culture; 
its monuments extend up to the eighth and ninth centuries, but only 
in our own age have they become the subject of research. L. Dief- 
fenbach and Zeuss, among the Germans, have devoted to it most 
comprehensive investigations (Celtica, in two parts. Stuttgart 1839 
and Grammatica Celtica. Leipzig 1852. Two parts) while its modern 
idioms have been variously explored by English and French scholars. 
Even in antiquity a distinction was drawn between the two main 
branches of the Celtic tongue, the Gaelic (the same as Gaedelic, with 
a mute d) and the British. To the Gaelic branch belong: first, the 
present Irish, frequently called Erse; secondly, the Highland-Scotch, 
or Erse, commonly called the Gaelic; and. thirdly, the Manx. To 

^ Matzner, engl. Gr. I. 1 





2 Introduction. 

the British branch belong: first, the Welsh, or Cymric (Cymraeg) 
in Wales; secondly, the CornisH in Cornwall, which died out in the 
eightenth century; and, thirdly, the Armorican, (Breizounek,) in 
Brittany. 

In English, with tjie exception of no inconsiderable number of 
proper names of towns, villages, hills, rivers and lakes, Celtic roots 
have been but scantily preserved, and of these only a few have been 
transmitted through the Anglosaxon. In modern times many Celtic 
words have been taken up by the language of the people. 

The British Celts were (from Caesar, 60 years before Christ, to 
Agricola, 84 years after Christ subdued by the Romans, with the ex- 
ception of the mountaineers of Wales and Scotland, who, like their 
Irish congeners remained unconquered. Roman-british towns soon 
covered the flourishing land, which was traversed by well designed 
roads, and peopled partly by Roman colonists, soldiers, and maintained 
a brisk intercourse with Rome and her provinces. With the Roman 
constitution, Roman laws and the official use of the Latin tongue, Eng- 
land even received a tinge of Roman science and learning as well 
as eloquence. Here, however, in striking contrast with its influence 
in Celtic Gaul, the Latin tongue, although a necessary medium for 
intelligence in the towns, struck by no means so deep a root among 
the Celtic population as to become permanently influential in the 
subsequent formation of the English language. The gradual penetra- 
tion of Latin into English begins with the introduction of Christianity 
and of its ecclesiastical language, advances with the development of 
mediaeval science, and continues to grow with the revival of classical 
culture. The linguistic traces of the Roman dominion are preserved 
only in names of places (such as those compounded of caster, Chester, 
cester and coin, that is, castra, colonia). After nearly five hundred 
years possession of the country the Romans recalled their legions to 
Italy, then hard pressed by barbarians, and thereupon a fresh foreign 
rule began in Britain. 

The beginnings of the Anglosaxon dominion are veiled in dark- 
ness. Marauding expeditions of German and Scandinavian mariners 
to the southern and eastern coasts of Britain began in the third cen- 
tury after Christ: the Romans maintained fleets in the ports of Britain 
and Gaul against the barbarians; in the South-east strongholds were 
founded for the defence of the coast. In the reign of Valentinian, 
Theodosius acquires the surname of Saxonicus through his defeat of 
German pirates, and, even in the fourth century, the seacoast bears 
the name of Littus Saxonicum, which seems to point to its settlement 
by Germans. The British towns, in 409, expelled their imperial 
officers and drove away marauding Saxons, inhabitants of the northern 
coasts of Germany, by force of arms. The prevailing portion of the 
population of the South-east seems, even before the subsequent immi- 
gration of the Saxons and Jutes, to have been of the Saxon stock. 
Modern enquirers, however, are wrong in ascribing the formation of 
the Scotch dialect to the contemporaneous invasion of Scotland by 
the Picts, as if these were a Scandinavian race from the North. 

In various expeditions the Angles, Saxons and Jutes, ostensibly 
called in for succour against the Picts and Scots, came about the 



The English Language. 3 

middle of the fifth century to Britain and, after a prolonged contest, 
possessed themselves of the country. The earliest and most numerous 
settlers, the Angles, who appeared ^in the North between the Humber 
and the wall of Antonine, gave their name to the country (Englaland), 
although the Celts are wont even now to denote the English by the 
name of Saxons (Cymric, Seison Saeson). The Angles, for a while 
the most powerful, subsequently succumbed to the Saxons, of whom 
the Westsaxons, in 827, in the reign of Egbert, obtained the sover- 
eignty over the whole country, as well as over Wales, while the 
less numerous Jutes, who are commonly mentioned as the oldest 
settlers in Kent and the Isle of Wight, played no important part 
politically. All had come from the northern coast of Germany, from 
Friesland to the peninsula of Jutland: their tongue, the Lowdutch, 
was spoken by them in various dialects, which, blended in England 
more than in their home, still betray their diversity in the popular 
dialects of modern English. 

At the end of the sixth century we find the Angles spread over 
the greatest portion of the country. In the South of Scotland, between 
the Tweed and the Frith of Forth, where King Edwin in 620 built 
Edinburgh, as likewise in Northumberland (that is, Bernicia) also in 
Cumberland, Durham, (the bishopric) Westmoreland, Lancashire and 
Yorkshire (that is, DemO they dwelt under the name of Northumbers. 
This Northumberland was, from the seventh till the middle of the 
eighth century, the chief seat of learning. They bore the name of 
Mercians in Cheshire, Derbyshire, Nothinghamshire, (Northmercians) 
and south of the Trent in Lincolnshire, Northamptonshire, Rutland- 
shire, Huntingdonshire, the northern part of Bedfordshire, Hertford- 
shire, Buckinghamshire, Oxfordshire, Gloucestershire, Warwickshire, 
Worcestershire, Herefordshire, Staffordshire and Shropshire (South- 
mercians). In Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire and the Isle of Ely, 
as well as in part of Bedfordshire, they were called East Angles, in 
Leicestershire, belonging to Mercia, Middleangles. 

The Saxons settled in the South, in Sussex, Essex, Middlesex 
and the south of Hertfordshire, as East Saxons; then, in Surrey, Beri;- 
shire, Wiltshire, Dorsetshire, Somersetshire, Devonshire and a portion 
of Cornwall, as Westsaxons. 

Lastly we find the Jutes in Kent, the isle of Wight and a part 
of Hampshire. 

Masters, for the most part, of the soil, and, unlike the Ro- 
mans, inhabitants of the open country, the language of the con- 
querors soon penetrated deeply into the life of the people. The Anglo- 
saxon language and literature flourished, developing even early cultivated 
prose. The best manuscripts in the Anglosaxon language have their 
origin in the tenth century; the then predominant dialect, that of 
Wessex, maintained itself in this century unadulterated; of the earlier 
language we are ignorant, the earlier works having been moulded by 
the copyists according to their respective dialects. The decay of the 
language begins in the eleventh century, under the influence of the 
Normans. Of foreign elements, the Anglosaxon language after the 
introduction of Christianity into England in 597, (first into Kent) which 
spread rapidly in the seventh century, adopted a number of words, 

1* 



4 Introduction. 

originally taken from the Greek, from the language of the Latin 
church. A few more Latin words have been transmitted through the 
Anglosaxon, and have remained in the subsequent English. 

From 787 the Danes molested the coasts of England. In the 
ninth century they possessed thenisel\es of the north, and settled in 
Northumberland and Mercia. Alfred the Great, involved, like his 
predecessors, in conflict with them, and, for a while, bereft of his 
sway at last overcame them, although they afterwards, after fresh 
arrivals of their countrymen, again in union with Scots and 
Britons, combated the Anglosaxons, until defeated by Athelstan at 
Brunaburg. The Danish king Sweno afterwards invades England, 
and, from the year 994, is repeatedly bought off with Danegelt. in 
order to avenge the murder of the Danes by Ethelred in 1000, he 
returns, is reconciled by a fresh atonement, (Mandebod), and dies in 
a final attempt to conquer the country, in 1014. His son Canute the 
Great conquers it in 1016, makes himself monarch in 1018, and, being 
at the same time king of Denmark, he tries to blend both nations into 
one. His sons Harold and Hardicanute reign in succession till 1042 
over England, when Ethelred's son, Edward the Confessor, again 
comes to the throne, and dies in 1065, and whose successor Harold 
loses both throne and life in the battle of Hastings against William 
the Conqueror in 1066. 

The language of these Danes, partly from its very nature, was 
impotent to exercise a transforming influence upon the Anglosaxon 
tongue, and moreover, such an influence upon the Anglosaxon was, 
on the part of the decidedly less cultivated Danes, scarcely possible. 
Even Canute's laws were issued, not in the Danish, but in the Anglo- 
saxon language, and they disclose but few traces of the Norse tongue. 
Solitary Old-norse words are still to be met with in English and have 
therefore overpassed the limits of a dialect. But it was erroneous 
to call, as was formerly done, the speech of the country occupied by 
the Angles, the Saxon-danish dialect. The memory of the Danish 
era has been preserved in such vigour that, in Northamptonshire 
even at the present day, the peasants call every coin found in the 
earth Dane's money. In the investigation of words, a recourse to the 
Old-norse idiom is, further of great importance, where the Lowdutch 
dialects afford no clew. 

With the commencement of the Norman rule, in 1066, the period 
of the violent repression of the refractory Anglosaxon nation, often 
provoked to open resistance, the Anglosaxon tongue disappeared from 
literature and from the laws. The French language and customs of 
the Normans were, even previously, not unknown to the court and to 
the upper circles of Anglosaxon life, for, during the Danish sway, the 
Princes, Lords and Clergy had fled to the Normans of the continent, 
who were superior to themselves in civilization. Normans had been 
trained at tbe Anglosaxon court and entrusted with offices : that their 
influence was disrelished by the people was the occasion of the 
king's being compelled, in 1052, to banish them. But, after the con- 
quest by William, the estates of the saxon magnates, as well as the 
archbishoprics, bishoprics and abbeys, soon passed into the hands of 
Normans. Royal ordinances were now issued in the French tongue, 
justice was administered in it, and it became the language of 



The English Language. 5 

instruction in the schools. The English youth of rank went to France, 
frequenting especially the university of Paris, in order to acquire its 
language, science and manners. Even in England French poetry 
flourished; here, where William the Conqueror's daughter Adela, 
countess of JBlois, herself practised poetry, sojourned the epic poets 
Richard Wace of Jersey, (died in 1184 in England) Benedict of St. 
Maure, Gueiner or Gamier of Picardy, (in England in 11^2), the di- 
dactic writers Philip of Than, (Thaun) from the neighbourhood of 
Caen, (in England in the 12 th century) Geoffrey Gay mar, (12 th century) 
Turold. Even Mary of France, (12 th and 13 th centuries) lived mostly 
in England. Along with French writers flourished besides numerous 
Latin authors, Latin being the language of the Church, of the schools 
and of learning generally; and in that tongue documents ef every 
kind as well royal ordinances were also in part composed. 

The neglect of the Anglosaxon tongue, which even exchanged 
its letters for the Norman characters, on the part of the upper 
ranks contributed essentially to its corruption by the French, so 
that the descendants of the Anglosaxons, as early as the thirteenth 
century, were hardly able to read their old writers. The common 
people, however, clung with tenacity to their tongue, which however 
could not resist the invasion of French words, and, being without 
a firm support in any popular written language, became more and more 
fluctuating in its forms, and, particularly, more and more mutilated 
in its grammatical inflections. 

Meanwhile the Anglosaxon element of the Scotch idiom was 
being reinforced at the time of the conquest of England by numerous 
Anglosaxon refugees, who retired ' thither from the cruelty of William, 
and at their head was Edgar Atheling, whose sister King Malcolm 
the Third had married. But, even here the French penetrated. A 
number of Norman barons, disaffected towards their king, emigrated 
to Scotland, receiving land and vassals from the Scottish king. In 
the twelfth and thirteenth centuries French was likewise in Scotland 
the language of the court; the speech of the people, on the contrary, 
maintained itself freer from contact with it. The Scotch dialect, 
which by its poets, as Barbour, (died in 1395) Dunbar (died about 
1520) Lindsay and others, is certainly not wrongly called the English 
language, generally avoided French elements far more than did the 
English dialect, although a dirge on the death of Alexander the Third 
(in 1285) in not free from French ingredients. 

In spite of the preponderance of the Norman-french language 
over the despised and degraded Anglosaxon, it was destined for the 
latter so far to overpower the former that in a certain peculiar mix- 
ture of both the Anglosaxon essentially determined the character of 
this new tongue. To this result political relations especially contributed. 
An important share is assuredly due to the spirit of the Anglosaxon 
constitution and to the free communities, which resisted victoriously 
both Danish rudeness and Norman chivalry, and shewed themselves 
effective in the development of the House of Commons, where, 
even in the reign of the first Edward, the English language began 
to strive with the French for the mastery, although Magna Charta 
was not translated into the language of the people till 1259. The 



6 Introduction. 

loosening of the connection of England with France through the loss 
of Normandy in 1 203, and its total severance in the reign of Edward 
the Second, were also of importance to the language, as was also the 
struggle with France, with which ceased the education of Norman 
youth in France. The revival of the ancient schools, and the reno- 
vated institutions at Oxford and Cambridge, under the name of uni- 
versities, contributed, at least mediately, to pave the way to a 
national culture. Even the mysteries, hitherto Latin, appear from, 
and perhaps even before Edward the Third (1327 77) in the language 
of the English people. The knowledge of French becomes lost, even 
among the educated, with striking rapidity. The enmity towards the 
French nation seemed to bring about a contempt for their language, 
so that in Chaucer's age (died 1400) French, was no longer spoken 
with purity by the upper ranks, which at this very time ceased to be 
the language of instruction. Under these circumstances, in 1362, 
appeared Edward the Third's order, drawn up in the French language, 
that all suits pending in the kings courts should be pleaded in Eng- 
lish, although recorded in French, whereas the pleadings theretofore 
had been debated in the French tongue, and the records drawn up in 
Latin or French. In the House of Lords French was certainly spoken 
till 1483, for statutes were issued in French till then. 

The language which now began to take the place of the French 
is to be regarded as a full grown language, the English. Its forma- 
tion is preceded by a period of transition, that of the Half- Saxon 
(in the 12 th century) which is expressed in literature by the extensive 
writings of Layamon and Orme (whence the name Ormulum.). The 
language is already called English (Ice patt pis Ennglissh hafe sett 
(compare Ormulum in Thorpe Annal. Angl. sax. p. 174). It has 
already taken up and assimilated many French words, perceptibly 
altered the former spelling and treated the alliteration with neglect. 
The declination exhibits the mixture of the single form with the 
strong and weak Anglosaxon form. The plural begins, with the 
abandonment of the distinctions of gender and declination, to adopt 
the plural in s. The forms of the pronoun still resist the complete 
obliteration of their terminations. In the adjective we often perceive 
the confounding of the strong and the weak form, but frequently also 
the strong and the weak form stunted. In the verb, along with the 
termination of the plural of the present indicative ad, ed, the termi- 
nation en already shews itself; the prefix ge in the perfect participle 
of the strong verbs appears commonly in the form ?/, ?', and the n 
of the infinitive, and the participle of the strong verbs is frequently 
dropped. The weakening of the unaccented and especially of the final 
vowels of all parts of speech and, generally, the shortening of words 
is observable even in the Halfsaxon. 

The English language, in the stricter sense, begins in the thir- 
teenth century. Its further and more or less constant development is 
nowhere abruptly broken, but in long spaces of time wide differences 
become manifest; wherefore we have to divide the period of the Old 
English and that of the New English from each other, the boundary 
being generally coincident with the commencement of modern culture. 
Under the name Old English we comprehend the linguistic period 



The English Language. 7 

from the thirteenth century to the age of Elizabeth (1558). If, within 
this space of time we would distinguish an Old-English period (1250 
1350) and a Middle English (1350 155-S). we must consider on the, 
other hand that, in point of fact, no epoch of change in the forms of 
the English language occurred in the middle of the fourteenth century, 
although the age of Edward the Third gave a new impulse to English 
literature. Those who wish to specify sharp distinctions in the forms of 
the language of these periods are justly in perplexity. No new 
principle of formation enters into the language, no one dialect is 
raised decidedly into a literary standard, it being currently said of 
the language, even by Chaucer: Ther is so great diversite in English 
and in writing of our tong p. 332 Tyrwh., with which Trevisa also 
agrees in his translation of Higden's Polychronicon (1387). And, if 
the formation and renovation of the English tongue is still ascribed, 
as it was by Skelton, to the poets Gower, and to Chaucer, the unsur- 
passed during two centuries, (compare Skelton I. 75 and 377), this 
refers to the syntactic and stylistic aspect of the tongue more than 
to its forms and their mutations Moreover we shall, in the exposition 
of the Old-english forms, have the authors of the thirteenth and four- 
teenth centuries especially in our eye, who. in regard to the Anglo- 
saxon vocabulary and to the strong verbal forms still preserved, are, 
of course, richer than subsequent ones; in which respect Skelton might 
say that Gower's English was in his age obsolete; as also generally 
that, at the end of the Old English period, the linguistic revolution 
was so accelerated that Caxton could say, in 1490, that the language 
was then very different from that in use at the time of his birth 
in 1412. 

The Modern English language, further developed under the in- 
fluences of the art of printing, of newly reviving science and of the 
Reformation, and, from the sixteenth century, methodically cultivated, 
is, however, separated from the Old English by no sharp line of 
demarcation. Spencer and Shakespeare, who, in part consciously, 
affect archaisms, stand on the confines and at the same time reach 
back beyond them. Yet the language now gradually gains more and 
more in orthographical and grammatical consistency, although the 
golden age of Elizabeth is not at the same time the age of classical 
correctness of the language, chiefly because the study of the ancient 
languages operated immediately more upon the form than upon the 
substance of the literature. Nevertheless this study soon contributed 
to fix also the English prosody, which, in Old English, was fluctuating. 
Although the spelling has continued in certain particulars uncertain 
and complicated even to the present day, the settlement of the ortho- 
graphy, prosody and grammar since the beginning of the seventeenth 
century is an essential mark of distinction between the Old English 
and the Modern English. Herewith is associated the securing of 
a literary idiom, to which contributed not so much the translations 
from the classical languages and from the Italian, as the translation 
of the Bible, composed by order of James the First, (160711) still 
the authorized one, and not only an excellent work for its own age, 
but, even for the present, a model of classical language. The home 
of the present literary dialect is moreover universally shifted to the 



8 Introduction. 

ancient confines of the Angles and West Saxons. Some place it in 
the dialect of Northamptonshire (Thorn. Sternberg); others, in that 
of Leicestershire (Guest); yet the same freedom from provincialisms 
is also attributed to the dialects of Bedfordshire and Herefordshire. 
The language of the educated is at present every where under the 
influence of the literary language, and it is a matter of course that 
the living speech of the inhabitants, of the capital is regarded as the 
standard for cultivated intercourse, even in regard to pronunciation. 

Although not unimportant, the invasion of numerous Latin words 
in the sixteenth century is of only subordinate moment in determining 
the character of the language. Many of these, called "inkhorn words" 
by the purists of the time, have been preserved. Not more important 
is the subsequent naturalization of Latin and Greek words through 
Milton, (1608 74) and the extension of the domain of French words 
in English, much that was repugnant having been rejected in more 
modern times, and English being especially adapted, from the blunt- 
ing of its terminations, to assimilate foreign words of all kinds. A 
more essential distinction between Modern English and Old English 
is the loss of German words, particularly of strong forms. Even in 
the sixteenth century Puttenham (Art of English poetry, 1 598) warns 
his readers against old grandsire words and phrases, and dictionaries 
down to the present time progressively expel obsolete matter from 
the language of the day. Moreover, Lexicography itself, (which began 
towards the end of the fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth cen- 
tury, at first as English-Latin Lexicography, and in the interest of 
the acquisition of foreign languages, as of Latin, Greek and the 
modern tongues, but from the seventeenth and especially the eigth- 
teenth century strove to collect a vocabulary of the English language, 
with a regard, at the same time, to the pronunciation,) has essential 
merits as to the correctness of the written and spoken language. A 
final distinction between Modern and Old -English is the manifold 
stylistic cultivation of the language in all departments of poetry and 
prose, whereas Old-English, particularly in prose narrative, lagged 

D 1 the endeavour for correctness and variety. 

As principal constituents of the English language in regard to 
its material are to be specified the words of Anglosaxon and Norman- 
french origin, with which are associated modern words borrowed from the 
Latin, Greek and Romance, andafew Germanic and even extra European 
tongues. In spite of the lessening of the Anglosaxon and the growth 
of foreign elements, the Anglosaxon is still regarded as the main stock 
of English. According to some, of 38,000 words regarded as genuine 
English, the number of Anglosaxon in the English of the present day 
amounts to about 23,000, or nearly 5 / 8 . According to Chambers, there 
are 53,000 English words, of which 3,820 are primitive, amongst which 
2513 are common to the English and the Germanic and 1,250 to the 
English and the classical tongues. According to Thommerel, the 
number of words originally Anglosaxon is 12,000. However it be, 
the mixture of ingredients in writings of different kinds is very dif- 
ferent, so that in works strictly scientific the number of the Anglo- 
saxon is the smallest, whereas in other prose works, as well as in 
poetry and in common life in general, the Anglosaxon prevail, although 



The English Language. 9 

even here the cosmopolitan intercourse of modern times affords increased 
access to foreign ingredients. 

With regard to linguistic forms Anglosaxon has operated along 
with French, yet in a greatly preponderant measure. English owes 
to Anglosaxon the remnants of inflective terminations in the noun, the 
verb and the pronoun, likewise its articles, its numerals, its chief 
store of particles in words of relation and in conjunctions, also the 
comparative and superlative forms of the adjective, and its adverbial 
formation. The Anglosaxon has bequeathed the facility of compounding 
words, and a considerable number of forms of derivation, and lastly 
has chiefly determined the formation of its periods. The influence 
of French shews itself first in regard to sounds: to it is perhaps to be 
ascribed the silence of the / before other consonants, like, /, v, k, m; 
as also the partial silence of the h and gh. It has also, perhaps, 
accelerated ' the silence of the final e, which in Chaucer is still often 
sounded. The introduction of the sibilant sound of c = s is also due 
to the influence of French, likewise the diffusion of the letters z and 
v instead of the original /. It may also have cooperated in consigning 
to the Anglosaxon s almost exclusively the formation of the plural. 
It has further conveyed to English a number of forms of terminations, 
which have given the language a fresh mobility, as they are often 
joined on to Germanic roots. Of no slight import is the influence of 
French upon the collocation of English words, whereby a freedom, 
not possessed by the German, is produced. 

The blending of the Germanic with the Romance imparts to En- 
glish in general a richness of expression for all shades of thought, 
possessed by no other modern language. Its Germanic prosody makes 
English more adapted for poetical forms than French, to which, 
however, it owes in part the diffusion of rhyme instead of alliteration, 
although rhyme was not quite foreign to Anglosaxon. With the bold- 
ness and force of Germanic speech English unites the flexibility and 
polish of the Romance languages, and only the stunting of the words 
and the poverty in inflections, which frequently cause a monosyl- 
labic barking, obstruct occasionally the artistic cultivation of the 
language. 

The English language, in the wider sense, is primarily divided 
into English, in the narrower sense, and Scotch, 
a. English, even in the olden time split up into many dialects, most 
of them appearing also in literature, has, even now, numerous po- 
pular dialects, the investigation of which, in regard to sound, to 
the grammar and to the vocabulary is important both for the 
history of the language and for philology. Collections have, in 
modern times in particular, begun to be made of their vocabulary, 
so rich in what has been abandoned by the modern language. 
Although Anglosaxon, judged by its manuscripts, did not possess 
numerous dialects, almost every English county has preserved its 
own dialect, sometimes even divided into several shades. These 
popular dialects are distinguished from each other and from the 
literary language; firstly and chiefly, by their vocalization; secondly, 
by the transmutation of many consonants; thirdly, by the rejection 
and transposition of consonants; by the preservation, not only 



10 Introduction. 

of Old-germanic, but also Old-frencli words; fifthly, by the 
preservation of Germanic strong flexional forms, as well as by the 
interchange of strong and weak forms. Halliwell, in his collection 
of archaic and provincial words, has exhibited 51,027 forms of words, 
and numerous comparisons of words of various dialects are gradually 
ottering more and more support to research. 

The present popular dialects are divided, as they were by 
Verstegan (in his Restitution in 1(134) into three groups; the 
Western, the Southern and the Northern. In the fourteenth cen- 
tury Halliwell fancies there were a Southern, a Middle and a Nor- 
thern Group, of which the Southern at present remains only in 
the West. 

The Western group is most sharply expressed in the counties 
of Dorset, apart of Somerset, Devon and Cornwall; less so in Wilt- 
shire, Berkshire and Oxfordshire, and in Gloucestershire, the present 
dialect whereof is still similar to that of old Robert of Gloucester. 
Apart from their peculiar vocabulary, these dialects are seemingly 
characterized by the lengthening of the vowels, the broadening of 
the diphthongs, the softening of s into z and / into v, as also by 
suppressed pronunciation without the full opening of the mouth. 

The so called Southern dialects may be divided into three branches. 
One begins with Kent, wherewith is allied Sussex, Surrey and 
Hampshire on the one hand, and Essex on the other, so that the 
dialects pass partly into the Western and partly into the East-an- 
glian. The East-anglian form the second branch, which shews itself 
most decidedly in Norfolk and Suffolk, but to which also Cambridge- 
shire and Huntingdonshire, and, as cognate, Leicestershire and Rut- 
landshire are attached. These dialects are thin and have something 
of singsong, whence the Suffolk "whining", and form a sharp contrast 
to the full-toned northern dialects. The midland dialects are to be 
regarded as the third branch, as, that of Herefordshire, Warwick- 
shire and Northamptonshire, also at present that of Nottingham- 
shire, where the northern dialect was formerly native. They form 
the transition to the northern dialects. 

The Northern group, which we may call the Northumbrian, ex- 
hibits itself most decidedly in the dialects of Northumberland, Dur- 
ham and the North Riding of Yorkshire, and in Cumberland and 
Westmoreland. Broad, full-toned, guttural and passing into the Scottish, 
it is hardest in Northumberland and most monotonous in Durham. 
In Lincolnshire, where a northern dialect is divided from a southern 
one by the river Witham, the latter resembles the Eastanglian. The 
dialect of Lancashire recedes in the West from that of Yorkshire, 
but, like this, favours the a sound instead of o and ou 9 and puts the 
o sound in the place ot ea and <M, and hardens the final g and d 
into k and t. These dialects, the most remote from the literary En- 
glish, have enjoyed the most especial lexicographic research, 
b. The Scotch language, or the speech of the Scottish lowlands, 
which has maintained its Germanic character with the greatest 
fidelity, is distinguished from the English by a broader vocalization, 
especially by the frequent employment of the obscure a instead of 
o, of ai instead of oa and o, the preservation of the guttural ch, 



The English Language. \ \ 

English yh, and the more frequent retention of the original g and 
k, likewise the frequent rejection of tbe final //, of d after n at the 
end of a word, likewise of g in the termination ing. It often ex- 
changes the participial termination ed for it, preserves many archaic 
forms and is distinguished by the employment of particular deri- 
vative terminations, such as the ukie, from ock: The Scotch lan- 
guage kept pace with the English as a literary dialect till the six- 
teenth century; but from that time the English outstripped it. 
Queen Elizabeth no longer understood the Scotch letters of Mary 
Stuart in the same age when it seemed to the publisher of Chau- 
cer (Speght), in 1602, needful to subjoin a glossary of Chaucer's 
obscure words, which had not appeared necessary in the editions 
of 1542 and 1561, notwithstanding Spencer's Shepheardes Calendar 
in 1579 needed a glossary by reason of its "Chaucerisms". With the 
union of the two kingdoms in 1603, the removal of the court to 
England and the neglect of the Scotch by the upper ranks, the 
language lost its literary dignity and subsided into a mere popular 
dialect. It raised itself indeed, particulary with the commence- 
ment qf the eighteenth century, (Allan Ramsay born 1686) in po- 
pular poetry into a certain finish in a narrow department; without, 
however, again acquiring the importance of a language of varied 
cultivation. In its stationariness the Scotch, originally very close 
to the English, has preserved many materials of speech which 
have been abandoned in English. The Scotch has hitherto become 
more the subject of lexicographical than of scientific grammatical 
research. 

The forms of English in the countries which have received it 
from its original home are hardly to he considered English dialects 
in the strict sense, although there it receives a provincial cast in the 
mouth of the people. The English of North America, for instance, 
which, like the speech of all colonies, has to keep up its intimate 
connection with the mother country chiefly through the language of 
books, is gradually diverging in pronunciation. It retains words al- 
ready obsolete in England, elevates particular English provincialisms 
into expressions of universal currency, assigns new and peculiar 
expressions to many old words, and takes up many words from the 
American languages. The language of conversation in the colonies 
suffers everywhere from similar defects, but the general physiognomy 
of the tongue remains the same. 

Linguistic varieties, such as the thieves' language of England, the 
"flash" or "cant" of thieves and beggars, likewise the mob language of 
the populace of great cities, a mixed language of divers dialects and, 
partly, of arbitrary formations, wherein words are employed with new 
and peculiar meanings, (slang words and phrases) do not come under 
review as dialects. The pronunciation of the common people of the 
great towns, such as that of the cockney speakers of London, has 
also no dialectic nature, properly speaking; like as the perversion of the 
vocalization and the guttural tinge to the dentals and to r, except 
at the end of a syllable, with the Irishman is to be ascribed to the 
influence of the Celtic, which also imparts a particular quality to the 
pronunciation of Wales. 



] 2 The Doctrine of the Word. Part I. 

PART I. 

THE DOCTRINE OF THE WORD. 

Grammar, or the doctrine of language, treats of the laws of 
speech, and, in the first place, of the Word, as its fundamental con- 
stituent, with respect to its matter and its form, in prosody, or 
the doctrine of sounds, and morphology, or the doctrine of forms, 
and then of the combination of words in speech, in syntax, or the 
doctrine of the joining of words and sentences. 

FIRST SECTION. 

PROSODY, OR, THE DOCTRINE OF SOUNDS. 
I. THE WORD, ACCORDING TO ITS INGREDIENTS. 

THE ALPHABET. 

The English alphabet, the totality of its phonetic signs, has, 
under the influence of Norman French, instead of the gradually ex- 
piring Anglosaxon, become the same as the Romance. It contains at 
present the following signs, according to the usual succession: 
ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ 
abcdefghijklmnopqrst uvwxyz 
Their names are expressed by the following english designations: 
ai, bee, cee, dee, ee, ef, jee, aitch, i or eye, jay, kay, el, em, en, 
o, pee, cue, ar, ess, tee, u or you, vee, double u, eks, wy, zed. 
These phonetic signs represent, either singly or combined, as ch, sh, 
gh, th, the various sounds of speech; combined letters also serve to 
represent simple vocal sounds, as ee, ie, ea, &c. The letters y and 
w at the end of a word, serve as consonants, else as vowels, although 
w only in conjunction with other vowels. 

THE VOWELS IN GENERAL. 

The vowel is the simple sound, which, without the cooperation 
of the moveable instruments of speech, proceeds out of the larynx 
through the more or less enlarged cavity of the mouth. Where two 
simple vowel-sounds flow together, there arises a double-sound, or 
diphthong 1 , whose first or second constituent has the preponderance 
in pronunciation. 

English presents more than any other tongue the striking phe- 
nomenon that the simple vowel-sound is represented by more than 
one vowel sign ,- diphthongs, on the contrary, by a simple sign ; and 
totally different sounds are also often denoted by the same vowel 



Part. 1. Sect. I. Phonetics. 13 

signs. These contradictions in orthography are partly the result of 
adhesion to a written language no longer according with modern pro- 
nunciation, partly also of the crossing of the Germanic and the French 
orthography, although the Germanic tinge remained of decided in- 
fluence even in the French and other constituents of the language, 
so that we still find the general phonetic shades of the language in 
the Lowdutch and Scandinavian dialects of the present day. 

Triphthongs, or three vowels flowing together, are unknown to 
English: In such words as buoy, u is either cast out or passes into 
the half consonant w. 

Such combinations of vowels as ea are falsely called diphthongs 
in English and such as eau triphthongs: 

English, like Anglosaxon, distinguishes short and long vowels, and 
gives even to vowels originally French the full value of the Germanic 
length. 

In partial illustration of the modern English orthography the 
Anglosaxon vocalization may serve, a (a), e (e), i, o, u and y (this 
allied to u and falsily confounded with i) serve to represent 
short vowel sounds: the diphthongs ea ((ie and eo (io, ie) are to be 
regarded as half-lengths. The long vowels are d, ce, e, i, 6, u, y; 
diphthongs ed and eo (id) along with which ei, eu, ie, oe and oi 
sometimes appear, mostly in Anglian dialects. 

Instead of long vowels, reduplications of vowels are also found, 
which Old English still frequently shews (for instance Mi = heo, in 
Robert of Gloucester) but which Modern English, with the exception 
of ee, oo (and even the latter shortened) has abandoned, although 
even in Old English the extensions ee^ ea, are frequently denoted by 
a simple e. The Old English vocalization also frequently departs 
otherwise from the modern English, as will be pointed out below in 
the exposition of the origin of the sounds. 

Considered phonetically, the decided vocalization of Modern 
English is divided into twelve vowels (of which six long ones stand 
opposed to six short ones) and four diphthongs. 

To these may also be joined, as a final vowel sound, the ob- 
scured sound of glibly spoken vowels in the unaccented syllable, 
which modern English Phoneticians denote by uh, and which does 
not lie on the scale of vowels from i to u, with greater or less en- 
largement of the cavity of the mouth, but arises from the mere 
opening of the mouth accompanied by the expulsion of a sound. This 
sound however nowise corresponds to all obscurations of sound. The 
shades of sound arising from the contact of those vowels with con- 
sonants are not taken into consideration. Neither are those combi- 
nations in which the unaccented e and i before other vowels pass 
into the consonant y y and, in union with preceding consonants, produce 
a partial sibilant, reckoned among diphthongs. Special and rare com- 
binations, especially in foreign words, have also been passed over. 

The phonetic system above touched upon, with its notation by 
letters, is represented in the following table. The sound is denoted by 
letters borrowed from other Germanic tongues. 



14 



Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part L Sect. I. 



Short vowels. 

1. i, y rarely ui, ie, ee (been) 

Highdutch l 

2. e, ea; i and y before r rarely ie, 
ai (said) a (ate) Highdutch 8 

3. a Highdutch betwixt and e 

4. 6, ou rarely a (malt) 

Swedish a 

5. u, o rarely oo (blood) 

Highdutch betwixt 6 and o 

6. u, oo, ou (could, should) 

Highdutch u 



Long vowels. 



e, ea, ee, i, ie, rarely ei,^ ey, ay, 
(in quay) Highdutch I or ie 

a, ai, ay, ea, ei, ey rarely e (cf. ere) 
Highdutch e, ee 

a, au (before n) Highdutch a 

a, au, aw, ou, rarely oa (broad) 
Lowdutch a, Swedish a 

6, oa, oe, oo, ou, ow rarely ew 
(sew) Highdutch 6 

u, ue, ui, o, oo, ou, ew rarely oe 
(shoe) Highdutch u 



Diphthongs 



i, y, (rarely ei, ey, ai) 

Highdutch ai (ei) 
on, ow Highdutch au 

oi, oy Highdutch 6i 

u, ue, ui, ew, eu Highdutch in. 

As with the treatment of the primitive vowels in writing, their pro- 
nunciation has likewise the most consistency and decision in the ac- 
cented syllable, whereas the unaccented syllables, from which that receiv- 
ing a subordinate accent forms of course an exception, have suffered 
more or less obscuration of vocalization. The difficulty of apprehending 
and representing these dimmings explains the diversity in the views 
of orthoepists about such sounds and their notation by signs. 



THE PRONUNCIATION OF THE VOWELS AND DIPHTHONGS 

IN DETAIL. 

In the employment of the same simple or combined vowels for 
different sounds, as also of different vowels signs for the same sounds, 
we annex the discussion of the pronunciation to the series of phonetic 
signs i, y, e, a, o, w, by representing, with each of these, 
its combinations according to their phonetic value. In the first place 
we discuss the sounds in the accented, and then in the unaccented 
syllable. With regard to the temporal duration of the sound, we 
distinguish long and short syllables in the seat of accent, while, in 
the unaccented syllable, length, more or less weakened, may even be 
made shortness, and shortness may be suppressed into glib shortness, 
apart from the complete silence of the vowel. 

With the seat of accent the quantity, and therefore also the pho- 
netic tinge of the vowel, stand in the most intimate connection; but, 
along with these, the final sound of the syllable in general cooperates 



Parti. Sect. L The Word, according to its elements. 15 

essentially in the determination of its quantity. The subordinate 
accent commonly operates analogously to the chief accent. 

The close syllable, that is, the syllable ending in a consonant, 
with a simple vowel, presents itself in every seat of accent as pre- 
dominantly shortness, and the same is true of the unaccented syl- 
lable. But the syllable with a final consonant, followed by a mute e 
(organic or unorganic) is in general long, which however is only in 
a limited measure true of the unaccented syllable. The exceptions 
are chiefly syllables with a final / and r, more rarely m and n. 

The open syllable on the contrary, that is, the syllable ending 
with a vowel, is long in words in which the accent falls on the ul- 
timate or sole syllable (perispomena), as well as in those that have 
the accent on the penultimate (properispomena) ; whereas the ante- 
penultimate accented syllables give words with a short accented syl- 
lable (proparoxy tones). In this last position w, however, forms an 
exception; as do e, a and o in the case when the succeding final 
consonant is followed by a double vowel (in derivative syllables) 
whose first is an i or e (as ian, ial, iaous, ean, eous, eor, &c.) mostly 
remain long also in the antepenultimate syllable, whereas this is not 
the case with i. Since, in the double syllables indicated, e and i 
have the inclination to blend as semi consonants with the following 
vowel, words of this sort are mostly to be regarded as properispomena. 
"What is true of the vowel of the antepenultimate has also application 
to any syllable situate still further back, when it receives the accent. 
Another series of exceptions is formed by those penultimate open 
syllables (mostly with , e, a) which remain short. 

In all accented syllables the vowel preceding another vowel is 
wont to be long. This lengthening usually remains in the unaccented 
syllable also; but, in a syllable originally unaccented, a vowel before 
another vowel is short. 

Conformably with these general views, a change in the quantity 
of the vowel frequently shews itself in derivations, in which the ac- 
cented syllable remaining open is encumbered with final syllables: 
compare hero heroine, condign condignity, profane 
profanity, austere austerity, tyrant tyranny, abdo- 
men abdominal, foreknow foreknowledge; as also when 
the accent is pushed forwards or backwards from the original long syl- 
lable, the length often shortens: compare inspire inspiration, 
disciple discipline, admire admirable. 

Yet a fixed principle is not carried out here. 

The apprehension of the short vowel as the vowel of the close 
syllable has led to the phonetic peculiarity that, where the open syl- 
lable is sharpened, or short, the pronunciation draws the initial con- 
sonant of the following syllable immediately on to the vowel (Attraction) 
and, as it were doubles it, like as writing also after a short vowel 
frequently doubled consonants originally single (compare waggon with 
wagon- Anglosax: vagen; addice Anglosax: adesse; matter French 
matiere) and in derivations from oxytones the single consonant is 
doubled: wit witty; begin beginner; abet abettor-, on which 
account orthoepists, to denote the division of syllables for pronunciation, 



16 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part. 1. Sect. I. 

put the accentual mark for shortness after what is, properly speaking, 
an initial consonant: compare sat' in. 

I, Y. These two phonetic signs, though often of very different 
origin, are essentially shared between the sounds of the Highdutch l 
(seldom I) and the Highdutch diphthong ai or ei, as the Old- and 
Middle Highdutch long i is often represented as ei in modern High- 
dutch. 

A) In the accented syllable i answers to 
1. the short i 

a) in the close syllable: thin, fringe, shrill, filch, milk, 
mist, did, fit, stinking, industry, incapacity.*) 
Except . here the accented syllables pronounced as the diph- 
thongs, ei with silent gh (in #A, ght,): nigh, thigh, tigh, high; 
blight, plight, fight, fright, Wight &c.; with silent g (in 
ign): malign, condign, sign, assign; with silent c (in cfy: 
indict; with mute s in isle, island, and viscount, mostly 
with their derivatives, in which the consonant remains mute and 
the accent does not advance. Compare on the other hand c o n - 
dignity, malignant, assignation, assignee, of which 
only the last retains the silent g notwithstanding the entrance 
of the i, as in sevennight, which is pronounced sennit: 

further, in roots with a final nd, like bind, find, blind, krind 
&c., to which is added nt pint, and those with Id: mild child, 
wild, in whose derivatives however i appears instead of i: 
compare wilderness, children and the compound kindred. Ac- 
cording to Smart childe is sounded with a short i, according to 
others with i. Here also an exception is formed by wind = 
ventus, with its derivatives, as distinguished from wind (with 
i) with its derivatives, from which however windlass deviates, 
and also rescind, together with all derived from the Latin scin- 
dere. Gild and guild, build, in which u is not sounded, have 
also a short i: 

ei is lastly heard in climb and Christ, yet not in the deri 
vatives from Christ, as christen, Christian &c. and not 
even in the compound Christmas (pronounced crismas). 
. Another exception also is formed by the syllable ir with a 
consonant after it, unless a second r, as in mirror, immediately 
follows it. In this syllable i passes over into the more obscure 
sound of 6 like e and borders therefore on the sound u before r. 
The reason lies in the final guttural letter. Here belong sir, 
fir, chirp, gird, girt, skirt, mirth, birch, girl, fi-rni. 
Some pretend to find the sound in bird, first, flirt, thirst deeper and 
more obscure. Even educated Londoners moreover pronounce the i 
in the most familiar words, as sir, bird, dirt &c. as sur, burd, durt 
&c. Before double r the sound remains, even in derivatives, asstirres 
&c.; and in squirrel it is commonly heard. In Sirrah some 



In words in which a principal and a subordinate accent are to be observed 
we denote the principal accent by ", the subordinate by ', the latter only if 
the vowel upon which the subordinate accent falls has not a mark of quantity. 



2. The Word according to its elements. The vowels i. \J 

denote it also by ar or er or iir. Even in the open syllable of 
sirup, it is pronounced in common life ti, as in sii rrup. 

y. In some foreign words in and il in the close syllables are pro- 
nounced like the Highdutch I, ie ; chagrin, chequin, zechin 
(the latter also with the accented first syllable) chop in (likewise 
sometimes accented on the first syllable) bom basin, palan- 
quin, capuchin, alguazil. (Others accent the first or second 
syllable) brasil or brazil, also invalid (substantive, as distin- 
guished from the adjective invalid, weak). It is also pronounced 
thus in fa mi lie, on the otherhand spadille, regularly. By 
some glacis is also referred to this rule. 

b) In an open syllable the sound i appears, if the accented syl- 
lable is the antepenultimate or a prior one and the following 
one begins with a consonant: participate, diminutive, 
civilize; filial, niveous, opinion, exhibition; in- 
clinatory, criminatory, libertinism, familiarize; line- 
ation, ministerial. 

Except some words in which i is pronounced like the diphthong 
ei, as primary, binary, quinary, irony, nitency, pri- 
vacy (according to some with i) annihilate; also derivatives, 
as migratory; here belong also of course compounds, as 
isingglass, icicle (which, in spite of the mute e must pass 
for three syllables) and the compounds of micro-, as micro- 
cosm, microscope, microscopical &c. 

2) It corresponds to the diphthong (ai) ei 

a) in every accented open syllable followed by a vowel; iodine, 
bias, dial, client, diet, brier, hierarch, diadem, va- 
riety, prosodiacal, ^Egyptiacum, Leviathan, pria- 
pism; scientifical, pioneer, violation, hierarchical 
&c.; therefore also in those i falling under the subordinate accent 
from verbs in y: versifier, justifiable, prophesier &c., 
also in every syllable formed by the vowel alone: idol, iris, 
irony; except italy and image (from the root im: compare 
the Latin i mi tor). 

b) likewise in the penultimate open syllable followed by an ini- 
tial consonant: bifid, diver, crisis, spider. 

tt. Exceptions from this rule, in which a short i enters, are pretty 
numerous, as in the rest of the vowels except u. They regard 
mostly words originally Romance or Latin, without our having 
been able to detect the principle of adhering everywhere to 
the original quantity. Yet we readily observe that in most 
of the exceptional cases the root syllable is followed by an i 
or e derivative termination (perhaps also another root); the 
obscurer vowels a, o, u, ou &c. are far more seldom met with 
at the ends of words. 

Thus words in y are found here: lily, stithy, (compare 
stith), city, pi'ty, privy; especially adjectives in id: nitid, 
liquid, livid, rigid, frigid, vivid, insipid, timid; 
Compounds as trifid, quadrifid &c.; nouns in ic: civic, 
critic, empiric; also compounds in fie, as prolific, pacific 

Matzner, engl. Or. I. 2 



18 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. 1. 

&c.; verbs and adjectives in ish: minish, diminish, finish, 
british, dimish, compare dim; on the other hand irish; 
in it: sigil, civil; Nouns and verbs in it: digit, spirit, 
limit, visit, illicit, elicit, exhibit, inhibit , prohibit, 
explicit, implicit, solicit; Participles in en: risen, dri- 
ven, riven, shriven, thriven (true to the Anglosaxon i), 
also linen; on the other hand i = ei in the verb dizen; words 
in el: chisel, shrivel, snivel, swivel; and er: liver, 
river, primer, hither, shiver, wither, consider, de- 
liver; in et: civet, trivet, privet, rivet. To which are 
added various other endings of words, as in britain, minim, 
and the compound prithee. 

Terminations with obscure vowels are here far more rare, 
as ar in vicar; age in visage, spinage; ate in frigate; 
and in brigand, riband; old in ribald; ard in lizard, 
vizard, wizard; in or and our in liquor, visor, rigour, 
vigour; in ot in bigot, spigot; in ure in figure; in ute 
in minute (on the contrary minute adjective), tribute, 
attribute, contribute, distribute and in single words 
as ptisan, the compound litharge, bishop, citrul, tri- 
bune, continue, sinew, widow. 

/?. Some foreign words retain in the penultimate the sound of the 
Highdutch 1, ie, becafico (according to some with ei), Cza- 
rina, capivi, serpigo (according to some with ei), vertigo 
(according to some with ei). China = porcelain is pronounced 
chanee. 

c) It is a diphthong in those accented syllables ending in a con- 
sonant in pronunciation, which are followed by an organic or 
unorganic mute e: ice, ire, rise, prime, prize, bite, 
bribe, fine, vile, dike, tithe, stride, knife &c.; so also 
in isle (with silent s). 

. Except give and live, in which i sounds i. 
/* A second exception is formed by foreign words, in which it 
is pronounced like the Highdutch 1, ie; they are mostly words 
in ique, ine, ice and ise: pique, antique, oblique; cri- 
tique, unique; machine, magazine, marine, ultra- 
marine, transmarine, mandarine, routine, fascine, 
festucine, tabourine, tambourine, terrin e, tontine, 
trephine, haberdine, colbertine, gabardine, chiop- 
pine (Shakspeare) ; police, caprice, chemise, che- 
vaux de frise, frize, moreover gris and verdigris, 
fatigue and intrigue, imbecile and some others, wherein 
a varying pronunciation and spelling prevails, as in Kash- 
mire and Cashmere also Kersey-mere. 

B) In the unaccented syllable the appearance of the i as a short 
vowel or a diphthong is to be analyzed in general in the following 
aspects. 

1. a) The short i the most decidedly among the vowels retains its 
accented tinge in the unaccented syllable Every unaccented i 
is in general short, both in the close and in the open syllable, 
unless the syllable ending in a consonant is followed by 



/. The Word according to its elements. The vowels I. J9 

a mute e. It appears less slight in the close syllable: invalid, 
irregular, historian, ministerial; more slight in the open 
one: divide, perfidy, daintily, flexibility, although 
even here attraction prevails in some measure. 

The i- sound is however dimmed like other vowels before a 
single r, an unaccented final ir as well as yr, er, ar, or, sound- 
ing almost exactly like ur, so that words like nadir, satyr, 
robber, dollar, author and sulphur have hardly any 
distinction in their final sounds. 

If another vowel, unless it has a dental before it, follows the 
unaccented /, it often becomes hardened, especially after a short 
accented syllable, into the halfconsonant y: onion, (speak 
onyon), pinion, minion, spaniel, poniard, filial, mi- 
liary, million, rarely after a long syllable, as in alien; 
yet even here a hardening of the i is approached. The same 
phenomenon is also offered by the accented syllable in caviar. 

If a dental t, d, s, x = cs, c, z, ch precedes the unaccented 
i in this case, the short i becomes commonly a modification of 
the dental, which is transformed into a sibilant: militia pro- 
nounced milisha, nation, mention, satiate; soldier pro- 
nounced soljer; persian pronounced persh'an; social 
pronounced sosh'al, conscious pronounced consh'us, noxious 
pronounced nockshus; glazier pronounced glash'er; fal- 
chion pronounced falchun, marchioness pronounced marsho- 
ness; yet in many words the i is suffered to sound, especially 
as y t as in asian pronounced ash-yan, or even as a vowel, as 
in asiatic, pronounced ashiatic If an s or x precedes the t, 
the more noble pronunciation requires the hardening of the i 
to y: Christian = christyan, question = questyon, mixtion 
= mixtyon &c. The popular pronunciation indeed suffers the 
-sound to be heard, but nevertheless transforms y into sh. 
b) The i remains short in some derivative terminations, in which 
a mute e still follows a consonant; thus constantly in the ter- 
minations we, ite: active, native, defensive, opposite, 
infinite; and in substantives in ise, ice, as promise, treatise 
and apprentice, jaundice, justice &c.; but not in exer-^ 
else. Likewise in composition with plice and fice: accom- 
plice, artifice, edifice, orifice. The derivative termina- 
tions ine and ile fluctuate partially with regard to their deriva- 
tion. Those supposing the Latin i short, remain mostly: ele- 
phantine (elephantinus) , crystalline, coralline, san- 
guine (sanguineus); likewise imitations, as cancriue, sac- 
charine, lacertine; fragile (fragilis), fertile, sessile,, 
fissile; yet i originally long are also shortened, as in murine, 
(murinus), corvine (corvmus), vulpine (vulpmus); servile- 
(servilis), hostile (hostilis), juvenile and others, ^dxereas; 
others remain long, (diphthongs) as feline, ferine, porcine,, 
bovine; gentile (gentilis) &c. The verbal termination ize-> 
remains a diphthong, as in realize, equalize, eternize, 
organize, naturalize (wherein ize may be conceived as 
falling under the subordinate accent). Endeni'ze forms an 



20 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. L 

exception, because the termination does not here correspond to 
the Greek *"' The verbs in ise are fluctuating; advertise, 
exorcise, recognise, have the diphthong, but not those 
derived from substantives, as promise. Even in reconcile 
i is a diphthong. 

In compounds the diphthong of the simple word is, as a rule, 
retained, likewise as a compensation for the long i in words 
originally Latin and Greek, as regicide, acrospire &c.; in 
those compounded of shire the i has however the dimmed sound 
of the i: Yorkshire, Wiltshire. 

2) The i diphthong as ei without alteration of the accentual tinge : 
a) in an open syllable, followed by an accented syllable com- 
mencing with a vowel: iambus, Ionic, iota, hiatus, dia- 
logism, diameter, miasmal, piacular, viatic, diurnal, 
triumphal, Except in foreign Avords, as niello, piaster, 
siesta, piazza and such like. This is also the case before 
accented syllables commencing witft a consonant, when i makes 
a syllable by itself: idea, irascible, ironic, irenical: i 
remains short in imagine, imaginary (on account of image, 
see above), also in words compounded of in, as inanity (from 
the Latin in-anis, compare vanus\ inaugurate, where not i 
alone constitutes the syllable. 

With respect to the open syllable commencing with con- 
sonants before the accented syllable beginning with a con- 
sonant the usage fluctuates. Derivative words, whose primitives 
had the accent upon that syllable, usually retain the diphthong: 
migration from migrate (yet immigration, transmigra- 
tion from immigrate &c.) micaceous from mica; libration 
from librate; librarian from library; licentiate, licentious 
from licence; liquation from liquate; rival! ty from rival; 
piratical from pirate; b ib a cio us, compare imbibe, yet imbi- 
bition; vibration from vibrate; vitality from vital; vivi- 
fic, vivificate, viviparous and others from vive Latin vivus, 
although on the other hand vivacity; spinosity from spinous, 
spine; citation from cite; gigantic perhaps with a view to 
giant (gigas). Yet i is also a diphthong in nigrescent (Lat. 
nigresco), nihility (Lat. nihil), tribunal (Lat tribunal), Si- 
beria, criterion Greek W^.ioy, and, perhaps with a view to 
the Latin, in ditation Lat. ditare. In compound words the pre- 
fixes bi (Latin bi), di (Greek and Latin di) tri (Greek and Lat. 
tri) have in this position the i diphthong everywhere except in 
diploma, with its derivatives, likewise di (= Lat. di from dis): 
diduction, divaricate, as also under the subordinate accent. 
In other compounds original length remains as a diphthong; thus 
in those compounded with &o, Greek f(>o h , pri-m , primo (Lat. 
primus), with chi-r , chi-ro (Greek #fl?), cli-no (Greek from 
xAtVoi), micro (Greek and Lat. micro) and many such, to which 
also words like nilometer, rhinoceros, rhizophorous &c. 
belong. 

b) The final i is a diphthong in Latin terminations of every kind : 



/. The Word according to its elements. The vowels y. 21 

amphiscii, anthropophagi, antiscii, antseci, ascii, 
literati, triumviri; lapis lazuli; certiorari; alibi: but 
not in Italian words, as banditti, broccoli, vermicelli; 
however, in the foreign word rabbi, but which we often hear 
pronounced rabbi. 
The Compounds of I with other vowels to represent sounds are 

ie and ieu (lew) ; in which, however, only the former has taken root 

in the language. 

A) ie in the accented syllable serves 

1. a) to denote the long I of the Highdutch, and therefore often 
answers to the English ea and ee: as in mien, piece, priest, 
frieze, brief, bier, fiend, field, thief, shield, shriek, 
siege, as in cap-a-pie. Where the syllable ends in r the 
sound heard in the Lowdutch hier, English here, appears; tier 
= row, pierce, fierce, grenadier, gondolier, arque- 
busie'r. 

By way of exception, the first syllable in giereagle, gierfal- 
con, which is also spelt gerfalcon, is pronounced like ger. Com- 
pare the Old-English gerfauk, gerfawcon, medieval Latin: 
gyrofalco. Some also disregard the i in fierce and tierce. 

b) It answers to the diphthong i, ei, in monosyllabic roots: lie, 
pie, fie, vie, tie, die, hie and their monosyllabic forms: 
dies, tied, as in adjectives: pied = variegated; piedness &c.; 
likewise in the forms of nouns and verbs in y: flies from the 
substantive fly; tries from the verb try, but not in the second 
person present triest, where e sounds by itself = tri-est. 

These sound also remains in compounds, even in the unac- 
cented syllable: magpie. 

2) It has a short sound 

a) like i in sieve = siv. 

b) like e in friend = frend. 

B) In an unaccented syllable ie, with the exception above stated, 
answers to the i unaccented: mischief, mischievous and very 
frequently in the monosyllabic forms of nouns and verb in y: 
cities, dignities, countries; carries, pities, envied, pi- 
tied, ablebodied. 

Ieu, lew the latter in one word only, belong to French forms. 
Both in the accented and the unaccented syllable they answer to 
the sound of the diphthong u = iu, so that i almost hardens into a 
consonant (=ju): adieu, lieii, view; camaieu, purlieu. 

By way of exception ieu in an unaccented syllable is pronunced 
like e with a v (instead of u) in lieutenant = Icvtenant com- 
pare Old-English levetennante; likewise like e in messieurs 
= mesyerz. We also hear leftenant, leftenant and even 
lutenant as well as meschiirz pronounced. 
Y, in Old-English, often standing instead of i at the beginning 
of a word, now in the middle of a word in words mostly Greek, 
rarely persisting as the final sound of the root in inflection or com- 
position, but commonly transmuted into i, shares the phonetic rela- 
tions of i. 



22 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. I. 

A) in the accented syllable it answers to: 

1) the short i 

a) in the close syllable: nymph, lymph, lynx, pyni, sylph, 
system, gypsy, hyssop, mysticism. 

By way of exception y before a simple r passes over into the 
dimmed sound, like ir Myrmidon, myrtle, also in myrrh, 
although before two r's belonging to different syllables the genuine 
-sound remains: Pyrrho. 

b) in an open antepenultimate or prior syllable before an initial 
consonant of the following: pyramid, hypocrite, tyranny; 

- myriad, lydian, hypochondriast, typographical 
(on the other hand typography from type). 
By way of exception the original diphthong ei is heard under 
the subordinate accent in hymenean, hymeneal from hymen. 
In compounds this is natural, as well as in those beginning 
with hypo and hyper, hypercritical, hypostatical, as weU 
as in those compounced of hydro, cyclo <fcc., hydrophobia, 
cyclopaedia <fcc., chylifaction from chyle &c. 

2) On the other hand it is a diphthong with the sound (ai) ei: 

a) in every accented open syllable followed by a vowel: flying, 
crying, dryad, myopy, hyacinth, hyades, hyaloid; 
hyacinthine; as also in the syllables belonging to the stem 
and ending in y: my, thy, by, fly, dry, sly, sky, cry, 
apply, espy, deny, descry, defy. 

By way of exception my and by, when they lean proclitically 
on a subsequent noun, are pronunced like me, be, and thy 
undergoes the same in popular Speech. In composition, more- 
over, the absence ot accent does not destroy the sanedei of the 
stem as in outcry, kilndry. 

b) in the open penultimate followed by an initial consonant: cy- 
press, tyrant. 

Exceptions, in which instead of ei the sound of i enters, are 
even here to be found in words ending in ic, 7, ish &c.; in ic: 
lyric, physic, typic, chymic; in ^7: Sybil; in ist: chy- 
mist; inge: syringe. In panegyric, panegyrist, yr sounds 
like er. 

c. in the syllable ending with a consonant followed by an organic 
or inorganic mute e: lyre, rhyme, pyre, scythe, gyve, 
type, thyme, chyle, chyme. 

B) In the unaccented syllable y has 

1) in general in the close and the open syllable the same sound as 
the unaccented i: synonymy, Egypt, physician, analysis, 
ycleped, dynamical. The sound is dimmed in the final syl- 
lable yr, like ir: satyr, martyr, martyrdom. 

2) It is a diphthong however (ei): 

a) in the open syllable before the accented syllable beginning with 
a vowel: hyena, myology, hyemal (by some pronounced 
hyemal). With regard to the open syllable, beginning with a con- 
sonant, before the accented syllable beginning with a consonant, 



/. The Word according to its elements. The vowels e. 23 

the maintenance of the diphthong of the stem is true, as it is 
of i: lyceum, tyrannic, tyrannical, chylaceous, hyda- 
tides (plural, from the sing: hydatis), gyration (from gyre) 
in typography (from type) and other compounds. So also 
in those compounded with hypo and hyper, as hypostasis, 
hypotenuse &c., hyperbole &c. and those with hydro-, hydr- 
andhygro: hydropic, hydraulic <fcc., hygrology &c, mostly 
technical expressions. 

b) in some verbal terminations, as well as in their inflectional 
forms: occupy, prophesy, occupying. The verbal endings 
fy and ply are properly stems (-ficare, -plicare) justify, mul- 
tiply &c. and are in the same predicament as other compounds: 
see above. 

Of combinations of the vowel y ye alone exists : it is a diph- 
thong in ei: bye, rye. 

E has partly the power of e, partly of i. 

A) In the accented syllable it has 
1) the sound of the short e 

a) in the close syllable: men, neb, fetch, left, ell, help, 
chess, pence, defence, present, expensive. 

) an exception is here again formed by the syllable closed by 
r (even with another consonant following), in which the gut- 
tural dims the e, so that it appears to have the power of 6, 
although the pronunciation of the vulgar Londoner, who says 
miircy instead of mercy, is false: her, deter, fern, herd, 
fervid. 

Even here the influence of the guttural is softened, when it 
is followed by a second (dental) r: interrogate; yet not when 
rr concludes the stem err. 

/9) In some syllables ending in r, e assumes the a-sound (er = ar) : 
clerk, sergeant; formerly in many others, as merchant 
compare Old-Engl. marchandye; Berkeley compare Old-Engl. 
Barcssyre Derby and others, and thus still, provincially, for 
example in Leicestershire: marcy, desarve &. and with the 
vulgar Londoner sarvant beside survant. So in other provinces 
e becomes a before other consonants also; for example, in War- 
wickshire: laft, fatch, batty -left, fetch, betty. 

y) The short z-sound but rarely appears, as in England, english 
cf. Inglond also sec. XVI Jb. Halliwell I. p. 469 II., pretty, 
chemistry (pronounced kimistry) and clef (whero some say 
clef); yes is also often pronounced yis: compare Old-Engl. jis 
(G-owER) yis (PIERS PLOUGHMAN); retch sounds just like 
reach. 

b) in an Open syllable, ,when the succeeding one begins with a 
consonant and that accented syllable is the antepenult or prior 
one; yet no double vowel, the former of which is i or e, must 
follow the consonant which follows the accented syllable: ne- 
bula, legacy, lechery, betony, beverage, devilish, ge- 
neral, generous, genesis, several, hesitate, heresy; 

- cemetery, necessary; cementation, generation. 



24 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1. 

This also appears where the prefixes de and r have the prin- 
cipal or subordinate accent: derogate, delegate, deliquate, 
reference, relevant; declaration, detonation. 

The chief exceptions are words derived from stems with e, in 
which e sounds like e. that is to say l, as: legalize, behe- 
moth, cenatory, plenary, schematism, schematist (on 
account of "/?'<) an d others; and some among those compounded 
of de and re, when there syllables fall under the subordinate 
accent, where the 8-sound else appears: decompose, decom- 
pound c. der., dehortation, deterration, detestation; 
with re this case appears, where it has the more pregnant sense 
of again: repossess, reproduce, resalute &c. Exceptions 
such as vehement, vehicle Lat. vehemens, vehiculum 
perhaps have the i sound because h does not completely remove 
the hiatus, compare above annihilate (from Lat. nihil). In 
composition with pr eter e under the subordinate accent remains 
a long I: pretermit, yet short under the principal accent in 
preterit; likewise in derivation, aspreterition. Pre also, Lat. 
prae, remains I under the main accent in precept, and com- 
monly also under the subordinate accent in presuppose, pre- 
surmi'se, preconceive, preconception and others. Excep- 
tions of another sort are bedlery (beadlery) and many more. 

2) the sound of the long I, ie 

a) in the accented open syllable followed by a vowel: deism, 
deist, deity, real, realize, theatre, leo, leonine, 
theory, deodand; also in re under the subordinate accent: 
readorn, reabsorb; and in the accented syllable formed by 
a single vowel: eon, even, evil, evening, edict, equable, 
equalize, equinox &c.; elasticity, eructation, erep- 
tation; as well as in monosyllabic words ending in e: be, he, 
me, we, the. 

By way of exce'tion the e of this sort is shortened, especially 
in the antepenultimate accented syllables and maintains the e- 
sound; as emulate, emanate, egotize, egotist and even 
egoist, as well as under the subordinate accent: erubescent; 
also in the penultimate: ever, epode, ephod. 

Among the abovenamed monosyllabic words the proclitic 
article sounds ie only when spoken emphatically; else, before 
vowels tin; before consonants the, as glib shortness: and gener- 
ally, these words, proclitically or enclitically, often lose some 
portion of their quantity. 

b) in the o en penultimate followed by an initial consonant: le- 
gist, Peter, fever, feline, cedar. 

Exceptions again are here formed by many words in which e 
appears, especially before a derivative syllable, or terminations 
containing i ore; in//: l'vy, bovy, replevy, very, techy; 
in id: fetid, tepid, intrepid, gelid; in ic: polemic, 
energetic, spheric, generic and others; in ish: relish, 
Rhenish, replenish, splenish. perish, blemish, Fle- 
misch; in //. ?/<, (?//): peril, beryl, devil, sterile, de- 



/. The Word according to its elements. The vowels ?. 25 

bile; in in: resin; in it: merit, inherit, credit, decre- 
pit, debit; in ice: crevice, Venice; in en: 1 even (other- 
wise leaven), eleven, seven, heben; in el: level, rebel, 
revel, bevel, dishevel, shekel; in er: nether, never, 
leper, alleger (from allege), sever, assever, clever, to- 
gether, whether; in et: genet, tenet; in ent: clement, 
present; also anomalous words, as sheriff, Zephyr, relict, 
premiss; levee, prebend, desert, treble. 

Words ending in obscure vowels are here also rarer; in al: 
medal, metal, petal; in age: presage; in ace: menace, 
preface; in ate: prelate, legate, senate; in ant: pedant, 
tenant, lieutenant; in on: melon, lemon, felon, heron; 
in or: tenor, and a few other, as seraph, herald; He- 
rod, method, venom, envelop, second, record; 
cherub, deluge, refuge, prelude, refuse, tenure, sphe- 
rule, gerund; nephew, memoir. 

c) in the accented syllable ending in a consonant, and followed by 
an organic or unorganic mute e: eve, glebe, theme, these, 
Crete, here, severe. 

Except a few words in r, in which e receives the sound of the 
English a = e, much as in the Highdutch Ehre (dimmed by the 
guttural r): ere, where, there compare Old-Engl. ar (are), 
ware, pare (Roe. OF .GLOUCESTER). Thus too the English- 
man pronounces the French commere. In were e is shortened. 

d) in the accented syllable (under the subordinate accent also), 
when followed by a double vowel sound, the former of which 
is i ore: species, aperient, aurelia, comedian, abbre- 
viate, allegiance, period, senior, region, genius, 
previus, egregious, premium, supersedeas, mezereon, 
meteor; under the subordinate accent: geniality, devia- 
tion, mediation, mediocrity, periodic, meteorology. 

Exceptions are rare, as especial, discretion, precious. 

B. In the unaccented sylla v le, e, where not silent, (see the silence of 
the vowels) is always shortened into the power of i. This tinge comes 
out more distinctly in the open syllable before the accent, likewise 
at the end of the word, if e is audible at all, and in these po- 
sitions is distinguished by a lengthening, which however is insigni- 
ficant, because the attraction is weakened: depart, sedate, re- 
pose, elaborate, economy, event, and at the end of latinized 
Greek words: Phebe, Penelope, epitome, recipe, apocope, 
simile, posse, also in puisne (sometimes spelt puny). It is 
strictly long in the latinized Greek termination es: ambages, 
antipodes. The i-sound comes out less decidedly in an originally 
close syllable: restlessness, poef, cove, helmed, quarreZ, 
barren, linen; more distinctly in the termination es after a sib- 
ilant: boxes, faces, ashes, he debases. 

In the syllable er it is equal to the dimmed ?>, ur: perturb, 
persuade, number, partaker, even in emperor (compare 
Old-Engl. pepfr = pepper, aftwr, hongwr, longer), softened by 
the subsequent consonant: commerce. It is to be observed that 



26 Doctrine of the Word. - Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I. 

the final bre, tre, ere, gre are exactly equal to the unaccented ber, 
ter, cer, ger, as they were often spelt in the older English and still 
sometimes are; and that final sounds such as payer, player, 
slayer are hardly to be distinguished from those in care, fair. 
Lastly we must also remark the influence of the nasal n (in ent, 
ence) on the obscurer tinge of the unaccented e (approaching the 
English ii): prudent, agent, amendment, ornament, decence, 
excellence. 

Of combinations of e with other vowels, to represent vowel (and 
diphthongal) sounds, ee, ei, ey, ea, eau, eo, eu and ew are to be 
cited. 

ee is chiefly found 

A) in the accented syllable, and serves there 

almost solely to represent the long 1, ie, equal to the English e: 
needle, bleed, free, feeling, careen, career, debtee, 
bargainee. 

In Beelzebub both e's are to be pronounced; it sounds Beelzebub 
or Beelzebub. In e'er instead of ever and ne'er instead of never 
e'er is pronounced like ere in there. 

By way of exception ee appears shortened into i in been (Old- 
Engl. ben) and in common life in threepenny, threepence 
(=thripenny, -ence); we also pronounce breeches (from sing, 
breech) like britches: compare Old-Engl. brych (Ron. OF GLOU- 
CESTER). 

B) In the unaccented syllable ee is shortened like the unaccented e 
of the power of e: coffee, committee, levee (according to some 
levee); in jubilee we use to leave to ee the long sound. 

ei and ey, whereof the former belongs chiefly, though not exclu- 
sively, to the end of stems and to some derivative terminations, are 
equivalent in their phonetic relations, and are divided into the e-, the 
i- and ei- sounds. 

A) In the accented syllable ei has 

1) commonly the sound of the long e or the English a and ai: 
eight, neigh, neighbour, vein, deign, obeisance. Before 
r it receives the dimmed sound as in there: their, theirs, 
heir, heiress. 

2) sometimes that of the long I, ie, Engl. e: ceil, ceiling, seize, 
seizin, seine, seignior, re-per-de-con-ceive, deceit, 
conceit, receipt, inveigle, leizure, and in propernames as 
Leigh, Leith, Keil, Keith, Keighley, Keightley &c. In 
Pleiads the pronunciation divides ple-yads. 

3) still more unusual is the diphthong sound ei, like the English i 
in height (from high), sleight, heigh-ho! In either and 
neither too some think to* hear the diphthong ei. 

By way of exception we pronounce ei as a short 6, English e 
in heifer and in nonpareil. 

B) In the unaccented syllable it answers to the short i: foreign, 
sovereign, forfeit, surfeit, counterfeit. 

ey has 
A) in the accented syllable 



/. The Word according to its elements. The vowels e. 27 

1) usually the sound of the longer trey, grey, they, hey! obey, 
convey, Heytsbury; before r with a dimmed vowel, as in 
there: eyre, eyry, on the other hand, also spelt serie, is pro- 
nouuced with I. 

2) as a long I in key, ley (for which also lea stands). 

3) as ei diphthong in eye, eyliad (pronounced il-yad) and eyas. 
B) In the unaccented syllable ey answers to the shorty, i: alley, 

barley, chimney, causey, Turkey, Sidney. 

ea makes sometimes the e-sound, sometimes the i-sound pre- 
dominant. Linguistic usage does not divide shortness and length 
by fixed etymological or orthoepical principles. 
A) In the accented syllable ea represents 

1) frequently the sound of the short e (English e): 

a) mostly in a close syllat le, and especially when ea is followed 
in position by more than one consonant: breast, abreast, 
health, stealth, wealth, breadth, realm; in verbal forms : 
dreamt, leant, meant, dealt, leapt (otherwise spelt leaped) 
and in cleanse; in the compounds cleanly c. deriv.; in the 
compound breakfast also ea has been shortened; the same 
takes place in treadle from tread. The derivatives of seam 
remain unshortened, although sempster is spelt along with 
seamster. 

If in this case r stands immediately after ea & is dimmed 
like e before r: earn, learn, yearn, earnest, earl, pearl, 
early, heard, earth, dearth, hearse, rehearse, search, 
research. 

Except beard, with I. ea in position before r rarely passes into 
the sound a (a), which fluctuates between length and shortness 
in hearken, heart and hearth (by some pronounced herth). 
But even in some words ending in a simple consonant, with 
their inflectional forms and derivatives and in compounds ea is 
short S. They mostly end in d, t and th, and one in f : lead, 
read (from read), ready, bread, dead, dread, tread, 
thread, stead, spread, head; threat, sweat; death, 
breath; deaf; consequently also in 1 e a d e n , ready, deaden, 
threaden, threaten; deafen, dreader; in ahead, behead, 
instead, bestead, already, steadfast &c. but not in 
breathe &c. 

b. in the open syllable we find ea short in heavy; leaven, 
heaven; leather, feather, weather, treachery; peasant, 
pheasant, pleasant; meadow; weapon; endeavour; 
zealot; measure, pleasure, treasure. 

2) Moreover ea represents a long vowel both in the open and the 
close syllable, and that the long I (Engl. e): lea, pea, plea, 
flea, sea, each, peak, league, sheath, peace, beast, ap- 
pear, hear, beaver, creature &c. 

By way of exception ea has in a few words the sound of e 
(Engl. a): great, break, steak; before r it sounds in this case 
like e in there: pear, bear, tear (= to rend), swear. Dia- 
lectically the sound e is often used for ea; thus in War- 
wickshire sea sounds like say, meat like mait. 



28 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. 1. 

B) In the unaccented syllable ea, as representing a single vowel 
sound, is rare. It is then equivalent to the unaccented e or y with 
the power of i: guinea pronounced ghinny; Anglesea sounds 
like Anglesey, which is also written; longer in colleague. Ea 
is found elsewhere as an original double syllable, in which, however 
e is often hardened into y consonant, and then enters into combi- 
nation with the consonant, or ensures the dental sound to a gut- 
tural: pageant, vengeance, ocean (pronounced osh'an). In com- 
pounds the e-sound remains: bedstead. 

eau sounds 

A) in the accented syllable like along 6: beau, bureau; yet like u 
(ill) in beauty. 

B) in the unaccented syllable it loses little of its quantity as o: 
flambeaw. portmanteaw. 

eo, like the last combination, seldom employed to represent a 
sound, is 

A) in the accented syllable: 

1) to be pronounced like a long 1 in people, Theobald. 

2) like a long o in: yeoman, yeomanry, where some pronounce 
it like e, others like u: compare Old-Engl. 3eman,yeman. In 
George e only serves to denote the softening of the original gut- 
tural; else eo forms two vowel sounds as in geotic. 

3) eo is pronounced like iu in feod, with its derivatives, which is 
also spelt feud. Galleon sounds according to some galoon, 
usually gal-le-on. 

4) it is pronounced like a short e in feoff and its derivatives feot- 
fer, feoffment &c., leopard, jeorpardy and jeofail (=jef- 
fail). 

B) It does not occur in an unaccented syllable; where eon seems 
to be the final sound, e serves to indicate the softening of an ori- 
ginal guttural: truncheon, scutcheon, widgeon, dungeon, 
habergeon. 

eu and ew are essentially equivalent to each other, 
eu is 

A) in the accented syllable, equivalent to u (iu): Europe, feud, 
deuce; the i-sound weak in itself, as it passes over into the y- 
sound, becomes unobservable after r (rh): rheumatism. 

B) In the unaccented syllable -eur is pronounced like -yur in gran- 
dewr; by some like jiir. 

ew sounds 

A) in the accented syllable like u (iu): ewry, ewer, new, few, 
dew, Tewksbury; also with a following mute e: ewe. The 
i-sound is here also unabservable after r: brew, drew, crew, 
shrewd ; almost so after 1 : lewd, Lewis ; as well as after an initial 

j: Jew, jewel. 

By way of exception the long 6 is denoted byew: sew, shew, 
strew now commonly spelt with ow. Sewer = a drain is pro- 
nounced like soor or soer, and even shor. 



/. The Word according to its elements. The vowels e. 29 

B) In the unaccented syllable the sound iu loses something of its 
quantity: nephew, curfew; after r, i here totally vanishes: he- 
brew, yet not with 1: curlew. 

A fluctuates in its phonetic relations and its quantity in many ways, 
not merely under the influence of the open or close syllable, but also 
of the final consonant. It denotes the sound of a and e, receives a 
sound lying between a and e, even that of 0, and even ranges some- 
times in the unaccented syllable into i. 

A) In the accented syllable a has 
1) the short sound, coming near to the Highdutch a, if we bring 

this a shade nearer to a. 

a) in general in the close accented syllable: am, add, map, 
pack, fact, scratch, aspect, sadness, daffodil. Syllables 
in which a consonant follows n, f and s have a feeble inclination 
to lengthen it, as in plant, command, craft, grass, grasp 
&c., in which formerly the vowel sound was broadened, which 
is no longer done. 

Exceptions are here dependent on initial and final consonants 
) The short vowel answers to the short , English d or shortened 
English aw, when preceded by u or w, and not followed by 
a simple r or /: quab, quash, quantum, quantity, 
quandary, squab, squash, squat, squad, wan, wand, 
wamble, wash, was, wanton, swan; before rr and II in 
quarrel, quarry, warrey, warrior, wallow, wallop, 
wallet; also before dr, which here makes position in an 
originally open syllable: quadrat, squadron, quadrature. 
Of those beginning with wh what and whap (also spelt 
whop) belong here. 

Quaf and quag c. der., waft, waggon, wag remain true 
to the rule. 

Of other words chap, pi. chaps, and the verb to chap 
(also pronounced chap) follow the exception, in contradistinc- 
tion to the other chap (= cheapener and chapman), yacht 
(pronounced yot) and scallop (pronounced scollop); in com- 
mon life also slabber; according to some also jalap instead 
of jalap 

) Under the influence of a following r and 1 this a (a) becomes 
long: 

1. where qu, w, wh precede the a, which is followed by an r 
or r together with another consonant: quart, quarter, 
war, ward, wart, wharf. 

2. In stems ending in //, with their derivatives and compounds, 
even where these lose an 1: all, ball, fall, will, install, 
appal, withal; calling, appalment; -- also, al- 
ways, walrus and in the foreign word Bengal. 

Where a simple stem is not found in English the word in 
//follows the rule: tallow, pallet, ballast &c., gallic and 
many more. 

3. where / stands in a syllable long by^ position before the den- 
tals d and t: alder, alderman, Alderney, bald, bal- 



30 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. L 

dric, balderdash, faldage, faldstool, scald, chal- 
dron, caldron, Kirkaldy; - altar, alter, Alton, 
palter paltry, Baltic, Baltimore, falter, waltron, 
waltz, halt, halter, exalt, basalt; -- salt and malt 
on the contrary are often pronounced with a short a. Foreign 
words, such as baldachin, basuiltes &c. retain regularly 
the short a. 

The sound of the long , is rare in another position, as 
with x in halse (to embrace) palsy, palsgrave, balsam, 
false, falchion, and on account of the collision with s in 
pronunciation, also in Salisbury pronounced salzbery; more 
rare with a labial letter, as in Walpole, Talbot, Albany, 
according to some also in palfrey and halberd, where, 
however, a is pre ferred. Walnut has likewise a long a. 
4. Lastly a long d also prevails where I is silent before a gut- 
tural, c or k: balk, walk, talk, stalk, chalk, calk, 
malkin (otherwise spelt mawkin, maukin), falcon; so also 
before s in halse (otherwise spelt hawse) and halser. 
y) A has the sound of the long Highdutch a in a close syllable : 

1. in words in th: lath, bath, path. Wrath is shortened 
by some; scath, on the other hand mostly pronounced with 
a short a. 

2. in words in which I is silent before m, / and v: alms, al- 
moner, almond, palmer, balm, calm, malmsey, half, 
calf, salve, halve, calves. In halm and shalm (other- 
wise spelt shawm) it is pronounced like a long d: in alma- 
nac it is shortened according to the rale; the compounds 
halfpenny, halfpence sound like hapenny &c. with a 
long e, according to some happenny &c. 

J) In the accented syllables ending in r or r together with another 
consonant following, and generally in position before other 
consonants (except in the cases specified under and t -j 1.) a is 
lengthened and broadened by the guttural, although many deem 
syllables of this sort short: bar, star, car, arm, art, 
regard, carp, marble, marches, sarcasm, charcoal, 
barbarism. Where r is doubled in derivatives this vowel 
sound remains: starry, charry, tarry; so also in parri- 
cide; but in general the rule otherwise general comes into 
operation with rr: arrow, marry, tarry, parrot, sarra- 
cine. In char and in scarce a is pronounced like a 
long e. 

f) A receives the sound of the long e (Engl. a) in position be- 
fore n and dental g: mange, strange, mangy, danger, 
manger (but not in angelic with an advancing accent); so 
too in words in aste with their derivatives, where the influence 
of the mute e takes effect after the double consonant: paste, 
chaste, haste; pastry, pasty, hasty, chasten, hasten 
(in the two last with the silent t) but not in chastity, 
chastize. In some words the a-sound appears before mb: 
chamber, chamberlain, cambric, Cambridge; ambs- 
ace: before nc in ancient; likewise before ss in bass. 



/. The Word according to its elements. The vowels a. 31 

b) The short a also stands in the open antepenultimate or prior 
syllable, if the following one begins with a consonant, not, however, 
followed by two vowels the former whereof is i or e : lateral, 
radical, bazanite, family, fatuous; gatherable, com- 
parative, lapidary; laterally; lapidarian, lateritious, 
cameralistic. This also appears where a constitutes origi- 
nally a syllable by itself: amorous, amicable, animal, 
apennine, aperture, adeling, anagram. 
The exceptions are mostly words derived from English stems 
with long , such as: capable, capableness, ableness, 
placable, sanable, savoury, statary, babery &c. 

2. A has the sound of the long e: 

a) in the accented open syllable followed by one vowel: laical, 
laity, caolin, pharisaical, Archelaus; the case is rare, 
where a, by itself constituting a syllable, represents a long e 
under the principal or subordinate accent: aer, aorist, acorn, 
amen; in derivatives from long syllables, as apish, knavish- 
ness, ably; very unusual in the antepenultimate and farther 
back, as in acrasy, abecedarian. 

b) In the open penultimate followed ay an initial consonant: la- 
bour, lady, navy, patron, basis, vary, creator, sca- 
brous, meditative. 

) Here again is found a considerable string of exceptions, where 
a short a again occurs, mostly before derivative syllables with 
i or e: before terminations in id: arid, avid, acid, rapid, 
rabid, valid, invalid, vapid, placid, tabid, calid; in 
ic: magic, panic, barbaric, fabric, tragic; in ish: lavish, 
ravish, parish, banish, famish, vanish, Spanish; in 
/, He: cavil, agile, facile, fragile; in it, ite: habit, in- 
habit, granite; in m, ine: matin, latin, ravin, bavin, 
sapin, savin or sabine, satin, spavin, cabin; imagine, 
examine, rapine, famine; in ice, ise: amice, malice, 
matrice, anise; in en: raven in contradistinction to raven 
(a bird); in el: enamel, ravel, panel, travel, javel, 
chapel, camel, gravel; in et, ette: planet, valet, tablet, 
claret; palette; in ern: tavern, cavern; in ent: talent, 
patent; and singular cases, as zany, tarif, tanist, ca- 
lends, lather, adept, traverse, traject &c. 

Words in age have obscurer vowels: adage, manage, 
mismanage, disparage, ravage, damage, savage; in 
a, ate: carat; agate, palate; in ass, ace: palace; ma- 
trass, harass; in ant and ance: pageant; balance, va- 
lance; in ard: hazard, hagard; in on: baron, flagon, 
talon, canon; in om: atom, fathom; in or, our-, manor, 
valour, clamour; in ue: value, statue and a few others, 
as lazar, damask, platane, salad, scarab, anarch; 
shadow; carol, fagot, havock; alum, larum or ala- 
rum, gamut, stature, statute, also shamois. Satire 
and satyr are likewise mostly shortened; but Satan is mostly 
pronounced with a long a. 



32 Doctrine of the Word. - Phonetics. Part. I. Sect. L 



p. A answers to the short e in any, many; compare Old-Engl. 

eny (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER); likewise in Thames (with mute 

e) pronounced temz Old-Engl. Teinese. 
; . The sound of the long a (a) is given to water, Waterford 

and Raleigh. 

c) in the syllable ending with a consonant, and followed by an 
organic or unorganic mute e: ape, mace, lane, rage, date, 
tame, collate. Ifr precedes the mute e, the guttural tinges 
the a, so that it approaches nearer to the Highdutch a: mare, 
share, bare, care. 

Except have, bade, in which a is a short. 
In ate (also spelt eat) it sounds like e (et). 
In are, from to be, a sounds like a german a. 

d) in the accented syllable, if followed by a double vowel, the 
former whereof is i or e: apiary, asian, naiad (pronounced 
nayad), bacchanalian, barbarian, acacia, emaciate, 
reputation, occasion, various, spacious, sagacious, 
radius, epithalamium, sanies, sapience, patient; ga- 
lea, subterraneous, illaqueate, nectareous, aque- 
ous &c. 

Here, however, we find many exceptions; a is shortened into a, 
especially before io, where no dental precedes: companion, 
battalion, tatterdemalion, clarion, chariot, galiot; 
but also else: gladiate, retaliate, valiant, spaniel, ga- 
seous, agio &c.; even gymnasium. 

Also occasionally in further derivation even an a is shortened 
in such a case, as in national, nationalize (from nation), 
rational, rationalist (from ratio). 

B) In the unaccented syllable the vowel a becomes obscured, through 
the more glib utterance, into a sound of the power of o, approach- 
ing the English u spoken glibly; thus in an open syllable before 
initial consonants: alone, aback, adamant, miracle; as well 
as where it is the final sound: Africa, alpha, drama; and this 
is the predicament of the proclitic article a in a book; less so in 
a close syllable, in which the sound is nearer that of a: accept, 
pliiraZ, capita/, adamant, almanac; in compounds, as High- 
lands, Holland. This sound is more obscure before a final r: 
dollar, liar, polar, partake, mustard, outward. 

A remains nearer the long e in quantity and colour before vowels: 
Ionian, aorta, aerial, chaotic, archaism; likewise in the 
final ade aud ate (this latter, however, only in the verbal termina- 
tion): comrade, operate; in words like renegade, operative 
a falls even under the subordinate accent. 

In the terminations age and ate (as a termination of nouns) the 
e-sound inclines towards the clearer i: peerage, village, pa- 
tronage, baronage; obstinate, fortunate, illiterate; also 
in the terminations ace and ase: palace (compare Old-Engl. 
paleis), solace, purchase. 

The sound of the short a (Eugl. o) is also maintained in the 
unaccented syllable of all words beginning with quadr-, as qua- 
dratic &c. 



1. The Word according to its elements. The vowels a. 33 

The long a (a) remains in the prefix dl: although, already, 
almighty; and is heard in jackal, of course also in catcall, as 
a compound. 

As compounds of a with vowels to represent simple sounds, aa, 
ae, ai, ay, ao, au and aw occur, of which aa and ao have hardly 
found admission. 

Aa seldom occurs as one syllable, although the two syllables 
easily coalesce into one. 

A) In the accented syllable aa appears 

1) with the sound e, almost the same as in Aaron, in which this 
sound only arises through the confluence of a &; in Baal, Gaal, 
La ad an and others these syllables are more decidedly separated. 

2) On the other hand aa occurs in modern foreign names with the 
sound of the long a (a), for example, in Aar, bazaar, Saar- 
bruck, Saal, Saale; similarly, ma'am (= madam) is popu- 
larly contracted into one sound. The English verb baa is per- 
haps the only English word with a. 

3) aa sounds like a long (a) in Aalborg. 

B) In the unaccented syllable the two a's blend in such words as 
Isaac, Balsam, Canaan into one a, which is somewhat shortened 
in quantity. 

Ae appears in foreign words mostly in the form se, particularly 
in Greek and Latin words. 

A) In the accented open syllable 

1) 0e has usually 

) the sound of the long I (ie) : aegis, paean, daemon, Caesar, 
JElia, ^Eacus, jEanteum (conformably with the rules for e). 
Here appears in proparoxytones the sound of the short 8: 
Daedalus and others; so too under the subordinate accent: 
aestivation, ^Enobarbus, aerugineous; yet not without 
exception, since even here a long I appears, as, for instance, 
in JBgipan, jEgineta and others. Occasionally e is written 
instead of ae, especially where it is short, as in estival, 
estivation; but also for ae long, as in Egypt. 

/S) in syllables long by position ae has the sound of the short e : 
J^tna, aestivation. 

2) ae written separate has on the other hand 

) the sound of the long e (Engl. a) in such names as Maes, 
and in Gael, gaelic (properly Ga-el, but commonly pronounced 
= <//); also aeriform, aeronaut are spoken with a silent e. 

) short e occurs in a syllable long by position, as in Maastricht 
(pronounced mestrikt). 

B) In the unaccented syllable ce appears as 1 (ie), analogously to 
e, mostly in an open syllable immediately before the accented 
syllable: ^Ethusa, phenomenon, caesura; but also in its origi- 
nal position, for instance in aesthetic. In Michael the two 
syllables a-el are usually blended into one; in Michaelmass a 
is to be regarded as totally neglected. 

Matzner, engl. Gr. I. 3 



34 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part L Sect. J. 

Ai and ay are related to each other like ei and ey, so that ay 
commonly appears at the end of stems or derivatives, ai at the 
beginning and in the middle. 

A has 

A) in the accented syllable 

1) regularly the sound of the long e (Engl. a): aim, aid, pain, 
pail, faith, tail, maiden, bailiwick, obtain. Before r 
the sound becomes deeper, as in pair, fair, chaire, glaire, 
laird. 

In aisle, ai is spoken like i. 

Occasionally in the close syllable ai receives the sound of the 
short a: plaid, raillery; according to some also in plaintiff, 
commonly pronounced plaintiff. 

In some words it sounds e: wainscot (pronounced wen scot), 
said, saith and says from to say, compare Old-Engl. sede, 
ysed; waistcoat also is pronounced in common life wescoat. 
Orthoepists almost unanimously give the pronounciation of ai in 
against, some even in again, as that of e. Compare Old-Engl. 
a^en, ayenst. 

B) In the unaccented syllable ai standing alone before the accented 
syllable is e long: aizoum, likewise in the close syllable main- 
tkin (according to some like a) and in the middle of an open 
syllable: battailous (according to some like battalous in Milton). 
In the unaccented final syllable ai is mostly shortened into the 
power of i, as in mountain, Britain t fountain, villain, cap- 
tain, chaplain, curtain, travaiZ &c. Compare Old-Engl. par- 
fit, modern French parfait, Old French parfeit, parfit. 

Ay passes likewise 

A) in the accented syllable 

1) for a long e (Engl. a): pay, day, away, delay, player, 
playhouse; in the word mayor o is disregarded, so that it 
sounds like mare. 

Quay, according to Sheridan equal to ka, is generally pro- 
nounced like ke (ki); so too in quayage. 
It sounds like a short e in says (see above). 
In ay=yes, the two vowels are sounded: a-i. 

B) In the unaccented syllable the e-sound becomes somewhat 
shortened; more observable in common life in the names of the 
days of the weeks: Sunday, Monday &c. almost a. Moray is 
pronounced like Murre. 

Ao serves to represent a vowel only in gaol, gaoler, which 
are pronounced and even spelt jail, jailer. Caoutchouc is pro- 
nounced like the English coochook (with a long and a short u). 

Au and aw are equal in their phonetic relations, so that they 
often interchange with each other in writing at the beginning of a 
syllable, as they did in former times especially. 

Au represents 

A) in the accented syllable chiefly 
1) the sound of the long a (a): caught, taught, daughter, 

laud, sauce, vault, autumn, sausage, autobiography. 



7. The Word according to its elements. The vowels a. 35 

In modern times au before an n is exceptionally pro- 
nounced like a long a (a): aunt, taunt, daunt, jaunt, 
gaunt, maund, launch, paunch, craunch; laundress, 
jaundice, laundrey, saunter, askaunce, Staunton, 
Launceton &c Some such words have nevertheless collateral 
forms in an and are derived from words in an. Many ortho- 
epists give many of these however the -sound; most give 
it to the verb to vaunt in contradistinction to vaunt = van. 

Also before gh the same sound is given to the au, in: 
draugh (also spelt draff) draughts, laugh (where gh sounds 
like /). 

So too in some French words the sound of the French au 
= 6, is preserved: hautboy, marauder, roquelaure. 

In gauge, French jauge, au is pronounced like the English 
a (= gage). 

2) Short a (Engl. 6) represents au in laurel, laudanum and, 
according to some, also in cauliflower. 

B) In the unaccented syllable au retains the sound of the long a 
(a): austere, authority; in debauchee the unaccented au has 
the slightly shortened sound of the long 6. In the compound 
hautgout it retains the French pronunciation. 

Aw, often interchanging with an initial aw, but never with a 
final au in genuinely English words, has always the sound of the 
long a (a): draw, hawk, tawny, tawdry, awkward. 

is analogous to a in receiving, in a higher degree than other 
vowels, a particular tinge from the succeding consonant. 
A) In the accented syllable the o receives 
1) the short sound a (Engl. o), answering to the long a (Engl. aw, 

au) 

a) in the close syllable: of,' ox, rob, pomp, prompt, font, 
song, lodge, crotch, confident, compromise, compo- 
sition. Words in jf, ft, ss, st and th, undergo a lengthening 
in pronunciation, as off, coffee, often, moss, toss, gloss, 
lost, tost, froth, cloth; yet modern orthoepists limit this 
lengthening to o before ss, st and th. 

) An exception is made by syllables ending with a single r, 
or with r before another consonant, in which the guttural oc- 
"casions a lengthening and deepening of the vowel sound: nor, 
for, abhor, orb, thorp, short, Lord, north, form, 
horse, corpse &c.; former, enormous &c. 

We find a more decided prolongation of the vowel in port 
(and except important, importunate c. der. everywhere 
in the syllable port), fort, sport, ford, sword, forth, 
corps, porch, pork, form (= bench), worn, torn, shorn, 
horde, force, forge, divorce. Two r's restore the short- 
ness: horror, horrent. 

) before r, when the vowel is preceded by w, has the sound 
of the short o, Engl. u (which, as a shortening of the long 6, 
yet with a shade of the Highdutch 6, is to be regarded as 
similar to the inclination of the short a towards the High- 



36 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. L 

dutch a): worm, word, world, worse, worship, worst, 
worth, and even before double r in worry; similarly with 
w preceding n in won (from to win, but not won = to dwell) 
wonder, and, on account of the prefixing of a w;, not written, 
in one, once; compare won = one (CHAUCER) wan and wance 
in dialects. 

But also in other words o becomes u in pronunciation without 
a w's preceding, especially before n and TO, as in ton, son, 
in money, monetary even in an open syllable; front, af- 
front, monday, month; particularly when the n is followed 
by a guttural: monk, monkey, monger, mongrel, mong- 
corn, among, amongst, bongrace; also in sponge, 
allonge; and when a labial or m follows the TO: lomp, 
rhomb, bomb, bombast, bombasin, pommage, pom- 
mel, pompion. 

Here also occurs a number of words with the prefix con 
and com (whereas others retain o): conduit, conjure, con- 
stable; compass, company, combat, comfit, comfiture, 
comfort, discomfit, discomfort &c.; also comfrey the 
name of a plant. The same sound also takes place in attorn, 
attorney, as well as in dost and doth (from to do). 

y) It receives the sound of the long o before a final tt, before Id, 
It: roll, stroll, old, bold, gold, Bolton, soldier, bolt, 
colt &c.; rarely before a simple I: patrol, parasol, and 
before 1st: bolster, holster; also before a silent /: folk. 

6 remains short in 1611, doll; of course also in follow, 
hollow. 

In a few words in ss, si and th this prolongation likewise 
exists: gross, engross; most (of course also in compounds 
in the unaccented syllable : utmost &c.), post, host, ghost; 
loth (also loath), both, sloth (compare Old-Engl. slowthe 
SKELTON ed. DYCE I. p. CVII). 

By some quoth is placed here ; yet it is more correctly pro- 
nounced with short u\ compare Anglo-Sax: cv a & with short a. 
Of other words belong here comb, omber, only and don't, 
won't. 

<?) o sounds like a short Highdutch u (Engl. oo) in wolf, W61- 
ston, Wolstoncraft, Wolsey, Wolverhampton, "Wor- 
cester (pronounced wooster) and worsted (by some pro- 
nounced woosted with a rejected r) gom (=man). 
) Lastly like a long Highdutch u in whom, womb, tomb. 
b) The sound of the short a (o) prevails also in the accented 
antepenultimate or prior open syllable, unless the initial con- 
sonant of the following is not followed by a double vowel be- 
ginning with i or e: ominous, populace, corroborate, 
astonishment, curiosity; in compounds: apology, astro- 
nomy, biography &c. depopulation, denomination, 
coronation, prosecution. 

o is, however, exceptionally a long o not only in derivative 
words with light derivative termination, as: cogency, solary, 



/. The Word according to its elements. The vowels o. 37 

votary, votaress, votarist, notable; but also in those 
compounded with proto: protocol, protoplast, proto- 
type, protomartyr. 

In other words it has the sound of the short English u: co- 
lander, covenant, sovereign, somerset and somer- 
sault, and dromedary. 

chorister is pronounced like quirrister. 

2) The sound of the long 0: 

a) in the accented open syllable followed by a vowel: poet, 
poem, poetry, boa, Moab, Moaphernes; as well as where 
o makes a syllable of itself: omen, over, oval, ovary, ex- 
cept olid, orange; and where it is the final sound: lo! bo! 
ho! no, pro, fro, so, go, undergo, also with an h after it: 
oh! 

From the last case are excepted with the sound u (Engl. oo): 
who, do, ado, of course also in doing, and to, which be- 
comes essentially shortened proclitically as a preposition, and 
also before, the infinitive, and preserves the w-sound more de- 
cidedly only before vowels. To, however, sounds to in toward, 
towards. 

b) in the penultimate open syllable followed by an initial con- 
sonant: potent, dotard, colon, cogent. 

The exceptions which take place here are not so many as with 
the vowels e and a; yet they are split into three sorts: 

ft) Words in y have the sound of the short a (a): body, copy; 
in id: parotid, florid, solid; mic: apostolic, historic, 
tonic; in isfi: monish, admonish, astonish, polish, 
abolish, demolish; in He: docile; in it: profit, vomit, 
reposit, deposit; inm: robin, rosin; inice,ise: novice, 
bodice, promise; in el: model, novel, brothel, hovel, 
grovel; in er: proper, hover, choler; in et: prophet, 
comet, closet; in est: modest, honest, forest; and anoma- 
lous words as Corinth, province, Florence, modern, 
problem, process, progress, project, proverb, solemn, 
Robert, lozenge. 

Much rarer are obscure vowels in the final syllable, age in 
forage, homage; al: moral, coral; ule: module, nodule, 
globule; and in anomalous words: monad, monarch, gro- 
gram; honour, prologue, jocund, column, produce, 
product, volume. 

/?) Some words have the sound of the English short u: cony 
(yet else pronounced cony; the former popularly), money, 
honey; stomach, romage (also spelt rummage); borage, 
borough, thorough; colour; covey; oven, sloven, co- 
vin; cover, recover, covert, plover, govern; colonel 
(pronounced curnel); shovel; covet; other, mother, po- 
ther, brother, smother, nothing; cozen (also coz), do- 
zen; commonly also the compound twopence. 

?') o sounds like u (Engl. oo) in bosom and the compound wo- 
man, in the plural of which it is like i: women. 



38 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. L 

c) in the syllable ending in a consonant with a subsequent 
mute e: whole, throne, dote, code, slope, globe, those, 
gloze; the vowel is dimmed before r: shore. 

o sounds exceptionally like a long u (Engl. 00} in Frome 
(a town in Somerset), move, prove, behove) (also spelt 
behoove), lose, whose and gamboge; occasionally like 
a short English u in: some, come, become; done, none, 
one (see above); love, dove, shove, glove, above. 

On the contrary it has the sound of the short 6 in gone, 
begone &c., shone. Some give to the participle gone the 
broader sound; compare the Lowdutch gau. 

d) in the accented syllable before the initial consonant followed 
by two vowels, whereof the former is ^ or e: quotient, cro- 
sier, censorian, ambrosia, ambrosial, colloquial, zo- 
diac, opiate, foliage, scholiast, folio, explosion, devo- 
tion, emporium; hyperborean, corporeal, petroleum. 

Solitary exceptions, as topiary, onion, poniard and a few 
others occur even here. 

B) In the unaccented syllable o in general is shortened, both in 
the open and the close syllable, as also where the close syllable 
is followed by a mute e; yet it preserves its accentual tinge in a 
higher degree than a, except in final syllables. Here it mostly 
passes over, like , into the dimmer sound, which approaches the 
English u. 

The sound of o can therefore in general be considered as losing 
less of its otherwise determined quantity before the accented syl- 
lable; as, for example, where it makes a syllable by itself: omit, 
omentum, obey, tobacco; and even in the close syllable: pom- 
posity, >oZlute, demonstration; whereas after the accented 
syllable in the interior of the word the sound appears slighter and 
weakend in its accentual tinge: harmony, commoner. At the 
end, on the other hand, it loses essentially, as in kingdom, me- 
thod; Hudson, Houston, Richmond; even where a mute e 
would seem to maintain it clearer, for example, in the termination 
some: handsome; quarrelsome. Even in compounds, as touch- 
stone, limestone, Eddystone, it is dimmed, as in purpose; 
and almost as much in peda^ogrwe, dialo^we, demago^we and 
the like, wherein the composition is no longer sensible. 

Or is also equivalent to the final syllables ir, er, ar: actor, 
emperor, error, orator, whereas the final syllable is suffered 
to come forth clearer in words recognized as Latin ones, as in 
stupor, calor. Thus it happens that, before n in many frequent 
words in ton, son and some others, o is to be considered as totally 
silent (see below); whereas elsewhere before the nasal a short, 
rapid 6 is adhered to, even in this position, as in demon, felon, 
unison, horizon, sexton &c. 

The combinations in which o is employed to represent vowel 
sounds are oo, oe (and ), oi, oy, oa, ou and ow. 

Oo serves essentially 
A) in the accented syllable ever 



/. The Word according to its elements. The vowels o. 39 

to represent the long U: loo, too, boom, gloom, spoon, tool, 
poor, boot, food, roost; loose, choose, ooze, soothe. 
Usage has exceptionally favoured ) a shortening of the u into 
u in syllables ending with the guttural k, as well as in some 
ending with of, and even with I: look, rook, book, brook, 
shook, hook, cook and crook; foot, soot; wood, 
stcTod, hood, good; wool. 
{f) the pronunciation of oo as a long 6 in floor and door, also 

in brooch. 
y) as a short Engl. ti in blood and flood. 

B) In the unaccented syllable oo appears shortened into ii: liveli- 
hood, childhood, knighthood. 

Oe is to be distinguished from the form ce, united in print, 
which points to a Greek-latin origin. 

Oe serves 

A) in the accented syllable, to denote the long o: roe, foe, toe, 
doe, sloe, hoe; o'er (=6ver) is pronounced similarly. 

Exceptions are the long sound u (Engl. oo) in c hoe, canoe; 
and that of the short English u in does. 

B) Even in the unaccented syllable oe, as long o, is little reduced 
in its quantity: felloe, aloe; as in the compounds rockdoe, 
mistletoe. 

(E, on the otherhand, for which an English e is often substituted 
in writing is equal 

A) in the accented syllable: 

1) to the long I (Engl. e) before a vowel, where it constitutes a 
syllable of itself, and in an open penultimate, as well as in an 
open syllable before an initial consonant, followed by a double 
vowel beginning with i or e: CEax, QEonus, (Enea, foetus, 
Antceci. 

Here it is found exceptionally shortened into e (e) in diar- 

rhostic. 

2) It is equal to the short & (e) in many words in the accented 
antepenultimate or a prior syllable, as in assafostida (compare 
Engl. fetid), oecumenical, oeconomics. Yet it remains even 
there a long I in less usual words: (Ebalus, QEtylus, even 
CEdipus and (Ecumenius. 

B) In the unaccented syllable, especially before the accented syl- 
lable, it continues similar to the Engl. e in the like case : oedema, 
<2chalia. 

The concurrence of ce with a following i and u is found in a 
few French words: wi in oeiliad, is denoted in pronunciation by 
the diphthong i (ei), according to some by the Engl. e (I), accord- 
ing to others even otherwise; ceu in manoeuvre sounds u, but, 
among scholars, conformably with the French pronunciation. 

Oi and Oy are in the same predicament as ei and ey, ai and ay; 
in the accented syllable they are both mostly diphthongs. 



40 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I. 

Oi 

A) is a diphthong in the accented syllable as 6i, yet with greater 
preponderance of a deep o, than could be represented by the old 
and middle Highdutch oi (cf. Moin = Moenus; froide = freude) 
and is therefore not quite equal to the Highdutch eu. oi is com- 
parable with the combination of the Engl. aw and e: oil, oint, 
moist, voice, adroit, devoid, avoirdupois, foison, hoi- 
den. 

In French words not yet assimilated, as devoir, escritoir, 
scrutoir, reservoir, oir is exceptionally pronounced almost like 
the English war. In turkois also turquoise and Iroquois ois 
is pronounced like Is (Engl. ez); choir sounds like its other form 
quire. 

B) In the unaccented syllable oi is found shortened into a slight i, 
in tortoise and sham en's or c ham cm (pronounced shammi); 
porpoise sounds like porpus and is sometimes spelt so or por- 
pess, in avoirdupois oir sounds like a rapid er. Connoisseur 
is pronounced like connaissiir. 

.Oy 

A) is a diphthong as 6i; it belongs essentially to the end of stems: 
boy, toy, coy, joy, alloy, joyousness, of course retaining its 
sound in compounds, as hautboy (pronounced ho boy), viceroy 
and many others. 

Oa serves 

A) in the accented syllable almost always to represent the long 5: 
oak, moan, loaf, poach, boat, boast, coax; a final r tinges 
the sound as it does 6: oar, board, coarse. 

It has exceptionally the value of the long a (Engl. aw) in 
broad, abroad and groat. In the compound oatmeal the 
vowel sound is heard in common life shortened into o. 

B) In the unaccented syllable oa remains a long o with a slight 
loss of quantity: cocoa, bezoar. It is often shortened into in u 
in common life in the compound cup bo arc?. 

Ou and ow are in general in the same predicament as aw, aw 
and eu, ew. 

Ou appears 
A) in the accented syllable: 

1) chiefly as the diphthong au (whereby is to be observed that 
many words, ending with gh, ght, I and r with another conso- 
nant, belong, with others to the categories following below): out, 
ounce, thou, plough, bough, flour, hour, foul, proud, 
pouch, doubt, mount, pound, mouthe, grouse, lounge, 
doughty. 

2) ou represents a long vowel, and that in three modes: 

a) partly a long a (English aw) in words ending in ght: ought, 

nought, bought, brought, fought, wrought, thought, 
methought, sought, besought. 
Only drought and bought (= a twist) have au. 

b) partly a long 6 (Engl. 0) in syllables ending with a mute gh, 



1. The Word according to its elements. The vowels o. 41 

I and r, mostly with another consonant following: dough, 
though, troul (mostly spelt troll), soul, mould, shoulder, 
smoulder, poult, poultry, poultice, coulter (also spelt 
colter); in those in owr, o is obscured by the guttural: four 
(also fourteen), bourn, mourn, court, accourt, cour- 
tier, gourd, gourdiness, fourth, course, recourse, 
source, resource, tournament, tourney, 
c) partly as a long u (Engl. oo) more rarely in Germanic words, 
more frequently in French ones which preserve their original 
sound: ouphe, ouphen, ouse (also spelt ooze), ousel or 
ouzel, bouse, through, you, your, youth, houp(=hoo- 
poo, hoopoe), wound (also pronounced with au), shough! 
soup, croup, group, couchee, capouch (also spelt capoch), 
cartouch, rouge, gouge, bouge, bougie, accoutre, 
gout, surtout, ragout, sous (also in the unaccented final 
syllable of rendezvous), agouti, boutefeu, route, fou- 
mart, goujeers, troubadour, tour, tourist, amour, 
contour, courier, fourbe, and many others; bouillon is 
pronounced boolyon. 

3) it likewise stands in the place of the three corresponding short 
sounds : 

a) short a (Engl. o) in a few words in which gh ends with the 
sound of k or/ in the stem: gh = k shough, (also spelt shock), 
lough (= lake), hough, to hough; gh=f: lough (= pret. 
laughed), trough, cough. 

b) short Engl, u (between 6 and o), in a few stems ending in 
gh and/: rough (= ruff), enough, tough, slough, chough; 
and in ng, nk: yoiing, youngster, yoiinker. The same 
shortening takes place in many words, mostly of French origin, 
particularly before r in position, but also without it, as well as 
before pi and bl: adjourn, journal, journey, tourniquet, 
gournet (also spelt gurnet) courtesan, courtesy, cour- 
teous, bourgeon, scourge; nourish, flourish, cou- 
rage, encourage; couple, accouple, couplet; 
double, trouble; besides in touch, joust, cousin and 
country. The original diphthongs are also thus shortened 
in houswife (pronounced hilzwif, popularly htizzif), as well as 
groundsel in familiar speech grunsel, and southern, sou- 
therly sounds like siithern, siltherly, southward like suthard, 
Southwark like suthark. Generally speaking the original 
diphthong often passes over in dialects into u: as in Warwick- 
shire pound, found, ground into pun, fun, griin. 

c) short u (Engl. oo) in would, should and could. 

B) In the unaccented syllable the accentual tinge of the specific 
sounds is not often maintained without considerable shortening, as 
in the compound pronoun. 

The diphthong au, especially, is often shortened into u in names 
of places compounded of mouth: Exmow^A, F&lmouth, Wey- 
mouth, Sidmouth. t 



42 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part L Sect. I. 

The long o, which maintains itself in slightly reduced duration, 
in thorough, borough, intercourse, becomes essentially 
weakened with the augmentation of the word: borow</A-monger, 
thoroughness, thorow^A-going &c. 

In French words the u-sound is maintained especially before the 
accented syllable: Louisa, rowleau, routine, bowquet, \)ou- 
tade, fowgade, towpee and toi^pet, cowpee, accowcheur &c. 

The sound appears the most slightly in the terminations ous, 
ious as a glib u: liiminows, ruinows, famows, joyows, vir- 
tuows, -- odious, seriows, studious; in the termination our 
arises the dimming peculiar to or: labowr, candowr, saviowr. 
Moderns also often substitute or for this syllable. 

Ow sounds 

A) in the accented syllable 

1) usually like the diphthong au: now, bow, bowels, prow, 
brow, vow, how, cow; owl, fowl, scowl, lower, (= to 
look black), shower, howl, cowl, growl; town, down, 
clown, gown; blowze; Powel, Howel &c., powder, co- 
ward. 

2) a) in other words as a long 6: mow, low, below (from that 
derived lower = to bring low), row, bow, blow, flow, tow, 
trow, throw, sow, snow, slow, stow, bestow, show (of 
course with its derivative shower), crow, grow, glow, know, 
and owe. Only in derivatives is a concluding consonant found: 
own, flown, glown, growth. 

b) the sound of the long u is rare: flowk (=flook) flounder. 
3) In a few words ow is equal to a short vowel: 

a) it is shortened into 6 in knowledge; 

b) into a short u (Engl. oo) in owler. 

B) In the unaccented syllable ow is in general a long 6, with but 
little loss of quantity: narrow, follow, winnow, hallow, yel- 
low, Glasgow. But in bellows and gallows the sound of the 
short u is given to ow. With the amplification of the words through 
subsequent unaccented syllables there arises a similar glib short- 
ness: hollowness, borrower; likewise in compounds, as hol- 
low- eyed, Hallowel; but Harrow-gate. 

II is divided essentially into sounds with the power of and u 
and the diphthong ill. 

A) In the accented syllable u has 

1) the short sound lying between the Highdutch o and o in the 
close syllable : pliim, bun, liill, dull, gull, purr, fiir, but, 
btid, such, Dutch, exult, turf, luxury (x = cs), usher (sh 
originally sc and ss), buffalo, cultivate, usquebaugh. 

Exceptionally, u receives 

) in a series of words mostly in U or I in position, as well as 
sh, and a few others the sound of the short u (Engl. oo): pull, 
bull, full, pully, pullet, bully, bullion, bullet, bul- 
letin, bullace, bullock, fulling-mill, fuller, fiillery, 



/. The Word according to its elements. The vowels u. 43 

fiillage; bulrush, bulwark; pulpit, Fulham; push, 
bush, bushel, cushion, cushat; besides puss; put 
(but not in the substantive piit = clown), butcher, pud- 
ding; cuckoo and cucquean. 

/?) it sounds like a long u (Engl. oo) in ruth, truth, 
y) like the diphthong ill (see below) in impugn, expugn, 
oppugn, repugn, propugn (wherein g is silent) and their 
inflectional forms and the derivatives iner: oppugner, not 
in others, for instance repugnant (with a sounding gut- 
tural g). 

2) it appears on the other hand as a diphthong iu in such wise 
that u receives the greatest weight in utterance, and i therefore, 
weakened as a vowel, is in process of being hardened into the 
consonant y, and often (like the unaccented i or e before a 
second unaccented vowel) uniting with a prior dental, when u 
alone is a vowel, for example sure (=shdor). The cases of 
this sort are mentioned along with the respective consonants, 
a) the diphthong in. belongs to every open syllable under the ac- 
cent: unit, pupil, fumy, dubious, cubic; exuberant, 
bulimy, funeral, duplicate, cubature, culinary; fusi- 
lier, accumulation. The i is totally lost after r and rh: 
rumour, prudent, frugal cruel, rhubarb; it appears very 
slightly uttered after I: lucid, ludicrous; represented in 
writing by Smart: 1'oocid, 1'oodicrous; as well as after i: 
jury, as it were j'oory. The pronunciation of cucumber 
with the diphthong an instead of iu belongs to the uneducated; 
yet the first syllable in biicanier as well asinBuchan, pas- 
ses for short. Many also say pumice instead of pumice. 
As exceptions in which u in an open syllable represents short 
sounds originally foreign to it, the cases are to be considered 
in which it 
) sounds as a short i: busy, busily, business compare the 

Old-Engl. bisyhed, bysischyppe. 
p) as a short e: bury, Bury, burial compare Old-Engl. beriel, 

beryd (= buried); dialectically b err in (= funeral), 
y) as a short u: sugar (pronounced shoogar). 
b) in the syllable ending in a consonant followed by an organic 
and unorganic mute e: use, muse, repute, fume, duke, 
excuse. 

Here too the i of the diphthong falls out after r: rude, ab- 
struse; after I and.; the sligther utterance of i takes place, as, 
above lute, Luke, June. With a prior y consonant i of course 
coalesces likewise with it completely: yule. 

B) In the unaccented syllable the short and the diphthong u sepa- 
rate. In the syllable closed by a consonant (not followed by e 
mute) the short sound u remains to the u, although pronounced 
more glibly: pw/monical, cwwctation, pwrloin, cucwmber. 

Compounds with the unaccented ful (= full) preserve the sound 
of the Highdutch u (Engl. oo): gainfw/, hopeful. It also appears 
before the accented syllable in hurx&hl huzz&l huss&r. 



44 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. L 

The open diphthong syllable retains in general its accentual 
tinge with its quantitative weakening, more decidedly before than 
after the accented syllable: unanimous, punition; regular, 
distributive, constituent. After an r a feeble intonation of i 
maintains itself: erudite, ferula, virulent = er'oodite &c. A 
mute e maintains the diphthong clearer: voluble, rectitude, 
purpure, overture; yet the termination (s)ure after the accented 
syllable undergoes the shortening of the close syllable: measwre, 
leaswre, treasure; so too in conjure, and similarly in an open 
syllable in names of places in bury: Salisbury, Canterbury. 
u is reduced even into i in ferrwZe, minute, lettuce in general 
intercourse. 

Among the compounds of u with other vowels a few, namely ui 
uy) and ue serve to represent vowel or diphthongal sounds; in ua 
and uo uoi (uoy) the u, as often with ui and ue, is hardened into 
a w consonant, or it serves other purposes, as a graphical sign 
handed down from other tongues. 

TJi is employed 

A) In the accented syllable in general to denote the diphthong iu 
(= u): suit, pursuit, suitor, suitably &c., nuisance, puisne, 
and loses after r, like u, its i: bruit, recruit, fruit, bruise, 
cruise; i is weakened after / andj: sluice, juice. 

By way of exception it appears instead of the short i in build 
c. der. Compare Old-Engl bilder = builder (CHAUCER). 

B) In the unaccented syllable it has the sound of the short i: bis- 
cuit, circuit, circuit e'er, conduit. 

After q, u commonly stands as a Semi-consonant w: quill, quib, 
quick, squint, antiquity; except in harlequin, palanquin, 
in which qu = k. U has almost the same effect after c (= k) in 
cuiss, cuinage, cuirass. This is also the case after g: gui- 
niad, distinguish, anguish, extinguish, languish, lan- 
guid. After g, u sometimes only serves to indicate the guttural 
sound before i: guile, guide, guise, guild, guilt, Guillemot, 
guinea, guitar. After s we may regard it almost hardened in 
the word suite, properly a French word. 

Uy sounds in buy like ei. 

Else it serves as a half consonant w after q: obloquy, soli- 
loquy. 

After g, u is the sign of its guttural sound: Guy, roguy, pla- 
guy. 

Tie is likewise 

A) in the accented syllable at the end a representative of the diph- 
thong iu: hue, ciie; the i is lost after r: rue, true; it is weakened 
after /: blue, glue, clue. 

B) In the unaccented syllable it represents the same diphthongal 
final sound slightly shortened: argue, ague, virtue; in issue 
s becomes sh through the influence of i before ue. With the am- 
plification of the word ue loses the e before another vowel (comp. 



/. The Word according to its elements. The vowels u. 45 

issuer) and passes into the sound of u under similar circumstances. 
This also happens when e remains before a consonant: issweless. 

After q in the middle of a syllable it commonly represents we: 
quench, quest, conquest, question, banquet; so also after 
c (== k) in cuerpo, after g: in Guelf, and after s in assuetude, 
mansuetude, desuetude. Ue after q and g also often serves 
solely to designate the guttural k- and (/-sound as in piquet, co- 
quette, conquer, conquerer, checquer, masquerade; 
guess, guest, guerdon, guerkin (commonly gherkin). At the 
end of a syllable ue is, in such a case mute: oblique, intrigue. 
See silence of the vowels. 

TJa either lets its u pass into a half consonant w after q, g, s 
as in quality, antiquary, guaiacum, guava, assuage, per- 
suade, language; or u serves after q and g to denote its guttu- 
ral sound as in piquant, quadrille, guarantee, Antigua, 
(antegha); guard and its derivatives, also guardian. 

TJo after q is equal to WO: quote, quotation, quondam, 
quoth &c. quo is like co in liquor. 

Uoi and uoy are compounds seldom occurring: uoi is found in 
quoif, quoit, also spelt coif, coit; and Iroquois (=k); uoy in 
buoy, which is pronounced bwoy and on board ship commonly 
boy. 

Silence of vowels. 

We might reckon also as cases of the silence of vowels, those 
in which of two vowels employed to represent a sound, one suffices 
to denote the same sound, as in seize (= seze), wealth (= welth) 
&c . The silence of vowels in the narrower sense, as we here ap- 
prehend it, is the rejection of vowel sounds in pronunciation which 
takes place in the unaccented syllable where, in writing, the vowel is 
nevertheless retained. It rests in general upon the same linguistic 
process by which the rejection of vowels in written language is con- 
ditioned. See below. 

It is not however to be always taken as a complete extinction 
of the vocalization, since the voice here and there retains an almost 
evanescent vowel sound between the two consonants and even vowels 
which are to be uttered together, e is in general most subject to 
rejection. We consider separately the silence at the beginning, in 
the middle, and at the end of the word. 

1. At the beginning. The casting off of unaccented vowels is 
here usually denoted in writing, so that forms like e seal op and 
scallop, escutcheon and scutcheon, estate and state, esquire 
and squire, espy and spy and others, appear concurrently. In 
other cases writing makes use of the sign of elision ' to indicate 
Bowels cast off at the beginning of a word, by which the misunder- 
standing often obtains currency, that forms without a prior vowel, 
which were the original forms but are now abandoned, had arisen 
only by elision: 'bove along with above is the Anglosax bufan, Old- 
Engl. bove, as gain in compounds is the Anglosax : preposition gagn 



46 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. I. 

and not an abbreviation; 'fore along with afore = before, Anglosaxon 
foran (fore is still dialectic); 'gainst along with against, 'mong, 
'mongst along with among, amongst; 'bout along with about 
Anglosaxon but an (bout still dialectic, yet only = without, except, 
like but) and others. Many rejections, as in 's instead of is and us, 
' instead of it, 'm instead of am, 'rt instead of art, 're instead of are, 
and many other forms, belong to the glibness of speech ; their vowels, 
although retained in writing, may yet fall off in every day speech 
or in rapid reading. 

2. In the Middle. In the interior of the word i is seldom cast 
out in pronunciation; thus in business, Salisbury, Gardiner, in 
common life in venison and in the syllables in and il almost uni- 
versally in raisins, basin and cousin, devil and evil; but not 
in latin, pupil, jerkin and others, in which this pronunciation is 
vulgar, i is also not pronounced in careless pronunciation in ordi- 
nary (compare ordnance along with ordinance), i is mute before a 
vowel in fashion, cushion. 

The unaccented e is most frequently cast out in final syllables, 
but also outside of the final syllable in Cheltenham (pronounced 
Chelt'nam) and together with consonants in Wednesday (pronounced 
wenzday), Wednesbury (the pronunciation of wednes has perhaps 
arisen out of Metathesis, as we at the commencement sec. XVII also 
find wendsday written) and Worcester (pronounced Wooster). In 
the final syllable en, e is commonly not audible after a non-liquid 
consonant, as, for example in heaven, garden, lessen, loosen, 
hasten, strengthen, hearken, yet also in broken, fallen, sto- 
len, swollen. On the other hand it sounds in aspen, leven, slo- 
ven, hyphen, patten, mittens, marten, sudden, golden, 
heathen, denizen, kitchen, ticken, chicken and the like. 

In words in el, e sometimes vanishes before /, in the same manner 
as in words in le after consonants, as tackle, dazzle, especially in 
words in vel and zel: navel, ravel, drivel, snivel, swivel, 
shrivel, shovel, grovel, easel, weasel, ousel, crizzel, shekel 
and chattel. This silence can here only pass for the exception. 

In the inflective syllable ed of verbs e falls oft, exept where a 
prior t or d of the stem prevents its expulsion : loved, talked, pla- 
ced, fetched, followed, justified (but not in printed, added). 

If participles of this form are used as adjectives (from which 
damned forms an exception) e remains audible: a learned man, a 
cursed thought; likewise in ulterior formations from the participles: 
amazedly, forcedly, amazedness, deformedness. Also in 
measured delivery, for example, the reading of holy writ, or in 
prayers, e is made more prominent. 

In the inflexional syllable es of nouns and verbs e is mute, except 
when preceded by the dental letters s, x (== cs), z, sh, c, ch, g which 
cause a difficulty in the elision: tames, saves, hares, canes (on 
the other hand without elision kisses, boxes, mazes, ashes, 
races, benches, cages). Greek and Latin words form here an 
exception; see above e. e also is rejected in Thames. 

In the obsolete inflexion of verbs eth, e was silent even in the 
17 th century (compare JOB. WALLIS Gr. linguae Angl. ed. 3. Hamb. 



/. The Word according to its elements. Silence of vowels. 47 

1672. p. 40), although Shakspeare still frequently treats eth in verse 
as a complete syllable. 

Before a vowel e is mute in serjeant; likewise where it is em- 
ployed to give the dental sound to g before obscure vowels: pageant, 
vengeance, George, dungeon, habergeon; or to c in a similar 
position: peaceable, serviceable. In some words this is also the 
case after the dental ch : luncheon, puncheon, truncheon, scut- 
cheon. 

The vowel a is seldom rejected between consonants, as in cara- 
bine and together with u in victual (pronounced vitt'l). Before 
vowels this sometimes happens after i: marriage, carriage, mi- 
niature, parliament; also after i in diamond a is not pronounced 
in common life. Before o and ou in extraordinary and caout- 
chouc (pronounced coochook) it is rejected. 

Except in colonel (pronounced curnel) o is scarcely suppressed 
otherwise than in the final syllable on-, where it may be considered 
as equivalent to an evanescent e, particularly after a prior t and s: 
mutton, cotton, Brighton, reason, mason, lesson; yet also 
after d in: pardon; and gutturals in: bacon, beckon, reckon. 

The vowel u is naught for pronunciation, only when it is added 
to the guttural g before clear, and seldom before obscure vowels, as 
well as to q (= &). See ui above. Of its silence in victual c. der. 
I have spoken above. 

Poetry, as well as the language of common life, often expels 
uuaccented vowels, which have not been touched upon here. Writing 
then commonly applies the mark of Elision ( ' ). Poetry also frequently 
superfluously casts out the by itself mute vowel: thus, frequently the 
e from ed in the verb, except with a preceding t or d: endu'd, 
fum'd, reign'd, revil'd, reviv'd, pleas'd, disgrac'd, pro- 
vok'd, fabl'd, plann'd, serv'd, drench'd, lodg'd, confess'd, 
ask'd, perplex'd &c. (CowPER Poems Lond. 1828). Even in 
Spencers age the drama only rarely used ed as a complete syllable, 
whereas lyric poetry offered still more numerous examples. Even 
the attributive participle is thus shortened, especially the proparoxy- 
tones: His powder' d coat; the feather'd tribes; the scatter'd 
grain; his alter'd gait (COWPER); yet also other forms : His arch' d 
tail's azure (ID); ye curs'd rulers (Ox WAY); the turban'd Delis; 
no high-crown 'd turban (BYRON Bride of Abydos). -The verbal termina- 
tion est, except with a prominent sibilant, had, even in the 17 th century, 
a mute e in poetry, although Spencer frequently uses the complete syl- 
lable. It commonly appears with an elided e: speak 'st, look'st, 
talk'st, think'st (OwxAY Venice preserved Lond. 1796), stand'st, 
seem'st, hold'st (OWPER); see'st; dar'st, know'st (L. BYRON). 
Even the e of the superlative termination is cast out thus with pro- 
paroxytones: wicked'st, damned'st, pleasant'st, wholesom'st 
(SHAKSPEARE ed. Collier), cruel'st (OTWAY). Lastly, in poetry an 
unaccented vowel betwixt consonants is frequently cast out after a 
short, and also after a long vowel, especially before r and n. The 
following are examples from Cowper: 



48 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1. 

r: gen'rous, op'ra, lib'ral, diff'rence, ev'ry, rev'rend, 

sov'reign, int'rest, flatt'ry, blund'rer; av'rice; 

mem'ry, am'rous, rhet'ric, vig'rous. 

after diphthongs and long vowels: loit'rer; boun- 

d'ry; - iv'ry, hum'rous; num'rous, scen'ry, 

should'ring, dang'rous; -- lab'ring, neighb'ring, 

fav'rite, sav'ry. 
n: list'ning; - - heav'nly, mulb'rry, reclining, pri- 

s'ner. 
after diphthongs and long vowels: pois'ning, op'ning, 

ev'ning, chast'ning. 

This is rarely the case before other consonants, as in en 'my, 
ven'son, Abr'ham. 

These instances are, properly, proparoxytones, yet other words 
also belong here, as heav'n, ev'n; the participles giv'n, ris'n, 
fall'n, stol'n. Of scarcely different nature is the substitution of 
an e cast out immediately after diphthongs in: bow'r, flow'r, to- 
w'r and many more, since this crasis, like those elisions, only im- 
parts a graphical fixity to the process which is going on in popular 
pronunciation. 

Another sort of shortening, particularly of proparoxytones, not 
so much by casting out as by the hardening of one unaccented vowel 
before another, a process often shared by poetry with the speech ot 
common life, must also find a place here. 

To metrical licenses namely belongs the disregard of the short 
vowels , e, and even of the diphthong unaccented u (== iu) before a 
following vowel, by which especially the compounds of yi, ie, ia, io m , 
ea, eo; ui, ua, uo in terminations like ying, ien, ient, ience, ier, iet, 
ian, iant, ial, iate, iage, io, ion, ior, iot, ean, eo, eon, eor, uing, uant, 
uance, uous and others come into consideration, which in verse may 
appear as monosyllabic endings of words. This long known synizesis, 
permitted in modern English poetry in the widest extent (See Tycho 
Mommsen, Shaksp. Romeo and Juliet. Oldenburg 1859 p. 118) is 
based upon this; that i and e (=) as well as w, in the glibness of 
utterance lose the vowel sound, and pass over into the halfvowels y 
(j) and w, whereby the dactyl is readily transformed into the trochee. 
Cultivated speech has gradually appropriated this transformation, so 
natural to popular language more and more in refined intercourse, so 
that at present the pronunciation of alien (alyen), brilliant (bril- 
yant), dominion (dominyon), as well as the blending of the z-sounds 
with preceding dentals (see below) whose hissing sounds at the end 
of the sixteenth century still seemed totally strange, and at present 
are still often reproved by orthoepists, has become a universal custom 
in the speech of educated persons. Synizeses certainly remain in 
verse, as: carrying, burying, glorious, meteor, Aethiop, 

Mantua, tempestuous and others, whereas in words in iage and 
others, as above observed, the synizesis has already transformed itself 
into a complete rejection of the second vowel. 

3. At the End. The silence at the end of the word concerns 
the e, which is, partly; organic, that is to say, the remnant of a 



/. The Word according to its elements. Silence of vowels. 49 

primitive final syllabe ending in a vowel or a consonant; or, inorga- 
nic, that is to say, without a basis in Etymology. In many words, 
especially those ending in le, re after a mute consonant e has arisen 
by metathesis from el, er. The organic e has been in many cases 
rejected, the inorganic in many cases added: the fluctuation is in this 
respect sec. XIY, uncommonly frequent. In modern English e after 
a simple or a mute and liquid consonant has been preserved or added, 
mostly after the long" vowel, and its part is therefore, though mute, 
to serve for a sign of the prolongation of the syllable now ending 
with a consonant sound: pane, scene, here, ore, glebe, weave, 
grieve, able, idle, trifle, metre; even after a long syllable not 
accented: theatre, e even stands after a short vowel, and after a 
mute and liquid consonant: ripple, ruffle, rattle, drizzle. It 
is rare after two other consonants, as after st: taste; except in un- 
assimilated foreign words, as banquette &c. and a few others, as 
child e (along with child). After a simple consonant, it sometimes 
stands, partly unorganically, after the accented syllable: ate, bade, 
have, dove, glove, love, come, one, none; were. It frequently 
concludes unaccented derivative syllables: rapine, extensive, 
pressure. 

For exceptions in Greek and Lat. words, see above, e. 

After c and g it serves, either with or without a previous second 
consonant, after a long or a short vowel, although arising organically 
or by methathesis, to designate the dental sound of those guttu- 
rals: piece, siege; prince; hence, sconce, hinge, bilge, ledge, 
lodge, bridge; so too after ng and a long syllable: change. 
After th it becomes significant of the soft th: breath breathe. 

It stands in union with u after q and g in the French mode: 
pique, antique, risque, casque, mosque; fatigue, plague, 
catalogue, rogue, harangue, tongue. 

This mute e also remains mute, when preserved before conso- 
nants in the amplification of the stem through derivation or composi- 
tion: crime crimeful; confine confineless, confinement; 
sole soleness, solely; arrange arrangement; lodge 
lodgement; note notebook. Exceptions are formed by wholly, 
awful, and, if we reckon ue here; duly, truly, in which e falls 
out. Some also spell judgment, abridgment, acknowledgment 
instead of judgement &c. After gutturals, which have become 
dental it stands as a mute letter even before obscure vowels: notice 
noticeable; lodge lodgeable; courage courageous. 



Consonants in General. 

The consonant is formed by the action of the moveable organs, 
the lips, the tongue and the throat, the breath which renders the 
formation of sound possible being modified either through the lips, 
on the teeth or in the throat. Thus we distinguish lipsounds, 
toothsounds, and throatsounds (Labials, Dentals, Gutturals). 

If, in the production of the consonant, the mouth is completely 
closed and again opened at any definite place, the consonant is called 

Matzner, engl. Gr. I. 4 



50 



Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1. 



explosive, is divided or divisible in its production, and may there- 
fore, under certain circumstances, in collision with others, or at the 
end of the syllable be shortened by its latter half. If, in the pro- 
nunciation of the consonant a mere approximation of the organs takes 
place, without an interruption of the vocal breath, the consonant is 
fricative, or is audible as friction, and therefore uninterrupted, 
or continuous. The liquid consonants, or melting sounds, I and r; 
I produced by the partial closure and the slight pressure of the lip 
of the tongue, and r produced by vibration, and the tremulous move- 
ment of the tongue or the palate (dental and guttural r), partake of 
both qualities. The nasals, m and n, belong according to the place 
of their origin, to the labial or to the dental letters, and are, in the 
mode of their production, at the same time explosive, but, a simul- 
taneous opening of the channel of the nose (the nostrils) taking place, 
they become nasal. Inasmuch as they can be made to sound contin- 
uously they have been reckoned among the liquids. Semivowels,, that 
is to say, sounds formed unter the cooperation of the consonantal 
organs, while the voice, in commencing to form a vowel, does not 
set the glottis in decided vibration, are w and y. 

A representation of the phonetic relations of consonants in modern 
English in the respects above stated, is contained in the following 
table: 





Nasals 


Li- 
quids 


Interrupted or 
explosive 


Uninterrupted or 
continuous 


Semivocal, 


Lipsounds 


m 




hard 
P 


soft 
b 


hard 
f, ph, gh 


soft 

V 


W (u) wh 


. 










Lisping 

th 


sounds 
th 




Tooth- 
sounds 


l 


1 r 


t 


d 


Hissing 
8, C 


sounds 

S, Z 














Sibilants 
ch,sh,s,tj, g, s, z 




Throat- 
sounds 


ng 


r 


c, k, qu, 
eh 


g> gh, 
gu 


h 




y W 



A compound of the throat and the toothsound is x = cs and gs; its 
s may therefore pass into the sibilant. 



General Observations. 

The representation of sounds by different consonants and com- 
binations of consonants rests partly on the mixture of the Anglo- 
saxon and the French modes of representation, partly on the retention 
of sounds, justified etymologically, but whose pronunciation has changed. 
The representation of various sounds by the same sign springs partly 
from the same cause, but on the other hand, in part, from the becom- 
ing identical of vocal signs originally different. 



/. The Word according to its elements. Consonants. 5J 

1) Lipsounds. The introduction of the sound , along side of 
w, the latter of which corresponds to the Auglosaxon v (w), is to 
be ascribed to the influence of the French. The combination wh is, 
properly, a composite sound. It is the inverse of the Anglosaxon 
hv, with the retention of the ancient succession of sounds, unless w 
is silent (who = hu). On the unwarranted wh, see below, gh as / 
is retained etymologically, although phonetically transformed. 

2) Among toothsounds the initial dental and the final guttural 
r, either with or without other consonants are to be distinguished 
(right and her, hard). The hard and the soft th, two lisping- 
sounds corresponding to the Anglosaxon p and & (at is were th and 
dh) although no longer strictly divided into the initial, the medial and 
the final, are both often expressed as in the later English by th, so in Old- 
English by p concurrently with th, as in ROB. OF GLOUCESTER pis, per, 
pou, Bape, oper, wollep, bep, forp. The s is divided into a hard 
and a soft hissing sound (sister and his). The c of the same sound 
before clear vowels (certain, cancer) is to be ascribed to the Ro- 
mance influence. The Anglosaxon seems not to have known the 
sound z, which is also represented by s (frozen, zeal; wisdom, 
bosom) as it also rarely employs the sound z instead of &. More- 
over z in the middle of Gothic words seems to have been soft, as s 
seems everywhere to have been hard. The sibilant ch is frequently 
met with in non- Germanic as well as in Anglosaxon words. As 
distinguished from sh, t is prefixed to the former, except in modern 
French words, s and t are equivalent to the sibilant sh in those 
cases where the sound of y hardened into a consonant is developed 
out of i or e (also u = iu) and blends with it (mansion = man- 
shon, nauseous = naush'ous, nation = nashon, sure = 
shure, censure = censhur). To these hard sibilants are opposed 
the soft j, g (under French influence) and then s, z, in which y de- 
veloped out of clear vowels unites with the dental. The dental d 
is placed phonetically before the sibilants j and g. The Anglosaxon 
sound j, which we find interchanging with g, ge and ige, answers 
only to the English y. In the case specified English orthoepists 
denote the sound of s and z by zh, as opposed to sA vision = viz- 
hon, pleasure = pleazhur, razure = razhur). In Old-English 
the sound sh is often found represented by sch, also by ssh. 

3) The nasal ng cited among the throatsounds is the sound in 
which n is affected by a guttural, n experiences a similar affection 
before gutturals in general (vanquish, anxious). See more par- 
ticularly below. The Anglosaxon c-sound for which the k, frequent 
in Gothic and Anglosaxon was seldom substituted, is now often re- 
presented by k, and the guttural ch, appearing chiefly in non-Ger- 
manic words, snares the same sound, to which also the Latin romance 
qn (conquer) partly corresponds, beinp, on the other hand, equi- 
valent to the Anglosaxon cv (quick). To this hard guttural is op- 

rsed the soft g, which at times becomes known as such by a suffixed 
or u (gh, gu), while gu (analogous to qu = cv) replaces the com- 
bination of gv (distinguish). The h is hardly ever preserved 
phonetically save at the commencement of Germanic and non-Ger- 
manic words, although it seems in Anglosaxon to have sounded strongest 



52 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I. 

and to have been partly equivalent to the Highdutch ch, precisely 
where in English it has completely disappeared. The Old-English 
often employed for g and y the Anglosaxon j, which, strange to say, 
is often rendered in modern copies by z. 

Among the English consonants ./ can never end a syllable; v y as 
well as the dental c and g appear only with a following mute e, g 
with ue at the end of a syllable. 

The pronunciation of consonants in detail. 

1) The nasal and the liquid sounds m, n> /, r. 

m at the beginning, in the middle and at the end of a syl- 
lable, sounds like the Highdutch m: man, marry, complaint, 
ambition, immortal, imitate, claim, form. 

The words formerly spelt compt, accompt, comptrol, 
comptroller are at present spelt count, account, controll, 
controller, and the former, when they occur, pronounced like the 
latter. The first two answer to the Latin: computare, Old-French 
conter, cunter, in modern French dissimilated into compter and 
conter (m becomes n before the dental). The latter come from the 
French control e (= contre-role Lat. rotulus). 

The final m appears doubled in mumm, wherein only one m 
sounds. 

n has in general the sound of the Highdutch n : nail, enforce, 
enjoy, engine, enmity, hen, hand, finch, discern. InBanf 
and Pontefract n is pronounced like m (=bamf, pomfret) as the 
latter is also sometimes written. 

Before gutturals n assumes in general the sound of the Greek 
r or the Gothic g before a guttural (compare Gothic briggan, 
paghjan), which we are wont to represent by ng and which we 
denote by n*): uncle, ink, monkey, banquet, anguish, conger. 

In these cases n is on the one hand tinged with a guttural, but 
on the other hand also the guttural becomes audible at the end or 
the beginning of a subsequent syllable; compare: in-k, con-ger, 
En-gland. 

To this, however, exceptions are found. In syllables ending in 
ng the guttural n is alone heard, without the aftersound g: sin(g), 
lon(g), boilin(g), although dialectically, for example, in the North- 
East of England g is sounded after it (kin-g, lon-g). In deriva- 
tives from such stems also n alone continues audible: sin(g)in(g), 
sin(g)er, win(g)y, youn(g)ster. Yet here again the comparatives 
and superlatives from long, strong, young (lon-ger, youn-gest) 
form an exception, an anomaly blamed by some orthoepists. 

In words whose stem syllable ends in ing, the convenience of 
pronunciation often completely extirpates the guttural tinge of the 
derivative syllable, so that we hear singin, bringin spoken, a 



*) In comparative Grammar this sound is usually denoted by n with a 
point over it; for want of this character we have been forced to select n. 



/. The Word according to its elements. Pronunciation of the Cowon. fyc. 53 

natural bias to dissimilation of syllables, which is nevertheless justly 
blamed. 

In composition a syllable ending in n undergoes before a guttural 
no guttural tinge (compare vanguard; otherwise, where the com- 
position no longer comes into consciousness: Lincoln = Lindum 
colonia, pronounced Lin-kun). Yet in prefixes ending in n the 
exception takes place that they assume the sound n under the prin- 
cipal accent: conquer, conquest, congress, congruent, in- 
choate, inquinate,- con even under the subordinate accent: con- 
coagulate; but in regard to the prefix in there is no consistency 
or agreement income, increase, increate, inclavated, inquest 
being denoted as the usual pronunciation. In the unaccented syllable 
every guttural tinge is removed : congriiity, inclement, unquiet. 
This happens even in other unaccented syllables, as in august. 

Final n is seldom doubled. (Compare inn) where it sounds 
like a single n. 

1 has the sound of the Highdutch 1: lamb, plural, blue, 
slang, climb, soil, fault, bulk. It sounds after a consonant be- 
fore a mute e, as in people, table, trifle; shuttle; see above. 
A final double /, which is usual at the end of monosyllablic words, 
is not to be distinguished from a simple /: kill, full, all; therefore 
in compound words the // of the stem becomes a final single / without 
any sacrifice of sound: fulfil, wilful, withal, handful. II also, 
in immediate contact with a subsequent consonant, (also with a mute 
e between) sounds as a single /: kill'd; as // only sounds as a single 
/ before a clear vowel hardened into y: bullion (= boolyon). Even 
a strongly aspirated initial double // is like the single /: Llandaff, 
Llanelly. (The Celtic sound is represented in English by // or //A). 
Moreover // in the middle of words, before vowels sounds at once as 
the final sound of the prior and as the initial sound of the sub- 
sequent syllable: ally, billow, follow. 

/ is exceptionally pronounced like r, this often arises out of an 
I: in colonel (pronounced camel) in Spencer also cor on el (cornp. 
Span, coronel, French colonel), and in Cashalton (pronounced 
cashor'tn). 

r is either dental or guttural (see above): 

a) dental at the commencement: run, rose; also in combination 
with other consonants: pride, bride, fresh, try, draw, 
spread, stride, crown, grow. When in the middle of a 
word r begins a syllable after a short vowel, it becomes by 
attraction at the same time the final sound of the previous syl- 
lable, and therefore apparently doubles itself, so that e commences 
with a guttural sound and sounds on with the succeeding syl- 
lable as a dental: peril (like per-ril), forest, baron. Even 
after long vowels, when it begins the following syllable, it has 
a guttural influence on that vowel: various, serious, fury. 

b) guttural at the end of a syllable even with subsequent consonants : 
fir, her, star, cur, murmur; hear, air, door; cobler, 
collar, arbor; herb, earth, pearl, lord, hurt, worm, 



54 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part L Sect. L 

work, turf. This is also naturally the case where r is followed 
by a mute e: fire, here, ware, shore, pure; jointure. At 
the end, with another preceding consonant, it produces, as it were, 
a metathesis of the re and has the guttural sound: theatre, 
massacre, sepulchre, = theater, or -tur &c. The same meta- 
thesis appears in iren = iurn, apron = apurn, in common life 
also in children, hundred and the like. 

Uneducated persons let the r entirely disappear in words like 
hard, lord. The broad guttural pronunciation of the r, called 
burr in the throat, is peculiar to the northern dialects. 

Double r in the middle of a word places the guttural and the 
dental r beside each other, the former, however, essentially 
softened, unless it comes from a stem ending in r, as in starry 
of star, on which account the former does not essentially affect 
the vowel; at the end, where it is equivalent to a single guttural 
r, it is only used exceptionally: err, serr (= serry), purr. 
2) The Lipsounds p, b, f, (ph, gh), v, w, (wh). 

p sounds in general like the Highdutch p: pity, pebble, pa- 
gan, pound, pure, play, prince, up, damp, slept. 

In common life p is assimilated to a subsequent b, in cupboard; 
in raspberry (pronounced rasberry) we may regard p as completely 
rejected on account of the collision of three consonants. Thus too it 
is assimilated to the succeeding ph in: Sappho, sapphic, sap- 
phire, pronounced Saffo. The softening of the p into b occurs in 
pother, which, according to this corrupted pronunciation is also 
spelt bother. 

b has the sound common to the Germanic tongues at all parts 
of the word: baby, blow, broad, bob, gobble, barb. 

Double b at the end is only exceptional: in ebb. 

f has the sound of the Highdutch f: fancy, fly, friend, muf- 
fin, chiefly, after, thief, wife, calf, craft. 

Double / at the end of polysyllabic words after a short vowel is 
usual with some trifling exceptions, even polysyllables have f: off, 
cliff, staff, plaintiff, caitiff, wherein ff sounds like a single /. 

In the unique particle of, / sounds like v, but not in composition, 
as thereof, whereof &c. 

The sound of / is also represented by ph, corresponding to the 
Greek 7, which has passed through the Latin and the Romance. 
The Anglosaxon seldom has ph (philosoph, pharisee with farisee). 
In Old-English /and ph alliterate: .Fare wel PAippe and Faunteltee 
(PIERS PLOUGHM.P. 205). In Modern-English they are likewise inter- 
changed; gulph and gulf, Guelphs and Guelfs: philosopher, 
phosphor, phrase, phlegm. 

v appears softened into v in Stephen, Old-French Estevenes, 
Hollandish Steven, Old-English Steuene (Roe. OF GLOUCESTER), also 
sec. XVI Steuen (JACK JUGLER c. 1562.) and in nephew, Old- 
English neuew, the French neveu alongside of the Anglosax. nefa; 
some orthoepists demand here the pronunciation of / as /. Thus in 
writing also naphew and navew (Lat. napus, French navet) stand 
alongside of each other. 



jf. The Word according to its elements. Pronunciation of Conson. fyc. 55 

Before th ph transform itself into the sound p (unless it is alto- 
gether silent, see below): napAtha, diphthong, ophthalmic. 
Moderns demand here in diphthong and others the pronunciation 
dif, so inconvenient before the lisping sound th. 

gh also sometimes represents the /-sound, yet only after au and 
ou and in a short syllable in the words draugh (also spelt draff) 
draught (also draft) laugh, laughter; = chough (pronounced 
chiif) clough (pronounced cluf), Brough (pronounced bruf), cough 
(pronounced cof), enough (eniif), rough (pronounced ruf), slough 
(pronounced sliif in the substantive "shakesskin"), tough (pro- 
nounced tiif), trough (pronounced trof), chincough (pronounced 
chincof), Loiighborough (pronounced luf-biir-o). Usually thus even 
in the seventeenth century. Instead of hiccough (= hiccof) hiccup 
is also written. 

v always has the sound of the Highdutch w or the French v: 
vain, valley, velvet, love. 

W as a consonant commences (as distinguished from the High- 
dutch w) almost like a vowel, and at the same time leans like a 
consonant, on the subsequent vowel, so that it may be compared in 
some measure with the combination uw. It is never a final consonant 
sound, and only tolerates dentals (, d, s~) as audible consonants be- 
fore it: wait, wayward, twice, dwell, swallow (compare qu 
= cw). 

In combination with h as tuA, the h before it sounds (unless it 
is wholly silent) = hw Anglosaxon hv: which, whet, why, 

3. The toothsounds t, d, th, s, c, z, ch, sh, j, g. 
t has primarily and in general 

a) the sound of the Highdutch t, when at the beginning of a word 
it toterates only r and w after it, m only in Greek words: tme- 
sis; term, take, traitress, twist, tempt, tent, hilt, art, 
rapt, drift, mast, text, act, settle; with silent letters be- 
fore it: debt, fraught. 

Its reduplication at the end is rare: butt, smitt. 

b) but it often experiences, like other dentals, an influence through 
an unaccented vowel following it, i, e (and the i preceding in 
u) when this is followed by another vowel: ie, ia, io and u 
(= m) } ea, eo. As in such combinations the i-sound has a decided 
bias to harden into a semivowel, so the dental has the tendency 
to combine with it, by which a hissing sound, either hard or soft, 
may arise. To retain the i in such cases as a y consonant, as 
is prescribed by many orthoepists of the more solemn style, of- 
fends, in many cases at least, against an universal usage. 

It is moreover to be remarked that, before Germanic termina- 
tions, such as the comparative i-er, t is maintained pure : migh- 
tier, pitiest, and only Romance terminations are considered. 

a) t-i appears as a hard sibilant tsch: 

) in conversational language when s or x precedes the t: Chris- 
tian, fustian, celestial, question, mixtion; when, 



56 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1. 

however, the t is \voot to be attracted by the last syllable: 
pronounced christ-sh'an, celest-sh'al, kwest-shiin, mixt-simn. The 
niore solemn pronunciation is declared to be celest-yal and so 
forth, particularly with the termination ian. 

/!?) further, where t-i arises from the combination of t with the 
terminations eous, une, ure, ual: righteous, fortune, 
creature, spiritual, pronounced ri-ch'us, fort-shoon, creet- 
sh'oor, spirit-sh'ooal; in the termination uou$ this is rare. The 
t is moreover here, as above, attracted after a short vowel or 
a close syllable. Here, too, the maintenance of m or yu passes 
for the more solemn pronunciation. 

b) as a soft sibilant, and thus usually in the Romance derivative 
terminations, lent, ia, ial, iate, ion, ious by universal agreement: 
patient, militia, partial, satiate, mention, cautious, 
pronounced pash'ent, melish'a, parsh'al &c. 

In the pronunciation of Latin words like ratio, the i is still 
suffered to sound separately: ra-sheo, as well as in words in iate 
after a long syllable; satiate pronounced sasheate. 

In the cases cited the sibilant of course remains even after 
the amplification of the words by other derivative terminations, 
as in partiality, rational &c. If, however, the i is accented, 
the fusion ceases: satiety, and t sounds like t. 

In words in -ier the more solemn style does not permit the 
transformation of ti into sh: courtier (court-yer). 

d corresponds 

a) with its soft sound, in general to the Highdutch initial c/, and, 
like , only tolerates r and w after it at the beginning of a word: 
din, do, draw, dwell, bandage, kindred, kind, bold, 
drunkard, learned, drudge. 

b) it hardens into / in the verbal inflection ed, when e is silent, 
and it is preceded by the hard consonants p, k, /, gh (=/), the 
sharp hissing sounds , c and x (= es) or the sibilants ch, sh: 
dripped, raked, racked, stuffed, coughed, chased, pas- 
sed, placed, perplexed, snatched, lashed. The physio- 
logical reason of this pronunciation has produced the phonetic 
style of spelling, frequent in Old-English, common in modern 
English, yet in modern times of very confined use, such as whipt, 
heapt, askt, crost, fixt, punisht, watcht. 

c) In the pronunciation of common life </, like 7, with a subsequent 
unaccented i, e (also in w as m) hardened into a semivowel, 
enters into a combination before a second vowel, which as a 
soft sibilant, is denoted by .; (= dg). Walker prescribes this 
usage as the rule; others admit it only in the most frequent 
words, whereas they pretend to preserve to others the semi- 
consonant?/: soldier (sol-jer), insidious, hideous (hid'-zh'us), 
grandeur, arduous, verdure &c.; even in educate we hear 
du sometimes as dzh. A pure d with a subsequent feebly hardened 
i (y) seems almost always to pass for the more correct pronun- 
ciation. The transformation of an initial of, before accented vowel 









/. The Word according to its elements. Pronunciation of the Conson. fyc. 57 

generally, into j is provincial, as in Warwickshire: duke, dead, 
deal &c. (=juke, jed <fcc.) 

th, a lispingsound, wanting in Highdutch, produced by a brea- 
thing forced between the tongue and the teeth, after the tongue has 
been laid between the rows of teeth, appears, when the breath is 
slightly vocalized, as a hard, when not, as a soft th. Even the 
Gothic p may pass for an aspirated d: the Anglosaxon p and & are 
the origins of their double tinge. 

a) the hard th therefore corresponds to the Anglosaxon /j, Islandic 
p and Modern- Greek ,? 

) At the beginning of words thick, thank, theatre, throat, 
thwart. 

Except the personal pronoun of the second person and the 
demonstrative pronouns, together with the forms and particles 
derived therefrom, in which th is always soft: thou, thee, 
thine, thy, the, this, that, they, them, these, those, 
their, then, than, though, thus, there, thither. 

In composition the hard sound remains to th: athirst, ath- 
wart, bethiimp, bethrall &c. 

ft) At the end: filth, sheath, death, mouth, zenith. In 
eighth, instead of eightth the t has a twofold function, as 
t and as an element of the sound th. 

Except those ending with the soft th: beneath, underneath, 
booth and smooth adjective and verb, the particles with 
also in all its compounds, and verbs which sound like a noun 
(for dissimilation), as mouth, wreath and the like, although 
these are frequently spelt with a mute e. 

Before an inflectional , th is softened: paths, mouths, 
oaths. 

y) in the middle of words originally Greek and Latin: Athens, 
catholic, orthodox, author, likewise in Lutheran; in 
words originally Anglosaxon before and after a consonant: 
southly, filthy. 

Except words originally Anglosaxon in which th is preceded by 
r. In this case th is soft: farthing, farther, farthest, 
worthy c. der., northern, burthen (also burden), further, 
murther (commonly murder). Also in brethren the soft pro- 
nunciation of brother is retained, as -ren is also metathetically 
pronounced like ern. 

b) The soft th, equal to the Anglosaxon p and the Modern-Greek J 
at the beginning of a word, occurs at the beginning and in the 
middle of words only exceptionally (see above). But it is always 
found in the middle of words not originally Greek or Latin between 
vowels: hither, thither, either, neither, together, fea- 
ther, father, mother, brother, southern. 

In brothel it sounds hard. 

c) It sounds as a simple t in Thames, Thomas, thyme; also 
with ph at the beginning of a word, when ph is silent: phthisis 
(== ti-cis), phthisic (= tiz-zick), phthisical &c.; also in the 



58 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I. 

middle between s and m: Isthmus, asthma, also after a single 
s: Esther, Demosthenes, likewise in Anthony. 

t and h are moreover to be divided, as final and initial letters 
respectively, in compounds, as: Chatham (chat-ham), With am 
and others. 

S represents a hard, or sharp, and a soft hissing sound, and be- 
comes by means of the following vocalization a hard or soft hissing 
sound. 

a) is a sharp hissing sound, like the French sharp s or p : 

) at the beginning of all words: sea, system, so, summer, 
smart, snail, slash, spade, sway, stab, skim, scar, 
school, squab, split, sprig, struggle, scratch. 
Except sure, sugar, wherein s sounds like sh (see below). 
Also in the compounding of notional words an initial s retains 
its sharp sound: seaside, polysyllable, lovesong, mid- 
summer, gospel (= god-spel), quicksilver. Therefore also 
in Thomson (-son = son), as well as in those compounded of 
some = Highdutch sam. 

In composition whith particles ending in vowels or con- 
sonants the subsequent initial s is in general sharp: asunder, 
besiege, foresight, cosecant, parasite, prosecute, in- 
side, unseen, obsess. 

In cousin, the composition of which (consobrinus), is no 
longer perceived, the rule for the middle of a word is observed. 

There is uncertainty with some particles : after ab s is soft in 
absolve c. der., yet not in absolute c. der. and absolution; 
after ob in observe c. der. 

This is particularly the case after re, pre and de, after which 
an initial s with a vowel following, according to the rule for 
the middle of a word, is soft. Yet here logical considerations 
have been suffered to prevail in part. 

After re s is sharp especially when it adds the meaning 
"again" to the stem, when the consciousness of particle and 
stem is maintained clear; hence sharp in: reseat, re seize, 
resell, resend, resettle, resil, resaKite, resurpri'se, 
resurvey &c. On the other hand soft in: resist, residue, 
reside, resemble, resent (= to take ill), resolve, re- 
sound (=to echo), result, resume &c. 

The sharp or the soft s corresponds therefore to notional 
differences, as in resound (to sound again) and resound 
(= to echo); resign (= to sign again) und resign (= to 
give up). 

Nevertheless the sharp s has been preserved, where the 
meaning "again" is not present: research (French recherche 
and rechercher = to inquire, inquiry), resipiscence, re- 
source, resupinate. On the other hand the soft s is to be 
met with where that meaning is near, in resurrection. 

After pre the sharp s appears when the former expresses 
decidedly the meaning "before": presignify, presuppose, 
presurmi'se, presage and to presage, presentiment, 



/. The Word according to its elements. Pronunciation of the Conson. <^c. 59 

preservation, on the other hand preside, preserve, pre- 
sume, present, presence with the soft s. 

After de the initial s is sharp, when a decidedly negative 
meaning belongs to it: desiderate to lack, to miss; desic- 
cate dry up; desinent extreme, ceasing, ending; desipient 
silly, desist leave off, desecrate profane, desiime borrow, 
desuetude disuse, desultory unsteady; desiilphurate take 
out the brimstone, desynonomize. 

Yet a sharp s is found in desidiose, properly, enduring, 
sluggish, and desudation, properly, sweating away, strong 
sweat, designate c. der. and design c. der. with a sharp s 
are striking, although usage fluctuates with design. 

The rest of the compounds with de have the soft s, as de- 
sire, deserve &c. 

/9) s (and the frequent ss) are sharp in general at the end of a 
word, without a mute e after it, unless this s arises from in- 
flection: this, yes, us (not the inflectional -s, compare Anglo- 
sax, dative and accus. us, Gothic unsis, uns), thus, Lewis, 
Paris, metropolis, gas, bias, pious. 

In further formation or composition this s commonly follows 
the laws of the s in the middle of a word, therefore is soft 
between vowels and before certain consonants (see below): cf. 
gas and gasometer; similarly also a sharp s before e: gos- 
ling (from goose), husband (from house). 

On the other hand, in the prefix mis, as in trans the s always 
remains sharp (unless transformed into the sibilant by sub- 
sequent vowels, whereas dis in various regards has the sharp 
or the soft s. Its s is sharp, when the subordinate accent lies 
upon dis: disobey, disagree; when the following syllable 
begins with a hard consonant : discipline, dispatch, dis- 
figure, disturb, discrown, dishabit; before the u diph- 
thong: disuse, disunion, s before the accented syllable 
beginning with a vowel is soft: disease, disorder; also with 
a mute h: dishonest; or with a soft consonant: dismantle, 
dislike, disroot, disdain, disguise &c. In discern c. 
der. (pronounced dizzern) and dissolve c. der. s is likewise 
soft. In dismal is dis not the same prefix. 

Except : 

a) as (comp. whereas) and was. [In has and is an in- 
flectional letter appears, as in his, and analogously ours, 
yours, theirs.] 

ft) words in s from the ancient tongues, and not preceded by 
.a mute e: species, series, caries, Moses, Diogenes. 

c) words in s, before which stands a mute ^ after a soft con- 
sonant: besides, whiles, James, Jones, Charles, 
Reeves. 

d) words in s, immediately preceded by a soft consonant: lens, 
Simmons, Tibbs, needs, towards. 

y) s is sharp in the middle of a word when it doubles itself, as 



60 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I. 

well as when it encounters another consonant. This is good 
also for the s sounding with another consonant before a mute e: 
pressing, assassinate; hospital, sister, ransom, par- 
son, tipsy; pulse, verse, nurse. 

Except : 

) among words with ss: possess, scissors, hussar, and 
hussy, misseldine (comp. c) and the compound dessert 
(compare above dis), wherein ss is soft; and those wherein 
ss or s before vowels passes into a sibilant. 

b) before and after m, s is soft: whimsey, crimson, dam- 
sel; cosmetic, cosmical, prism, criticism. 

c) before l, r r, 5, r7, s is soft after a vowel: grisly, Isla- 
mism, Islington, muslin, Israelite, Lisbon, Lesbia, 
Busby, wisdom, Desdemona. 

Also in mistletoe, wherein t is cast out in pronunciation, 
,s is so in misseldine (of like meaning) compare Old norse 
mistiltein; on the other hand not in the like rejection of 
the t in nestle, whistle, and others 

d) after w, rc, /, r, in an accented syllable before y and 
ey s is soft: clumsy, quinsy, palsy, Jersey, also in 
cleanse. 

b) s is soft, like an initial Highdutch s: 

a) in general in the middle of words between vowels, to which 
case also belongs the final s before a niute vowel: riser, 
season, easy, nasal, bosom, wise, rise. 

This bias is in part common to Germanic and Romance 
tongues; even in Gothic s between vowels readily passes into 
z (=s), like the same sound in French. 

Exceptions are, of course, those words in which s before vowels 

passes into a sibilant. Besides 

) the adjectives in s-ive and s-ory, the abstract substantives 
in sis, sy, and os-ity, in which s is sharp: decisive, con- 
clusive; derisory, delusory; crisis, thesis, basis; 
poesy, extasy, leprosy; curiosity, animosity. This also 
takes place of course in further derivatives from adjectives: 
derisively, derisiveness. It is also sharp in argosy ship 
of burden, but not in posy, which is deemed to be abbreviated 
from poesy. 

b) Further, some other substantives with an s in the middle are 
with drawn from the rule, and have a sharp s: basin, mason, 
garrison, caparison, sausage, palisade, crusade, abei- 
sance and obeisance; and worcls originally Greek, mostly 
compounds: chrysalis, chrysolite, philosophy (-phise, 
opher, but not philosophical); those with Greek prepositions: 

episode, prosody, prosopopoeia, prosopolepsy, dy- 
sentery &c. 

c) likewise adjectives ending in se: concise, obese, base, mo- 
rose, loose, profuse; only wise has a soft s. 



/. The Word according to its elements. Pronunciation of the Conson. fyc. 61 

Verbs sounding like adjectives follow the main rule, as close, 
diffuse &c. Yet the sharp s is retained in: loose (also 
loosen), debase. 

Those words in ly and ness, derived from adjectives retain 
their primitive s: morosely, baseness. 

d) a series of substantives in se has likewise the sharp s: anise, 
promise, preinise(s), mortise, practise; -- lease, re- 
lease, decease, crease, decrease, increase, grease; 
base, chase (french chasse and chasser), purchase, case 
(French cas and caisse); dose, purpose; use, abuse, 
refuse, excuse, recluse, hypotenuse; goose (also in pi. 
geese), cruise; rise (= act of rising &c.), paradise; 
louse, mouse, house (pi. houses), grouse, chouse, souse; 
porpoise, tortoise. 

Many of these substantives are distinguished from verbs of 
the same spelling by that the latter receive a soft s, like the 
words: grease, use, refuse, abuse, excuse, rise, pre- 
mise. Yet other words have the same form with the sharp s 
as promise, practise, lease, release, crease, decrease, 
increase, decease like the simple cease, purchase (also 
enchase = en chasser), dose, purpose, chouse, souse to 
pickle. 

Other verbs with a sharp s are erase and souse (to throw 
down). 

/?) In general also at the end where s arises through inflection of 
the noun or of the verb, unless it is preceded, either immediately 
or separated by a mute e, by a hard consonant: in declination 
seas, widows, pens, pen's, pens', annals, waters, bills, 
fields, birds, rags, hares, babes, wives, syllables; 
and conjugation says, does, swims, sounds, neighs &c. 

In composition, also, where s constitutes the connecting con- 
sonant, this is treated as an inflectional letter: hogshead, tra- 
desfolk, kingsstone. 

Of course s also remains soft, where a hissing sound or a 
sibilant precedes e before s: in declination asses, ashes, 
places, boxes, benches; and conjugation kisses, prizes, 
despatches. 

Except, therefore, forms like: tyrants, caps, cliffs, oaks, 
optics, months &c., pipes, gates; helps, barks &c., 
debates, makes &c. 

c) But the s also receives a double sibilant, usually denoted by sh 

and zh. 

K) s receives the hard sibilant sh, before the combination of the 
unaccented i, e, with other following vowels, as well as before 
u (=m), before ion and u ( = iu ) ; however, only when s is 
preceded by a second s or by another consonant. The vowel 
or semivowel sound often till remains to the t-sound: Asian 
(ashy an), asiatic (asheatic), persian (persh'an), nausea(na- 
ushea), nauseous (naush'iis); mission (mishiin), passion, 



62 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I. 

mansion (manshun), emulsion, sensual, (senshooal), sen- 
suous, pressure (presh'oor), censure. 

At the beginning of the unaccented syllable s = sh only in 
sure, sugar. See above. 

/?) the soft sibilant zh (j, dg) before the termination ion and u, 
if the syllable previous to s ends in a vowel: vision (vizhiin), 
cohesion, evasion, usury (uzh'oory), usurer (may usurious 
= uzurious), usual, measure, pleasure, treasure. 
c has, as a dental letter: 

a) the sound of the sharp s, analogous to the French, before the 
light vowels ', y, e (ce, ce), also only at the beginning of a word 
or syllable, and at the end before a mute e: civil, cymbal, 
cypress, Cassar, centre, mercy, face; likewise before a 
rejected e, if this is indicated by a mark of elision: plac'd. 
This sound also belongs to sc in a similar position: science, 
prescind, scene (except in sceptic c. der., scirrhus, where 
sc = sk). 

By way of exception c sounds soft, like z (s) and sc like zz in: 
suffice, sacrifice (as a verb, on the other hand sharp in the 
substantive sacrifice) and discern. 

b) the sibilant sh, in combination with an unaccented i, e, with a 
following vowel : efficient, ancient, social, spacious, Pho- 
cion, ocean, crustaceous. Where no derivational form is 
perceived in the termination, the original double sound is never- 
theless preserved, as in halcyon. 

In these cases too sc is equal to c: conscience, conscious 
(where an unaccented stem appears as a termination). 
Except a few Italian words, wherein c sounds like ch: violon- 
cello, vermicelli. 

In pronunciation we also hear cia pronounced like cea, to 
avoid the recurrence of the sibilant. 

z, rare, and mostly in foreign words, at the beginning, and at 
the end, usually with a mute e. 

a) has in general the sound of the softs: zeal, zephyr, zodiac; 
lazy, frozen; freeze; also the final double z: fizz, frizz, 
whizz, buzz, fuzz. 

After a hard final consonant it hardens into a sharp s: fitz, 
Mentz, Metz = fits, ments, metz or mas. In mezzo zz is 
considered equivalent to ts or tz. 

b) the soft sibilant zh (j) in combination with the i-sound of the 
terminations -ier and -ure: glazier, grazier, asure, razure 
(glazh'er, azh'oor). 

The word vizier is pronounced vizyer; we also find vizir and 
viseir written. 

ch as sign of a sibilant occurs mostly in words originally An- 
glosaxon and French, 

a) wherein it usually represents the sound tsh; at the end, rarely 
at the beginning a t is wont to be placed before it after a short 
vowel, which indicates the reduplication of ch by its first con- 



/. The Word according to its elements. Pronunciation of the Conson. fyc. 63 

stituent, as with the really intentional reduplication of the sound 
its first constituent is alone repeated; the reduplication of the 
dental g as dg is in the same predicament: chin, chaff; reach, 
bench, church, wretch, crutch; chief, chamber; 
arches, ostrich; scutcheon. This sound also tolerates s 
before it: eschew, escheat; but, as to sch, see below, sh, and 
guttural ch. These words belong to the Anglosaxon and Old- 
French: words from the ancient languages are rare and have 
perhaps come through the same channel. The prefix arch, 
archi, arche, Greek o//, Anglosax. arce, has tsh in the first form 
before consonants: archbishop, archduke; and before vowels: 
archenemy, archeunuch &c., with the exception of archan- 
gel c. der. On the other hand archi, arche have always the 
A>sound: architect, archetype. Also in cherub, Rachel 
and stomacher (alongside of stomach = ak) ch = tsh. 

Here and there it fluctuates betwixt tsh ang k: archives is 
mostly pronounced with k, by some with tsh- likewise elench. 
b) it sounds like sh in words which have been received in modern 
times from the French with their original sound, as chicane, 
chevalier, chagrin and chagreen, charlatan, cham- 
pagne (pronounced pane), champaign, chamois, chaise, 
machine and many more. 

sh serves to denote the sibilant sh in all parts of the word, to- 
terates only r after it at the commencement, and has at the end no 
consonant before it except r: ship, shut, shy, fashion, bush; 
shriek, shrine, harsh. 

Sometimes, as in Old-English, mostly however, in oriental or 
modern Germanic words, sch represents the same sound: schedule; 
schah, scheik, schorl &c., where, however, sh is preferred in 
writing. 

In the encounter of a final s and an initial h no sibilant arises: 
mishap, mishearten = mis-hap &c. 

g serves, as a dental, to denote a soft sibilant, which may be 
symbolized by a French j with a d preceding it (dj = dzh). As a 
sign of its reduplication d is usually placed before it after a short 
vowel (see above). It stands at the beginning only before , ?/, e; a 
mute e follows it at the end (on judgment instead of judgement, 
see above). At the beginning of a word the dental g belongs to 
French, Latin and Greek stems; at the end #, especially when doubled 
as dge, answers also to Germanic words, a single ge after consonants 
to Romance and Germanic ones. A g in the middle between vowels 
is Greek, Latin or Romance: giant, gem; Egypt, orgies; pledge, 
wedge, edge, lodge, judge, vigil, marriage, privilege; 
targe, hinge, singe, also before an elided e: friug'd. "Where in 
Latin words g is doubled, gg is written, but only pronounced singly, 
like dzh: suggest, exaggerate. 

In gaol, also spelt jail, g sounds like dzh, in spite of the a 
after it. 

j is always equivalent to the dental g (= dzh). Since the 17 th 
century j has been written instead of i: jay, joy, just. 
In hallelujah.;' sounds like y. 



64 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1. 

4) The throat-sounds c, k, q, (qu), ch, g, (gh, gu), h, y and the 
compound x. 

C has its guttural sound, equal to the Highdutch k, where it 
begins the syllable with an I or r after it or before obscure vowels 
, o, u: climb, cross, cable, coy, curious, scorn, scray, 
sclavonian; as well as where it ends the syllable either alone or 
after and before a consonant: music, plastic, talc, act, acme, 
acclaim, accident. 

sc before obscure vowels likewise sounds like sk. Upon ck see k. 

In many words a barely perceptible ?/-sound is made to sound 
after the guttural c, precisely as with k, which orthoepists indicate 
by a mark of elision: c'ard, k'ine, k'ite, k'ind, k'erchief; 
likewise after the guttural//: for example: g'uard, g'uide, g'uise, 
g'irl and others. 

k, of the same sound as the guttural c, has been compelled 
to serve as a substitute for the c which has passed into the hissing 
sound before light vowels, therefore stands at the beginning of a 
syllable chiefly before , y, e, rarely, and mostly in foreign words 
before a, o, u, as well as before I and r. At the end of a syllable 
k appears after a long vowel or another consenant, otherwise after 
a short vowel in the combination ck, which is to be regarded as a 
reduplication of c or /;, and like all double consonants, sounds single 
at the end of a syllable. This ck also stands in the middle of a 
syllable between short vowels after a short syllable: kid and kyd, 
key, kind, skeptic alongside of sceptic, skirmish; kantism, 
kali, koran, kumiss; klick alongside of click, kremlin; 
sleek, slink, remark, brisk, attack, clock, rankle, twinkle, 
knuckle, basket; lackey, attacker. 

In encountering </, ck assimilates itself to the g, as in black- 
guard (= blaggard). 

q appears as k only in combination with u, which, especially in 
the stem after an initial q is heard as a semiconsonant w: queen, 
quick, quack, quadruped, quinquennial; banquet. 

But qu has the simple &-sound, particularly in French and some 
other foreign words; seldom at the beginning of the word: quatre, 
quadrille; frequently at the end in combination with the mute e 
(que): antique, opaque, oblique, burlesque, grotesque, cin- 
que; - - pique, critique, cirque, risque, casque, mosque 
(also spelt mosk); also in the middle of the words: piquet, eti- 
quette, doquet (also spelt docket), coquet; harlequin, palan- 
quin; conquer (but not in conquest), exchequer, lacquer, 
faquir (also fakir), liquor; masquerade, mosquito, roque- 
laure; piquant, Iroquois. 

ch, as a guttural, equal in pronunciation to k, rests upon non- 
Germanic throatsounds, except ache, wherefor also ake is used. At 
the beginning of a syllable it may stand before all vowels, as well 
as after all at the end. Commencing along with I and r it is always 
guttural, iu the combination sch, mostly equal to sk (sey sK): chyle, 
Chersonese, chaos, character, baldachin, Buchanan; chlo- 



I. The Word according to its elements. Pronunciation of the Conson. fyc. (J5 

rid, chronicle, scheme, school; -- hemistich, lilach, loch, 
eunuch. 

choir is pronounced and also spelt like quire. 

g is guttural before obscure vowels a, o, u, before / and r and 
always at the end of a syllable, either alone or combined with / and 
r: gab, gain, gaunt, go, goat, good, gulf, glory, grind. - 
leg, crag, dog, eagle, shingle, eagre. Before light vowels i, 
y, e it stands, especially in Anglosaxou or other Germanic, also Celtic 
and Oriental words: gild, begin, geese, get; Argyle, Elgin, 
Amager; Geber, Gibeon; also in the inverted ger instead 
of gre: tiger, Latin tigris, French tigre, conger, Latin congrus, 
French congre, and in the derivational syllable -er after an originally 
guttural g: singer &c. 

This is rarely the case where g in Latin or Romance words stood 
before a light vowel: ginglymus, gibbous and others, see below. 

For the nasal ng in thing, young see above p. 5*2. 

Double g in the middle of a word, unless sprung from a Latin 
gg, is guttural: noggin, rugged, dagger, giggle; and at the end 
in egg. While g in gk is silent at the beginning and at the end of 
a word, it often sounds in the middle, as in signal, malignant &c. 
see below. In Champignon, cognac and other words properly 
French it sounds as in French. 

gu appears often instead of the simple guttural g (apart from 
the cases in which gu, sounds like gw, as in Guelfs, guaiacuin, 
guava, guiniad, anguish, languish, distinguish, extinguish, 
languid, language). It commonly, as in French, ensures the guttural 
sound before light vowels, and often in French words: guide, guile, 
Guisborough, Guelders; at the end, as gue: fatigue. Yet it 
also occurs in words originally Germanic: guess, Old-English gessen; 
guild and tongue, seldom instead of the expected dental g: pro- 
rogue, compare French proroger. u is idle before obscure vowels, 
as in guarantee, guard, guardian c. der. 

gh likewise sometimes represents this sound, always fit the 
beginning: Ghibelline, ghost, Ghent, Ghauts, so also in the 
compound aghast. At the end it is a guttural g only in burgh c. 
der.; sometimes, on the other hand gh is hardened into k, in the sub- 
stantives hough and shough. This sound likewise belongs to it in 
Celtic words: lough (Lough Neagh = Ibk-ne), Leighlin (= lek- 
lin). See above gh p. 55. 

h, when it appears by itself (not in combinations, like ph, M, 
8h 9 ch, gh) sounds only at the beginning of syllables (unless altogether 
silent), like the Highdutch h: here, hair, Hull. On its transpo- 
sition in wh see w p. 55. 

The aspiration almost disappears before ew and u, on account of 
the semivowel i (y) which therein sounds before u: hew, Hugh, 
human, humidity, almost like yu, yuman &c. Yet the aspiration 
is not quite destroyed in careful pronunciation. 

y as a consonant, answers to the sound of the Highdutch initial 
j: year, yesterday, yawn. York, youth. In the middle of a 

Matzner, engl Or. T. 5 



66 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1. 

syllable it is found in foreign words, as bayard, bayonet, where 
it is mostly treated as a consonant (j). Some quite destroy it and 
say ba-ard, ba-o-net. 

In the context a slight sibilant can mingle with y after a word 
with a final dental, when that beginning with y is unaccented I'll 
meet you, so that here zli^ as it were, sounds before y. 

The compound sound x is expressed by the sign which was 
written in Anglosaxon for hs, cs, sc and gs = xg, and in Old-French 
often interchanged with s (ss). 

a) It has the hard double sound ks. 

) at the end of the accented syllable (having the principal or 
subordinate accent) in which case the s may also commence 
the next syllable: axe, wax, fix, axle-tree, exit, exer- 
cise, excellent, exhibition, Aix-la-Chapelle, ortho- 
doxy. So too in orthodox and such like Greek words. 

Except the case mentioned under c). 

,9) in the syllable before the accent, if the accented one begins 
with a fresh consonant, (h excepted): extent, expansion, 
exchequer. 

b) it sounds like gs before the accented syllable, in which a vowel 
or h follows the x: exist, exalt, exert, exalt, anxiety, 
auxiliary, luxuriant, exhibit, exhaust. 

But words derived from such with a hard x (ks) retain excep- 
tionally, even in this case their hard sound: fixation from 
fix, vexation, vexatious from vex, luxation and luxate 
from lux. This is also the case in doxology. 

In exemplary, as belonging to exemplar, #, even under 
the accent, remains = gs. 

c) it sounds like ksh, analogously to the single s, tinged, before 
an unaccented ', with the following vowel and u <=iu): an- 
xious, flexion, flexure, luxury; yet many give to x in 
unfrequent derivational terminations its s-sound, as in axiom, 
even in luxury. 

d) at the beginning of a word it sounds like the English z and 
mostly occurs in words originally Greek: xiphias, xistos, 
Xenophon, xebec. 

Silence of Consonants. 

The silence of consonants, retained in writing, rests partly upon 
the physiological difficulty or unaccustomedness of pronouncing them 
together, in which the rejection of a third between two others is 
particularly frequent. Much of this belongs, however, to the glibness 
or carelessness of conversation, which gradually becomes law. Old- 
English, with more consistency, entirely rejected the unspoken con- 
sonants. That consonants no longer sounded were still heard in the 
fourteenth century, prove, amongst others, alliterations in: PIERS 
PLOUGHMAN, as well as the following for kn: Thanne A; am ther a 



1. The Word according to its elements. Silence of Consonants. 67 

#yng A'nyghthod hym ladde (p. 7 ed. WRIGHT); Yet I courbed 
my knees And cried, p. 28) for wr: And yet toolde he hem no wo 
That wroughte hym that peyne (p. 25), and at the silence of the 
b in debt, doubt; of the I in calf, half; of the gh in neighbour 
and neigh the pedantic schoolmaster still takes offence in Shakspeare 
(Love's labour's lost V, I), gh was in the seventeenth century still 
in great part audible by an aspiration which at the least was percep- 
tible. However, even in Old-English, the silence of consonants is not 
always indicated in writing. Moreover, etymological considerations 
have here and there restored to Modern-English consonants cast out 
in Old-English. 

1) Tne nasal and liquid sounds m, n, 1, r. 

m is silent before m at the beginning of a word: mnemonic; 
thus, even in Old-English, in which mn alliterates with n: And by- 
warn hym his mn&m (uva") (PIERS PLOUGH, p. 131); also between r 
and Z in Dunfermline (= dunferlin). 

H, although frequently cast off, is nevertheless, after m and Z, 
where it is mute, often preserved in writing. It is mute after m at 
the end of a word: limn, hymn, contemn, damn, solemn, au- 
tumn, column; also where a syllable beginning with a consonant 
is added: solemnly; and where the inflectional termination ed with 
a mute e is added: limned, condemned; but not in the adjective 
form, where e is audible: damned. Generally, where a termination 
commencing with a vowel is added, n is the initial sound of the fol- 
lowing syllable: contemner, solemnity, damnable, autumnal. 
Some grammarians except the termination ing, wherein n must remain 
mute, so as not to render the fundamental form unrecognizable by 
the inaudible sound of the stem. But this would also apply with 
equal justice to all other derivatives. In conversation we certainly 
hear himing instead of hymning, but also condemer instead of 
condemner. 

n is mute after I in kiln, kilndry, brickkiln; hence brick - 
keel in southern dialects. 

1 is mute, in particular, before other consonants ending a word 
with it, especially m, f (ve) and &, and only after obscure vowels o, 
o, ow; after a before win: aZms, paZm, Old-French palme, paume; 
psaZm, Old-French salme, saume; caZm, quaZm; caZf, haZf, caZve, 
caZves, haZves, saZve (according to other salve), chaZk, French 
chaux, baZk, waZk, taZk, DundaZk, FaZkland. Derivatives from 
these words commonly retain the rejection of the Z, for example paZ- 
mer, paZmy, quaZmish, caZving, taZkative &c.; yet not for 
example in palmated, palmiped, palmistry, palmiferous, 
palmetto. Z is mute before n in auln (aulnage) Old-French alne, 
aune; CaZne (pronounced kawn) and Alnwick (pronounced annik); 
before s in haZse, haZser also spelt hawse, hawser. 

Except, among monosyllabic stems talk (talk, talck) and valve. 

Z afte'r a is moreover mute in a few polysyllables: aZinond > 
Spanish almendra, French amande, maZmsev, French malvoisie, 
MaZmesbury, saZinon, French saumon; faZcon, Old-French falcon, 

5* 



68 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. I. 

faucon, ma/kin also spelt maukin; in chaldron (= 36 bushels) 
some do not pronounce the /, we also find chaudron written. The 
Old-English had also auter, Modern-English altar; sauter, Modern- 
English psalter; fauhhon, Modern-English falchion. 

/ after o is silent in fo/k and yo/k, in H6/born and so/der 
also spelt soder, in common life also in so/dier; so in the proper 
names Linco/n and Langho/m. 

/ after ou is mute in wou/d, shou/d, to which in modern 
writing cou/d has been assimilated (Old-Engl. coude). Also in 
vault, Old-French volte, voute, vaute some suppress the /. 

At the end of a word / is silent in the properly French word 
fusR Dialectically / and // are often thrown otf; for Example in the 
Scotch a' = all, fu' = full, ca', caa, caw = call; so in Derby- 
shire aw = all &c.; also before d: bowd = bold, coud = cold. 

It is also silent before several consonants in Che/msford. 

r, although often sounding feebly as a guttural r, is seldom quite 
silent. 

The dental r is left out in glib utterance in the title Mrs = 
mistress (pronounced missiz) else, it sounds in this word. 

The guttural r is mute in Maryborough and worsted (== yarn, 
not in worsted = defeated) ; also in roqelaiire many make the r 
inaudible, contrary to the more elegant usage. 

2) The lipsounds p, b, f, (phO, v, w, wh, 

p is not seldom silent, especially at the beginning of a word be- 
fore n, t, s, sh mostly in Greek words: pneumatic, ptisan, Pto- 
lemy, psalm, psalter (Old-Engl. sauter; compare The sauter 
seith in the Psalme. (PiKRS PLOUGHM. p. 132), psychology, 
psora &c., pshrw! (pronounced shaw). 

It is also mute betwixt m and t: attempt, empty, Northamp- 
ton, adeinption; as well as before a final t in receipt; compare 
Old-Engl. deceipt (SP::NSER) now deceit. 

It is cast out betwixt m and / in Bampfield, Bampfylde; 
betwixt m and b it is cast out along with the assimilated b in Camp-* 
bell (pronounced kamel); before (/ in Deptford. 

b is mute at the beginning of a word in bdellium (pronounced 
delyum). 

It is silent before t in de&t, debtor, subtle c. der., but not 
in subtile, although Old-Engl. so tile. 

At the end of stems in mb and their derivatives b disappears: 
clim&, comb (also in catacomb [pronounced come]), tom, dum#, 
rhum&, bom (pronounced bum); and so clim&able, climber, 
combed, thumbed &c.; but not in bombard &c. Compare in 
Spencer frequently dim, lim, lam and the like. 

We except accumb, succumb and rhomb together with rhom- 
bus c. der. 

in which b sounds decidedly. 

The b is also silent in am^s-ace (pronounced amz-ace) which 
in Shakspeare is also spelt ames-ace. 

f is mute in common life, together with / in ha I/penny; it is 
certainly sometimes cast off in o' instead of of. 



/. The Word according to its elements. Silence of Consonants. (39 

The ph, of like sound, remains, on the other hand mute at the 
beginning of Greek words : phthisis, phthisic, />/tthisical; and in 
the compounds: apo/>//thegm (pronounced apothem), which is also 
spelt apothegm. 

Upon v see the rejection of .vowels and consonants Otherwise 
its rejection is indicated in writing, as in e'er, ne'er, o'er and 
the like. 

W is in many ways extinct in pronunciation. 

At the beginning of a syllable it is silent before r: Crinkle, 
wrap, wrong, wry; of course in compounds, as awry, bewray &c.; 
before h in words in which h is followed by o (also by oo): who, 
whose, whole, whore, whoop (also spelt hoop) 

Except whop c. der. and whorl. According to Walker and 
Perry it sounds in whortleberry (perhaps mutilated from 
the Anglosaxon heorotberige through the influence of the 
English whurt of the same meaning). 

It is mute after t in two and its compounds; after s in sword. 

In composition w is silent after an initial s in answer, Anglo- 
saxon and-svarjan, an-svarjan; analogously in common life in boats- 
wain (pronounced bos'n) and cockswain (pronounced coxen = cock- 
sn) from the Anglosaxon svan = bubulcus, juvenis. Thus also a single 
w is rejected after a consonant, when the single consonant after a short 
vowel seems reduplicated: gunwale, commonly pronounced and 
even spelt gunnel, and especially in names of places compounded 
of the Anglosaxon vic = portus and vic=habitatio, also vica=castel- 
lum; Greenwich, Nortwich, Droitwich, Sheldwich, Dulwich, 
Dunwich, A'lnwick (pronounced Annick), Berwick (pronounced 
Berrick), Harwick (pronounced Harrick). Sedgwick &c. Thus the 
pronunciation of housewife ^huzzif" otherwise also hus-wif and the 
spelling hussy (pronounced huzzy) has arisen. After th an initial 
w is silent in the negligent pronunciation of southward (pronounced 
suthard) and southernwood (pronounced siithernwood) as well as 
in the vulgar pronunciation of auk ward and South war k, which is 
almost corrupted into Soddrick. w is extinguished between vowels 
in toward, towards c. der., wherein ow is taken as the vowel. 

Upon the silence of an originally consonantal w at the beginning 
and the end of a word, by which the vowel signs ew, aw, ow &c. 
partly arise, see below, (the origin of the vowels.) 

3) The toothsounds t, d, th, s, c, z. 

t is frequently silent betwixt consonants, particularly in the 
collision of stl: whfsde, thistle, misdetoe, wresde, pesde, 
castle, CasJlebar, Casdeton, hosier, throsde, biisHe; and 
stn (commonly with a preceding mute or rather glib e): chestnut, 
listen, listener, hasten, moisten, and analogously with ftn: 
often, soften; seldom in the muting of stm: Christmas; or stc in 
common life: waistcoat; also in the combination rtg in: mortgage, 
which also appears a matter of course with pic in bankruptcy. In 
the popular boatswain (bos'n) it is lost before sn. Where t stands 
before ch, it is as idle in pronunciation as every other final redu- 
plication: fetch, catch &c. 



70 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I. 

At the end of French words, not assimilated to the English pro- 
nunciation, it is silent, in the French manner: bille^doux, traU, 
ecla?, gou^, hautboy and many more. 

d is silent at the beginning before n: Dnieper, Dniester. 

In the compound handkerchief d is rejected and n becomes 
nasal (= n}. In careless utterance it is readily rejected between n 
andsasin: Windsor, handsome, handsel, groundsel, although 
this is not approved by orthoepists. On the otherhand Wednesday 
is universally pronounced wenzday. Fieldfare is commonly pro- 
nounced without a d, and in Kirkcudbright (say kirkkobry) it 
likewise does not sound. 

At the end of a word d after n is often not pronounced dialec- 
tically: riband is pronounced like ribbon, which is the better style, 
also weasand, Anglosaxon vasend, vsesend, is here and there pro- 
nounced like vez'n. 

The reduplication of g after a short vowel by d with a dental 
g (= dzJi) is to be treated like that of t before ch. 

th is, perhaps, silent in clones (pronounced cloze) only. See 
above, th before s. 

s is not silent at the beginning of a word, unless we consider 
it mute when combined with the dental c, as in science where, 
however, e may with the same reason pass for mute. 

In the middle of some simple and compound words s (partly 
inorganic) is silent, particularly /, n, and m: isle, island, I slay 
(pronounced ila), aisle, Carlisle, Lisle (pronounced Lisle, Lille), 
mesne (= middle), demesne also spelt demain (Old-French de- 
maine), puisne (pronounced puny), disme (pronounced deme, Old- 
French disme, dixme), as well as in viscount, Lewisd'or and 
Grosvenor. 

At the end of many French words not assimilated, s, as. in 
French, is rejected: avis, vis-a-vis, pas, chamois, shamois 
(pronounced shammy, as it is also spelt) sous, rendezvous, corps 
and others. Yet it is pronounced in glacis and here and there in 
other words. 

z is silent in the French rendezvous. 
The throatsounds c, k, ch, g, gh, h, y 

c is mute at the beginning of foreign words before other con- 
sonants, as in (7neus, Ctesilas, czar, czarina c. der. 

In the middle of the word it is mute betwixt s and I: muscle, 
arbuscle, corpuscle; yet not in derivatives, as corpuscular and 
many such. The rejection of c before t is also usual in victual 
(pronounced vitt'l), compare Old-French vitaille, Latin victualia; in- 
dict, indictable, indictment and other derivatives alongside of 
which indite, inditer is written. 

c is likewise silent in Connecticut; cf. Pontefract and 
Pomfret. 

k is always mute before n at the beginning of a word: &nee, 
now, knuckle, knight. 



1. The Word according to its elements. Silence of Consonants. 7 1 

ch is silent after an initial s in scAism c. der ; in schedule 
sch is pronounced like sh; it is also mute in yacAt and dracAm 
(also spelt dram). 

g is mute, like k, before n at the beginning of a word: #nat, 
gnome, #noff. 

In the middle of the word the silence of g before m and n 
occurs : 

before m, when it concludes the syllable: phle/yin, apopAthe^m, 
paradigm, parape<7m; but not with the augmentation of the word, 
when it becomes the initial sound before a vowel: phlegmatic, 
paradigmatical. 

Before n, likewise, when this concludes the syllable: impre^n, 
feign, expu^n, oppugn, propu#n, design, malign, foreign, 
sovereign; in derivatives, only when their forms begin with aeon- 
sonant, as ment, ness, ly, ty, cy: desi#nment, forei^nness, ma- 
lignly, sovereignty, ensi^ncy. Among the derivational forms 
beginning with a vowel, those in ing and er alone make the g mute : 
feigning, designing, oppii^ner, foreigner. Before all others 
beginning with vowels g becomes the final and n the initial sound: 
impregnate, signal, benignity. 

Moreover, g is not sounded in poignant; cognizance (in the 
legal sense) connizance, and cocaine is, according to Smart, pro- 
nounced cockane. 

In the encounter of gl and gn with an unaccented i after it and 
another vowel arise forms of the iota I and n, in which g before 
I and n may in English be considered as cast out and i as having 
passed into a semiconsonant y: intaglio, seraglio, 6</lio, bagnio, 
seignior, si^nior. 

The silence of g in the verbal form is provincial, for instance, 
in Derbyshire and Scotland. 

gh is stfent in the middle of the word, where gli stands before 
both an initial and a final t: eight, straiiyAt, sought, bou^At, 
fought, night, might, right, flight, fri^At, sight, Connau^At, 
mi^Aty, ri#Atly, slaughter, dau^Ater, dou^Aty, as also in the 
long (or diphthong) accented syllables ending in gh: wei</A, nei#A, 
nei^Abour, thou^A, dou^rA (pronounced doe), althou^A, throu^rA, 
lisquebau^A (Erse, whence whisky), pu</A! nigh, sigh, hi^A, 
bou^A, plou^A; Anna^A, Arm a or A, Nena^A. But this happens 
also in unaccented final syllables: Ralei</A, Chiimlei^A, Hadlei^A, 
Denbi^A, Keo^rA, Conemau^A, borough, thorou^A c. der., 
furlou^A. Even in Old-English we certainly find u and w substituted 
for gh: plou, plow = glough. 

In the compounds, of burgh this word is often made to sound 
like borough % (burro); Edinburgh, Jedburgh and others. 

With the silence of gh is connected its rejection (together with 
u) at the end tho', altho' and even bro' instead borough. 

h is by general consent, silent only in a few words not originally 
Germanic: Aeir, Aonest, Aonour, Aostler (also spelt ostler), 
Aour, Aumble and all their derivatives and compounds; but, of 
course, not in merely related words not immediately betraying an 



72 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I. 

English stem; as heritage, horal &c. Many also add herb and 
hospital to the above list. The inclination is, however, universal 
to regard h as mute in the unaccented syllable, beginning with h at 
the commencement of a word, on which account the article an instead 
of a is wont to be put before adjectives of that sort; for instance 
hero and an heroical &c. 

About h before u see above. 

In Greek words beginning with rh, h is mute: rhetoric, rhu- 
barb, rAeum, also in r//yme; so too in the combination dh in 
Buddha. 

Even where h begins an unaccented syllable after one closed with 
a consonant, a proneness exists to drop the aspiration, as in ipeca- 
cuanAa, in shepherd, diing/ull and others, for which reason also 
in names of place, as AmAerst, Durham, HaverAill (pronounced 
haveril), the h remains disregarded in the mouth of the people. 
Otherwise in an accented syllable, as abhor. 

Before another final consonant it has likewise no phonetic value: 
JoAn, Johnson, compare Old-Engl. Jon; buAl, buAlwork. 

At the end it is mute after vowels and consonants: eh! ah! hah! 
buh! oh! foh! sirrah! Messiah, Sarah, hallelujah; bramah, 
dahlia; catarrh. 

Silence of vowels with consonants. 

The rejection of consonants with a previous or a subsequent 
vowel is ordinarily speedily exhibited also in writing; yet the speech 
of the people has sanctioned abbreviations of this sort, not acknowledged 
by the written language, particularly in proper names. 

Thus in the unaccented syllable a consonant with a mute e at 
the end is cast out as be in Buncombe (pronounced bunkum) and 
Edgecom&e (pronounced ej'kum). In the middle of words ve in the 
common pronunciation of twelvemonth, Haverford also Havre- 
ford; te in lutestring (also spelt lustring); de in th.e vulgar pro- 
nunciation of Hyde park; ce in names compounded with cester: 
Leicester, Gloucester, Worcester (commonly also pronounced 
with an elided r) and others. 

Conversely both vowel and consonant are lost in: Leommster 
(pronounced lemster); av; Abergavenny (pronounced aberghenny). 

Two consonants with the included vowel in an unaccented syl- 
lable are cast out, like ven in seven-night (pronounced sennit) cf. 
sennet (SKELTON I. 107), Seven oaks is pronounced in Kent: Siin- 
nuck; cf. fortnight = fourteennight; ver in Wavertree (pro- 
nounced watry); ren in Cire??cester (pronounced cis-e-ter), wherein 
at the same time s falls out before t. Compare Exeter in ROB. OF 
GLOUCESTER Exetre and Excestre I, 5 and 4. 

Upon a similar glibness of the speech of common life rest rejec- 
tions indicated by a mark of elision, like gi'me (giwe), I'll (will, shall), 
I'd (would), thou'dst (hadst, wouldst), he'd (had, would) and 
many more, which remain foreign to the more solemn language. 



I The Wordaceording to its elements. - The Syllable and the Divisionfyc. 73 



The syllable and the division of syllables. 

The syllable consists either of a single vowel or diphthong, or 
of a combination of a consonant with a vowel, or conversely; or of 
a vowel surrounded by consonants. We recognize them as such by 
that all sounds constituting them are produced with an impulse. 

A word, the sensuous expression of an image, may consist of 
one or of several syllables. The number of its syllables is articulated 
for the ear according to the number of sounds produced at one im- 
pulse. The division of syllables in writing is especially evident 
by the interruption of the word at the end of the line, and has, 
besides, a theoretical interest. 

But by the peculiar influence of the accent in English upon the 
totality of the syllables of a polysyllabic word, and the proneness 
towards the attraction (see above) of the initial consonant of a sub- 
sequent syllable, as well as by the glibness of many final syllables, 
the division of syllables is hardened for apprehension by the ear, and 
often rendered still more difficult for the written language. The 
parting of syllables is most obvious where several consonants between 
vowels encounter each other which are separated by physiological 
conditions of the organs of speech, as in ac-com-plish; less decided, 
where a simple consonant appears between vowels, so that after a 
long vowel, as in apparent, with the glibness of the final syllable 
the division appar-ent or appa-rent may more readily catch 
the ear, and, after a short, attracted consonant, as in epic, the di- 
visions ep-ic and e-pic seem to correspond alike ill to the phonetic 
relations. 

With respect therefore to the division of syllables in writing, 
there is no complete agreement either among grammarians or in its 
employment in common life and in typography. 

But with the principle which appears so natural, to consider in 
the division of syllables the sensuous articulation of the word as the 
standard, is associated the theoretical interest to render evident the 
stem and the termination, and, in the compounding of words, to 
render the separate stems manifest. But in this is also to be consi- 
dered, that in English many derived and even compound words are 
no more present, as such, to the linguistic consciousness. 

In the exposition of the principles for the division of syllables 
upon which authority is pretty well agreed must therefore be stated 
a) the general and leading points of view and b) their limitations 
conditioned by etymological considerations. 

a) General Rules. 

1) Two vowels, not serving to represent one simple sound or diph- 
thong, are separable: di-al, deni.-able, soci-ety, previ- 
ously, perspicu-ous, destroy-ing, know-ing, appropri- 
ate, superi-ority. 

2) If a consonant (with which, of course, must be reckoned the 
signs of simple sounds ph, th n sh, ch) stands between two vowels 
or diphthongs, then, apart from the inflectional and derivational 



74 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. I. 

syllables beginning with a consonant, and cited below, the con- 
sonant is drawn to the following vowel: fea-sible, pa -per, 
fa-ther, no-tice, hu-mour, bi-shop, spi-rit, ba-che-lor, 
ori-gi-nal, ge-ne-ral, au-tumn, ackuow-ledgernent , 
compa-nion. , 

This principle is often not observed with a short accented 
vowel, so that we frequently meet the division : pres-ent, can- 
opy, philds-opher, abom-inate &c., consistency with which 
is, however, not found throughout even in good lexicographers. 

A mute e alone is never broken off from its preceding con- 
sonant: mouse, house, hinge. 

3) Two consonants, standing between two vowels or diphthongs, 
are divided as the final and the initial sound, unless a mute 
stands along with a liquid consonant and can form the initial 
sound of the last vowel, which is not the case, if the liquid 
commences a derivative syllable: man-ner, pul-ley, beg-gar, 
mur-der, seg-ment, prin-ciple, dig-nity, bap-tize, 
apart-ment, fus-tian, progres-sion,obstruc-tion, Egyp- 
tian. 

The combination of a mute and a liquid consonant at the be- 
ginning of a syllable is mostly confined to r: a-pron, pro- 
priety, pene-trate, alge-bra, se-cret, sa-cred, ortho- 
graphy; /, on the other hand does not combine readily: pub- 
lic, pub-lish, estab-lish, neg-lecting, even dec-lama- 
tion; although peo-ple, scru-ple, sylla-ble, tri-fle and 
the like are written. 

ck is always drawn to the last syllable: pock-et, chick-ens, 
Cock-eram; likewise #, even when it occurs in words not com- 
pounded: vex-ation, vex-il, prox-imity. 

4) If three consonants separate the vocalization, the last two, if 
consisting of a mute and a liquid or of two consonants combined 
at the beginning of stems, are drawn to the following syllable: 
mem-brane, cum-brous, doc-trine, magis-trate, scep- 
tre, hun-dred; biib-bling, cat-tie, mid-die, swin-dler, 
sprin-kle, striig-gle. 

Yet we usually find, after a nasal ??, the consonants kl, gl 
separated, (except before a single mute e) : t wink-ling, ming- 
ling, eng-lish. 

But if the two latter consonants are not of the kind above 
indicated, the former two are drawn to the former syllable: 
distin c-tion, emp-ty, absorp-tion, presump-tive. 

b) Limitations through etymological considerations. 
1) The inflectional and derivational terminations condition di- 
visions of syllables not according with the rules generally valid, 
especially for stems. 

) derivational terminations commencing with a consonant (resting 
partly upon composition) are always separated, even from 
prior consonants, as ness, ment, ly &c. 

ft) on inflectional and derivational terminations beginning with 
a vowel no perfect agreement prevails; but their separation 



1. The Word according to its elements. The syllable andtheDivisionfyc. 75 

from the stem ending with a consonant only takes place with 
terminations felt decidedly as derivational forms. The sepa- 
ration is readily avoided in many cases. 

The termination ing is unanimously separated from the 
stem: lead-ing, despoil-ing, build-ing, learn-ing, 
add-ing, fall-ing, spell-ing. Double consonants are 
given to the syllable of the stem, unless they first appear 
with the termination, else they are usually separated; hence 
riin-ning, fit-ting, blot-ting &c. Even if the stem ends 
with a consonant and a mute e, with the rejection of the e, 
the consonant usually remains to the stem: giv-ing, unit- 
ing, hav-ing, mov-ing, approv-ing, deterg-ing; 
although many then draw the consonant to the termination : 
deter-ging, wri-ting; and thus also before other termina- 
tions. On t wink -ling &c. see above. 

In substantives in er derived from verbal stems the same 
thing happens: teach-er, read-er, help-er (yet not with 
reduplicated consonants: skim-mer; likewise when the stem 
ends in e wri-ter) and in words in ard: drunk-ard. In 
the comparative and superlative the er and est are also sepa- 
rated from the stem: great-er, broad-est, near-est. 

The terminations ence and ance are likewise usually sepa- 
rated: refer-ence, differ-ence, exist-ence, appear- 
ance, acquaint-ance, perform-ance; on the other hand 
excres-cence and, according to the correct feeling, vio- 
lence; also age: band-age; ary: diction- ary; ure: depart- 
ure even displeas-ure. Thus also ity is separated: qual- 
ity, char-ity, regular-ity. Of verbal terminations en and 
on: belong here: dark-en, short-en, reck-on; ish and ize 
are also found separated: pun-ish, abol-ish; caracter- 
ize, general-ize; as well as ale: adulter-ate. 

The verbal inflection ed is regularly separated: fabricat- 
ed, demand-eel, dement-ed. 

Among the adjective terminations we find ish, ical, istic, 
ian, ent, able, ous and others separated: fool-ish, crit-ical, 
character-istic, differ-ent, reason-able, remark- 
able, resolv-able (even move-able), poison-ous, 
danger-ous &c. It often depends upon that the syllable of 
formation is added to a stem universally known (which itself 
may contain a derivation) which one thinks it is not per- 
mitted to deprive of its final consonant. Strict consistency 
is not observed even by the correctest writers. 

The separation of the unaccented vowels a, ie, eo, io and 
the like, particularly in derivational terminations beginning 
with , c, t, as argilace-ous, sagaci-ous, possessi-on, 
conditi-on, is decidedly disapproved. We divide: spe- 
cial, interve - nient , argilla - ceous , rela-tion &c., 
although also sometimes: provis-ion. 

2) Where the composition is present to the linguistic consciousness, 
the constituents are separated in the division of the syllables, 
without regard to the above general rules; wherein the nature 



76 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. I. 

of the constituents is indifferent: in -active, Eng-land, 
:<-stray, an-other, up-6n, re-strain, re-spect, be-tween, 
dis-ease, as-certain, de-stroy, when-ever, shep-herd, 
beef-eater &c. 

Yet we find divisions such as ab- stain, ab-scouded, dis- 
tilled and the like, through mistaking the constituents, or from 
the greater case of pronunciation, as divisions in words like pe- 
nultimate and others no longer allow the consideration of 
composition to appear. 



The word and its accent. 

The word, as expression of an image, consists, in its simplest 
form, of one syllable. Polysyllables arise through the junction of 
syllables of formation to the syllable of the stem (Suffixes), as well 
as by the conjunction of still recognizable stems, either with or 
without further syllables of formation. Syllables constituting the 
simple or compound word, are recognized as the expression of one 
total image by being comprehended under a principal accent. This 
is received by one syllable, which is therefore called the accented 
syllable, the others having a subordinate accent. 

The monosyllable can, in regard to its accent, be measured only 
within the sentence; many monosyllables (as the article, pronoun, 
preposition and auxiliary word) may attach themselves proclitically 
to the accent of the following word, or enclitically to that of the 
previous word and are prejudiced not only quantitatively and quali- 
tatively in regard to their vocalization, but also in strength of sound. 

Words of more than one syllable, and especially polysyllables 
have a gradation of accent within themselves, and, besides the prin- 
cipal accent, a second, (rarely a third), called the subordinate accent, 
may come forth. 

The English tongue, in the accenting of its words, has had 
various principles to adjust among each other. The principle of ac- 
centing the syllable of the stem of the simple word proceeded from 
the Anglosaxon elements of the language; the Norman-French stock 
of words established the accenting of the full final syllable; the 
Latin and Latin-Greek elements, coming in along with the study 
of the classics, procured admission for the Latin principle; according 
to which in disyllables the first, in polysyllables, the penultimate 
or the antepenultimate necessarily has the accent. 

In general the principle of accenting the syllable of the stem 
in words of more than one syllable has carried off the victory; the 
French principle of accenting the final syllable has maintained itself 
in many cases, as it were, exceptionally; yet the Latin accenting, 
particularly in the Latin-French forms of words in the modern English 
has obtained intensively, through the cooperation of philologists. 

A distinction takes place, however, in certain cases, in the ac- 
centing of simple and of compound words, with the Germanic and 
other constituents of the compound, although many words originally 
compounds are no longer felt as such. 



/. The Word according to its elements. The accent of the simple word. 77 

In treating primarily of the accent of the word, as sole or prin- 
cipal accent, we consider first the simple word, and then the com- 
pound word, whereupon ensues the exposition of the relation of prin- 
cipal and subordinate accent. 

A) The Doctrine of the Accent, as principal Accent. 

1) The accent of the simple word. 

a) In general the endeavour is visible in modern English, to give 
the accent to the syllable of the stem, which, in the simple word, 
is regularly the first, and to maintain this in the further formation 
from that word, whence it may happen that the accent recedes 
to the sixth syllable from the end : discipline, disciplinable, 
disciplinableness, although a counterpoise is in many cases 
given to the multitude of unaccented syllables by the subordi- 
nate accent. 

Instances of this accenting, which has its bound in the limi- 
tations specified under b, c, d are offered by all classes of words 
having derivatives to exhibit: ape, apish, apishly, apishness; 
apt, aptly, aptness, aptitude; fish, fisher, fishery; dead, 
deadly, deadliness; change, changeling, changeable, 
changeably, changeableness; coop, cooper, cooperage; 
crime, criminal, criminalness, criininous, criminously, 
criminousness, criminate, criminatory; author, autho- 
ress, authorize; idol, idolish, idolize, idolizer, idolism, 
idolist; banish, banisher, banishment; castle, castlet, 
castellan, castellany; alien, alienable, alienate, alie- 
nator; casual, casualness, casualty; castigate, castigator, 
castigatory. 

It is to be remarked, however, that in the accenting of the 
syllable of the stem in words of three and more syllables, on 
the one hand the length by position of the penultimate (a mute 
.and a liquid letter not being reckoned) is avoided, and that in 
the multiplication of the syllables of formation ness, ment, 
ling, ly, ry, ty and cy beginning with a consonant chiefly make 
length by position, that a collision of the vowels of the penul- 
timate and the final syllable is likewise avoided, and that poly- 
syllablic words with the accent on the syllable of the stem 
mostly contain a series of unaccented syllables of a simple con- 
sonant and vowel, with the exception of the last. 

Compare the trisyllables: animal, amorist, avarice, an- 
glican, esculent, origin, numerous, notary, penitence, 
bachelor, boundary, dangerous, changeable, celature, 
gargarize; with length by position in the penultimate: bo- 
yishness, punishment, fosterling, blessedly, bla- 
zonry, cruelty, agency, brigandage, cowardice, bastar- 
dize; duellist, scintillate, oscillate; yet also chamber- 
lain and a few others. 

tetrasyllables: imagery, cemetery, balneary, auditory, 
agrimony, delicacy, alopecy , agitator, literature, 



78 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect I. 

creditable, alterative, liberalize, boronetage, canni- 
balism, santuarize; with length by position iu the penul- 
timate: actualness, actually, casualty, casuistry, bril- 
liancy, arbalister, alabaster and the like. Length by 
position in previous syllables certainly occurs without influence 
on the accent: libertinism, baptistery, miscellany. 

Words of five and more syllables: disciplinable, disci- 
plinary, balneatory, alterableness, amiableness, so- 
ciableness, disciplinableness. 

The terminations ful, less, some, ship, hood and the like, which, 
properly speaking, form compounds, are always unaccented, and 
therefore are joined to stems without prejudice to the accent. 

That, however, in polysyllables the length by position other- 
wise allowed remains here and there not without import, is 
shown by forms like argumentative, documentary, ele- 
mentary, in which the originally subordinate receives the 
place of the principal accent: clandestine, lacertine, ele- 
phantine, whereas crystalline, coralline and the like are 
tolerated. 

b) But a number of words has the accent upon the last syllable 
) Here in the first piace must be mentioned the principle of 
Dissimilation followed here and there, especially in disyllabic 
words, which is often considered in compounding, and accord- 
ing to which different parts of speech with a like form of 
the word are distinguished by the accent. Compare augment 
substantive, to augment; ferment substantive, to ferment; 
torment substantive, to torment; frequent adjective, to 
frequent; (although cement, lament appear both as sub- 
stantives and as verbs foment only as a verb) bombard 
substantive, to bombard; reversely brevet substantive, to 
brevet; halloo Interjection to halloo; levant adjective 
levant substantive; minute substantive, minute adjective, 
August (the month), august adjective; gallant adjective, 
gallant adjective and substantive; supine substantive, su- 
pine adjective, buffet (a blow) buffet a sideboard. 

/?) But a not inconsiderable number of words retains the accent 
upon this syllable, which was given to it in its French, Latin 
or other foreign home, and eludes a thorough analogy. Betwixt 
the originally French or Latin accent a distinction is not often 
to be drawn, both commonly coinciding. 

Here belong substantives: bashaw; rouleau, bureau, 
chateau; canoe, bamboo, Hindoo; chagrin, bombasin; 
nankeen, canteen, careen; champaign, benzoin; ar- 
tisan, caravan, courtezan; gazon; Brasil, fusil, gazel; 
cheval, canal, cabal (an English word); control substan- 
tive and verb (properly a compound), mogul; bazaar, bou- 
doir, abattoir, abretivoir; accoucheur (a compound), 
amateur, corridor, amour, estafet, bidet, buffet, ca- 
det, coquet, curvet, canzonet; cravat, marmot, sabot; 
glacis, abattis; alcaid, caress substantive and verb, ma- 



1. The Word according to its elements. - The accent of the simple Word. 79 

truss, placard, basalt, elench, bombast, marine, ma- 
gazine, machine, tontine, chicane; bastile; caviure; 
chemise, caprice, Chinese, finesse, grimace, caboose 
Hollandish kabuys), accoucheuse, embrasure, embou- 
chure; giraffe, alcove, finance, harangue; champagne, 
allemande and others. 

Adjectives of this sort are: benign, malign, acerb, su- 
perb, august, rotund, extreme, sincere, austere, se- 
rene, terrene, divine, saline, canine, supine, humane, 
polite, mature; the disyllables in ute: minute, hirsute, 
nasiite; alerte and others. 

Verbs are rare, as cajole, carouse, calcine, baptize, 
chastise, corniite (to cuckold), create, narrate (accord- 
ing to Smart), possess (properly a compound). Words with 
an inorganic e, as esquire, eschew &c., have the accent 
upon the syllable of the stem, on the other hand not esteem; 
in obey (obedio = obaudio) the accenting has hardly proceeded 
from any consciousness of its composition. 

>') Other words follow more decidedly a conscious rule, as to 
which it is to be remarked that the accenting of definite syl- 
lables of formation concerns compound, as well as simple 
words. 

1) Names of persons in ee have the accent on the last syllable: 
bailee, feoffee, debtee, bargainee, devotee, impar- 
sonee. Names of things and abstract nouns form in part 
exceptions, especially disyllables : coffee, spondee, trochee, 
couchee, levee, committee, jubilee. 

2) Names of persons and things in oon : Maroon, buffoon, dra- 
goon; balloon, bassoon, batoon, dubloon, macaroon. 

3) Names of persons in eer and ier: muleteer, musketeer, 
buccaneer also bucanier, volunteer, engineer; briga- 
dier, financier, cavalier, gondolier. Names of things 
likewise occur: career, chandelier, yet not without excep- 
tions, especially disyllables in ier: pannier, barrier, car- 
rier, even names of persons: courtier, courier. 

4) Abstract and concrete nouns in ade: ambuscade, prome- 
nade, blockade, fougade, cavalcade, rodomontade. 
Exceptions are: ambassade, (Walker has the accent on the 
last), ebrillade, marmalade, balustrade, dragoonade 
and others. 

5) Words in ette, properly French: etiquette (according to others 
etiquette), banquette, brunette, gazette, grisette. 

6) Adjectives in ose if disyllables: aquose, morose, nodose, 
rugose, verbose, jocose; a few among polysyllables, as 
acetose, armentose, whereas others accent the syllable of 
the stem: pulicose, bellicose, varicose, calculose, 
corticose &c., having commonly subordinate forms in ous. 

7) Words in esque : moresque, burlesque, grotesque, roma- 
nesque, picturesque. 



80 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I. 

Further derivatives from such words retain in general the 
accent upon the same syllable; compare diviner, cajoler, 
beuiguantly, buffoonery &c.; although exceptions also 
occur, as dragoonade from dragoon (see above). 

In the fourteenth century the French accenting of the full 
final syllable is still very common: thus we ordinarily find in 
Chaucer: honour, humour, licour, reson, prison, 
squier, burgeis, centre, and in words in the then not 
always silent e: madanie, nature, corage, Turkie, ver- 
tue &c. also in Skelton: querell, counsell, serpent, 
rnercy, pleasure, savage and many others; rarely in Spen- 
cer in disyllables such as forest, whereas in polysyllables the 
last syllable frequently appears under a subordinate accent, as 
a masculine rhyme: furious, hideous, dalliaunce, mer- 
riment &c. 
c) Many words have the accent on the penultimate. 

a) A number of Latin, Greek and Romance words have retained 
this their original accent and betray their foreignness mostly 
by their terminations. To these belong again especially sub- 
stantives, which are often quite foreign to the popular speech: 
chimera, corona, aurora, censiira; Greeks words in qua 
and mum empyema, glaucoma &c.; banana, cavatina, 
bravado, armada, cantata. Jacobus, canary, anchovy; 
echinus, papyrus, pomatum, abdomen, legumen, de- 
corum, cadaver, tribunal, Jehovah; Orion, choreous, 
lyceum. mausoleum, e^npyreon; seuigma, arbustum, 
asphaltum, omentum, involucrum (compounded), colos- 
sus, meander, november, december, Augustine &c. 
andante, tobacco; therewith idea ( J ^), assassin, cham- 
pignon, and the Germanic eleven. The Greek words in 
/?"/,- and M.HS always have this accent: mimesis, mathesis, 
exegesis, narcosis, chlorosis and others. Adjectives 
have hardly been thus brought over, as sinister (however 
with a metaphorical meaning sinister), the Italian maestoso 
aud a few others. Simple verbs of this class are likewise rare, 
as imagine, alternate (according to the rule for compounds) 
fraternize and many others. 

/3) But some derivational terminations require regularly this 
accenting in polysyllables; here belong: 

1) nouns in c, which sound may also be the penultimate: chal- 
daic, heroic, angelic, dramatic, laconic, scorbutic, 
forensic, anarchic, ecclesiastic &c. 

Exceptions are formed by only a few among the great number 
of nouns: arable, arsenic (but adjective arsenic), arith- 
metic, lunatic, rhetoric, politic, phlegmatic, sul- 
phuric, splenetic, heretic (all with an open penulti- 
mate). 

2) among adjectives in ous a few in or-ous, Latin orus: deco- 
rous, sonorous, canorous, except dedecorous (Latin 
orus); and those with a penultimate syllable long ly posi- 
tion: atramentous, inomento'us, enormous, inermous. 



/. The Word according to its elements. The accent of the simple word. 81 

3) adjectives in al, when the penultimate is long by position: 
baptismal, autumnal, eternal, maternal, nocturnal, 
oriental, atramental, colossal &c.; rarely out of posi- 
tion: machinal, vaginal, coronal, sacerdotal, mostly 
with a regard to the original accented syllable; on the other 
hand natural, original &c. 

4) trisyllables in at-or, which receive the accent on the syllable 
accented in Latin: equator, narrator, testator, dicta- 
tor, spectator, curator; yet even here exceptions are 
found: orator, barator, senator; polysyllables, even com- 
pounds ones, have only the subordinate accent upon a: alie- 
nator, ambulator, adulator, administrator, assassi- 
nator, i'nstaurator. 

5) Nouns in ean: European, Manichean, Atlantean, ada- 
mantean, Augean, lethean, Pythagorean, Sabean; 
yet many have the accent upon the antepenultimate, mostly 
with reference to Latin forms: marmorean, cerulean, 
cerberean, Promethean, Herculean, eburnean, ely- 
sean. 

6) words in we always have the accent upon the preceding close 
syllable. Since this syllable of formation mostly attaches 
itself immediately to a participial syllable of the stem, no 
deviation from the first rule takes place here. Moreover 
most words belonging here are compounds with a close syl- 
lable in position: possessive, instructive, offensive 
&c.; that other monosyllablic stems mast also have the same 
accent is clear: adhesive, collusive &c.; on the other hand 
not polysyllablic forms with an open penultimate : positive, 
primitive &c. (see below). 

c) a great number of derivatives requires the accent upon the 
antepenultimate, whether this is the syllable of the stem or 
not; here belong 

1) terminations in which a final syllable beginning with a vowel 
is preceded by ?', e and u. How these proparoxytones are 
often transformed into paroxytones for pronunciation has been 
above remarked. Here belong: i-an, i-on, i-ent, i-ence, 
i-ant, i-ance, i-al, e-al, u-al, i-ar, i-or, i-ad, i-ate, 
u-ate, i-ast, i-asm, i-ous, e-ous, u-ous, i-ac and 
others. 

ian: elysian, musician, barbarian, censorian, civi- 
lian (on ean see above). 

ion: opinion, foundation, cessation, quadrillion, 
batallion, Phocion. 

ient, ience: patient, obedient obedience. 

iant^ iance: brilliant, valiant valiauce. 

ial, eal, ual,: aerial, arterial, essential; ethereal, 
corporeal; habitual, individual. 

iar, ior: familiar, auxiliar; inferior, anterior, su- 
perior, posterior. 

Matzner, engl. Or. I. 



32 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. 1. 

tad: Iliad, Olympiad, myriad, chiliad. 
fate, uate: humiliate, centuriate; habituate. 
iast, iasm: enthusiast, encomiast; enthusiasm (pro- 
perly compounds). 

ious, eous, uous: alimonious, licentious, laborious; 
erroneous, arboreous, sanguineous; voluptuous, tu- 
multuous, conterraneous; yet also spirituous (with 
a fegard to spirit). 

lac: elephantiac, demoniac, genethliacs, cluniac, 
cardiac; but not elegiac. 

Latin-greek words in ms, la, mm, ies, which have been 
immediately brought over of course retain the accent upon 
the antepenultimate, whether it is or is not the syllable of 
the stem, in simple and compound forms: Julius, Sirius; 
Victoria, nsenia, encenia, opium; minium, bdellium, 
elysium, allodium, herbarium, millennium, gera- 
nium; effigies &c., as well as those in em, ea: Caduceus, 
nausea, especially the Greek words in ff?, which are resolved 
into e us: Orpheus, Otreus, Theseus &c. 

2) further, words in which a connecting vowel precedes a ter- 
mination beginning with a consonant, or a consonant a 
termination commencing with a vowel. These are, essentially, 
double suffixes, which are joined to stems or to already suf- 
fixed stems. Here belong the terminations of substantives: 

i-a-sis: proriasis, elephantiasis, pityriasis and other 
Greek words. 

i-ty, e-ty: annuity, ability, antiquity, barbarity, 
captivity; ebriety, anxiety, variety. 

i-tude: beatitude, vicissitude, similitude. 

er-y , corresponding to the French in me: artillery, ma- 
chinery, chicanery. 

ic-ism: fanaticism. 

many terminations of adjectives, as we, al, ar and ous, 
which are preceded by another termination consisting of a 
simple vowel and consonant. 

it-, at-, ut-, ive, yet not without important exceptions, and 
mostly only in polysyllables and words compounded of pre- 
fixes: positive, primitive, infinitive, acquisitive; ne- 
gative, talkative; diminutive; otherwise in compound 
notional words: legislative, locomotive, and even ima- 
ginative and emanative. 

im-, in-, ic-, ac-al: millesimal; original; elenchical, 
babylonical, cylindrical; demoniacal; but cardiacal. 

ul-, c-ul-ar: triangular, articular, navicular, cani- 
cular. 

in-, it-, at-, ic-, er-, or-, ul-, c-ul-ous, generally those with 
an open penultimate: luminous, resinous, bombycinous, 
abdominous; fortuitous, calamitous; exanthema- 
tous; ventricous, varicous; slanderous, cadaverous; 



/. The Word according to its elements. The accent of the simple word. 83 

vigorous (on orous see p. 78), venturous; fabulous, 
ventriculous, miraculous &c.; except desirous. 

o-, u-leut: somnolent, corpulent, cinerulent. 

The adjective and verbal termination ate, which, especially 
in compounds, does not readily permit the accenting of the 
penultimate, (see below) therefore throws it on the prefix, 
has also in simple words the accent upon the antepenultimate, 
if ate is added to another syllable of formation, hence espe- 
cially in the forms: im-, it-, ic-, ul-, c-ul-ate: legitimate, 
capacitate, domesticate, acidulate, capitulate, arti- 
culate. 



2) The accent of the compound word. 

Compounding is in English of a twofold kind. The elements of 
the compound are either present in English, whether they are of 
Germanic or of Romance origin, or, the compound has been trans- 
ferred and partly even imitated from other tongues. The former, 
although hybrid (consisting of Germanic and other elements) are 
nevertheless to be regarded as genuine English, the others to be 
distinguished from them as foreign compounds. 

a) The compounding of nouns and verbs among and with each 
other. 

) English compounds are distinguished from those of other Ger- 
manic tongues in regard to the accent in this; that not in 
every compound, even of notional words, a subordinate goes 
along with the principal accent, but the word rather receives 
by its accentuation, the character of a simple word unless the 
weight of its greater number of syllables demands a decided 
subordinate accent, on which account we may here in general 
disregard the latter. 

Yet the accented words ordinarily retain their quantity, al- 
though exceptions occur, as shepherd, vineyard &c. 

On the whole, in the classes of words here considered the 
rule prevails to accent the first constituent, as the determin- 
ing word: 

Substantives: bowstring, boatswain, daylight, sea- 
serpent, chambermaid, handkerchief; gentlemen, 
gentlewoman, broadsword, blackbird, first-fruits; 
ambs-ace, allheal (plant), allspice, alnight, brew- 
house, drawwell. 

Adjectives: awful, careful, causeless (these termina- 
tions are treated precisely like syllables of derivation) ; bare- 
faced, browbeat, crestfallen, earthly-minded; four- 
forted, fivefold. 

Numerals: fourteen, fifteen; yet these lean to the ac- 
centing of the last syllable, and the Ordinals: thirteenth, 
fifteenth &c. are chiefly accented upon the last by orthoe- 
pists. 

Pronouns form partly an exception: thus myself, him- 



84 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. I. 

self &c.; the indefinite somewhat, somebody, something, 
nobody, nothing follow the rule of substantives. The gen- 
eralizing ones compounded of particles whoever, whoso- 
ever, whichever &c. accent the particle; yet not whoso. 

Verbs, mainswear, Anglosaxon mansverjan, backbite, 
dumbfound, finedraw, new-model, breakfast; yet 
vouchsafe, backslide, new-fangle. 

Deviations, a? in mankind and mankind (in Milton), 
hobgoblin and hobgoblin, highway and highwayman 
are rare; but uncertainly and variation take place in com- 
pounds betraying the character of a syntactic relation. Here 
belong especially substantives preceded by an adjective in the 
attributive mode: free-cost, free-will, black-pudding, 
black-rod, bloody-sweat, ill-nature, ill-will, human- 
kind, Black-Monday, all-fours, all-hallows &c.; and 
according to the French accent and collocation: knight- 
errant; substantives betraying the appositive relation: hap- 
hazard, earl-marshal, tomtit (as it were, a proper name), 
Jack-puddi|ng and in the additional relation: north-east 
north-west &c.; especially substantives with a genitive pre- 
ceding: Charles's-wain (a constellation), Lady's-comb (a 
plant) and many more; and names of days, as all-souls-day, 
all- saints-day; but also popular designations: Ashwednes- 
day, ladyday, bulkhead, bondbailiff and bumbailiff, 
and others. If, further, attributes are annexed to the noun, 
especially with prepositions, the principal accent falls upon the 
attribute, as in Jack-by-the-hedge, Jack-a-lantern &c. 
Yet the popular pronunciation leans to the contrary: son-in- 
law, father-in-law &c. Adjectives seldom, as in clare- 
obscure (substantive) ashy-pale, let the accent rest upon 
the last constituent, yet the syntactical relation is predominant, 
especially with participles preceded by a determination operat- 
ing adverbially, as in near-sighted, faint-hearted, fresh- 
watered and the like, especially in those compounded of all: 
all-seeing, all-accomplished, and many such. 
P) Compounds originally foreign to English are, for the most 
part, substantives, and have partly become foreign to linguistic 
consciousness, as compounds. They have the predominant bias 
to accent the originally determinant word. Modern imitations 
belong here also. 

Disyllables of this sort therefore have the accent upon the 
first syllable: 

Substantives: navarch, heptjarch, augur, auspice, 
solstice, mortgage, hautboy, kerchief, curfew, 
cinque, -foil, beldam, bongrace, boutefeu, mainprise. 

Adjectives hardly exist. 

The compound verb maintain has the accent upon the 
last syllable. 

Modern unassimilated words, especially French ones, have 
retained their accent: bonair, bonmot, haut-gout, and 
many more. 



/. The Word according to its elements. The accent of the compound word. 35 

Trisyllables mostly have the same accent, especially when 
they have an open penultimate, to which belong in particular 
the Greek and Latin words with the connecting vowels i, o: 

Substantives: monarchy, misanthrope, pedagogue, 
demagogue, strategy, strangury; monologue, hip- 
podrome, holocaust; aqueduct, usufruct, manu- 
script; armiger, armistice, sanguisuge, dapifer, 
parricide; vermifuge, girasole, belamie, tripmadam, 
chanticleer; vet also mainpernor. 

Adjectives: orthodox, multiform, uniform, nasiform. 

Verbs: manumit, crucify, calefy and all compounded 

of fy. 

Exceptions are formed by many with a quantity and accent 
originally Greek, Latin or French, as: chiragra, factotum, 
portfolio; especially with a penultimate long by position: 
aruspex, aruspice; portcullis, portmanteau, cham- 
pertor, champerty and many such; likewise all adjectives 
compounded of fie: malefic, magnific, pacific &c. 

In polysyllables, borrowed and' partly imitated from the 
Greek and the Latin, the language reveals the decided effort 
not to transport the accent back beyond the antepenultimate, 
according to the Latin fashion, but to fix it there, through 
which the accent often falls upon the connecting vowel: 

Substantives: monopoly, theomachy, polygamy, mis- 
anthropy, cranioscopy, hendecagon, monogamist, 
hermaphrodite, barometer, zoographer; omnipo- 
tence, beneficence, soliloquy, attiloquence, funam- 
bulist. 

Adjectives: homologous, homotonous, ambiloquous 
according to the law for ows), altisonant, belligerent, 
beneficent, mellifluent; convexo-concave and therefore 
also Anglo-Saxon, Anglo-Norman, Anglo-Danish. 

Here therefore the accent frequently omits the fundamental 
word. Yet with many the inclination prevails to accent the 
determinant word upon the syllable of the stem, even before 
the antepenultimate, for example: allegory, orthoepv, car- 
dialgy, hieroglyph, heresiarch, melancholy, aristo- 
crate and many more; aeronaut, agriculture, horti- 
culture &c. 

With others, on the contrary, length by position effects the 
transfer of the accent to the penultimate : polyandry, litho- 
dendron, agonistarch; benefactor, Benedictine, as in 
aqua-ti'nta, aqua-fortis; polyandrous, heptaphyllous 
(according to the rule for -ous). 

Even without this reason we find such accenting as in om- 
nipresence (compare omnipotence). 

The verb animadvert has the principal accent upon the 
last syllable. 

Those derived from polysyllables follow the rule of the 
removal of the accent back, so far as derivational terminations 
do not decidedly require it on any particular syllable, for example: 



86 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. 1. 

orthodoxy from orthodox, melancholize from melancholy, 
and so forth. 

b) Compounding of particles with particles and other parts of 
speech. 

Here peculiarities, as well as differences, shew themselves, 
which are partly ascribable to the employment of Germanic or 
non Germanic particles and come particularly under considera- 
tion in the compounding with nouns and verbs. 

) Compounding of particles with particles. 

The general rule in these words compounded of Germanic 
elements requires the accent on the last constituent of the 
compound. To them belong those compounded of inseparable 
prefixes, as a, be: afore; beyond &c.; even with an originally 
double prefix: about, Anglosaxon a-be-utan, as well as those 
consisting of independent particles : although, unless, until, 
upon, without, whereof, whereat, hereby, whenever, 
moreover, throughout, underneath, overagainst &c.; 
with which even a part may even be compound: thereupon, 
henceforward, whereinto, whereunto (from into, unto 
with the accent changed); Interjections, as welaway (Anglo- 
Saxon va la va), slapdash! whereas others, as hip, hop! 
accent the first constituent, or like heyday! both alike. 

Variations there certainly are, to which belong into, unto, 
hitherto, also; those compounded with ward, wards, pro- 
perly adjectives: upward, toward, towards, hither- 
ward &c , some with where, there, here: wherefore, whe- 
reso, whereabout, hereabout, therefore &c., else- 
where, nowhere; with thence: thenceforth, thence- 
from (but thenceforward); those with the pronominal some: 
somewhere, somewhither, somehow, also further- 
more and some others, as the substantive while in erst- 
while &c. 

Those cases cannot be considered as exceptions which 
must in fact be regarded as compounds of nouns: some- 
what, mostwhat, noway, noways, sometime, like- 
wise &c. The adjective superlatives inmost, outmost &c., 
do not belong here. 

Particles consisting of prepositions and nouns, in which 
the proclitic preposition has its effect, accent the noun: in- 
deed, outright, forsooth, perhaps, perchance and 
so forth. Yet here afore hand, aforetime, afterall, and 
overmuch (cf. oversoon) form exceptions. 

0) Compounding of Particles with Nouns. 
1) of Germanic Particles: 

) Nouns of this sort, among which but a few 'adjectives have 
been preserved, throw, with the exception of the inseparable 
particles a, be, for, as well as of the negatives un and mis, 
the accent upon the particle. Mis certainly often receives 
the subordinate accent; where it has the principal accent, 



1. The Word according to its elements. The accent, of the compound word. 87 

the noun rests upon forms originally French, as mischief, 
miscreant c. der. Un has the accent in unthrift. Para- 
syntheta, that is, derivatives from other compounds (here 
from verbs) retain the accent of their primitive ; substantives 
in ing, since they also may be regarded as parasyntheta, 
fluctuate here and there. 

Here come particularly under consideration forms of nouns 
with the particles in, after, on, off, over, out, under, up, by, 
fore, forth, thorough and well. 

in (often hard to separate from the Latin in): Substan- 
tives: inmate, inland, income, indraught, inlay, but 
as a verb inlay &c. Adjectives: inly, inward &c. 

after: Substantives: afterbirth, afterthought, after- 
crop &c. 

on: Substantives: onset, onslaught. 

off: Substantives: offal, offspring, offscum, off- 
scouring. 

over: Substantives: overfall, overlight, overjoy, 
overcharge, overbalance, also overreacher and over- 
ruler, in spite of the verbs overreach, overrule. Ad- 
jectives: overgreat, overfriiitful; yet commonly with 
the principal accent upon the fundamental word: over- 
prompt, overlarge, overbiisy, overhasty, overcre- 
dulous &c.; hence also in the substantives derived there- 
from, as overquietness. 

out: Substantives: outlaw, outroad, outgate, out- 
line, even outgoing, outpouring, also outrider (yet 
not in the sense of the verb outride). Adjectives: out- 
blown, outborn, outbound, but outlandish. 

under: Substantives: underleaf, undergrowth,, un- 
dercroft &c., yet in polysyllables often with the accent 
advanced: underfaculty, undersheriffry, undertrea- 
surer, even linderfellow. Adjective: underbred. 

up: Substantives: uproar, upshot, upspring (yet 
naturally upbraider, upholder &c. from upbraid, up- 
hold). Adjective: upright. 

by: Substantives: by-end, by-name, by-purpose; 
compounded of polysyllabic, mostly Romance words, often, 
however, accented upon the fundamental word : by-depen- 
dence, by-concernment, by-interest, by-design. 

fore: forefoot, forehand, foresight (but Adjective 
foresightful &c., and many parasyntheta, as foreboder, 
forewarning &c. ; yet also forespurrer without the cor- 
responding verb). Some retain the accent on the funda- 
mental word: forenotice. Adjectives, mostly with partici- 
pial forms without the corresponding verb: fo recited, fore- 
mentioned, forepossessed, forehanded, yet also fore- 
vouched, forespent and foreworn &c. 

forth: few substantives with a verbal accent : forthcom- 



88 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I. 

ing, forthissuing, on the other hand forthright (as 
adverb). 

thorough: Substantives: thorough- wax, thorough- 
wort, on the other hand thorough-base; Adjectives: 
thorough-bred, but also thorough-lighted, and many 
such. 

well: Substantives: welfare; yet in the form well fluc- 
tuating in the accent: well-wilier, well-wisher; on the 
other hand well-being, and adjectives with the participial 
form: well-born, well-bred, yet well-favoured and 
many such. 

Other compounds assume the adjective form instead of 
the adverb before the fundamental word, and fall into the 
sphere of the compounding of nouns. 

pp) Verbs with Germanic particles, except those with the above 
mentioned unaccented ones, only compounded of: in, over, 
out, under, up, fore, with and gain', with the exception of 
gain all have the accent on the fundamental word: inbre- 
athe, in lock (in is frequently hardly to be separated from 
the Latin in) overawe, overcarry; outact, outpace; 
underbear, understand; updraw, upgrow; foredo, 
forejudge, but foreimagine; withdraw, withstand; 
on the other hand gainsay, gainstand, gainstrive. 

Parasyntheta follow the accent of nouns: outlaw: to 
outlaw; outline: to outline; forward: to forward. 

2) of Non-germanic particles: 

Here the Romance, that is, those particles originally Latin, 
coming mostly through the French, come under consideration, 
in addition to which the Greek particles, likewise partly 
passing through the Latin and the French, deserve mention. 

) In compound nouns the principles of Germanic and of Latin 
accenting cross each other (in regard to the open penultimate 
or to that closed and long by position, even in regard 
to its vowel when long by nature) as well as the French, 
which aplies the accent to the last full syllable. It is 
readily understood that those terminations which do not 
allow the accent to go beyond a certain syllable in simple 
words, are also the standard here. 

The Romance prepositional particles therefore chiefly 
follow the law of Germanic ones, if the fundamental word 
is a monosyllable, or the last syllable is a glib short one, 
(as in ble) and have the accent upon the particle. 

Substantives: index, insect, instinct, edict, effort, 
abstract, absciss, advent, ensign, office, relic, re- 
fuge, preface, proverb, trespass, comfort, concord, 
college, counsel; with disyllabic particles: interlude, 
interdict, interreign, anteroom, antetemple, cir- 
cumstance, sriperflux, c''ntradance, counterscarp; 
but introit. 



/. The Word according to its elements. The accent of the compoundword. 89 

Adjectives: implex, instant, absent, abject, ad- 
verse, affable, prostrate, distant, convex, constant; 
with disyllabic particles: circumspect, superfine. 

But monosyllabic fundamental words often have the ac- 
cent, not only when they remind us of French ones, as 
affair, affront, decree, defence, desire, defeat, 
retreat; adroit, oblique &c. ; but many preserve, espe- 
cially in the final syllable closed with a double consonant, 
their original accent: compare, Substantives: event, excess, 
abscess, annex, affect, concent, defect &c.; with 
several prefixes: antepenult; Adjectives: exempt, adult, 
attent, abrupt, occult, conjunct, corrupt &c. often 
coinciding with verbs of like sound, although otherwise 
distinguished from these by the accent (see below). Some- 
times a vowel originally long is maintained under the accent, 
as in the adjectives: complete, attrite, contrite, con- 
cise, connate, acute, obtuse, abstruse &c. 

With disyllabic fundamental words the particle commonly 
has the accent with an open penult: Substantives: effigy, 
company; remora; avenue, retinue; implement, 
excrement; accolent, incident; reference, reti- 
cence; affinage; appetite; abature; assuetude; 
circumference &c. Adjectives: expletive, apposite; 
immanent, competent; assonant, corrugant; ade- 
quate, accurate; obvious, absonous, depilous; ab- 
solute; intercalar, circumfluent, circumfluous &c. 
With disyllabic prefixes a syllable long by position in the 
antepenult keeps the accent. 

Length by position in the vowel of the penult mostly 
hinders the recession of the accent: Substantives: delin- 
quent, appellant, apprentice, deperdit, adventure, 
adolescence &c. Adjectives: adnascent, decumbent, 
abundant, retentive, extramundane, intercommon, 
interfiilgent, antemundane. The originally long vowel 
of the penult also sometimes retains the accent: exponent, 
apparent, imprudent, interlucent, impanate (Latin 
panis); yet a short vowel also is often erroneously lentghened: 
affabrous (Latin affaber), complacent (Latin placeo); 
circumjacent (Latin jaceo); even a short vowel lengthened : 
concolour (Latin concolor). 

Yet even the position of consonants is often not heeded: 
antecursor, antechapel, antechamber, confessor, 
rencounter, intellect (intel = inter), 

Fundamental words of more than one syllable leave the 
accent on the prefix, according to the principles obtaining 
for simple words, as conditory, consistory, expletory, 
explicable, applicable &c. Derivatives from verbs retain 
the verbal accent, as far as possible. 

Among the rest of the Romance particles the negatives 
in, won, ne, bene, male, vice, bi, ambi, demi, semi, and the 
like, are to be remarked. 



90 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I. 

in is in geueral unaccented: immund, imprudent, im- 
mature, incorrect, ignoble &c. It is accented in im- 
potent, impudent, indolent, innocent, impious, 
infinite, infidel, and the substantives infant, inscience, 
mostly according to the Latin mode. On the other hand 
non readily takes the principal accent: non-age, non- 
claim, non-sense, non-aged; Nonchalance, non- 
pareil are accented in the French manner, ne may receive 
the accent in nouns, for instance negligent, negative. 
bene and male are treated as integral portions of the word 
and take the accent with a regard to the more general laws: 
benefit, benedict, benefice (but beneficent, as well 
as maleficent, malevolent, malefic &c.), malefice, 
maltalent; (in malecontent e is mute), malefactor. 
vice has the accent only in viceroy and viscount c. derr. 
bi, demi, semi readily take the accent, as bifid, bigamy; 
demigod, demidevil, semicircle, semicolon &c.; but 
let it pass on to the fundamental word, in consequence of 
the influence of position and termination upon the funda- 
mental word: bicornous, bi dental on account of position, 
biangulous, semiannular; but also biquadrate &c. 
ambi and others hardly come under consideration: ambi- 
dexter, ambiguous obey the well known influence. 

Particles originally Greek are on the whole to be treated 
from the points of view which are good for the Romance 
particles. 

Monosyllabic fundamental words : eclogue, methode, 
proem, problem, symptom; with a disyllabic prefix: 
epitaph, anagram, apophthegm, metaphrase, pe- 
riod; yet eclipse. 

Disyllabic fundamental words: ecstasy, protasis, 
syncope; with disyllabic prefix : anastrophe, antipathy, 
metabasis, hypotenuse. The accent does not readily go 
beyond the antepenult; yet sometimes in open syllables after 
the accent: antinomy. Length by position often operates 
in the penult: apostle, metacarpal, metalepsis; yet 
even here it is neglected : parergy, anecdote, analepsy. 
An originally long vowel of the penult has the accent in 
disyllables and polysyllables (see above on the terminations 
ema, esis and osis): diorama, anacoluthon. 

But among the prepositional particles following the same 
rules the alpha privative () is to be noticed, which is 
wont to keep the accent fixed: amazon, atimy, atheist 
and agalaxy, ataraxy. 

Prefixes, such as eu, dys and archi are felt and accented 
as decidedly determinent words: eulogy, eupathy, eucha- 
rist, euthanasy; dysphony, dysury, dysentery, dy- 
sury, dysentery, dys or exy; architect, architrave &c.; 
although length by position in the penult operates, even 
here: eurithmy, "eupepsy, dysopsy. The prefix archi, 
(arch, arche) which has passed through even the Anglosaxon 



/. The Word according to its elements . The accent of the compound word. 9 1 

as well as the French, is likewise subject to this influence: 
archangel, archbishop; is however else unaccented: 
archduke, archdeacon, archenemy, archipelago. 

$s) With verbs the endeavour to accent the fundamental word 
is predominant. 

This is most clearly exhibited in monosyllabic funda- 
mental words: impel, illude, absterge, abhor, adorn, 
obtain, reclaim, perpend, defend, discern, deny, 
select, transcend. This is seldom departed from with 
a monosyllabic prefix, as in edit, revel (Old-French reveler, 
Latin rebellare, as distinguished from revel = to draw back) 
and those compounded of ferre: differ, offer, proffer; 
perjure, conjure (as distinguished from conjure), conquer, 
trespass. Even French words follow the rule: achieve, 
agist (mediaval-Latin agistare, adgistare from the French 
giste, gite) and others. Even disyllabic prefixes commonly 
allow the accent to remain on the fundamental word, as 
inter, intro, contra, super &c., which content themselves with 
the subordinate accent: intercede, intercept, intromit, 
contrapose, contradict, countermand, siiperadd, 
supervene; yet these sometimes draw the principal accent 
to themselves, particularly ante and circum, yet others also: 
antedate, antepone (except antecede), circumvent, 
circumscribe, also super in superpose, superpraise, 
super vive, inter in interlink and interpret, contro in 
controvert and others. 

The principal rule also obtains for verbs compounded of 
several particles: reapprove, recollect and recollect, 
recommend, resurvey, preexist, preconceive, pre- 
concert, deobstriict, decompose, disembark, disan- 
nul, superexalt, superinspect &c. A few withdraw 
themselves from it, as reconcile, recompense, recog- 
nize. 

Such parasyntheta as, although in an unaltered form, are 
derived from nouns, like circuit, circumstance do not 
belong here; although with many it remains doubtful whether 
they spring from a noun or from a Romance verb already 
derived from the noun as commerce (French substantive 
commerce, verb commercer) and many others. But the ac- 
centing of verbs upon the fundamental word is frequently 
opposed to the accenting of nouns, else of like sound, upon 
the prefix, as impact, import, impress, insult; essay, 
escort; exile, export, extract, absent, abstract, 
abject, affix, accent; object; rebel, refuse, retail, 
record, perfume; present, presage, premise, pre- 
fix; protest, project; traject, transport; digest, 
discord, detail, desert, descant; subject; compact, 
compost, compound, complot; compress; confect, 
confine, conflict, convict, convent, convoy, con- 
test, context, contract, condite, conduct, concert, 



92 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1. 

concrete, consort; colleague, collect; also with poly- 
syllabic prefixes: interdict, countermarch and others. 

Inversely, conformably with the genius of the language, 
substantives developed from verbs, are, in contradistinction 
to the latter, accented upon the prefix, as the substantives 
increase, assign, permit, produce, transfer, sur- 
vey, conserve and the like; whereas parasyntheta (espe- 
cially with further derivative terminations) otherwise follow 
their compound fundamental word. 

Disyllabic and polysyllabic fundamental words are mostly 
stems further developed through assignable syllables of for- 
mation. Disyllables leave the accent on the syllable of the 
stem of the fundamental word: imperil, endanger, 
enrapture, exhibit, extinguish, revisit, revomit, 
dismember, disfurnish, persevere (compare Latin 
persevero) &c. Those ending in esce have the accent upon 
this syllable: effloresce, effervesce, acquiesce. But 
with disyllables and polysyllables a regard to the open or 
close penult is sometimes manifested. Thus verbs in ate, 
with an open penult, have the accent on the antepenult, 
whether this makes the prefix or not; yet, when the penult 
is long by position, on the latter: deviate, recreate, 
aggregate, consecrate; expatriate, emasculate; on 
the other hand dealbate, restagnate, averriincate. 
Even here the original length of the open penult is some- 
times regarded and accented: instaurate, impanate, 
delirate, delibate, despumate, siiperfetate &c. 
Verbs in ute partly follow this principle : execute, prose- 
cute; on the other hand attribute, contribute. Verbs 
in ize, ise mostly have the accent on the syllable of the stem 
of the fundamental . word : inthronize, denationalize, 
disorganize, imbastardize; yet some with a disyllabic 
fundamental word leave the accent on the prefix: exorcize, 
advertise. Occupy follows the compounds of /y, as ju- 
stify &c. 

Particles not prepositional are treated in like manner: 
bisect, impair (on the other hand Adjective impair), 
ignore but injure. Words like diplomate are para- 
syntheta. 



B) Of the subordinate accent. 

The Germanic simple words of the English tongue, which are 
mostly not amplified by compound derivational syllables, commonly 
comprehend the whole number of their syllables under one accent. 
Germanic compounds also, mostly consisting of monosyllabic words, 
have scarcely any prominent accent besides the principal one, as 
earthnut, earlap, eagle-eyed. Such comes out most clearly in 
non-Germanic, polysyllabic, simple or compound words. The im- 
mediate succession of a principal and subordinate accent or the reverse, 



/. The Word according to its elements. B. On the subordinate accent. 93 

through which the word would be interrupted by a slight pause, is 
repugnant to the English language wherefore, disyllabic compounds 
almost always lose their subordinate accent. To the word amen 
therefore, both syllables of which are accented, two accents, not discrim- 
inated as principal and subordinate, are attributed, whereby the word 
becomes monotonous. The subordinate is divided from the principal 
accent by at least one depressed syllable. 

The subordinate accent is, in polysyllables, natural, and a phy- 
siological necessity; but the glibness of popular pronunciation produces 
in a series of syllables an unconscious syncope of the vowels, so that 
in words like necessary, necessarily, necessitpusness , 
customable, customarily, erroneousness , abbreviatory, 
christianize &c. the decided prominence of a syllable with a sub- 
ordinate accent appears less needful. 

The more elegant language, and artistic or oratorical delivery 
are richer in subordinate accents. The observing them has become 
the task of modern Grammarians and lexicographers. Here of course, 
much is conventional. 

In general the following principles may be established: 

1) If an derivative syllable of a simple word, or a word com- 
pounded of an unaccented particle, requires the accent, the prin- 
cipal accent falls upon it; the subordinate accent then falls on 
the syllable of the stem originally accented, if the latter is sepa- 
rated by at least one syllable from the former: cannonade from 
cannon, halberdier from halberd, lapidation from lapidate; 
elemental from element; muscularity from muscular; ser- 
pentarius from serpent; rememoration from rememorate. 
It may however be separated by two syllables from the sub- 
ordinate accent: caricature, remiinerability, irrevoca- 
bility. 

If the syllable of the stem comes immediately before the syl- 
lable of the principal accent, the subordinate accent may hit a 
prefix: enervation, admiration; but if the primitive had 
already thrown its accent upon a derivative form, the subordinate 
accent then recedes to the proper syllable of the stem: elasti- 
city (from elastic), lamentation (from lament compare lamen- 
table). However the accent does not go beyond the previous 
third syllable long by position; hence irascibility from irascible. 
In general, two syllables before the principal accent cannot 
remain without a subordinate accent. 

2) If the principal accent falls upon the syllable of the stem of 
a simple word or the accented syllable of a word compounded 
of an accented prefix, a syllable of derivation separated there- 
from by at least one syllable receives the subordinate accent, 
unless a series of unaccented and chiefly open syllables permits 
an even gliding of the stem's, wherefore only more sharply 
prominent terminations require an accent. Here belong especially 
the terminations dted, dtor, cttory, dtrix, dtive, aster, ocre and 
other endings encumbered with more syllables: lamellated, 
cuspidated, lanceolated, emulator, gratulatory, media- 



94 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1. 

trix, nuncupative, multiplicative, administrative, me- 
dicaster, mediocre, obsoleteness, advertiser, adver- 
tising &c. 

2) As i'ar as particularly regards compound words, the subordinate 
accent becomes prominent in the compounding of notional words, 
only where the fundamental or determinant does not appear to 
be monosyllabic, although the weight of the fundamental word 
is especially effective; hence: barber-monger, pennyworth, 
halfpennyworth, bargemaster , pepperbox, pepper- 
gingerbread, customhouse and many more; on the other 
hand also certainly handkerchief and handiwork, and many 
other suppressions of the subordinate accent. It is also to be 
remarked that the compounding of a polysyllabic substantive 
with a subsequent proposition gives the latter the subordinate 
accent; as hanger-on. 

Polysyllabic nouns compounded of polysyllabic Germanic pre- 
positions likewise receive the subordinate accent: afterages, 
under worker, overbalance. With a monosyllabic fundamental 
word the language also leans towards the accenting it, yet not 
always decidedly, as in undergrowth, overmatch and the 
like. 

In substantive forms, as hurly-burly, tittle-tattle, the 
first part of the conjunction is accented, yet occasionally the 
second also: linsey-woolsey; as in the adverb higgledy 
pi'ggledy. 

Foreign compounds of nouns are to be treated according to 
the accent of the simple words: compare pneumatology, me- 
teorology, benefactor, muriatiferous, plenilunary;* 
bibliomancy, aristocrat, agriculture, homicidal. 

In the compounding of particles with verbs, particles, according 
to the general law, have the subordinate prior to the principal 
accent. In compounding with several particles, the accent readily 
recedes to the third syllable before the principal accent: super- 
exalt, misunderstand; as is also the case with similar nouns: 
inapprehensible. 

4) More than one subordinate accent occurs in derivative forms, 
which are based upon doubly accented forms: disaccommo- 
dation (disaccommodate), imprescriptibility (imprescrip- 
tible). 

It is to be observed, in conclusion, that rhetorical reasons may 
produce a departure from the usual accent. For instance, the reference 
to an opposition may demand the prominence of the stem instead 
of the termination: probability and plausibility (instead of -i'lity), 
or of the termination instead of the stem: debtor and deb tee 
(instead of debtor); or of the prefix instead of the fundamental word: 
We see that the Autobiography does not so much wmstate as 
un der state (LEWIS); by which even to the simple notion its contrary, 
with an accented prefix, may be opposed: to use and misuse, to 
give and /o'rgive &c. 

Variety of accent is, in English, mainly produced in common 



11. The Elements of the Word according to their descent. 95 

life by the fluctuation between the principal and the subordinate ac- 
cent. Modern Lexicography has deserved great credit for fixing 
the accent. The difference between the accenting of ancient and 
modern English lies chiefly in the limitation of the French pronun- 
ciation in the modern language. Yet other divergencies are found, 
for example, even in Spencer, Marlowe, Ben Jonson and Shakspeare, 
the frequent accenting of the particles be, for and mis, as well as of 
some Latin ones in verbs, as con, pro, which are no longer allowed; 
apart from the accenting of polysyllables, in which a divergence has 
arisen in accenting the penult and the antepenult. Thus, in Shak- 
speare character, Lupercal instead of character, Lupercal&c. 



II. The Elements of the Word according to their 

origin. 

We have to do with the arising of the present elements of the 
English word chiefly from the Anglosaxon and the French. "We are 
concerned with the preservation or the transmutation of old vocal 
signs which, only in a limited measure, preserve their old pronun- 
ciation. 

The consonant ever remains in the course of time the more fixed 
element in writing and in sound; the vowel is more changeable. 
The treatment of the vowel conforms to more fixed principles in the 
accented than in the unaccented syllable, especially after the accented 
syllable, but otherwise before it. In no tongue has the system of 
sounds been so much disturbed in the course of time as in English; 
nowhere has the mutilation of the word down to a monosyllable 
proceeded so far ; nevertheless the vocal hue of English has remained 
essentially Anglosaxon. 



Origin of the vowels and Diphthongs. 

The original Anglosaxon vocalization has suffered most, the Old- 
French less, that of modern words received from French and Latin, 
the least, which last we have not to treat in detail, although pro- 
nunciation often alters in many ways the hue of the vowel. The 
primitive quantities are effaced, the consonants and the position of 
the syllable in the word chiefly governing the quantity. The original 
length of the vowel is however often retained, being indicated by an 
mute e, either appended or preserved. Clear and obscure vowels 
are on the whole discriminated in accented syllables; in unaccented 
ones they easily pass into one another. 

I answers 

a) in an accented syllable with the value of the Highdutch i with 
a short sound, chiefly to the short Anglosaxon i and y, some- 
times to the broken eo and e, but also here and there to the 
long Anglosaxon i, y, eo and even ae. 



96 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1. 



Anglosax: i: in (Anglosax: in), if (gif), it (hit), with 
ship (scip); give (gif an), liver (lifer); swim (svimman), 
win (vinnan), begin (beginnan), bid (biddan), spit (spittan), 
wit (witt, wit); inn (inn, in), will (substantive ville, verb 
villan), spill (spillan), thick (piece), hilt (hilt), milk (mil uc, 
mile), swing (svingan), wink (vincjan), bitch (bicce), fish 
(fisc), silver (silfor, seolfer, sylfer). 

Anglosax: y: thin (pynne), kin (cynn), sin (synn), trim 
trymman), hip (hype, hyppe), knit (cnyttan), hill (hyll, hill), 
kiss (cyssan), filth (fylff), dint (dynt), little (lytel, litel), 
kitchen (cycene), listen (hlystan), sister (svyster, suster), 
stir (styrjan), gird (gyrdan), birth (byrd), thirst (pyr- 
stan). 

Anglosax: eo often interchanged with i in Anglosaxon: silk 
seoloc, seolc), widow (veoduve). 

Anglosax: e, likewise interchanged with i and y: brim 
bremme, brymme), grin (grennjan), bring (brengan along 
with bringaa), think (pencean, pencan along with pyncean, 
pyncan, think), smirk and smerk (substantive smerc, verb 
smercjan). 

Anglosaxon i: stiff (stif), rich (ric), nip (hnipan), withy 
(vidig), witness (vitness), wisdom (visdom). 

Anglosaxon y: wish (vyscan), fist (fyst), which (hvylic). 

Anglosaxon e6: sick (seoc, sioc, syc). 

Anglosaxon ae: whiffle (vseflan, Old-norse veifla), riddle 
(raedels). 

Old-English here often puts e in the place of the sound pro- 
ceeding from the short i, as yeve (give), leve (live, anglosax: 
libban, lifjan), seluer (silver) &c.; on the other hand u instead 
of the i arising from y, y: hull, gult, cussede (kissed), 
yfulled (filled, Anglosax: fyllan), wuche (which), fust, luper 
(Anglosax: lyfrer) &c.; but often y instead of i: hym, ys, yt, 
tyn, mydde, brynge &c. 

The French often presented i in a final accented syllable 
(ie). An accented i in words originally French mostly appears 
accented in modern English. Here i stands in the place of the 
French i, e, and even a and u. The vocalization is often 
fashioned after the Latin. 

Old- French i: issue (Old-French the same), history 
(histoire, estoire), cinque (cine, cinque), city (cite), pity 
(pite, pitie), vigour (vigor, vigur), mirror (mireor), dinner 
(digner, disner), river (riviere), vermilion (compare vermil- 
ler) so frequent in modern words. 

Old-French e, also interchanging with i: chivalry (cheva- 
lerie), chimney (cheminee and chimenee), cinder (cendre), 
virtue (vertu), circle (cercle), lizard (Modern-French le- 
zard), frigate (Modern-French fregate), abridge (abreger), 
skirmish (eskermir). The Old-English still often has e: che- 
valerie, chevalrous, vertue &c. Print points to an Old- 
French ei (preindre, priendre); niistresse, Old-English maystres 
to ai (Ron. OF GLOUCESTER), mastres (SKELTON). 



II. The Elements of the Word. Origin of the Vowels and Diphthongs. i. 97 

Old-French a: fringe (frange, mediavel-Latin frigia, Old- 
English frenge), crimson (French cramoisi, Italian carmesino, 
cremisino). 

Old-French u: ribbon (French ruban), bittern (butor), per- 
haps also sirloin (surlonge) and sirname (sur-). Compare 
the reverse umpire (perhaps properly impair) Old-English 
nounpere (PiERS PLOUGH.) from the Old-French peer, pair, par. 
Provincially u often becomes i, for instance in Cheshire. 

In the unaccepted syllable it mostly proceeds from the Ger- 
manic and French, as well as Latin i, in prefixes as well as 
in terminations, yet here representatives of many other obscure, 
particularly Romance vowels occur, for instance of d. Wicliffe, 
Anglosax: Viglaf. i stands alongwith u, as well as in Anglo- 
saxon in the termination ing, beside ung, English only ing: 
ebbing (ebbung) &c. and otherwise: devil, Anglosax: deofud, 
-ol, deofl, ostrich, French autruche; often instead of a Romance 
e; summit, Old-French som, sum, modern- French sommet, 
retinue, Old-English retenue; instead of ei and ai (in Old- 
French often i. e): venison, Old- French veneison, venison; 
chanfrin, French chanfrein; comparison, French comparai- 
son; orison, Old-French orison, -eson, -eison; benefit, Old- 
French bienf ait, -fet; instead of oi: parish (paroisse); anguish 
Old-French angoisse and anguisse; instead of a: hurricane, 
Spanish huracan; caparison, French caparapon; instead of OU: 
cartridge, French cartouche &c. 

b) The diphthong i, foreign in sound to the Anglosaxon as well 
as to the English even down to the 14 th century (see ei) illu- 
strated by J. Wallis in the 17 th by the sound of the French pain, 
main, arises in the accented syllable primarily out of the An- 
glosaxon i and y, but then also passing over into i out of i 
and y, especially before certain Anglosaxon consonants c, g, nd, 
Id, ht, as well as mostly before gh, ght (Anglosaxon h and hi) 
also eo, ea and eo, ea and i. 

Anglosaxon i: time (tima), wine(vin), while (hvil), wipe 
(vipjan), wife (vif), drive (drifan), write (vritan), ride (ri- 
dan), writhe (vri<5an), wise (vis), ice (is); like (lie), iron 
(iren), idle (idel), light (liht also leoht, laht = levis), light 
lithan = levare). 

Anglosaxon y: de-file (fylan), mire (myre = palus) and 
mire, pismire (myre, Old-norse maur), fire (fyr), hide (hyd), 
bride (bryd), hithe (hyd = portus), lice (plural lys). 

Anglosaxon i: under influence of c and g: I (ic), Friday 
Frigedag), nine (nigon); before nd: bind (bindan), find (fin- 
dan), wind (vindan) but not wind (vind = ventus) c. der.; 
grind (grindan), hind (hind = cerva), behind (hindan), blind 
(blind); on the other hand hinder (hinderjan); before Id: mild 
(mild), wild (vild), child (cild or cild) yet the plural children; 
see pronunciation; before ght: sight (siht), right (riht), plight 
(substantive plight, verb plightan), dight (dihtan), Wight 
(Vight): but also pine (pinn, pin, yet Latin pmus), ivy, 

Matzner, engl. Gr. I. 7 



98 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. L 

Anglosaxon ifig, Old-Hi ghdutch epfi, ephi; and climb (climban, 
Old-English and Scotch climen). 

Anglosaxon y: before nd: mind (mynd), kind (cynd), but 
not in compounds kindred; yet also brine (bryne); before ht, 
English ght: fright (fyrthu), wight (viht, vuht), wright 
(wyrtha). 

Anglosaxon eo, eo: file (feol), tithe (teo6*a); before gh and 
ght: thigh (peoh), sigh (compare seofjan), light (leoth = lux), 
bright (beorht, bryht), fight (feohtan). 

Anglosaxon ea, ea: nigh (neah, neh), high (heah); might 
(meaht, miht), night (neaht, niht). 

Hi ght belongs to hatan, heht; the obsolete pi ght to the 
Anglosaxon pyccan, pycte. Compare the Old-English Benedight 
(CHAUCER). 

The employment of the i, taken from the Romance, Latin and 
Greek languages, is without principle; original length is seldom 
the reason of its being a diphthong, its position in the word 
alone decides. Yet a primitive i commonly lies at the root. 
Compare entire, Old-French entir, entier; require, Old- 
French querre, quierre, quirre, Old-English requere (CHAUCER), 
squire, Old-French escuier, esquier, Old -English squier; ivory 
(ivoire), primary, library &c.; crime, vice; yet i also 
sometimes rests upon e, ai: giant, jaiant, Modern-French 
geant, Old-English geaunt (MAIJNDEV.), reprisal, French re- 
presaille &c., even upon the Old-French U: contrive (truver) 
see ie. i has the same relation to the Cymric u, which has 
nearly the same sound as the French w, in kite, Cymric cud, 
cut, Anglosaxon cita, cyta. 

In the unaccented syllable an originally long I is sometimes 
preserved, as 2, as in feline (Latin felinus), bovine and the 
like; else the diphthong is even here determined by its position 
in the word. 

Ie in the accented syllable ; 

a) with the i-sound in the close syllable in Germanic words is 
almost always rendered in Old-English, by e, instead of: 

Anglosaxon eo: lief (leof), fiend (feond, fiend), thief (peof), 
priest (preost); friend (freond, friend) with altered sound; 
Old-English fend, frend. 

Anglosaxon i: field (field, fe'ld), shield (scild, sceld), sieve 
(sife); Old-EngJish .feld, scheld 

Anglosaxon e (y), e (y): believe (gelefan, -lyfan), wield 
(gevyldan, -veldan), Old-English leven, beleven, welden; also : 
shriek, Old-norse skrikja. 

Old-French ie, along with e, often lies at the root: cap-a-pie 
(piet, pie), niece, piece, grief, fief, brief, chief (Old- 
French the same), tierce (tiers, tierce), fierce (fier, [fiers]), 
cierge, bier (biere, bierre), cavalier, arquebusier &c., 
achieve (achever, achiever), besiege (assieger, asseger), 
grieve (grever, grief), pierce (percer, perchier), Old-English 
chevetain (chieftain), acheven, assegen, percen &c. 

Old-French i: liege (lige), frieze (frize), mien (mine). 



1L The Elements of the Word. Origin of Vowels and Diphthongs. y. 99 

Old-French U: (Modern-French ow) : retrieve (truver, trover, 
trouver), reprieve (repruver). Old-English has here com- 
monly e, where Modern-English mostly chuses o: preven, re- 
preven, meven (Old-French muevre, movoir), ameven, re- 
meven, keveren (cover); thus also the Old-Scotch. The Diph- 
thong i (ei) has been exhibited above in contrive. 

Many ie are to be distinguished from the above as t\vo vowels, 
both in the accented and in the unaccented syllable, as in ac- 
quiesce &c.; forms like pitied, countries (with silent e) 
&c.; orient, alien and the like. 

b) ie sounds with the diphthong i in the open syllable of the stem, 
in Germanic words, under the influence of a following original 
c, g, instead of: 

Anglosaxon i, ea, y (g): lie (licgan, liggan, ligean), vie 
vigjan, viggan), hie (higjan), die also dye (deagjan = tingere), 
(yet die = mori is Old-norse deyja to divan); tie (tegean, ty- 
gan, even the Anglosaxon tyan, tian); otherwise stems of this 
sort end with the English y, (ye) sound, le also arises by 
inflection out of y: flies and thus in Romance words cries &c., 
also in derivatives, as fiery (fire). 

Old-French ie is a diphthong in pie (pica); i in fie along- 
with fy (compare the Old-English fyen = to say fy!); e in die 
plural dies and dice, Old-English dis, dees, deys. 

ie in brier and la in friar are to be taken as broadenings 
of an Anglosaxon e and a French e (e) before r: brer, brser, 
French frere, Old-English the same. They have become disyl- 
lables: compare fiery from fire. 

Y stands in words of Germanic, Romance and Latin-Greek origin, 
yet only in Germanic words at the end. 
a) as a diphthong it arises out of: 

the Anglosaxon i and y: my (min), thy (pin); with follow- 
ing #: sty (stige = hara); why (hvy, hve, mi); sky, Old-norse 
sky, compare Anglosaxon scuva, scua = umbra. 

Anglosaxon CO (g, A): fly (fleogan), fly (fleoge), shy (sceoh), 
sly (Swedish slug); fry (Old-norse frio, frae, Old-French fraye). 
Anglosaxon i and y under cooperation of a following g: by 
(big, bi, be) unaccented be, Old-English be and bi, dry (drygge, 
dry); in buy, where u stands idly, the same process takes place 
(bycgan, Old-English buggen, byggen, bien). 

In the form ye it proceeds from i, ea (g) in rye (rige, ryge), 
dye (deag, deah), Old-English substantive deyer; compare Wye 
(Latin Vaga) in Wales. 

Old-French i, mostly before e, likewise gives y: try (trier), 
cry (crier), affy (affier), deny (denier), defy (defier), fry 
(frire, freir), apply (from plier, Old-French appliquer), comply 
(com-plier), descry (descrire), espy (espier). 

Old-French e (e), gives in the accented syllable sometimes y: 
supply (Modern-French suppleer). 

A primitive y (r), which has passed through the Latin and 
French, mostly receives the diphthong sound through its position, 
as tyrant, cypress, hydromel &c. See the pronunciation. 



100 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part L Sect. 1. 

In the unaccented syllable the same is mostly good for the ori- 
ginal y. The words in i: fy (fier) and ply (plier) have always 
the diphthong; occupy (occuper), prophesy exceptionally. 
b) By far the most frequently a y not primitive becomes an unac- 
cented i, especially in final syllables. It arises from: 

the Anglosaxon ig: penny (penig, properly pending), body 
(bodig), busy (bysig), rainy (regenig, renig), twenty (tventig), 
bury (byrigan) &c. ; so also lily (lilje, lilege), berry (berje, 
berige) &c. ; it also interchanges with ow: holy (halig) and 
hallow, see ow, and is also developed out of the mere <;: felly 
(felg) also felloe, Canterbury (Cantvaraburh, burg); so also 
out of ic: only (anlic) &c. 

Old-French ie and e (Modern-French e, ee) are transmuted 
in Modern-English into y; thus in verbs inier: carry, vary, 
study, envy, marry (carier, charier &c.); in substantives in 
ie: hostelry, tyranny, fancy, chivalry &c.; also in i: 
mercy (mercit, merci), enemy, jolly, as in e (<?'): pity, 
city, charity &c.; in ee: army, jelly (gelee), duty (Old- 
English duetee); in ary, ory, arising from aire, oire by trans- 
position under Latin influence &c.; necessary, victory &c. 
Some of these y's develope themselves out of ai, ei (o?'), as 
very (verai, Old-English veray, verray), belfry (belefreit, bele- 
froi). The Old-English frequently has ie instead of ig, ie and so 
forth, he vie (heavy); aplashie ground (NOMENCLATOR 1585). 
The Cobler of Canter burie (1590). Fortie mark (CiTY 
MATCH 1639. p. 14.); carien, studien; envie, hostelrie, 
chevalrie, victorie &c., commonly even down to the 16 th 
and 17 th centuries dictionarie, historic, phantasie, so- 
cietie &c.; instead of e (e, ee) frequently ee: pitee, chari- 
tee, solempnitee; also perhaps a mere e: cite, pite &c. 

In Latin-greek words a primitive y is often in part an accented, 
in part an unaccented /: tyranny, lyric &c. Egypt, ana- 
lysis &c. 

E is divided unequally into the predominant short and long 
sound. Primarily 

a) in the accented syllable a short e mostly developes itself out 
of the same vowel, thereby proving itself to be the most fixed 
vowel of those tongues which are the basis of English. It arises 
out of 

the Anglosaxon e and e, whether these point to an original 
a or i: den (dene, denn), wen (venn), wren (vrenna), sell 
(sellan, syllan), step (steppan), neb (nebb), net (nett), bed 
(bedd), bench (benc), rest (rest, rast), merry (merh, mirig); 
well (vela, ve'l), get (getan, gitan), melt (meltan, miltan), 
seld, seldom (se'ld, seldan); nest(nist, nest), self(silf, self, 
seolf), fennel (finul, fenol), pepper (pipor, peopor, pepor), 
fetter (feotur, fetor). 

Anglosaxon untransmuted i and y seldom give the Engl. e: 
desk, beside dish (disc), sheriff (scirgerefa), welcome (vil- 
cume, verb vilcumjan); -- elder (ylder), kernel (cyrnel), 
whelk (hvylca, fledge (flycge). 



II. The Elements of the Word. Origin of the Vowels and Diphth. e. 1Q1 

Anglosaxon eo, interchanging with i in: herd (heord, hiord), 
seven (seofon, siofun, syfon), Fredrick (Freo6bric, freofro 
alongwith frifru), her (hire, heore). 

Anglosaxon a and a: pebble (pabol), produced in where 
(hvar, hvar); egg (ag), elf (alf, elf, ylf), Alfred (Alfred), 
less (las), Old-Engl. ware (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER), lass; and 
ea: belch (bealcjau), stern (steam), Berkshire (Bearrucscir); 
even a: emmet (amsete, amete). In Old-English and dialec- 
tically e often takes the place of a: esp, exle, extre, (LYD- 
GATE) axletree, edder &c. See A. 

Anglosaxon ae passes here and there into e: errand (serende), 
erst (serest); produced in ere (ser), there (pser, per); were 
(vsere, vaeron), ever (sefre), never (naefre, nefor), wet (vaet), 
1 e t (laetan = sinere), wrest (vrsestan), wrestle (vraestlj an) ; 
Old-English arande, pare, wrastle, arst; even or instead of ere; 
ye war, ware often in Skelton. 

Anglosaxon e rarely: reck (recan = curare), reckless (rece- 
leas), bless (bletsjan, blessjan). 

Anglosaxon ea in red (read, reod), Edmund, Edgar, 
Edwin (Eadmund &c.); on the other hand Eadbert (Eadberht) 
and in the unaccented syllable -less (leas = less). 

Anglosaxon e6: in devil (deoful), theft (peoffr, pyffr). 

Anglosaxon o and 6 is also found rendered by e in welkin 
(volcen) and Wednesday (Vodnesdag), Wednesbury (Vod- 
nesbeorh), Old-English walkne. 

Among the French elements e is, with regard to its place 
in the word, the basis of the short , as also the e of other 
tongues. Old-French e: gem (gemme, yet Anglosaxon gimm), 
repent (repentir), regret (regreter), clef (the same), err 
(errer), serf (the same); clergy (clergie), remember (re- 
membrer); also in the open syllable: several (the same), be- 
verage (the same), tenant (the same), precious (precios, 
-us) &c. 

Old-French a, which, before the nasal, interchanges with e 
even in Old-French: trench (trancher and trencher), merchant 
(marcheaut), Old-English marchant, as clerk and serjeant 
assume an , at least in pronunciation. 

Old-French ei, ai, ie, which likewise interchange with e: ves- 
sel (vaissel, veissel, vessel), pledge (pleige, plege), secle 
(siecle, secle). 

Old-French i: cemetery(cimetiere), sketch(Frenchesquisse), 
lemon (limon), level (Italian livello), Ex (Latin Isca) a river 
in Devonshire 

e seldom takes the place of oi: perry, French poire; or U: 
ferret, French furet, to the Latin fur. 

In the unaccented syllable before the accent e mostly arises 
out of e; on the other hand it is weakened down to a glib e, 
after the accented syllable out of all Germanic and Ro- 
mance vowels. Examples are everywhere to be met with, even 
apart from the organic, silent e. Thus e stands in the place of 
the Anglosaxon a, o, U: answer (andsvarjan), rather (raffor), 



102 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I. 

earnest (eornost), fennel (finul, -ol); even Anglosaxon takes 
the lead in this weakening; compare Anglosaxon hungur, -or, 
-er, English hunger; Anglosaxon endlifum, -eofun, -efen (Da- 
tive), English eleven and so forth. Old-French i, ei, ai, ie, 
oi, a &c. give e: kennel (chenil), garret (garite), courtesan 
(courtisane), counsel (conseil, consel, consol), marvel (mer- 
veille, mervoile), mitten s (mitaine), sudden (sudain), travel 
(travailler, traveiller), poitrel (poitrail), manner (maniere); 
so matter, river &c. covet (covoiter, coveiter), harness 
(harnas, harnois), manger (mangeoire), Ben net (Benoit), 
scarlet (escarlate), challenge (chalonger, chalenger) &c. Old- 
English often reverts or approximates to the old vocalization: 
hongur, lengur, betur (Roe. OF GLOUCESTER), conseil, 
merveillous, curteisie, sodayn, sodeyn (the latter even 
in Skelton), Beneit. 

b) as a long e with the '-sound, e stands in modern-English mostly 
in non-Germanic words in the open syllable (see pronunciation). 

The Anglosaxon e, e has partly this sound in the open syl- 
lable: he (he), me (me), we (ve), ye (ge), even (efen), evil 
(yfel, eofel, e'fel and ebul), metre (meter), fever (fefer, com- 
pare French fievre), besom (besma); the older spelling is hee, 
mee &c., as even now thee (pe), often to distinguish the accented 
from the unaccented pronoun: 

Also the Anglosaxon 86: eve, even, evening (aefen), these 
(pas, gen. pissa, Old-English this, thise); ea ande: eke (Con- 
junction eac, ec, Substantive eaca, verb ecean, ecan); and e6: 
be (beon). 

Wherever e appears lengthened in an open syllable, it rests 
upon a Romance, Latin-Greek e (also a primitive ae, oe), and 
preserves or gains its length in great part by its position in 
the word: compare severe, scene with genius (genius), pe- 
riod (periodus). Demesne, also demaine, points to the 
French ei, ai (demeine, demaine). 

In the unaccented syllable e inclines to the ^-sound, more in 
the open than in the close syllable; Latin e in the termination 
es (Latin es) preserves the length: ambages. 
Ee is chiefly the representative of the lengthened e and shares 
with ea the long ?-sound. In Old-English ee frequently stands instead of 
the ea now in use: leef (leaf), heep (heap), heeth (heath), feet (feat), 
deen (dean) PIEKS PLOUGHM.), perhaps with the sound e, as it was 
even in the 1 7 tB century. But a simple e likewise stands in an open 
syllable or with a mute e after it: meke (meek), sene (seen), quene 
(queen), whele (wheel), wepen (weep), seken (seek), kepen (keep), 
knelen (kneel), but also before other syllables beginning with a con- 
sonant fredom, and ben (been). 

It especially answers to the Anglosaxon e as the modification of 
6: feel (felan), keel (celan), seem (seman = judicare, compare som 
Substantive), green (grene), queen (even), weep (vepan), keep 
(cepan), meet (metan), sweet (svete), speed (spedan), feed (fedan), 
sleeve (slef, slyf), geese (ges), teeth (ted), seek (secan soecan), 



H. The Elements of the Word. Origin of the Vowels and Diphth. - El, Ey. 1Q3 

beechen (becen); sweep (to svapan compare the Lowdutch 
swope). 

To the Anglosaxon e alongwith ea, commonly ea in Modern- 
English: need (nead, ned, nyd), leek (leac), reek (rec, reac), cheek 
(ceace, cece), steep (steap). 

To the Anglosaxon se mostly interchanging with e: eel (ael), 
needle (naedl, nedl), sleep (slsepan, slapan), sheep (scaep, seep), 
seed (saed), weed (vaed), leech (laece, lece), speech (spaec), greedy 
(graedig, gredig)? seely (sselig). 

To the Anglosaxon eo frequently: bee (beo), flee (fleon, fleo- 
han), [compare be (beon)], tree (treo, tre), knee (kneo, kneov) 
reel (hreol), wheel(hveol, hveovol), beer (beor), deer (deor, dior), 
steer (steoran, stioran, styran), steer (steor == taurus), deep (deop), 
creep (creopan), seethe (se6(5an, sioQan), freeze (freosan, frysan), 
fleece (fleos, fles, flys), beetle (biotul, beotel, betel, bytel). 

To the Anglosaxon i: free (fri), three (pri), scere (scir and 
scaere) and even 

To the Anglosaxon i, e, eo and u = Gothic i: shire (scire), 
thee (pe) see above e, fee (feoh), see (seon), week (vice, veoce, 
vuce), Old-English woke, wyke (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER). Thus keeve, 
stands alongwith kive, Anglosaxon cyf = cupa. 

The Old-French e, particularly in an open syllable and where 
it interchanges with ei, ai and oi is often represented by ee: agree 
(agreer), degree (the same), careen (Modern-French carener), cheer 
(chere, chiere) alongwith chear, chanticleer (chantecler), peer 
(par, pair, per), peel (poiler, peiler, peler), Old-English secree 
[secreit, secroi); decree (decret), see(siez, se, sed), proceed, ex- 
ceed, succeed alongwith recede, precede (proceder, succeder), 
discreet (discret), feeble (foible, Modern- French faible); thus also 
is the French termination e (atus) represented in abandonee and 
other names of persons, likewise in names of things: rappee (rape). 
A regard to the Latin e often prevails therewith: beet (French bette, 
Latin beta, Old-highdutch bioza, bieza), spleen (splen) &c. 

Also the French termination ier along with aire and iere in modern 
words, is often represented by eer, together with ier and er: pio- 
neer, volunteer, career &c. 

The Old-French i is often rendered thus in Modern-English: 
genteel (gentil), Old-English gentile; veer(virer), lee (lie), esteem 
(estimer), redeem (se redimer) &c. 

The Old-French oe, ue, modern French oeu: beef (boef, buef) 
Old-French 0: fleet (note or Anglosaxon flota = navis?) stand 
alone. 

In the unaccented syllable, where it is rare, it rests upon the 
French e (ee): couchee, levee, jettee, coffee, committee. 

Ei and ey seem down to the 17 th century to have had only the 
sound of a long e, which is even now predominant; the Old-English 
often puts it in the place of the a?', now in use: feire (fair), seint 
(saint), pleyn (plain), heyre (hair), deys (dais), susteynen 
(sustain), p ley en (play), seyen (say); often also instead of the 
present diphthong ?': heigh (high), neigh (nigh), deyen (die). 



104 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1. 

The ei in the middle of a syllable, rare in Germanic words, 
arises in the accented syllable, mostly before a succeeding g (K) 
out of: 

the Anglosaxon a (se): their (para, psera); either, neither 
(ahvafrer, avfrer, after, yet compare also seghvacter and nahvafter) now 
sounding with I. 

the Anglosaxon ea: eight (eatha, atha, ehta). 

the Anglosaxon ea: height heahoV), along with high (heah) 
sounding ei and neighbour (neahbur) with e, along with nigh (neah), 
and heifer (heahfore, heafore, heafre) with a short e. 

the Anglosaxon 8B: neigh (hnsegan); and e, i: weigh (vegan), 
weight (viht). In sleight (to sly, Lowdutch slu, Swedish slug) 
ei again prevails. 

In words originally French it mostly stands in the place of the 
Old-French ei, interchanging with ai and ei, partly with the e sound: 
vein (veine), deign (deigner, daigner, degner), reign (reigner, rai- 
ner &c.), heir (hoir, heir), veil and vail (voile, veile), reins (rein, 
rain); partly with the i-sound: seize (seisir, saisir), seine (the same 
sagena), leizure (loisir, leisir), receive, perceive, deceive, con- 
ceive (rechoivre, rezoivre, perchoivre &c. alongwith recever, receveir, 
recivoir &c.), therefore also receipt, deceit, conceit; ceil, (scei- 
ler, seeler = sigillare, figuris ornare). 

Instead of ei and ai: obeissance, heinous (ha'inos) compare 
Old-Engl. heyne. 

For e: rein (resne, reigne, Modern-French rene); Latin e: in- 
veigh (invehi). Inveigle (with I) is said to have been corrupted 
from the Italian invogliare ; perhaps out of the Old-French avogler = 
aveugler. 

in the unaccented syllable ei arises out of the French ai, ei: 
foreign (forain), sovereign (soverain), forfeit (forfait), counter- 
feit, surfeit. 

Ey, now likewise divided between e and 1 is likewise rare in 
Germanic words. It arises in the accented syllable, in words ori- 
ginally Anglosaxon, mostly with the weakening of g into ?', out of: 

The Anglosaxon a (se): they, (pa), wey and weigh (vag, vaeg). 

The Anglosaxon 8B: whey (hvseg), greyhound (graeghund, 
gregh.); on the other hand gray (grseg); with I: key (caeg). Com- 
pare bey, Turkish beg. 

In eye (eage) ey becomes ei; eyeliad (oeillade), eyelet (oeillet) 
are transformations into the Anglosaxon form. 

Old-French ei,'oi gives ey: prey (preier, proier, praer=prae- 
dari), trey (trei, troi, trois), convey along with convoy (conveier, 
convoier); obey (obeir), purvey, survey (veoir, veeir, veer); also 
ai: eyry and aerie (French airee). 

In the unaccented syllable it answers to the Anglosaxon e (g): 
Ramsey (Rammesege), Anglesey (Angleseg). i (g): honey (hu- 
nig); compare barley (Cymric barllys), Old-English barly (MAUND.); 
more frequently Old-French ei, oi: money (monoie, moneie) tour- 
ney (tournoi, tornei), lamprey (lamproie, Anglosaxon lamprede); 
lackey belongs to laquais, Old-French also laquet; abbey (Old- 
French abbaye); and Old-French ee (Modern- French ee): alley (allee), 



//. The Elements of the Word. Origin of the Vowels and Diphthongs. -1&*. 105 

galley (galee, Old-French galie), valley (valee), journey (jornee, 
jurnee), chimney (cheminee, chinienee), causey (chaussee); also e 
(e): attorney (atorne, medieval-Latin aturnatus); rarely Old-French 
ie: Turkey, else y. Forms like moneie, valeie are still frequent 
in Old-English. 

Ea, even in the 17 th century representing the sound of the long 
e in distinction to g in the close syllable (meat and met) (J. WAL- 
LIS), now mostly long I, and besides short e, without the carrying out 
of a principle, although resting principally on the Anglosaxon ed, is 
rendered mostly by e in Old-English in words originally Germanic 
and Romance: eche, shefe, ete, clene, weke, heren, beren, 
dede (dead), bever, reme (realm), reson, seson, grese, egle 
&c. ; as well as also by ee: see (sea), Modern-English still affear 
and affeer, aread and areed, as bedle and beadle. On the 
other hand in the 16 th and 17 th centuries it often takes the place 
of the English long and short e (e and e), where it has been sub- 
sequently abandoned. It represents in the accented syllable: 

The Anglosaxon ea as I: flea (flea), beam (beam), bean (bean), 
year (gear, ger), leap (hleapan), leaf (leaf), leave (leaf = permis- 
sio), bereave (bereafjan), beat (beatan), east (east), beacon (bea- 
cen); as e: deaf (deaf), threat (preatjan), lead (lead), death 
(deafr); as e: great (great). 

The Anglosaxon se as I: sea (sae and seo), lean (laene), mean 
alongwith moan (msenan), heal (haelan), fear (faer), bleat (blsetan), 
mead (maed = pratum), sheath (scsefr, sceacF, scafr), tease (taesan), 
each (aelc), teach (tsecan), geason (gsesen), heathen (hsefren); 
as e: dread (draed), thread (prsed), breath (braefr), health (haald), 
weapon (vsepen, vepen), cleanse (clsensjan), early (serlice). 

The Anglosaxon e as I: wheal also weal and wale, (hvele = 
putredo), leave (lefan, lyfan = permittere), hear (heran, hyran), 
read (redan), weary (verig), voerig); as a: hearken (hercnjan, 
hyrcnjan). 

The Anglosaxon i as 1: cleave (clifan), wreathe along with 
writhe (vriftan). 

The Anglosaxon e 6 as I: dear (deore, dior, dyre), cleave (cleo- 
fan, clufan), dreary (dreorig); as 6: breast (breost). 

The Anglosaxon a as I: pea (pava), Old-English po, poo, in 
Skelton still pohen; weak (vac); as e: sweat (svat), ready 
(from rad). 

Not uncommon is its appearance for short vowels, as: 

The Anglosaxon e as 1: meat (mete, mett), leak (hlece = rimo- 
sus), wean (venjan), heave (hebban); as 8: heavy (hefig), 
lengthened in swear (sverjan), wear (verjan). 

The Anglosaxon e, ea, i and y as I: meal (me'lu, meolo, melo), 
steal (stelan), shear (sceran), spear (spere, speore, spiore), smear 
(Substantive sme'ru, verb smervjan, smerjan), eat (e'tan), knead 
(cnedan), mead (me'du = mulsum), leak (Old-norse leca = stillare, 
Anglosaxon leccan = irrigare), wreak (vre'can), lease (lesan = colli- 
gere), beaver (befer, beber, beofer) ; seal (seolh, seol, siol, syl = 
phoca), lean (hlinjan, hleonjan), beaker (Old-norse bikar, Medieval- 
Latin bicarium), seal (sigel), beadle (bydel); as e: tread (tredan), 



106 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1. 

weather (veder), feather (fifrer, feeder, fe'der), earl (eorl, erl), 
earnest (eornost), eartTi (eorcte), learn (leornjan, liornjan), quern 
(cveorn, cvyrn), heaven (heofon); as a lengthened e: bear (bera), 
bear (berau, beoran), pear (peru), tear (teran), break (brecan); 
as a: heart (heorte), hearth (heorfr). 

The Anglosaxon ea also a as I: ear (aher, ear), beard (beard): 
as e: pearl (parl, pearl), earn (earnjan), meadow (meadu, madu); 
as a: beam obsolete, alongwith bairn, barn (beam) 

Old-French ai, oi, along with ei and e, become very frequently ea 
mostly as I: clear (clair, cleir, cler), eagle (aigle), eager (aigre, 
eigre, egre), feat (fait), defeat, treat (traiter, compare Anglosaxon 
thrahtjan, treahtigean), plead (plaider), plea (plait from plaiz, pies), 
peace (paix, pais, pes), grease (graisse, gresse), lease (laissier, 
leisseir, lessier), please (plaisir, 'pleisir, plesir), appease (apaisier), 
treaty (traite), reason (raison, reson), season (saison, seison, se- 
son), feasible, obsolete faisible; pea (pois, peis? compare Anglo- 
Saxon pisa, piosa), mean (moien, meien), dean (doyen), increase, 
decrease (croistre, creistre, crestre); so also a*i: treason (traison); 
as S: peasant (pa'isant), as pheasant (faisan), Old-English 
fesaunt (PIERS PLOUGHMAN). 

Old-French e (Modern-French e, <?, e, e) as l: zeal (zele), de- 
mean (demener = to behave), appeal (apeler, Substantive apel, apiel), 
reveal (reveler), congeal (geler), conceal (celer), repeat (Modern- 
French repeter), cream (cresme), beast (beste), feast (feste), 
preach (precher, preescher), peach (Modern-French peche, Anglo- 
Saxon pe'rsuc), breach (breche), impeach (empescher, ernpeescher), 
cease (cesser), decease (deces, decides), tea (the, Italian te), beak 
(bee, Gaelic beic), feature (faiture); also ie = e: arrears, arrea- 
rage (arier, ariere), Old-English arrerage; as : search (cercher, 
cherchier), measure (mesure), treasure (tresor), leaven (levain). 

Old-French i as I: beagle (bigle), league (ligue), peak (pic, 
pique); i along with e: treague (trive, treve, Italian tregua (SPENSER); 
as 8: treachery (tricherie, trecerie). 

Old-French a as I: glean (glaner, also glener), dialectically 
glent = gleaned; appear (apparoir, appareir), Old-English appa- 
rence (CHAUCER), apparancy (GOWER); ase: jealous (jalous and 
engelus), Old-English Substantive jallowes. 

The Old-French ea has been preserved as & in: realm (realme, 
reaume), yet Old-English also resme (MAUND.), reme (PIERS PLOUGH- 
MAN). 

In creature ea has been contracted as I, as in: deacon 'ia (dia- 
conus, yet even Anglosaxon diacon, deacon). 

ea in an unaccented syllable, has rarely arisen, as it were out 
of the Anglosaxon e, i (g): Angle sea along with Anglesey (An- 
gleseg), Chelsea (Ceolesig); or French e: colleague; or an original 
ea: guinea. 

Eo with its various sounds does not stand in Germanic words; 
only yeoman, Old -English yeman (man pi. men) is a decidedly 
Anglosaxon substantive. According to Grimm ?ye, yeo is the prefix ge 
(contubernalis, minister); according to others ye, yeo young ; belong- 
ing perhaps to the Anglosaxon geam = cura, attentio, Anglosaxon 



IL The Elements of the Word. Origin of the Vowels andDiphth. Ew. 107 

gymend = gubernator, as it were geammann. The Old-English has 
the verb y era en = to govern, to take care of and the substantive 
yeme (Anglosaxon verb geman, gyman = custodire, curare). Does 
the dialectical gemman = nobleman belong also here? 

Otherwise eo exists only in Romance words, although e after a 
guttural is a sign of the dental pronunciation; compare dungeon 
(donjon, doignon), puncheon (poincon); or as an original vowel it 
forms a double syllable with a following vowel (piteous). It arises 
from eo in Theobald (Tibald, Tybalt), Italian Teobaldo = Dietbold ; 
from eu (ue) in people Old-English peple (pople, pueple), jeopardy 
(jeu parti), Old-English juperti (WRIGHT Dame Siriz 13 th century), 
jeupertys (GcrwER); ieu: feoff (fieu, verb fiever, fiefer), feod along- 
with feud point to feudum, compare the Modern-French feodal. 

Eu also occurs only in Romance and Latin-Greek words, except 
in eugh alongwith yew (Anglosaxou eov), commonly from a primi- 
tive eu: Europe, eunuch, zeugma, eunomy &c., also deuce, 
(doi, deus); but whether also deuce (= devil), with which compare 
the Lowdutch duker, deukert? Feud, Auglosaxon faBhfr, fsBgfr, Old- 
French faide rests upon a confusion with feudum, as, conversely the 
medieval-Latin faidium instead of feudum is found. In the unaccented 
syllable eu often stands in the French termination eur: gran- 
deur &c. 

Ew, as a diphthong m, rarely 6, often interchanges with u (m), 
as in askew, askue; clew, clue, fewmet, fumet; fewel, fuel 
&c. and rests particularly upon: 

The Anglosaxon eov : brew (breovau), chew (ceovan), crew 
multitudo (creov? Old-norse kru), the preterites grew (greov), blew 
(bleov), knew (kneov), threw (preov), crew (creov); dialectically 
still mew (meov), sew (se6v), = <5: strew alongwith strow (strev- 
jan, streavjan, streovjan, Gothic straujan); eog: t e w = materials (teog); 
IV: steward (stigeveard, stiveard). 

The Anglosaxon eov, iv; ewe (eovu, eov, eavu, eav), new (nive, 
niove, neove), spew (speovjan), yew (eov, iv), lew (hleovjan = ca- 
lescere), clew (clive, compare the Lowdutch klugen); formerly he we, 
now hue = color (hiv, hiov, heov); = 6: sew (sivjan, seovjan = 
suere). 

The Anglosaxon eav: few (feave), dew (deav), thew (SPENSER) 
(peav = mos), shrew, mouse (screava), hew (heavan); flew arises 
from fleah, flugon, Old-English flaugh, fley. 

The Auglosaxon av, 86 v, 6v (d#, oh): rew formerly alongwith 
row (rav, compare stafraev, stafrov), former preterite snew (snav), 
mew (mav? maev), lewd (laeved, laved, levd); drew (drog, drogon), 
slew (sloh, slogon), Old-English drogh, drough, drow; slogh &c. 

The Anglosaxon av, ev appear as ew in shew alongwith show 
with o (scavjan, sceavjan, scevjan) and in the unaccented syllable in 
sinew (sineve). W proceeds from f and b in: newt along with 
eft (efete, eft), Old-English ewt, evet, and Shrewsbury (Scrobbes- 
burh). Ug gives ew in the Old-English Hew instead of Hugh (Old- 
Highdutch Hugo, Anglosaxon hyge = mens) compare Modern-English 
feverfew = febrifuge. 



108 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1. 

In words originally Romance ew also often stands in an unac- 
cented syllable, ever with the sound iu; in the accented and unaccented 
syllabe it arises from u, with a preceding or following e or z, or from 
a mere u (pu]. 

Old-French eu, ieu: fewel along with fuel (feu, fu, fou, compare 
the Substantive fouee), pewter (peutre, medieval-Latin pestrum, peu- 
trum), sew formerly along with sue (sevre, seure = suivre), Old-English 
suwen; often unaccented: curfew (couvrefeu), curlew (courlious, cor- 
lieu, medieval-Latin corlivus), nephew (neveu, Anglosaxon ne'fa), 
hebrew (hebreu), Old-English ebreu (MAUND.), Matthew (Matthieu)- 
thus Bartholomew, Andrew &c. imitated; compare Old-English 
maisondewe (maison dieu). Mew answers to our miauen, but 
mewl points to the French miauler. ev, iv operates as in iu: 
eschew (eschiver, escheveir, compare Anglosaxon sceoh, Old-English 
eschive and eschue. 

Old-French ui operates in pew (pui, poi = podium), tewel (tuiel 
= tuyau); thus also arose Jew (juis, juif, compare Anglosaxon Ju- 
deas), Old English jewerie (CHAUCER), Old-French juierie, juerie. 

OJd-Freuch u (ue) also OU: mew (substantive mue, verb muer), 
fewmet alongwith fumet (fumette), Old-English remewe and remue, 
salewe and salue, jewise (juise); jewel (jueh joiel, Joel), 
Old-English joweles (CHAUCER), Lewis (Louis), stew substantive 
and stew verb perhaps belong primarily to the Old-French estuve, 
bain, Modern-French etuver; venew (SHAKSPEARE) and veney, 
(venue), view, interview (veue). 

The older language still presents many ew, as for instance, in- 
stead of eg: flewme = phlegm. 

A, whose sound stands especially under the influence of con- 
sonants (see Pronunciation) has 'split itself into a, , a and e, in 
Germanic words goes back to the short a sound, (Anglosaxon a, a 
and ea) and borrows its accentual tinge essentially from the Anglo- 
saxon 0, by the production of which the e-sound seems to have arisen, 
whereas the Anglosaxon a-sound appears lengthened, particularly be- 
fore a silent I and a sounded r. e certainly appears in Old-English, 
as well as in dialects instead of the Modern-English a, but partic- 
ularly before r where the vowels rests, not upon a or , but upon 
ea, eo, e: derk, yerde, merk, sterre (star), ferre, ferthing, 
kerven (carve), sterten, hereberwe; also in Romance words: 
gerlond (garland), merveillous, persone (parson) &c. The partial 
transition into the a-sound must have taken place early, the confusion 
of a with o having spread not only in Old-English and the dialects 
(mony, lond, bond, strond, brond, stont [standeth], dyse- 
mol), but appeared even in Anglosaxon, particularly before m and 
ft, as in grom, homm, gomen [game], moiiig, monn, vonn, 
sond, ongel &c. (see above). In the accented syllable a arises 
from: 

The Anglosaxon a as a: ham (hamm), man (mann), lap (lap- 
jan), crab (crabba), have (habban, habban), ass (assa), ashes (asce), 
lamb (the same), land (the same), ankle (ancleov), apple (appel, 
apl), cast (Old-norse kasta), cag (Old-norse kaggi); as a: short in 
wan (vann = pallidus), long in alder (alor, air); as e: lame (lam), 



//. The Elements of the Word. Origin of the Vowels and Diphthongs. A. 109 

bane (bana). ape (apa), late (late, late), make (macjan); ware 
(varu), stare (starjan). 

The Anglosaxon a as a: can (cann), Alfred (Alfred), sap (sap), 
happy (happ), at (at), glad (glad), mass (masse), axe (ax, eax), 
waggon (vagen); as a: water (vater), small (smal, smal, smeal); 
as a: path (pad, pad), father (fader); as e: acre (acer), 
acorn (acern), grave (graf). 

Anglosaxon ea as a: shall (sceal), mallow (mealva), fallow 
(fealu = flavus), mat(meatte), marrow (mearh), slack (sleac, slac), 
wax (veaxan), flax (fleax); as a: all (eall, eal, al), fall (feal- 
lan), wall (veall, vail), gall (gealla), hall (healla), halt (healtjan); 
short in warm (vearm), warp (vearp); as a: salve (sealf), half 
(healf, half); arm (earm), dark (dearc, deorc), spark (spearca), 
starve (stearvjan), hard (heard), harp (hearpe); as e: ale (ealu), 
dare (dearr), chafer (ceafor), gate (geat, gat). 

The short Anglosaxon e, e, eo have often, especially before a 
following r, passed into a; e as a: mantle (mentel), trap (treppe); 
Thames (Temese, yet also Tamese), mare (merihe, mere), share 
(scerjan, scirjan); as a: mar (merran), marsh (mersc),- tar (terjan, 
tirjan = vexare), Harwich (Herevic), harbour (hereberge); e as a: 
thrash alongwith thresh (prescan), tatter (teter), tar (teru, teoru); 
as a: swallow (svelgan, svilgan); as e: thane (pegen, pen), scrape 
(screpan, screopan); eo as a: am (eom); as a": far (feorr), star 
(steorra), barm (beorma, bearma), farm (feorm, fearm), fart (feort), 
hart (heorut, heort) [on the other hand Hertford = Heorutford], 
dwarf (pveorg), carve (ceorfan), bark (beorcan); Darwent (Deor- 
vent, Darenta). 

Long vowels, such as a, se and e and the diphthong e6, have 
seldom been transformed into a; a as d: ask (ascjan), dastard (to 
dastrjan); as e: thrave (prav = manipulus), mate (Old-norse mati 
= sodalis), any (anig, aenig), Old-English eny; se as a: mad (ge- 
maed, Gothic ga-meids = deficient), fat (faeted contracted faett), last 
(laestan), blast (blaest), ladder (hlaedder), bladder (blaedre, bledre, 
blaeddre); as d: thrall (prsel, pral, preal); as e:. blaze (blaese); e 
as d: bramble (brembel), fadge (ge-fegan = conjungere, compare 
Old-English alle in fageyng (TOWNELEY MYST.) = altogether); as e: 
waste (vestan, compare Latin vastare); eo as a: darling along with 
dearling (deorling, dyrling), farthing (feordung, Old-English fer- 
thing); also as a in lad (leod, Old-English leode (PiERS PLOUGHM.), 
Oldscotch laid). Finally ea is also found transmuted into d: chap- 
man, chap woman (ceapmann). 

Besides the French a, as likewise a in Latin-greek words sub- 
sequently introduced, e, especially before r, ai and au in the accented 
syllable, are changed into a, as the Italian d, rarely, however, except 
before r. 

The Old-French a, which before n had been mostly transformed 
into au, but in Modern-English even there frequently returns to a 
(see au), has very commonly been preserved; as d: dam (dame), 
damsel (damisele), damage (damage, damaige), dance (danser, 
dancer), abandon (abandanner), manage (from manage, manaige 
= mansionaticum), manner (maniere), balance (the same), talent 
(the same), tarry (tarier), marry (marier), travel (travailler, tra- 



110 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. I. 

veiller), pass (passer) &c.; as a before a simple r: marble 
(marbre), alarm (a Parme); as e very commonly in an open syl- 
lable: rage, race, table, nacre (nacaire, Modern-French nacre), 
cage, agent, nature, mason (macon), danger (dangier), chaste 
(the same). 

The Old-French e becomes , particularly before m, n, before 
which, even in Old-French, it was often changed into a, and r, as a: 
example, sample (exemple, essample), ambush (embuscher), ena- 
mel (from amail, medieval-Latin smaltum), channel (chenau, chenal), 
pansy (pensee, Old-English paunce (SPKNSER), frantic (frenetiqne, 
compare frenzy, Old-English frenetike), janty ^gentil); cratch (crebe, 
creche); as a: war (guerre, werre), Old-English werre, quarrel 
(querele); as a: marvel (merveille), parson (persone), par- 
tridge (pertris), parsley (persil), Old-English perselee, parrot 
(perroquet = Pierrot?), tarnish (ternir, Old-Highdutch tarnjarn), 
varnish (vernir), garner (grenier, gernier), varvels (vervelle). 

Old-French ai, interchanging with ei, e and a, gives d in van- 
quish (vaincre, veincre, vencre), sally (saillir, salir), cash (caisse, 
casse), master (mai'stre), Old-English maister. 

Old-French au. mostly interchanging with al, also aul, in which 
the English often has preserved al, aul or aw as a: savage (salvage, 
sauvage), salmon (saumon), hacqueton (auqueton, Modern-French 
hoqueton); mostly as e: safe (salf, sauf), save (salver, sauver, 
saver), chafe (chaufer, caufer), sage (sauge, Latin salvia, compare 
Anglosaxon salvige), mavis (mauvis, Spanish malvis); with the I 
preserved mostly as d: altar (alter, altel, autel), false (fals, faus), 
falcon (falcon, faucon), caldron (chaudron), (alongwith vault, as-, 
sault); yet also as a: balm (balme, basme) alongwith balsam, 
and hance, enhance (enhalcer, enhaucier) with the change of /into 
n; see moreover au. 

a in an accented syllable has seldom arisen from other vowels, 
as from i in garland (gouirlande, yet provincially garlanda), Old- 
English gerlond. 

In an unaccented syllable a primitive a is mostly found before 
the accent, yet the Old-French e, as sometimes even in Old-French 
itself, has passed into a, as in: anoint (enoindre), assay (essaier, 
asaier), astonish (estoner), assart (essarter), affray (esfreer, effreer, 
effreier), Old-English aspie, astablishe, astate &c.; also 0: abei- 
sance alongwith obeisance, rigadoon (rigodon), platoon (pelo- 
ton). After the accented syllable, especially in the unaccented final 
syllable, a often stands in the place of e and i in Anglosaxon as well 
as in other words: errand (serende, serynde), thousand (pusend) 
&c.; especially in the termination ar: liar (Old-English liere), beg- 
gar (Old-English beggere), see derivation; manacle (manicle), 
sausage (saucisse), Faston (villa Faustini); instead of 0: husband 
(husbonde), sycamore (sycomore) &c.; al is also found preserved 
instead of au: herald (Old-French heralt, heraut, Medieval-Latin 
heraldus, Old-English heraud). Confusion of a and n, as well as of a 
and e have often formerly occurred in unaccented syllables. Com- 
pare T. Mommsen, Shakspeare's Romeo and Juliatte 1 859 p. 32 ff. 
Ai and ay often divide with ei and ey the province of the same 



IT. The Elements of the Word. Origin of the Voweh and Diphthongs. A i . 1 1 1 

primitive sounds, yet with the preponderance of ai and ay in accented 
syllables. In Old-English ai often gives place to ei: wey, seyl (sail), 
streit, seint, feith, ordeinen, atteinen, mainteinen, feinen, 
preien, werreien, queintise (quaintness) &c. Alongwith these 
are found ee, e: slee, sle (slay) sede, ysed, sustenen &c. 

Ai in the middle of accented syllables arises but seldom from 
simple Anglosaxon vowels, as from: 

the Anglosaxon a: bait (bat = esca, verb batjan, Old-norse beita), 
swain (svan, Old-Highdutch swein), hail (hal) alongwith whole, 
raip (rap) along with rope, compare Lowdutch rep = raise (rasjan). 

the Anglosaxon 86: hair (hser) = crinis, bait also bate = to 
attack (bsetan, Old-Highdutch beizjan = incitare, fraenare). 

<7, commonly with the softening of a g following the vowel, 
from: 

the Anglosaxon ag: main (magen), maiden (magden, maeden, 
maden), nail (nagel), brain (bragen, bragen, bregen), fain (fagen, 
fagen), fair (fager), wain (vagen, vagn, vaen), tail (tagel), snail 
(snagel, snsel, snegel), gain (gagn, gegn, gen), hail (hagal, hagel). 

The Anglosaxon eg, eg: ail (egljan, according to Bosworth, 
agljan like the Gothic), again (ongegn, agen), twain (tvegen), laid 
(legede, lede), rain (regen, ren), sail (segel), braid, upbraid 
(bregdan, upgebregdan), said [partic.] (sagd, saed); eh: drain (dreh- 
nigean, drenigean). 

The Anglosaxon ceg: rarely in the middle, often at the end of a 
syllable, as ay: stairs (stseger). 

From Old-French vowels ai very frequently proceeds, thus from: 

The Old-French a, already sometimes interchanging with ai, ei: 
avail, prevail (valoir, valeir), explain (compare aplanier, aplag- 
nier from plain), exclaim, reclaim, proclaim (clamer, claimer, 
cleimer); compare cairn, Cymric earn. 

The Old-French ai, ei, oi, of which ei is wont to be interchanged 
with the two others, give ai in the middle of a syllable: air (air, eire), 
aid (aider, eider), aigret and egret (aigrette), arraign (araisnier, 
aragnier), bail (bailler, bailier, bailer), retail (retailler), flail (flael, 
flaial), frail (fraile, fragile), caitiff (caitif, chaitif, chetif), gaiter 
(to the Old-French gaitreux, ragged, Modern-French guetre), grain 
(graine), saint (saint, seint). 

attain (ateindre, ataindre), restrain (restreindre, restraindre), 
refrain (freindre, fraindre), disdain (desdeigner, desdegner, des- 
daigner), paint (peint), faint (feint, faint), taint (teint, taint), 
praise (substantive preis, pris, verb preisier, proisier, prisier), im- 
pair (empirer, empeirer from pejor), despair (from desperer, com- 
pare 1. person present espeir, espoir), faith (feid, foit, fei, foi). 
pain (poine, peine, paine), fair (foire, feire, fere = forum), quaint 
cointe = comptus), acquaint (acointer = adcognitare). 

The Old-French e has in a series of words produced ai: abstain, 
obtain, maintain, retain, pertain, contain, entertain (from 
tenir), ordain (ordener, ordoner) compare the Old-English ordeynen 
(RoB. OF GLOUCESTER), it was ordyned (MAUND.), ordeigne 
(PiERS PLOUGHMAN). 

The softening of a g after i is to be met with even in Old-French, 



112 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I. 

as in many of the instances cited under ai; otherwise the jn, gn 
which have arisen from ni through transposition are, after , treated 
as in: Spain (Espagne = Hispania). The Old-French often changes 
ani into aign; Old-English has sometimes preserved the latter form: 
campaign (campaign e, champaigne); even there agn, aign and am 
stand alongside each other, where English chuses am, particularly in 
the unaccented syllable: mountain (montaigne, montagne, muntaine), 
bargain (bargaigne, bargagne, bargaine, compare the medieval-Latin 



In an unaccented syllable ai has been mostly maintained out of 
the Old-French ai: fountain, chaplain, chieftain (chevetaine), 
certain &c.; here and there it has arisen out of ei, i: vervain 
(verveine), curtain (courtine). 

Ay, mostly of like origin with ai, interchanges sometimes with 
ai in the middle of a syllable: vaivode and waywode, and often 
with aw: Old-English daw and day, law and lay, the Modern- 
English haw and hay, crawfish and crayfisty. It arises from: 

the Anglosaxon d: aye = ever (a instead 0f av). 

the Anglosaxon ce: wayward (vaevardlice = proterve). 

the Anglosaxon ag: may (mag), day (dag), hay (hag = sep- 
tum); slay (slahan, slagan, contracted slean, slan). 

the Anglosaxon eg, eg: lay(lecgan), say (secgan), Old-English 
leggen, seggen, play (Substantive plega, verb plegjan), way (ve'g), 
sway (svegjan); eg in hay (heg to heavan), bewray (vregean, vre- 
gan, Old-English bewrey, bewrie). 

the ancient Anglosaxon ceg: clay (claeg), gray along with grey 
(grseg, greg, grig), blay (blsege = gobio). 

the Old-French ai, ei, oi: bay (bai = badius), bay (abaier = 
aboyer), bay (baie), lay (lai = laicus), lay(lais, Cymric llais), ray 
(rais, rai = radius), ray (raie, Latin raja), pay (paier, paer), jay 
(gai, jai, geai) and gay (the same), stay = (steir esteir, ester = 
stare), and =to prop (etayer), fay hence fairy, properly abstract 
(fae, feie, fee, Dauphinic faye = fata), delay (delai from delaier), 
decay (from caer, keir, cair, cheoir &c.), betray (from trai'r, trahir, 
compare Old-Scotch betrais, Old-English betraised = deceived), mayor 
(maire, maior, major); -- pray (preier, proier, prier), ray, array 
(roi, rei, rai; arroi, arrei, arrai), display (from pi eier, ploier, plier), 
allay and alloy (aloier, aleier to loi). 

the Old-French ag in an unaccented syllable has become ay in 
forray (forragier = piiler). 

All not unfrequently interchanges with aw, to which it is equiv- 
alent in pronunciation, compare auk ward and awkward, bauble 
and bawble, waul and wawl, maukin, mawkin and malkin, 
haulser, halser and hawser. They have, however, in part different 
origins. 

In Germanic words the accented syllable au principally represents, 
although rarely, where it stands before gh, (Anglosaxon A) when 
various primitive vowels occur: 

The Anglosaxon ea: laugh (hleahhan, hlihhan), Old-English 
still lihe, lighe (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER), laughter (hleahtor), in the 



//. The Elements of the Word. - Origin of the Vowels and Diphthongs. \ w. \\ 3 

obsolete raught from reach (reahte, reaht along with rehte, reht), 
straught from stretch (strehte, streht or streahte, streaht), see the 
verb, ce: taught (tsehte, taeht); o: daughter (dohtor); 6: draught 
(droht); av with the like effect: aught and naught along with ought, 
nought (aviht, auht; naviht, nauh). 

au in Maudlin = Magdalen has arisen out of ag, compare 
Old-English Maudeleyne; the obsolete dwaule points to the Anglo- 
saxon dvoljan = errare, delirare. 

A simple a gives au in haul alongside of hale (Old-norse hala, 
Lowdutch halen, French haler). 

The Old-French au is preserved mostly with the obscured sound 
(a), as also the Latin and Greek au (see pronunciation): automn, 
august, audience, auspice, Gaul (Gaule), sausage (saucisse), 
gauge (Old-Wallon gauger, Modern-French jauger), jaundice (jau- 
nisse), causey (chaussee), applaud &c. The forms al, aul, au are 
partly rendered by au: hauberk (halberc, haubert &c.), auburn 
(aubour = alburnum) also alburn; on the otherhand fault (falte, 
faute), fawt (SKELTON), and commonly falcon, falchion (fauchon 
from falx), vault (volte, voute, vaute), alnage an ellmeasure (from 
alne, aune), also aulnage and auln = ell. For the Germanic balk 
(Old-norse balkr) b auk and baulk are also sometimes written; maul 
and mall answers to the Old-French maule, Latin malleus. 

The Old-French a, especially before n, gives au with the sound 
a (a): aunte (ante = amita), maunch and manche (manche), 
launch (lancer, lanchier), paunch (pance, panche), vaunt (vanter), 
avaunt! (avant), daunt (danter = domitare), staunch and stanch 
(estancher), haunt (hanter), haunch (hanche), gauntlet (gantelet), 
chaunt alongwith chant (chanter), en is sometimes made equal to 
an: maund (mendier). The modern language gradually abandons 
this au and restores a. The Old-English still frequently has au in- 
stead of the Modern-English a in the accented and unaccented syl- 
lable: dauncen (compare dauncing [RANDOLPH'S Poems 1643 p. 105]), 
chaungen, graunten, straunge, geaunt (giant), braunched, 
Launcelot, Flaundres, Chaunteclere, auncestrie; servaunt, 
tyraunt, ordinaunce, vengeaunce, substaunce &c. 

Anglosaxon words are seldom taken by it, as maund, basket, 
(mand, mond), askaunt, askaunce along with askant, askance 
(see the adverb). Dialectically this is more frequent. 

Even a mere a sometimes gives au: gauze (gaze); the Old- 
English oftener, as auvis (Lydgate): aumail (enamel) and others. 

Aw appears in Germanic words mostly with the change of a 
final g, A, v into w, and is rare in Romance words. It arises from: 

The Anglosaxon ag: maw (maga), law (lagu, lag, lah), draw 
along with drag (dragan), dawn (to dagan), saw (sage), gnaw (gna- 
gan), haw, hawthorn (haga along with hag and hagaporn, hagporn); 
awn bristle (Anglosaxon egl points to the Old-Highdutch ah, agana, 
Swedish agn). 

The Anglosaxon eg: awe, verb overawe (ege, verb egjan, Go- 
thic agjan). 

The Anglosaxon eah: saw (seah). Compare Mawmet, Old- 
French Mahom, Mahommet. 

Matzner , engl. Gr. T. 8 



114 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Parti. Sect. 1. 



The Anglosaxon av, edv, dv: thaw (pavan), straw (stray), claw 
(clavu, contracted cla), awl (avul, al); raw (hreav) raw along with 
rew (rav). Thus also arises launder from the French lavandiere. 

Even/ and b are softened into w: hawk (hafuc), drawl (Old- 
norse drafa, drafla, Danish drave, drsevle); crawfish also crayfish 
answers to the crab fish, but may also stand under the influence 
of the French ecrevisse, as it is dialectically called crevis in the North 
of England. Chaw points to the Anglosaxon ceafl = faux, alongside 
whereof geafl and geagl stand; now commonly jaw, which may 
have become confounded with the Old-French joe, Modern-French 
joue Scrawl stands alongside of scrabble, and crawl answers to 
the Lowdutch krabbeln, krawweln = to creep, and alongside thereof 
kraulen. Awk, awkward answers to the Old-Highdutch abuh = 
perversus, Middle-Highdutch ebech, Gothic ibuks, Old-English aquarde 
(SKELTON). 

The Anglosaxon d, ed produce aw in: yawn (ganjan), along with 
which j awn occurs, spawl (spatl, verb spatljan), gawk (geac, Old- 
norse gaukr), compare Old-English goky = gawky. In general a 
seems sometimes thus obscured, particularly before I: brawl (Low- 
dutch brallen, Danish bralle), to bralle (SKELTON 1, 131.), Old-English 
yawl = to yell (SPENSER) Old-norse gala = cantare, Anglosaxon ga- 
lan), wrawl (Danish vraale), bawl (compare Lowdutch ballern = 
to strike, so as to sound) Aw also takes the place of al: hawm, 
haum, haulm, helm and ham e (Anglosaxon healm, halm), hawse 
and halse, hawser and halser(hals, heals?); chawdron reminds 
us of the Lowdutch kaldunen, Danish kallun = entrails. Compare 
chawduen = chaldron, a sort of sauce, in Reliq. Antiq. I. p. 88, 
Dialectically, for example in Shropshire, I is many times changed 
into w. Aw before n has arisen from a in pawn (Old-norse pantr, 
Old-French pan), tawny (to the French tan, compare the Medieval- 
Latin tanare). In hawk, hawker a has likewise become aw (High- 
dutch hokern, hoker, Lowdutch hakern, kak for instance lichthak &c.), 

Paw (Cymric pawen, Old-French poe, poie), point to Celtic forms, 
bawd = a pimp (Cymric bawlyd from baw = sluttish, filthy), lawn 
(Cymric lawnt, lawnd, Amorican lann, French lande from the Ger- 
manic land). 

The Old-French eo gives occasionally aw: pawn along with peon 
(peon, Modern-French pion, Latin pedo), fawn = young deer (feon, 
faon) whence fawn = to bring forth a fawn (feoner, faoner), but 
not in fawn to wheedle, to cherish (Anglosaxon fagenjan, fagnjan, 
fahnjan = exultare). 

In lawn the French linon is contracted. 

in an accented syllable, variously tinged as a short or as a 
long vowel, has a narrower range in Modern than in Old-English 
(see a) where it not only frequently took the place of a, but also 
till oftener took the place of the Modern-English oa, as in brode, 
brod (broad), othe (oath) &c. Even now the language fluctuates 
betwixt doate and dote, cloak and cloke, loath and loth and 
some others. Where it appears at present instead of the Anglosaxon 
eo, ed. eo, y, e was frequently substituted for it Old-English, as lesen, 



//. The Elements of the Word. Origin of the Vowels and Diphthongs. O. 115 

lese in the 16 th century (JACK JUGLER p. 9, SKELTON 1. 131). (lose), 
ches, chees (chose), shet (shot), clef, cleef (clove, cleft), hefe 
(obsolete hove = heaved), werk (work), swerd (sword), werse 
(worse) &c. Fluctuations betwixt o and u are not rare in Modern- 
English: encomber and encumber, bombast and bumbast, 
bombard and bumbard, clock and cluck; the Old-English often 
substituted o for the present u (see u). In preterites in the Anglo- 
saxon a the Old-English a has been preserved. The phonetic tinges 
of o as English o, w, a and o were essentially fixed in the 17 th cen- 
tury. 

The Anglosaxon o gives a short and a long, variously tinged o. 
It appears short, like an English o, for instance in drop (dropjan, 
drupjan), hop (hoppan), lot (hlot), shot (scoten), sod, sodden (so- 
den), god (god), knot (cnotta), body (bodig), moth (mofrfre), oft, 
often (oft), clock (cloccjan), lock (Substantive loc, verb lucjan, 
locjan), ox (oxa), fox (fox), otter (otor), follow (folgjan), hollow 
(hoi, Swedish holig), morrow (morgen, morn), borrow (borgjan); 
as a lengthened o (a): for (for), storm (storm), horn (horn), thorn 
(porn), bord (bord), organ (organ), horse (hors), bor n and borne 
(boren), torn (toren), shorn (scoren) &c.; rarely as u: word (vord), 
oven (of en); often as o: over (ofer), open (open), smoke substan- 
tive smoca, verb smocjan), toll (toll), colt (colt), gold (gold), folk 
(folc), stolen (stolen), broken (brocen). 

The Anglosaxon u chiefly asw: some (sum), come (cuman, cvi- 
man), ton (tunne), son (sunu), London (Lunden), honey (hunig), 
love (lufjan), above (bufan), tongue (tunge), monk (munuc, mo- 
nec), borough (buruh), worm (vurm, vyrm), wonder (vundor); 
sometimes as a High dutch short u: gom (guma = homo), wolf (vulf); 
rarely as an English 6: clock (clucge, bell). 

The Anglosaxon eo, i, y, which in part relate to v- 9 in part pass 
into o (w), mostly after w, as an English u: work (veorc, verc), 
wort (vyrt, virt = herba), worth (substantive veorfr, vyrfr, vurfr), 
worse, worst (adjective vyrsa, vyrsest; adverb virs, vyrs; vyrst), 
world (veorold, vorold, vorld, viaruld); as a lengthened 6 (a)i 
sword (sveord, svurd, svord). In woman i appears as a short u 
(vifman, vimman, vimmann, vemmann), whose plural has preserved 
a short i. The contraction wo' n't (wo'nt = will not), has a long o. 
The Anglosaxon a (o, ea), which, especially before m and n was 
exchanged for o even in Anglosaxon, has become o as an English u 
or o, mostly before ng' } as u in among (amang), monger (mangere) r 
also won (vann), quoth (cvadQ; as 6 in from (fram, from), long 
(lang, long), wrong (vrang, vrong), song (sang, song), strong 
(strang, strong), got (geat), trod (trad), poppy (papig, popig = 
= papaver); as a lengthened 6 (a) before r: bore (bar), tore (tar) r 
shore (scar); as a long o before Id: old (aid, eald), bold (bald r 
beald, bold), fold (feald), told (tealde; teald), sold (sealde; seald), 
hold (healdan), cold (ceald, cald), (Scotch and North-English auld, 
bauld, cauld, hauld &c.), as in stole (stal), broke (brae) and clover 
(clafer) ; before mb : in comb (camb, comb) ; on the other hand as u 
in womb (vamb, vqmb). The Anglosaxon sva, sic; sva, ut, gives, 
so; av (au) works in cole (cavl, caul, ceavel). 



Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part L Sect. I. 

The Anglosaxon 6 has remained long as o before r: ore (or, ora, 
ore), whorr (horej; as u in do (don), else shortened into u: other 
(ofrer, Gothic anpar), mother (modor), brother (brotfbr), month 
(monad), mo n day (monandag), don (gedon), glove (glof); some- 
times as o: rod (rod), soft (softe, sefte), blossom (blostma, blosma), 
foster (fosterjan); as a short Highdutch u in bosom (bosum, bosm); 
to, together with too, is the Anglosaxon to. 

The Anglosaxon e6 is to be met with as o in moss (meos, Old- 
norse mosi) and lengthened in the obsolete frory (freorig), with the 
u sound in lose (leosan). 

The Anglosaxon #, which else passes into oa has been often 
changed into a long o: home (ham), only (anlic, aenlic), bone (ban), 
drone (dran, drsen), stone (stan), whole (hal), holy (haleg), more, 
most (mara, msera; msest), lore (lar), sore (Adjective sar, Adverb 
sare), rope (rap), grope (grapjan), stroke (stracjan), spoke (spaca); 
and the preterites with the Anglosaxon a which have been preserved; 
drove, throve, wrote, smote, rode, strode, rose, abode (draf, 
praf, vrat &c.); both (ba, Old-norse badir), ghost (gast, gsest); also 
go (gangan, gan). A shortening into o takes place in one, none 
(an, nan), .shone (scan), cloth and to clothe (clad, clafljan), hot 
(hat) and the ancient wot (vat=scit); in the unaccented syllable: 
wedlock (vedlac = pignus foederis); lengthened in wroth (vrafr 
iratus, alongside of vraed = ira). a appears as u under the influence 
of a preceding w in two (tva); as an English d in lord (hlaford), 
where ao seems to have produced the sound; not, with o, has been 
shortened from nought, naught (ne-a-viht, nauht, noht, naht, nat). 
Northern dialects, like the Scotch, often preserve a and therewith ai 
(as if for oa): bane, haly, bainy (bony), hail (whole), mast, 
maist (most) &c. 

The Anglosaxon ed appears as a long o in the preterites : chose, 
froze, clove along with cleft (ceas, freas, cleaf), formerly also in 
crope (crept), rofe (reaf fidit), shofe (sceaf=trusit); as o still 
in sod (seao*") = seethed, and shot (sceat), in an unaccented syllable 
also in hemlock (hemleac = cicuta). 

The Anglosaxon u answers to the English w in dove (dufe, Old- 
norse dufa), as well as in an unaccented syllable in Wilton (Vil- 
tun), Northampton (NordThamtun) &c. 

In Romance, as well as in later received Latin and Greek words, 
o in an accented syllable commonly answers to an o, namely if we 
recur to the Old-French for the words received from the French, 
where a primitive o, u, au, eu mostly appears as o, along with u and 
ow, whereas Modern -French discriminates o, ow, eu and au. The 
quantity and accentual tinge of this English o depends, as with other 
non-Germanic vowels, mostly upon influences foreign to the fundamental 
forms. 

The Old-French o (Modern-French o) appears as an English o 
in: nombril, solemn, folly (compare folier, foloier), forest (the 
same) astonish (estoner), honour (honor, hounour), orison (orei- 
son, orison), opulent, offer (offeire, offrer, offrir), office, coffin 
(conn), lozenger (losangier, losengeor); rarely w; covet (coveiter, 
cuveitef), covin (covine, couvaine), money (moneie); lengthened as 



//. The Elements of the Word. Origin of the Vowels and Diphthongs. O. 1 17 

6 (): form (forme, fourme, furme), port, porch e, corse, corpse 
(cors, corpse), morsel (morsel, morcel), pork (pore), sorcerer (sor- 
cier) &c.; as 6: odour (odor, odour), glorious (glorios, glorious), 
sole (sole = solea), sojourn (sojorner, sejorner) &c.; host (ost, host), 
noble &c. Moreover o passes into ou. 

The Old-French o along with u, ou (Modern-French ou) partly as an 
English u: colour (color, -ur, -our), plover (verb plovoir, pluver, 
plouvoir), govern (governer, guverner), cover, recover (covrir, 
cuvrir, couvrir), covey (verb cover, cuver, couver), dozen (dozaine); 
as an English o: forage (verb forrer, forragier, fourragier, fouragier), 
novel (novel, nuvel), sovereign (soverain, suverain), bottle (botte, 
boute, boutille), cost (coster, couster); lengthened in: torment (tor- 
menter), fork (forche, forque, fourche, yet even the Anglosaxon fore); 
as a long o: condole (doloir, douloir), overt, overture (overt, 
ovrir), trover (to trover, truver), roll (roler, roeler, Modern -French 
rouler), to which control (= contrerole, controle); as ii: in move, 
prove, approve, improve, reprove (movoir, meuvre, mouvoir, 
prover, pruver, prouver); the Old-English has here e and ee: meven, 
meeven, preven, appreven &c., compare above ie. This o is 
also found as u and ou in the English, as it fluctuates in French. 

The Old-French o (Modern-French au) proceeding from a pri- 
mitive au, av, as o: impoverish (povre), ostrich (ostruce, ostruche), 
lengthened in restore (restorer); compare above cole, Anglosaxon 
cavl, caul. 

The Old-French o (Modern-French eu) rarely: poplar (poplier 
= peuplier). 

Other vowels lie at the root in some words, as the Modern- 
French eui, oui before 7: foliage (feuillage), patrol; o arises from 
e in dolphin, Old-English delfyn (perhaps under the influence of 
the French dauphin) ; from a in pope (yet also the Anglosaxon pap- 
dom); comrade (camarade), coffee (cafe), corporal (caporal) and 
many others. 

In the unaccented syllable Romance prefixes in o commonly are 
preserved; the syllables after the accent in Germanic and other words 
have frequently developed themselves out of other vowels. Thus an 
Anglosaxon e before m and n, especially, has frequently passed into 
o: fathom (faftem), iron (iren), beacon (beacen, beacn), waggon 
(vagen, vagn), acorn (acern, acirn); as this o is readily inserted 
before nasals: reckon (recnan), Old-English recken (see Amplification 
of the Word); on the change of the Anglosaxon #, ed, u in o see 
above, u in bullock (bulluca) &c.; 6: kingdom (cyningdorn) &c. 

In Romance words besides o (u, ou) also oi (ei, e) are represented 
as o: manor (manoir, -eir, -er), otherwise even the Old-French or 
along with oir: razor (rasor, rasoir), mirror (mireor). The termi- 
nations or and our stand alongside of each other in Modern-English, 
compare emperor (empereor, empereour) see ou. Or (ior) frequently 
proceeds from er (ier) through assimilation, on account of the mean- 
ing, for instance in warrior (guerrier), bachelor (bacheler, bache- 
lier), even visor (visiere); both are mingled even in Old-French, 
compare counsellor (conseiller and conseilleor). on is also found 



118 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I. 

instead of en: surgeon (surgien), ebon, ebony (ebene); in cushion 
the French coussin appears, Old-English quishin (CHAUCER). 

Oo, represented in Old-English also by o: son e = soon, so the 
= sooth, rote = root, toke, tok = took, skoke, shok = shook &c., 
serves in Anglosaxon words especially to represent the Anglosaxon 6. 
Thus we still find behoof, behoove and along therewith behove 
in Modern-English (behof, behof j an). 

The pronunciation as w, which is shortened in some cases, was 
universally acknowledged in the 17 th century. As oo in Old-English 
interchanges also with oa as well as with o, it seems to have long 
preserved the o-sound. 

The Anglosaxon o, even where not answering to the Old-High- 
dutch wo, appears as a long u: too (to), broom (brom = bram), 
gloom (glom), doom (dom), moon (mona = mana), noon (non, Latin 
nona), pool (pol), moor (mor), hoop (hop), hoof(hof), root (rot), 
mood (mod), food (foda), tooth (too*"); sometimes as a short u: 
look (locjan), hook (hoc) and others in k; as in foot (fot) and soot 
(sot), wood (vod) = mad, good (god), hood (hod); and as the 
English u in blood (blod) and flood (flod). Before r a lengthened 
6 arises in floor (nor). 

The Anglosaxon u becomes u in room (rum), compare also 
booty Old-norse byti, Middle-Highdutch buten; a short win: brook 
= endure, bear (brucan = uti, frui). 

The Anglosaxon o and u appear as a long u in soon (sona, suua), 
swoon (asvunan = animo deficere, a suspicious form, however), stoop 
(stupjan), as a short u: cook (coc, Latin coquus), wood (vudu = 
vidu), wool (vull); as a lengthened o in door (dur, dor, dyr). 

The Anglosaxon eo appears as oo = u in choose (ceosan) and 
shoot (sceotan), Old-English chesen, cheten, Lowdutch kesen, sche- 
ten, whereas other eo now pass into ea and ee: cleave (cleofan, 
clufan), freeze (freosan), seethe (seodan). 

The Anglosaxon ed, e answer to oo in loose (Adjective leas to 
the verb lesan, lysan), smooth (smedfe and smoe^e, Cymric mwydh, 
alongside of smsede = laevis, mollis). 

Dialectically (in the Isle of Thanet) wo or and wore are found, 
Scotch and North-English wair, ware, Anglosaxon var. 

Old-French o, u (Modern-French o, ou, au, eu) sometimes also 
gives a long oo: boot (to the Old-French botte, boute), fool (fol, 
fous, yet the Old-norse fol), troop (trope, trupe), poop (Modern- 
French poupe), proof (prove, Modern-French preuve, compare Anglo- 
saxon profjan), poor (povre, poure, povere, Modern-French pauvre), 
Old-English poore and povere alongside of each other (PiERS PLOUGHM. 
p. 216). 

In modern words the termination on is often changed into an 
accented oon: monsoon, poltroon, pantaloon, cartoon, gal- 
loon, saloon, spontoon and many more (monson. monpon, pol- 
tron, pantalon, carton, galon, salon, esponton). 

In an unaccented syllable the Anglosaxon d has become oo, but 
shortened into u in the Anglosaxon syllable had = Highdutch heit, 
as in childhood (cildhad), priesthood (preosthad) &c. Sometimes 
head is found alongside of it in Modern-English: godhead. The 



II. The Elements of the Word. Origin of the Vowels and Diphth. Oe, Oi. 1 19 

Old-English hadhode: manhode, presthode (MAUNDEV.) along with 
hede: falshede, manhede and the like. In cuckoo the French 
coucou, Latin cuculus and cuculus is represented; Old-English cuckow. 

Oe proceeds from the Anglosaxon #, mostly with a primitive v 
and h after it; e is to be regarded as a sign of the lengthening of 
the final vowel, long wanting in Old-English (mo, wo, fo &c.), as 
even now the ancient mo and woful are usually written. In Old- 
English also we sometimes find a preserved, as in the Scotch /#, ra 
&c.; Modern-English moe, mo (ma, mare), roe (rah, ra), foe (fah, 
fa), woe (va = vava), toe (tab, ta), mistletoe (mistelta), doe (da), 
sloe (slahe, sla). 

The word throe = pain, agony, points to ed (prea instead of 
preav to preovan = agonizare) and thus hoe may belong to heav 
(from heavan), which certainly occurs only in an abstract signification 
(ictus). In sense it answers to the Old-Highdutch houwa, French 
houe. Compare o, arising from ed. 

oe answers in shoe to the Anglosaxon 6 (scoh, sco, sceo, Low- 
dutch schau) and sounds with a long u\ Old-English sho, in the Plural 
shoon, shon as to, toon, ton. 

The unaccented oe in felloe (felg, felge), a collateral forni from 
felly, is equal to forms in ow, which interchange with y (see ow). 

Oi, oy answer to Romance forms, the former only in the middle 
of words, in the accented syllable as 6i diphthong. In the 17 th cen- 
tury some words were pronounced with w, as oil, toil (uyl, tiiyl). 

Oi in an accented syllable rests essentially on the Old-French 
o, ui } (Modern-French oi, tw, oui, eui): join (joindre, juindre), es- 
soin (essoigne, essoine), point (the same), oil (oil, oille, ole, 
Modern-French huile), moil (moillier, muiller), boil (boillir; buillir, 
bolir), broil, embroil (to the Old-French broil, bruil, Medieval- 
Latin brogilus, broilus, Modern-French brouiller), spoil, despoil 
(despoiller), soil (soillier, compare Anglosaxon syljan) and soil (soil, 
Modern-French sol), [here belong also in unaccented syllables tre- 
foil, cinque- foil (foille, fueille)], foible (foible, Modern-French 
faible), coif (coiffe, coeffe), void (void, vuit, Modern-French vide), 
avoid (voidier, vuidier), choice (chois), voice (vois), cloister 
(cloistre). The verb toil, Old-norse toylen, seems to be a collateral 
form of till (Anglosaxon tiljan, teoljan), Old-English tulien, Hol- 
landish teulen, tuylen. 

The Old-French 0*7, often also oig (before n), operates like oi: 
loin (logne = lumbea, Modern-French Ion ge), r o in (rogner); compare 
the Old-English Boloine, Coloine &c. 

The Old-French o and u give o?' in broider (broder); foil points 
to afoler == maltraiter, blesser; foiling, French foulees; foist (fuste) 
recoil (reculer). Choir is the French choenr. 

doit is the Hollandish duyt. 

Many forms are unclear; hoist answers to the Highdutch hissen, 
French hisser; foist the Highdutch fiesten, whence foisty, musty, 
not to mention others. 

In the unaccented final syllable oi in tortoise points to a French 
form, which would have corresponded to the Provencal tortesa (from 



120 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. I. 

the Latin tortus); porpoise is porcus piscis, which the spelling 
porpess indicates more precisely. 

Oy, initial as well as final, coincides completely with oi in its 
origin. 

The Old-French oi, ui gives oy: annoy (anoi, anui, verb anoier, 
anuier), joy, enjoy (joi'r, Substantive joie, goie) also joyous (joios, 
joious), coy (coi, coit = quietus), decoy (probably belongs to coy, 
as a verb in SHAKSPEARE, Old-English coyen, but is confounded 
with dechoivre, deceveir), alloy (aloier), oyster (oistre, Modern- 
French huitre), destroy (destruire), Old-English destruien, voyage 
(voiage), roytelet (roitelet). 

Old-French o (ow): cloy (cloer, clouer from the Latin clavus). 

Here is unclearness; hoy, a sort of boat, answers to the High- 
dutch heu; toy to the Hollandish tooi, tooijen; boy seems connected 
with the Highdutch Bube. 

In Old-English oy is always written instead of oi. 

Oa with the sound of the long o, frequently denoted in Old- 
English by a simple o (othe, brode also brod, rosten), often by 
oo (boor = boar, boot = boat, looth = loath, loone = loan, loof 
= loaf), in Scottish and North-English rendered also by a, ai (fame 
= foam, grane = groan, tadde = toad, also faim, faem, grain) prin- 
cipally serves as a substitute for the Anglosaxon a in Modern-English. 
In the 17 th century John Wallis in his Grammar declares oa to be 
a simple sound: loam (lam = luturn), foam (fam), groan (granjan), 
oar (ar), roar (rarjan), boar (bar), hoar (har), soap (sape), loaf 
(hlaf), boat (bat), goat (gat), road, inroad (rad = iter equestre), 
woad (vad = aluta), toad (tadje, tadige), goad (gad = stimulus), 
oath (afr), loath (lafr), cloath (clafr), hoarse (has), oak (ac); as 
a in broad (brad); Anglosaxon ce is represented by it in moan 
(msenan) alongside of mean, Old-English still bemenen = bemoan. 

oa is seldom employed as the substitute for a short vowel, as 
for the Anglosaxon a in load (hladan); and more frequently the 
Anglosaxon o: foal, else also fole (fola), throat (prote), coal (col), 
hoard (hord = thesaurus), roach (Danish rokke) alongside of ray, 
float (flotjan); boast may belong to the Lowdutch b o s t = breast, 
sik bosten, to throw oneself on the breast. 

A Romance o is likewise represented by oa: roam (romier, ro- 
mieu = Italian romero. a pilgrim), soar (essorer, Provencal eisaurar), 
do at and dote (redoter, Hollandish doten), coat (cote, cotte), coast 
(coste), roast (rostir or immediately to the Old-Highdutch rostjan), 
toast (properly to broil from the Latin tostus; the French tester, is 
derived from the English), poach (pocher, empocher), coach (coche), 
broch (broche), approach (aprochier), reproach (reprochier), ac- 
croach (accrocher), board = to accost (aborder). 

oa comes from oua in roan (rouan). The English road answers 
to the French rade, but perhaps belongs to the Ansflosaxon rad, 
which may lie at its root; compare hranrad = balaenae via = 
oceanus. 

Ou and OW are equal to one another in their phonetic relations, 
representing the Highdutch au and u. The 17 th century ascribes 



//. The Elements of the Word. Origin of the Vowels and Diphth. Ota. 1 ; 21 

both sounds equally to them. The Old-English interchanges with 
both, especially where the diphthong au appears, in the middle of a 
word: thow, owre, dowghty, thowsande &c. instead of thou &c. 
and reversely: toun, doun, broun, croun, goun, toure, shoure, 
foul &c. instead of town &c. tower &c, fowl, and even outside 
of this phonetic tinge, both are found frequently interchanged. In 
Modern-English ou is found more altered in its phonetic tinge and 
quantity than ow. 

Our arises from the Anglosaxon u and u in a more limited mea- 
sure, as well as out of several other vowels, under the influence of 
a subsequent guttural. 

The Anglosaxon u gives ou (as in other cases, especially in the 
end of a word and before liquid and nasal letters ow) as au: thou 
(pu or pu), foul (ful), our (user, ure), out (ut), grout (grut), 
clout (clutjan = consuere), proud (prut), mouth (mucT), south (sufr), 
shroud (scrud), mouse (mus), house (Ms), touse (Lowdutch tu- 
sen), thousand (pusend). 

Anglosaxon u as tm before nd: pound (pund), sound (sund), 
hound (hund), ground (grund); with a primitive y: pound (pyn- 
dan) and in the preterites and participles : bo und (bundon-bunden), 
found, ground, wound (Old-English often o instead of ow), whereas 
wound (vundjan, vulnerare) commonly preserves the long u instead 
of au\ as o before Id: shoulder (sculdor), Old-English shulder; and 
Anglosaxon o (y) mould (molde, myl, Gothic mulda); yet as a short 
u in: would (volde), should (scolde), Old-English wolde, sholde, 
shulde, to which could (cufre), has been assimilated, Old-English 
coude. 

The Anglosaxon 6, o, ed, ea, d (also dv\ u before gutturals are 
represented in Modern-English as ow, yet with various colour of sound 
and quantity: as along d: sought, besought (sohte, soht), bought 
(bohte, boht), brought (brohte, broht), wrought (vrohte, vroht in- 
stead of vorhte, vorht), fought (feaht, fohten), thought (peahte, 
peaht and pohte, poht) [along with such forms as bro3te, wroght, thoght, 
taghte are found here even early in Old -English those with ow], 
ought along with aught, nou ght (aviht, auht; naviht, nauht); as a 
short d (o): trough (troh, trog), hough (hoh, ho), cough (com- 
pare ceahhettan = cachinnari), the obsolete preterite lough (hloh = 
laughed) and lough (iuh, compare Celtic loch), chough (compare 
the Old-Highdutch couch, gawk), shough = shaggy dog (to the Old- 
norse skegg); as au: bough (boh?), plough (Old-norse plogr), 
doughty (dyhtig to dugufr), drought (drugadT, drugofr) often in 
Old-English ow\ as a long o: dough (dah, dag), though (peah); 
as an English u: enough (genoh), Old-English ynogh, enow; rough 
(ruh, rug, ruv), tough (ton), slough (slog); as a long u: through 
(purh), Old-English thurgh, thorghe. 

Some words with a primitive ed are of a particular kind, as o: 
four, fourth (feover, feorfra); as u: you (eov), your (cover); as u: 
young (geong, Jung), youngster, younker, Old-English yong; 
with dv as o: soul (savel, saul); and 6 as u: ousel, ouzel (osle, 
Old-Highdutch amisala). 



122 Doctrine of the Word Phonetics. Part I. Sect. L 

In Romance words the o, u, ou, occurring beside each other in 
the same verbal forms in Old-French, mostly resting upon a Latin 
o and u, are represented in an accented syllable before consonants, 
by cm, and pronounced partly as the diphthong au, partly as a long 
o, partly as a short English u. The pronunciation as a long u points 
frequently to words of later reception, spelt in Modern-French with ou. 

The Old-French o, u, ou appears as ou with the sound au, par- 
ticularly before the nasal n, either primitive or arising from m : noun 
(nom, num., noun), mount (monter, munter; Substantive mont, munt, 
compare Anglosaxon munt and mont), count, account (conter, cun- 
ter), count (conte, cunte, cuens = comes), counter- (contre, cuntre, 
conter, cunter), fount, fountain (font, funt; fontaine, funtaine), 
round (roond, round, reond), found (fonder), profound (profond, 
parfunt), confound (confondre, confundre), abound (abonder), 
redound (redonder), compound (com-pondre?), ounce (once, Ita- 
lian lonza = lynx), ounce (once, compare the Anglosaxon ynce, 
yndse), pounce (ponce = pumex), frounce (froncer, fruncher), an- 
nounce, renounce, pronounce, denounce (noncer, mincer), 
counsel (consoil, consel), lounge (compare longin, longis, a loiterer, 
Old-French alonger; is it to be compared with the Lowdutch lun- 
gern?). Before other consonants we more rarely find the diphthong, 
as in hour (hore, houre, ore, cure), flour along with flower (flor, 
flur, flour, fleur), pouch (poche, yet pocket immediately from the Anglo- 
saxon poca, pocca, poha, whence the French poche), avouch (vocher, 
vochier = vocare), espouse, espousal, spouse, spousage (espos, 
espous; esposer, espuser, espousaige), oust (oster), devout (devot, 
compare voer, vouer), doubt (dote, dute with b inserted again) gout 
(goutte); also stout (Anglosaxon stolt) points to the Old-French form 
estout, estot. 

Words with the o-sound before / and r are not frequent, as 
poultry (compare Modern-French poulet), Old-English pultry, coulter 
and colter (compare coltel, cultel, coutel), court (cort, curt, cour) 
and others. On the otherhand the w-sound has often been developed: 
nourish (norir, norrir, nurir), courage (corage, enrage, courage), 
scourge (escourgee, Italian scuriada), journey (jornee, jurnee), 
countrey (contreie, cuntree), couple (cople) &c ; likewise u: in 
soup (sope, soupe, supe, compare English sup), goujeers (gouge?) 
and many words easily recognizable. See the pronunciation. 

r ln the unaccented syllable ou seldom, except in compounds, such 
as Exmouth, goes back to Anglosaxon forms; thorough is the 
Anglosaxon puruh, purh, Old-English thorowe, still in Skelton thorow; 
borough Anglosaxon buruh, burh, bury. Compare under ow. In 
Romance words a French ou is retained, especially in modern words 
before the accented syllable, as in rouleau &c. The frequent termi- 
nation ous, as in precious, vigorous, vicious, answers to the 
Old-French os, us, eus, ous (precios, -us, -eus, -ous; vigoros, vitios &c.). 
The termination our at present frequently exchanged for or, has in 
Old-French the forms or, ur, our, eur alongside of each other: va- 
lour (valor, -ur, -our &c.). The Old-English has the termination 
our not only in abstract nouns, but also in names of persons, such 
as traytour, conquerour &c. The Norman forms are here us and 



11. The Elements of the Word. Origin of the Vowels and Diphth. Ow. 123 

wr, whereas eus, ous and our mostly belong to the Picard forms. 
The Old-English language also frequently makes use of the broader 
analogously formed termination ioun instead of ion (regioun, descrip- 
tioun &c.), no longer known to Modern-English. Moreover, even in 
Old-English the forms in o, w, ou run parallel with each other; com- 
pare marvelose (TOWNELEY MYSTER. p. 1.), rnervelws, gracyows 
(ib. p. 20.). 

In derivative forms o is very frequently found in an unaccented 
syllable instead of ow, as vigour vigorous; this rests partly 
upon the French process, where, with the advanced accent (vigowr, 
vigorous) the vowel was wont to be reduced. Yet in English the 
mixture of forms going back immediately to the Latin contributes 
even more, as is also partly the case in Modern -French. Com- 
pare, for instance, colour, colourable, but colorate. 

Ow is substituted in the accented syllable for the Anglosaxon u 
with the sound of aw, and mostly at the end of a word or of a syl- 
lable, although appearing also before n and /, and, occasionally before 
other consonants: now (nu or nu?), bow (beogan, bugan), cow (cu), 
how (hu),., bower (bur), shower (scur), brow (breav, brsev, breg, 
but also ofer-brug), brown (brun), town (tun), down (dun and 
adune = deorsum alongside of dunveard), down (Old-norse dun, Low- 
dutch dun), lowt and lout (lutan = inclinari), generally a Lowdutch 
u (Modern - Highdutch au also eu): howl (Lowdutch hulen, hiilen 
Old-norse yla, ylfa, Old-Highdutch hiwilon, Modern-Highdutch heu- 
len), cower, lower (Lowdutch luren), drowse (Lowdutch drusen, 
whence drusseln, Anglosaxon drusan or drusjan = cadere?), scowl 
(Lowdutch schulen to the Anglosaxon sceolh, scyl = strabo). 

A short u under the influence of a following g gives ow = au: 
sow (sugu, sug, or sug?), fowl (fugol), cowl (cugle, cuhle = cu- 
culla). 

Out of the Anglosaxon eo arises the diphthong au in crowd 
(from creodan = premi). Jn tower (torr) the influence of the Old- 
French tor, tur, tour seems also to have made itself felt. 

The Anglosaxon dv gives ow with the sound of the long o: row 
(rav = series), mow (mavan), blow (blavan), sow (savan), snow 
(snavan), throw (pravan), know (knavan), crow (cravan), North- 
English low, a hill, (hlaev, hlav); dv operates in like manner: row 
(rovan = remigare), low (hlovan = mugire), blow (bio van), flow 
(flovan), glow (glovan), grow (grovan); blow a stroke belongs to 
bleovan ferire, like trow = treovjan, truvjan. Even av is thus 
represented: slow (slav, sleav), tow (tav, tov), show along with shew 
(scavjan, sceavjan, scevjan, compare sceavu, sceav = scena, substantive 
show. The Scotch and North-English dialects have here knaw, 
snaw, blaw &c. 

The Anglosaxon dg, ag, og, eog likewise sometimes pass over 
into ow as o; own (agen), Old-English awen, auen, augnene, the 
obsolete mo we (magan, whence the English may), bow (boga = 
arcus), rainbow (renboga), tow (to toh = tractus), whence towage, 
French touer, touage; and even low (lege, lyge = flamma) belongs 
here; low, in Skelton's time lawe, else even earlier lowe, answers 



124 Doctrine of the Word. - Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. 1. 

to the Old-norse lagr. Compare also enow (genog), along with 
enough. 

The Old-French o, w, ow, analogously to the Anglosaxon w, trans- 
formed into ow as the diphthong aw, when a word or a syllable ends 
therewith, sometimes also before n and /: vow (vo, vu, vou, veu), 
avow (avoer, avouer), allow (allouer), endow (doer, douer), dower, 
dowery (doaire, douaire), prow = valiant (prod, prud, prou, preu, 
pros, Modern -French preux), prowess (proece, proesce), power 
(pooir, povoir, poueir), coward (coard, cuard, couart) to which cow 
= to depress with fear, and co wish = fearful (SHAKSPEARE) belong; 
flower (see above flour), rowel (roele, rouele), towel (toaille, tou- 
aillej, bowels (boele, buele, boiaus, Latin botellus), with which we 
must compare vowel (voyelle), trowel (truelle, Latin trulla, 
truella), powder (poldre, puldre, poudre), trowsers (to the verb 
torser, trosser, trusser, Modern-French substantive trousses); howitzer, 
howitz, also ho bit, French obus, descends from the Dutch haubitze, 
like frow. Ow stands before a final n and / in gown (gone, gune, 
yet also the Cymric gwn, Diminative gynyn, gynan), crown (corone 
like the Middle-Highdutch krone), renown (nom, num, nun, noune 
renom), on the other hand noun, compare Old-English renoun; 
frown (re-frogner); cowl, seems to refer to cuvel, Modern-French 
cuveau; h owlet answers to the French hulotte, compare the Old- 
High dutch huwo; hiuwila. On the other hand ow sounds like 6 in 
prow = prora (Modern- French proue) and bowl (boule). 

In an unaccented syllable the termination ow (as a) appears 
very often in Anglosaxon words; the w here is to be regarded as 
the substitute for a primitive w, #, and g, even in the termination 
ig, which sprang from j, in which case o enters without regard to 
the conservation or the rejection of the primitive vowel in the Anglo- 
saxoii word, whereas the Old-English has here e or no vowel at all: 
widewe, falewe, harewe, harewen &c and narwe, yelwe, 
holwe, pilwe, sorwe, herberwe &c. Modern-English: meadow 
(meadu, -eves), shadow (scadu, -ves, verb scadvjan), harrow (hereve, 
hyrve , swallow (svaleve, svealve), widow (viduve), farrow and 
far (fearh), furrow (furh), billow (Old-norse bylgia, Danish bolge), 
follow (folgjan), harrow (herjan, hergjan), willow (vilig, velig), 
sallow (salig). Ow and y are often interchanged in Modern-English, 
as in the Adjective termination holy and hallow (halig, Old-English 
haligh, halegh, Plural halewes) and otherwise; felly and even fel- 
loe substituted for felg, felge; bellow and belly come from belg, 
belig = bulga, yet the Old-norse belgr = follis, bulga = venter; colly 
and collow signify soot; and popularly we hear berry pronounced 
instead of barrow, (Anglosaxon bearu, -ves = nemus?). Ow also 
interchanges with oug\ see above. Window points to the Old-norse 
windauga. For fellow, Old-English fellaw, the Anglosaxon form 
felav is cited. 

U, in general represents the sound of a short w and of the diph- 
thong zw, in Germanic words, however, the former; in Romance, Latin- 
greek and others, the latter in an open syllable, as well as where 
a mute e follows the final consonant. Many o also appear in the 
present language as a short English u\ Old-English often employed 
o in the place of the short w, both in Germanic and Romance words, 



II. The Elements of the Word Origin of the Vowels and Diphthongs. U. 1 25 

of which the latter mostly contain o, along with u, ou. Compare 
thomb, dombe (dumb), gomme (gum), gonne (gun), doke (duck), 
walnote, moche (much), sotel (subtle), sodeinly, bokeler (buck- 
ler) &c. 

The Anglosaxon u remains u as an English u in a syllable closed 
by a consonant: sun (sunne), stun (stunjan), spur (spura, spora), 
up (upp), cup (cupp, also copp), dub (dub ban), gut (guttas), thumb 
(puma), dumb (the same), hunt (huntjan), sprung (sprungen), 
swung (svungen), drunk (druncen), stunk (stuncen), turf (turf), 
curse (cursjan, corsjan), dust (the same), tusk (tusc, tux), under 
(the same), sunder (sunderjan), thunder (punor); summer (sumor), 
furrow (furh); in some, words the sound has been preserved as a 
short Highdutch u, especially before I: pull (pulljan), bullock (bul- 
luca), full (full). 

"Where the Anglosaxon y is at the basis, the Old-English has 
also i (y) and e: murder (myrftrjan), murk (myrc), bury (byrigan, 
byrgean = sepelire), burden (byr6*en), busy (bysig, biseg), butt 
(bytt), thrush (prysce), shut (scyttan), shrub (scrybe), stubbe 
(stybb), stunt (styntan), church (cyrice), churl, churly, churlish 
(ceorl, ceorllic, cyrlic) and others; Old-English: mirk, stib borne 
(stubborn), chirche &c.; besy, shetten, stenten, cherche, 
cherl &c.; so too the Old-Scotch, and even in the Modern-English 
mickle alongside of much (micel, mycel, mucel); busy still has i 
in pronunciation, bury e at least. 

The Anglosaxon u and y often represent themselves as u: ud- 
der (uder, udr), plum (plume), shun (scunjau, sceonjan), utmost 
(utemest, ytemest), husband (husbonda), Old -English housbonde, 
husbonde, bulk (Old-norse bulki), blush (blysjan, Old-Highdutch 
blusigon) with an unusual transmutation of s into sh. 

The Anglosaxon eo answers to u in Ludlow (Leodhlav; hlsev, 
hlav== agger), rud (reod), alongside of red, Anglosaxon read. 

More rarely other Anglosaxon vowels pass into u, as 6 in rud- 
der (roofer = remus), gum (goma), or o, e, e under the influence of 
a following r: murder (morfrur), burst, burst en (berstan, borsten), 
where the form of the preterite burst (burston) may exercise in- 
fluence, churn (cernan) see below; ed in shuttle (sceatel). 

Other forms, as gust (gist), rush (hriscjan = vibrare?) go back 
to a primitive u, Old-norse gustr = procella, hrysc = irruptio, Gothic 
hruskan; the present run (rinnan) has been assimilated to the pre- 
terite (ran, runnon; runnen). The words dull, such (dval, dvol, 
dol and svilc, svylc) Old-English swiche have softened v into u; 
compare the Old-norse subst. dul, dulr. 

Huge appears with u (iu) diphthong. It seems to belong to 
hyge = mens, hygjan, compare the Old-norse hugadr = audax; the 
older English has here a short u: the hudge olifaunt (SKELTON I. 
365). Also truth has a long u as belonging to true (treovtTo, tryvo**), 
Old-English also trouthe. 

The Old-French o, w, ou frequently passes in a close syllable 
into ii, where it appears as a Modern-French o: sum, summit (som, 
sum; somme, sume), plummet (plom, plum; plommee), number 
(nombre, numbre), umbrage (ombrage, umbraige), encumber (en- 



126 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I. 

combrer, encumbrer), pump (pompe, Spanish and Portugese bomba, 
puinp), trumpet and trump (trompette, yet the Old-Highdutch 
trumpa), tunny (thon, Latin thynnus), fund (fond, fund), plunge 
(to plom, plum, Modern-French plonger), dungeon alongside of don- 
jon (donjon, dungun, doignon, Medieval-Latin don gio, Irish daingean, 
fastening), trunk (tronc), juggle (jogler, jugler = joculari), brush 
(broce, broche, brosse), Tuscan (Toscan), truck (troquer, Spanish 
substantive trueco), mostly pointing to a primitive u. 

The Old-French o, w, ow, Modern-French ou: fur (Substantive 
forre, foure, fuerre, verb forrer, fourrer), incur (corre, curre, courre), 
furnace (for, Modern-French fournaise), furnish, furniture (for- 
nir, furnir, prov. also formir, fromir to the Old-Highdutch frumjan), 
purple (porpre, pourpre), furbish (forbir, furbir to the Old-High- 
dutch fur ban, furbjan), curve (corber, curver), curt (cort, curt, court, 
Latin curtus, Old-Highdutch churz), curtain (cortine, curtine, cour- 
tine), purse (borse, bourse), nurse, nurture (norir, nurir, noriture; 
noreture), supper (soper, super, souper), glut, glutton (gloz, glos, 
glous, gloton &c.), mutton (molton, mouton, muton, Medieval-Latin 
multo), truss (trosser, trusser), mustard (moutarde from the Latin 
mustum), mustache (moustache), musket (moschete, mouskete), 
budge = to stir (bouger), budget (bogette, bougette belonging to 
bulga = valise), buckler (bocler, bucler, bouclier). Some of these 
words likewise mostly pointing to a primitive u have the full short 
w-sound: pulley (poulie, although belonging to the Anglosaxon pull- 
jan), pullet (poulet), push (pousser, Spanish puxar), butcher (bou- 
cher to boch, bouc, Cymric bwch); pudding (boudin? Cymric pwding 
and potten). 

The Old-French o, u, ou, Modern-French eu: demur (demorer, 
demurer, demourer). 

A short u has sometimes arisen from w, oi, although even these 
occasionally present collateral forms in u in Old-French: cull (cuillir, 
coillir, cueillir), crush (croissir, cruisir, Medieval-Latin cruscire), 
usher (huissier, also ussier), frush = to crush (froisser, fruisser), 
punter (pointeur, Old-French point, puint), punch, puncheon 
(poincon), bushel [sounding with u] (boisseau, Medieval-Latin bustel- 
lus). Compare Usk, a borough in Brecknockshire (Old-Cymric Uisc, 
Wysc, Latin Isca); also in some measure Dutch (Duitsch). 

u appears to have sprung from i in umpire, properly an odd, 
third person (impair, since in PIERS PLOUGHMAN nounpere occurs 
instead of it p. 97), compare succory (chicoree, Latin cichorium); 
likewise out of e in summons (semonse) and in urchin (herisson 
= erinaceus), urchone in Palgrave, on account of the following r, 
as in turpentine (terebenthina), burgamot along side of berga- 
mot, and in Old-England lurne instead of learn, urthe instead of 
earth, see HALLIWELL s. v. and others. Compare above u before r 
in Anglosaxon words. Moreover hirchen occurs instead of urchin. 
The diphthong iu appears in the open syllable or that lengthened 
by a mute e, mostly in Romance words and others out of a primitive 
u not effaced by the intermediate language ; the i which sounds before 
it in English is only encumbered by preceding liquid letters: fume 
(fum), mule(mul, mule), pure (pur), dupe, mute (mut, mu), rude, 



II. The Elements of the Word.- Origin of the Vowels and Diphth. Ui, Ue. 127 

use (us, verb user), muse (muser), duke (due, duch); plume, 
prude, truant (truant, truander, Cymric tru, truan, Medieval-Latin 
trutanus, -danus, -anus). 

Out of eu, with rejection of the e arise sure (segur, seiir, Mo- 
dern-French sur), rule (reule, riule, riegle, compare Anglosaxon re- 
gol, regul, reogol); a diphthong u also answers to the Old-French o, 
u, cm, Modern-French eu, in fuel (fu, fou, feu), bury is the Modern- 
French beurre; like oi, Modern-French eu, in lure, allure (loire, 
loirre, Modern-French leurre; loirer, Modern-French leurrer, Middle- 
Highdutch luoder); ue, ui in puny (pues, puis-ne); it is equivalent 
to the French iau in pule (piauler, Italian pigolare). Prune = to 
lop, Old-English proine, also proigne, points to the French provigner, 
to propagate. 

In an unaccented syllable no peculiarities take place, except 
that in the final syllable of the words inorganic w's have sometimes 
crowded in, as in leisure (loisir, leisir), Old -English also leyser, 
pleasure (plaisir, plasir, plesir); the Old-English often interchanges 
in the unaccented syllable with e, y, u like even the Anglosaxon, 
especially before the r, compare the Old-English other and othur. 
On the shortening of the sound in pronunciation see above. 

Tie shews itself with the sound of u diphthong, which is only 
prejudiced after liquid letters; e appears in oe as a sign of production 
at the end of a syllable. In Old-English we find ew, ewe instead of 
ue: trew, rew, sew (compare ensue): trewe, sewe; thus even 
now clew and clue &c. are found alongside of each other. See above. 

The Anglosaxon eov, eov and iv give ue: rue = sorrow (hreov, 
verb hreovan), true (treove), hue (heov, hiv), blue (bleoh, bleov, 
bleo, blio), Tuesday (Tivesdag), Old-English Tiseday. 

The Old-Freuch ev, iv likewise: ensue, pursue (the simple 
verb sew in Old-English = sevre, sivre &c.); but also u and ue: glue 
(gluz, glut), due (du, Modern-French du), rue (rue, on the other 
hand Anglosaxon rude), oe, eu: cue (coe, qeue, queue); ui: subdue 
(sosduire, souduire) with resumption of the Latin form of the prefix. 

In unaccented syllables of Romance words ue often stands, where 
originally u or ue lies at the root: rescue verb and substantive 
(rescorre, rescurre, rescoure), alongside of which as a substantive 
rescous (rescosse, -usse, -ousse) occurs; a;gue, feber (agu, ague, 
Medieval-Latin acuta), tissue (tissu), issue (issue, oissue), detinue, 
retinue (de-, retenu), value (value); argue, construe (arguer, 
construire) may lean immediately on the Latin; venue, also veney 
= Italian stoccata, comes from the French venue, on the other hand 
venue, alongside of visne, is mutilated from visnet, visnes, along- 
side of veisinitet, veisinte, belonging to voisin, veisin. 

Ui, uy sometimes stand to denote a vowel sound, in which case 
one or the other vowel may be regarded as mute. The pronunciation 
of ui as a diphthongal or at least as a long u is old. Gower rhymes 
deduit with frute (HALLIWELL s. v. deduit). 

No Anglosaxon word has ui as a long u (m), except bruise 
(brysan = conterere) ; on the other hand many Romance ones, in 
which it either rests upon ui, iu, as in suit (suite, siute, seute), 



128 Doctrine of the Word. - Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I. 

pursuit, nuisance (noisance, nuisance), fruit, cruise (belonging 
to crois, cruiz, cruix), or to u: juice (jus), recruit (recruter), sluice 
(escluse, Hollandish sluis, Middle-Hi ghdutch sliuze, Medieval-Latin 
exclusa). 

Apart from the shortening of ui to i in unaccented syllables 
(see pronunciation) ui appears as i in build, Old-English bilden, 
belden, dialectically in North-England beeld, beldynge (SKELTON 1. 
385), compare the Hollandish beelden; the Anglosaxon is bilifre = 
imago; u has been subsequently inserted. 

uy diphthong as ei in buy (Anglosaxon bycgan), Old-English 
buggen, byen and bien, Old-Scoth by, the compound aby even in 
Shakspeare (abycgan = redimere). 

The cases wherein in Anglosaxon and Romance words ui is 
hardened into vi in pronunciation, rest either, after Gutturals, on an 
Anglosaxon w, as quick (cvic); as ve as ue appears in quell (cvel- 
jan), va as ua &c. quake (cvacjan) and others; or upon ui in Ro- 
mance, Latin and other words (as ue upon ue, ua upon ua, uo upon 
uo &c.), compare quiver (couire, cuevre, cuivre, on the other hand 
the Anglosaxon cocor), cuish and cuisse (cuisse) &c. On the other 
hand quince reminds us of the French coing, Latin cydonius, whereas 
the French cointe gives the English quaint. See under q. 

In quill the French quille, Old-Highdutch kegil is at the root, 
mingled with the Old- and Middle-Highdutch kil (= caulis) and the 
Old-Highdutch chiol, Anglosaxon ceole. 

Even in the unaccented syllable the sound grounded upon ui 
appears: anguish (angoisse, anguisse) &c. In distinguish the ver- 
bal termination has passed into the form of the French verbs in ir 
with -iss, Latin isc-ere, inserted. 



Origin of the Consonants. 

We consider the consonants here not strictly according to their 
vocal relations; but, where the same vocal sign belongs to more than 
one class of sounde, we comprehend the various sounds under the 
class to which the sign originally belonged. We do not here regard 
separately the words brought over immediately from ancient or mo- 
dern tongues, since in those a transmutation of sounds rarely comes 
into consideration, and they generally conform to the most general 
rule. 

1. The nasal and the liquid sounds m, n, Z, r. 

M answers to a primitive m in Anglosaxon and Romance words: 
milk (miluc), mare, nightmare (mara), grim (grimm), svarm 
(svearm); mace, a club (mace, mache), murmur (murmurer), 
remain (remaindre, remanoir). Before n, m is preserved in Romance 
and Latin words, when the final n is, however, silent, or to be 
regarded as assimilated (see above at page 67): remnant (remanant), 
solemn (solempne), hymn, automn. 

m often springs out of n; thus after an initial s in smack (An- 
glosaxon snace, Old-norse snakr = navis genus, Hollandish smak, 



11. The Elements of the Word Origin of the Consonants in, 11, 1, r. j 29 

French semaque). Especially n before lipsounds p and &, in Ger- 
manic and Celtic words in ??&, is transformed into n: hemp (hauep, 
hanep), hamper along with hanaper (Medieval-Latin hanape- 
rium), Bamborough (Bebbanburh), Cambridge (Old-English Cante- 
brigge), Cyinbeline (Latin Cunobelinus), Dumbarton (Celtic Dun- 
Breton, castle of the Britons). Even in Romance words in stands 
for n before an inserted p, which in Modern-French has again been 
cast out: tempt (tenter, ternpteir), attempt; so too before/, where 
French preserves n: comfort (conforter), comfit alongside of con- 
feet, confiture. Compare Pomfret (Old-English Pountfreit in 
ROB. OF GLOUCESTER). 

This happens also before other consonants and vowels: brimstone 
(Swedish bernsten), Montgomery (Mongon-byrry) (PERCY Rel. p. 4.), 
Latinier, an appellation of the interpreter Wrenoc ap Merrick 
(= latin interpreter). 

m instead of n is particularly frequent at the end of Romance 
words: lime (Auglosaxon lind) Old-English lynde, linde, in the Craven- 
Dialect lin, lyne; maim (inahaigner from mahain, compare the Auglo- 
saxon bemancjau = truncare, Medieval-Latin mahemiare), random 
(randon) compare a gret randoum (MAUNDKV. p. "238), ransom (raan- 
con, raiancon), Old-English rancon, rarnson (Ron. OF GLOUCESTER), 
venom (even venin, venim) compare envenom (envenimer), megrim 
(migraine), b a dig em alongside of badigeon (French the same), 
perform (par-fornir, -furnir) compare perfourn en (Pi ERS PLOUGHMAN 

L*29l), Old-Scotch perfurneis, originally m containing, Old-Highdutch 
mjan, compare Anglosaxon fremman; vellum (velin), marjoram 
(Italian majorana, French marjolaine) 

Old-English had often m at the end of the word, for instance 
Kaym, Caym instead of Cain, bothum (bouton) and others, dialec- 
tical ly brim instead of bring (eastern dialect). Summerset, somerset 
and somersault are corrupted from the Old-French soubresaut; in 
malmsey m has taken the place of f, Old - English malvesy 
(malvoisie), but it rather stands with a view to Monembasia. 

N arises out of the Anglosaxon and Romance n: nine (nigon), 
winter (viuter), wen (venn), dun (dunu = fuscus); -- nurture 
(noriture, norreture), language (langage), tense (tens, tans, Modern- 
French temps), Old-English dan (dans, dant = dominus), count 
(cuens, conte, cunte together with cumte), noun (nom, noun, non); 
on the other hand re no wind for renowned is still found in Spenser 
and Marlowe. 

As m from ft, so conversely n often proceeds from m, as even 
in Old-French in some examples just quoted: an t = emmet (Anglo- 
Saxon semete), Ben fleet (Beamfleot) in Essex; D or n ford was for- 
merly called Dormceaster; the ancient Rumcofa is now called Ru nek- 
horn, Hants stands alongside of Hampshire (Hamscire). In Old- 
English fron stands instead of from; paynen (Ron. OF GLOUCESTER 
I. 119) along with paynym and others. 

n has sometimes taken the place of /: banister has arisen out 
of the French baluster, balustre. Compare the dialectic win instead 
of will in Modern-English. See under /. 

Matzner, engl. Gr. I. q 



130 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Parti. Sect. I. 

L has been preserved in Anglosaxon and Romance words: little 
(lytel, adverb lytle), lock (locc = cirrus), slumber (slumerjan), gli- 
sten (glisnjan), wallow (vealovjan, vealvjan, valvjan), welter (from 
veltan), halt (healtjan), whole (hal), till (tiljan); limmer (li- 
mier), lodge (loger), parliament (parlement), false (fals, fax, 
faus), cattle (catel). 

Although frequently silent before consonants (see page 67), / has 
been often preserved in Anglosaxon, as also in Old-French words, 
where Modern-French has rejected it, and even Old-French admitted 
the rejection with the substitution of u for /, compare fault (falte, 
faute), assault (assalt, assaut), vessel (vaissel, vaissiaus), castle 
(castel, castiaus): Forms with and without / are still occasionally 
found alongside of each other: powder and poulder [unusual] 
(poldre, puldre, poudre) &c. 

1 has sometimes taken the place of r: marble (marbre, compare 
Spanish marmol, Highdutch rnarmelstein) marbreston even ROB. OF 
GLOUCESTER II. p. 476. Anglosaxon marmarstan; purple (porpre, yet 
even in Anglosaxon purble = purpureus, as in Anglosaxon turtle = turtur); 
gill if lower has been deformed out of giroflee (also geraflour) that 
is caryophyllum. Hobbledehoy neither man nor boy is said to have 
arisen from Sir Hobbard de Hoy. Salisbury has supplanted Saies- 
bury (see HALLIWELL s. v.) compare the spot hard by Old Sarum, 
Latin Sorbiodunum. At the end / stands thus in laurel (laurier), 
Old-English laurer, lorer in Chaucer and Gower. 

Other / have even in Old-French, arisen out of a primitive r and 
have persisted in English, while no longer appearing in Modern- 
French: temple (Old-French temple, Latin tempora, Modern-French 
tempe), fortalice, obsolete instead of fortress (Old-French fortelesce 
alongside of forteresce, forterece, Medieval-Latin fortalitium). 

Flavour has proceeded from the Old-French flair, flairor, belong- 
ing to flairer, Latin fragrare. In Old- English and Old-Scotch it 
sounds fleure. 

In proper names, such as Hally (Henry, Harry), Doll, Dolly 
(Dorothy), Molly (Mary) &c. / often appears for r. 

I sometimes stands for ??, as in Marti emas in Shakspeare in- 
stead of Martinmas. Dialectically we find chimley, chimbly instead 
of chimney. Could lunch, luncheon, nunchion, also have proceeded 
dialectically from nunch, noon, (nona)? 

R is mostly preserved in Anglosaxon, Romance and other words: 
rich (ric), ram (ramm), proud (prut), blind (blind), trap (treppe), 
crib (cribbe), spring (springan), stream (stream), start (steort, 
steart = spina), church (cyrice), star (steorra); river (riviere), 
realm (realme, reaume), preach (precher, prechier), brief (bref, 
brief), trace (tracier, tracer), grant (graanter, granter along with 
creanter, craanter), pork (pore) &c. 

r has taken the place oil: lavender (Medieval-Latin lavendula, 
Italian lavendola). In Shakspeare Argier stands instead of Algiers 
(Temp. 1, 2); sinoper alongside of sinople, Old - English and 
Old -Scotch synoper, -eir and synople, Old -French sinople, the 
green colour in a coat of arms, are the same words: there is said to 



II. The Elements of the Word. Origin of the Consonants. Livsounds. 131 

have been a red and a green pigment from Sinope (called sinoplum, 
Old-Latin sinopis). See Diez's Etymological Dictionary page 725. 
The obsolete surbeat, surbet and the verb surbate point to the 
French solbatu, wounded in the sole of the foot. 

r takes the place of n or m in the popular pronunciation in 
charfron, alongside of chanfrin and champfrein, French chanfrein; 
in glitter (Anglosaxon glitnjan) a new derivational termination er 
has rather taken the place of n, en. 

2. The Lipsounds p, b, f, ph, v, w. 

P must often give place to b' } at the beginning of Anglosaxon 
words it mostly pointed to a foreign origin, but it was frequent in 
the middle and at the end. Where it appears in English it mostly 
perseveres in its pristine form, although, dialectically, for instance, 
in Gloucestershire, it often yields to b: pitch (pic), pepper (pipor, 
pe'por), pull (pulljan), plight (pliht), priest (preost), slippery 
(slipur), apple (appel, apl), wipe (vipjan, vipjan), cramp (cramp), 
sharp (scearp); pity (pite, piteit), pious (pius, pios), pledge 
(plege, pleige), prophesy (prophecier), strain (straindre), chapter 
(chapitre), escape (eschaper, escaper), apt (French apte, Latin ap- 
tus). It rarely appears where it has become silent, except where it 
was only inserted. The former is the case in receipt, as well as for- 
merly in deceipt (Old-French usually recet, yet also recepteir along 
with receter). 

Here and there p has proceeded from b at the beginning of a 
word: purse (Old-French borse, bourse, even in Old-High dutch pursa), 
on the contrary disburse, reimburse, else also dispurse; pud- 
ding (boudin?); pearch, perch, (Anglosaxon bears) is to be reduced 
to the French perche; in the middle of a word in apricot (French 
abricot, Italian albercocco); at the end of Anglosaxon words: Shrop- 
shire (Scrobscire), crump (crumb); gossip (from sibb, English 
sib) instead of godsib, Old -English gossib. Thus in Old -English 
warderope is found instead of garderobe. 

p has arisen out of ph in trump, French triomphe. 

In proper names p often stands along with m: Peg, Peggy 
instead of Meg, Margaret; Pat, Patty instead of Mat, Martha; Polly 
instead of Molly from Mary. 

B mostly rests upon a primitive Anglosaxon or Romance &, and 
has been preserved even when silent: bid (biddan), bang (Old-norse 
banga = pulsare), black (blac), brass (brass), web (vebb), dub 
(dubban, compare the Old-French dober, duber, adober), climb (clim- 
ban); beast (beste, beeste), combat (combatre), blandish (blan- 
dir), brawn (braon, braion = partie charnue du corps), bran (bren, 
Modern-French bran, but the Cymric bran), tomb (tombe), alb 
(Latin alba, French aube). The English retains in many words the 
b rejected in French, such as debt (dete), doubt (doter, duter, dou- 
ter); moreover this b was not unknown even in Old-French. 

b has sometimes arisen out of p, mostly in the middle and at 
the end of a word: lobster (loppestre, lopystre = locusta marina), 
a collateral form thereof is lopuster; dribble (belonging to dreo- 



132 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part L Sect. 1. 

pan); limber = pliable alongside of limp = weak, pliant (belonging 
to the English to limp, compare the Anglosaxou lemphealt = clau- 
dus, lempe = lenitas, fragilitas, Highdutch Glimpf); s la b = viscous 
(to the Old-norse slapp=lutum); knob, Old-English knop (Old-norse 
knappr = globulus; compare the Anglosaxon cnapp = jugum, English 
knap). Even Skelton and Spencer have libbard, lybbard instead 
of leopard. Modern -English has at the commencement of a word 
bandore alongside of p and ore; in the middle cabriole along- 
side of capriole. 

Instead of w (Anglosaxon v) stands b in Bill, Billy from Wil- 
liam (Vilhelm); br angle alongside of wrangle (to the Anglosaxon 
vringan); compare the Lowdutch berwolf instead of werwulf. 

For h and r, b enters in bumble-bee (BEAUM. and FLETCII) 
instead of humble-bee, compare the Highdutch Hummel, swiss. Bum- 
mel, and Bob, Bobby, like Hob for Rob, Robin, Robert. 

F arises from the Anglosaxon and Romance /, which, however, 
are retained only at the beginning and end of a word, and that mostly 
with persistency, and in the middle of a word, are wont to have 
place in reduplication or when attached to a following consonant. 
At the end of a word v commonly appears for it, when it is followed 
by a mute e, according to the French process, yet here the language 
has not remained consistent. The dialectical confounding of / with 
v is widely diffused. 

A primitive / at the beginning and end of a word: fickle (ficol), 
far (feorr, feor), flesh (flsesc), frame (fremman = facere, perficere), 
thief (peof, pef), hoof (hof); -- fillet (filet), fail (faillir, falir), 
flame (flame, flamme, verb flamer), fruit (fruit, frui), chief (chef, 
chief). 

Reduplicated in the middle and at the end of a word, as 
well as when attached to a following consonant, although here some- 
times silent: stiff (stif) and verb stiffen, cliff (clif, cliof), distaff 
(distaf), swift (svift), fifth (fifta), twelfth (tvelfta); - - coffin 
(cofin), caitiff (chaitif, caitif), plaintiff (plaintif), enfeoff (fiever, 
fiefer), scaffold (escafaut, eschafaut), falchion (falchon, fauchon). 

In many Anglosaxon words the final consonant / before a mute 
e has remained: life (lif), wife (vif), knife (cnif); as in Romance: 
strife (estrif), safe (salf, sauf, compare the verb salver, saver), which 
in Old-English used still to be sounded lif, wif, knif, strif, saaf. In 
the inflection of these as well as of other words in /, v certainly 
appears before the vowel e, as was usual, even in Old-English. Many 
have slill frequently a final / or fe in Old-English, to which Modern- 
English has given ve, as gaf, yaf (gave), drof (drove), shrof (shrove), 
strof (strove) and others. On the other hand Modern-English words 
are found with a final /, to which in Old-English ve used to be given 
in Old-English, as sheriff (Anglosaxon scire-gerefa), Old-English 
reeve, shereve. 

In the derivatives of words in /, / is partly preserved before 
vowels, as in turfy, chiefage (Old-French chevage, poll tax), 
leafy (full of leaves), leafage, even leafed (having leaves), elfish, 
safely, while we also find elvish, wively, wivehood &c. along- 
side of them. Even inflective forms sometimes fluctuate, as in staves, 



11. The Elements of the Word. Origin of the Consonants. Lipsounds. 133 

now frequently staffs, where Old-English mostly offers only one / 
in the singular, while having v in the plural. In collision with a 
consonant in inflection v is transmuted into*/: bereft along with 
bereaved. 

Particles prefixed do not alter the primitive initial sound, as in 
afore, afield &c. 

f h&rdly ever arises out of b: draff answers to the Auglosaxon 
drabbe, grains, alongside of which stands drof = turbidus, sordidus. 

f proceeds from </, as the guttural gh has sometimes assumed the 
pronunciation of/: dwarf (pveorg), in Old-English still dwerghes in 
Mandeville and durwe (WEBER), in Western dialects durgan. The 
interchange of h (in English otherwise gh) with the vocal sign / is 
in Modern-English still to be met with here and there: draft along- 
side of draught (droht from dragan), as conversely c lough = ravine 
seems to belong to the Anglosaxon clufan, which in Old -English 
stands also for cliff (clif, cliof = rupes), and in Highdutch sichten 
corresponds to the English sift (siftan) (see gh). Shaft in the 
meaning of schacht corresponds to this Highdutch word, but has 
xafetus alongside of schachta in Medieval-Latin for its support. 

In Old-English the substitution of /for gh is frequent: doftyr 
= daughter (RITSON), caufte = caught; thofe = though (HAL- 
LIWELL s. v.); dialects of the present day offer thoft = thought, 
thruff = through. In Old- English 3 even occasionally stands along 
with / instead of gh: stragfte = straight (HALLIWELL Early Hist, 
of Freemasonry p. 14.). 

f is also occasionally substituted for a primitive Greek ph, partly 
according to French precedent, although sometimes both stand along- 
side of each other. Thus we spell fantasm and phantasm, frenzy 
and phrensy, frantic and phrenetic, fantom (Old-French fan- 
tosme) and phantom, but always fancy (fantaisie). 

Ph, where it has not been changed into /, remains faithful to 
the Greek-Latin spelling, as in philosophy. 

It has sometimes arisen out of a final/; gulph stands along 
with gulf (French golfe, Greek xo'Awos), Guelphs along with Guelfs; 
also in the middle of a word: cipher, decipher (French chiffre, 
Medieval-Latin ciffara, from the Arabic safar and sifr = zero). 

ph. for v is striking, as in nephew (neveu), Old-English neuew, 
nevew, and in naphew along with navew (navet from the Latin 
napus). 

Old-English often confounds p with ph, as in Phiton (Python). 
This and other displacements, as Baphomet (Mahomet) belong in 
general to the middle ages, compare the Medieval-Latin Bafum aria, 
Baphumet &c. 

V, which, at the beginning of a word, unites with no other con- 
sonant, and never appears at the end without e is, in its Latin and 
Romance sound, a letter foreign to Anglosaxon (the Anglosaxon v, 
for which in English w is substituted, representing another sound) 
and corresponding to the Romance and Latin v: villany (vilanie, 
vilenie), very (verai, vrai), vanquish (vaincre, vencre), vaunt 
(vanter, venter), divers (divers). 

The collateral form of vetch (French vesce, Latin vicia, com- 



134: Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. L 

pare the Old-Highdutch wicce), which sounds fitch, is striking, as 
to which may be observed, that the Latin v is, in Anglosaxon, oc- 
casionally rendered by*/; compare the Anglosaxon serfis, Latin 
servitium (see below, on Old-English). No less striking is the 
appearance of the initial v for the Anglosaxon / in vat, alevat (fat, 
ealofat) alongside of fat, since the initial Anglosaxon / is else preserved. 
Thus, also vixen is still in use for the Anglosaxon fixen. The Old- 
English certainly in its earliest forms often admits v (w), instead of 
/ at the beginning of a word; compare uorp = forth, vewe = few 
and others in Robert of Gloucester. 

Moreover the English sometimes allows words in v of Romance 
stock to run parallel with others in w;, partly with a variety of 
meaning, as^vine, French vin, and wine (Anglosaxon vin), hence 
viny = abounding in vines and winy = having the taste or quality 
of wine, as to which vineyard has taken the place of the Anglo- 
saxon vingeard, vineard. 

v stands in the middle of a word between vowels or after a 
preceding consonant, and at the end of a word before a mute e> 
where likewise it may be preceded by a consonant, instead of the Anglo- 
Saxon /: even (e'fen), evening (sefnung), oven (ofen), navel (na- 
fola, nafela), raven (hrafen), hovel (hofel); anvil (filt, aufilt), Old- 
English anvelt; silver (silfor); weave (vefan), knave (cnapa, cnafa), 
glove (glof); drive (drifan), hive (hyfe), delve (delfan), twelve 
(tvelf). 

In Old-English / is also often preserved between vowels, as in 
drife (drive), shrife (shrive), delfe (delve), dowfes (doves) (Tow- 
NELEY MYSTEK.), as the Romance v also sometimes passes over into 
/: reprefe (reprover or the Anglosaxon profjau?), soferand (so- 
vereign), 

Instead of a Greek-Latin ph a v used often to appear, thus in 
Spencer, Shakspeare and the moderns, as Byron: vial = phial; 
visnomy = physiognomy. 

b is here and there transmuted into v, yet here mostly in Anglo- 
saxon / is found along with b: have (habban), live (libban, but also 
lifjan), heave (hebban, Gothic hafjan); the forms habben and lib- 
ben are not unknown to Old-English (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER and PIERS 
PLOUGHMAN). 

Many names in which the Romans heard b have in Celtic and 
Anglosaxon become/, and are now represented by v : Severn (Cym- 
ric Hafren, Auglosaxon Safern, Latin Sabrina), Dover (Latin Dubris 
Dubrae), Reculver (Regulbium), Tovy (Tobius), Abergavenny 
(Gobannium). 

v in wave has proceeded from a primitive g, Anglosaxon vseg, 
veg and the verb vagjan, Old-French woge, Modern-French vague; 
Old-English and Old-Scotch have namely the form wawe, plural wawis, 
wawghes in TOWNELEY MYSTER. and thus according to Caxton, com- 
pare the Danish vove. 

The second v in "velvet" (Old-French velluau, compare Italian 
velluto, belonging to the Latin villus), is to be regarded as a u har- 
dened into v. 

W comes under consideration here only as a Semivowel, as indeed 
originally it is perhaps to be always regarded as a semivowel sound. 



11. The Elements of the Word. Origin of the Consonants. TheToothzounds. 135 

Its at present extinct or vocalized sound is, as a consonant, not quite 
to be made out; yet its interchange with the guttural, which has 
passed into the lipsound (ynow and ynough, thorow and tho- 
rough) in Old-English, which also might frequently be assumed for 
the gh extinct in pronunciation, points to its having sounded as a 
lipsound (like the Highdutch w before consonants and not differing 
much from /, when at the end of a word). 

w springs from the Anglosaxon ?, and has been preserved before 
the consonant r in writing, where it is already completely without 
import for the pronunciation: winter (vinter), wed (veddjan), wash 
(vascan); wring (vringan), wren (vrenna); after a dental, too, it is 
usually preserved: twinkle (tvincljan), dwell (Old-English dvelja 
= morari, Anglosaxon dveljan, dvellan = errare), dwindle (Old-norse 
dvma = detumescere, Anglosaxon dvinan, tabescere), thwart (pveorh), 
Old-English thwang (TOWNELEY MYST. p. 166), Modern-English thong 
(pvang = corrigia), sweet (svete), Old -English sote, swift (svift), 
evenhere partly lost in pronunciation: two (twa). On the other hand 
the Anglosaxon cv has mostly passed over into qu (see g), hv has 
been transmuted into wh by transposition (see Metathesis). 

So far as the Romance g or gu, also spelt w, corresponds to the 
Old-Highdutch w>, and the Gothic and Anglosaxon v, w likewise takes 
its place in English also: wicket (wiket, guischet from the Old- 
norse vik = recessus, Anglosaxon vie = recessus, portus) ; wait (gaiter, 
gueiter Old-Highdutch wahten), wafer (gaufre, Medieval-Latin gafrum); 
warrant (garaut, guarant, warant and the verb guarantir, warantir, 
Old-Highdutch weren), warren (garenne, Medieval-Latin warenna); 
wast el (gastel, gastial, Middle-Highdutch wastel, Modern-French ga- 
teau), reward (reguerredoner, rewerdoner, Medieval- Latin widerdo- 
num compared with the Anglosaxon vicferlean) along with guerdon; 
wage, wager (Substantive gage, wage and gageure, verb gager, 
wager, Medieval-Latin vadium, guadium; invadiare &c. related to the 
Anglosaxon vedd to the Gothic vadi = a pledge), Old-English warish 
(garir, Modern-French guerir, related to the Anglosaxon varjan), gua- 
rish (SPENSKR). 

Romance forms are occasionally employed alongside of others 
which go back to Anglosaxon words: guise and wise (Anglosaxon 
vise), especially in the compound otherguise and otherwise; 
guimple and wimple (Old-Highdutch wimpal), guile, beguile 
Old-French guile, guille, verb guiler &c.), Old-English gile, gyle, and 
wile (Anglosaxon vile); guard substantive and verb, guardian 
(Old-French guarde, warde, garde &c.) and ward (substantive veard, 
verb veardjan), as to which, forms like warden, ward robe 'approx- 
imate more closely to the French form. Even engage and the like 
stand alongside of wage without the #'s being retransmuted into w. 

W seldom appears for a Romance or Latin v, unless this has 
itself passed through an Anglosaxon v: periwinkle (French per- 
venche, Latin pervinca), Old-English parvenke, pervinke; similarly 
cordwain, cordwainer springs from the usual cordovan; where, 
in Celtic words, the Latin has v, a Cymric and Cornish v (gu, gw, 
w at the end of a word) is to be assumed: Winchester (Venta 



1 



] 36 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1. 

Belgarum\ Caerwent (Venta Silurum), Derwent (Derventio), Wye 

(Vaga). 

W in periwig is hardened from u (Italian perruccfi, French 
perruque since the 15 th century), now shortened into wig; perhaps 
also in periwinkle a sort of shellfish (Latin parunculus). More- 
over r and w are proviucially, as, for instance, in Kent and in Lon- 
don, often confounded. 

3) The Toothsounds t, d, th, s, z, sn, j; 

T has for the most part been preserved from the Anglosaxon, 
Romance and Latin t; yet a primitive t, d and /// often change places 
with one another. 

t corresponds to the Anglosaxon t (Old-Highdutch z) and Old- 
French and Latin t: time (tima), teasel and the verb tease (tsesel, 
taesl, Old-Highdutch zeisala = carduus niger and the verb taesan = vel- 
licare), tale (tdu), tool (tol , trim (trymjan, trymman), trout (truht), 
trundle (tryndel= circulus, Lowdutch trundeln, also Anglosaxon Par- 
ticiple tryndeled), stair (stseger); eater (etere), sister (sveostor), 
turtle (turtle); bite (bitan), gate (geat, gat), beat (beaten), 
holt (holt), dust (dust), bought (boht); tense (tens, tans), 
tabour (tabor), trench (trencher, trancher), strain (strain dre), 
latten (laiton), attach (attach er), quit (quiter), port (port = por- 
tus and porte = porta) &c., even where a Romance and Latin t passes 
into the sibilant: nation (nation, nascion), oration &c. Here an 
interchange with e occasionally takes place: antient along with an- 
cient (ancien, anchien). 

Out of an Anglosaxon and Romance d there sometimes arises a 
, especially at the end, but also in the middle of a word: Rep- 
ton (Hrepandun), Bampton (Beamdun), where a confusion with 
tun was easy, etch = eddish (edisc); antler (audouiller), part- 
ridge (perdrix); --at the end of a word after a vowel, more fre- 
quently after consonants: abbot (abbad, -od, -ud), want, a mole 
(vand), now little used, tilt (teld), girt along with gird (gyrdan); 
the clod interchanging with clot points to the Auglosaxon clud = 
rupes, cludig = saxosus; here belongs the transmutation of the verbal 
suffix d in the preterite and participle, in the syncope of the preced- 
ing vowel, into /; which, in Anglosaxon, was confined to stems ending 
in c (as kt\ p, t and x (as /?), as in thought (pohte-poht), dipt 
along with dipped (dypte-dypt) &c. The Old-English carried this 



transmutation far; in Modern-English it again became gradually 
restricted. In the seventeenth century the syncope of the vowel, 
after the letters p, /, hard th, A", c and the hard hissers and sibilants 
s, c, sh, ch. = x, sometimes also, after TO, n, I, r, and which is now 
often denoted by an apostrophe, was often coupled with the hardening 
of d into t, if the vowel of the verb was short, and, occasionally 
with a vowel originally long Modern-English restricts this trans- 
mutation in our days, only allowing it to appear after gh, p and /, 
after -s (ss), but also after m, n and / in prose and mostly, only in 
a limited measure, as in thought, brought &c. after the Anglo- 
saxon precedent in dipt, left (lefde, lefed), past (passed), blest 
(blessed, Anglosaxon blessode, blessed), mixt (mixed), pent (from 



IL The Elements of the Word. Origin of the Consonants. TheToothsounds. 137 

pen), learnt, burnt &c., dealt (dselde, dseled); as in a series of 
verbs ending in nd, the Anglosaxon inflection -nde, -nded, is still 
often transmuted into nt: sent (sende, sended), went (vende, vended) 
&c. and even after Id and rd the Anglosaxon inflection -Idede, -Ided, 
-rde, -rded: gilt (gyldede, gylded), girt (gyrde, gyrded). Poetry, 
and, sometimes, Prose still as formerly uses the abridged forms in t, 
no longer approved by modern grammar, and omitted to be denoted 
by Lexicography, especially in verbs in />, s and x, as whipt, stept, 
stopt, dropt, prest, possest, crost, curst, nurst, fixt, vext 
&c. (See the Declension). 

Old-English also in other words ending in d often transmutes 
this letter into ?, for instance pousant, hondret, s\vert, hart 
(heard) and the like (in ROB. OF GLOUCESTER and others) and likewise 
the final d of the participle, which, together with the termination of 
the preterite it, instead of id, ed belongs in particular to the North- 
English and Old- Scotch dialects. 

Instead of J), ft (~ tli), also instead of the Latin-Greek th, an 
initial and a final t stands, especially at the beginning of worcjs 
not Anglosaxon: Tom alongside of Thomas, Tit (from &*odatQO$\ 
Taff (from Ofogr/AoO; often in Old-English teme (= theme), trone 
(= throne) &c. ; but at the beginning of a compound Anglosaxon 
word: nostril (uaspyrl = nasi foramen) and likewise in hustings 
(Old-norse hiisspingi = domestica consultatio); at the end in theft 
(peoffr), height (beahdb), Old-English heighthe, and high th in Mil- 
ton; dart (darafr, darofr) drought earlier and even still in the North 
of England drouth (drugafr, drugofrj, chit (cifr = festuca from cian 
= germ in are). 

The interchange of k and t takes place in apricock and apri- 
cot on account of the French abricot and the Italian albercocco, Ara- 
bic alberquq; also bat, fluttermouse, Old-English bak, compare Danish 
aftenbakke, Scotch bakie, bawkie. 

D primarily corresponds to the Anglosaxon and Romance d: dim 
(dimm), den (dene, denn = vallis), day (daga), dawn (dagjan), 
dock, tail, stump (Old-norse dockr), dock a plant (Anglosaxon docce), 
dock a quai (Swedish docka, Danish dokke, to the Medieval-Latin 
doga, French douve, also a canal, a moat), dry (dryge), dvindle 
(from dvinan = tabescere) ; bladder (blaedre), ladle (hladle), abide 
(abidan), kid (Old-norse kid), bind (bindan), child (cild), sward 
(sveard, Middle-Highdutch swarte); delay (delai, verb delaier), 
delight (deleit, clelit, verb deleiter, deliter), Old-English deliten, 
delitable, delit; damsel (damisele), dragon (dragon, dragun), de- 
mand (demander). 

d has taken the place of /, yet hardly ever except at the begin- 
ning of a word, as, even in Anglosaxon, the initial d was sharply 
distinguished from t as well as from^: Paddy (from Patrick), dod- 
kin (= doitkin, Hollandish duit), proud (prut), pride (pryta), in 
Old-English still prout and prute (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER). In ythe 
middle of a word the Anglosaxon had transmuted the Latin t into 
d in: Iseden, led en = latinus, Old-English still has led en in the 
same signification. Here belongs also jeopardy, Old-English juperti 
(D.\ME SIRIZ) jeupertye (GOWER) jupartie, jupardie (CHAUCER) (jeu 



138 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. 1. 

partis, divided game), card (French carte), discard (compare escar- 
ter fourteenth century), diamond (diamant); bud seems related 
to the French bouter, bout, bouton, compare the Italian buttare, 
to bud. 

d is occasionally substituted for the Auglosaxon p (<f) even at 
the beginning of a word; in the middle the later Anglosaxon often 
has d instead of d; at the end the Anglosaxon Id stood also for the 
Gothic lp\ d and d\ also served to distinguish the adjective and sub- 
stantive dedd (dead) and dead' (death); dwarf (|)veorg), the obso- 
lete dorp and thorp (porp, Lowdutch dorp), deck related to thatch 
(peccan), also the Scotch deck; burden (distinguished from burden, 
Old-English and Modern-French bourdon) alongside of burthen (byr- 
den), murder (mordur) alongside of murther, Sudbury (SucTberh), 
rudder (roofer), Old-English rother, fiddle (fidele), Old-English 
fithelere (PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 179), could (cude), Old-English couthe, 
pad alongside of path (pao^, pad), Old-English often quod instead of 
quoth (cvad"); maid (maged", magd" alongside of magden, rnseden 
English maiden = virgo); snath, sneath, sneeth and snead, espe- 
cially in the western dialects (snsed) scychehandle; adeling along- 
side of Athelney (adeling, Adeliugsigge) 

The frequent interchange of ih with d, as den k instead of think 
(WEBER), dere instead of there (LANTOFT), dis instead oft this 
(PERCY Rel.) and others, is Old-English and dialectical. 

The th of ancient languages has also been changed into d in 
Bedlam from Bethlehem. 

The mutilation of Richard into Dick may be compared with 
the converse mutilation of the Spanish cedilla in cerilla. 

Th likewise serves to replace the Anglosaxon p and 8, the former 
whereof belonged essentially to the beginning, the latter to the middle 
and end of a word, like the th descended from the ancient tongues. 
The distinctions of sound of the harder p and the softer & are in 
English only partly regarded in pronunciation. The sign p is found 
here and there preserved in the older English at the beginning, in 
the middle and at the end of a word, but interchanged early with 
th', the form ^, instead of p gave occasion to the substitution of y 
for this letter in writing and print; hence the lately usual abbre- 
viations y e , y , y\ instead of the, that, thou and many more. The 
Cymric renders the hard sound by th, the soft by dd. 

th as a substitute for p and &\ thick (piece), thill (pile, pill), 
thane (pegen, pen), Old-English and Old-Scotch than, tharm (pearm), 
threshold (prescvald, parscold &c.), Old-English threswold, Old- 
Scotch threswald, throw (pravan); the verb thwite and substantive 
thwittle are obsolete (pvitan = abscidere) [whittle is the Anglosaxon 
hvitle = cultellus] ; withy (vidig = salix) also withe (Old-norse vi- 
dia = vimen salicis and vidir = salix); with (vifr, also \id), mouth 
(mud"), month (monad*, mond"), mirth (merhd', mird"); of th'. 
Thomas, thummim (Hebrew), catholic, cathedral (ecclesia ca- 
thedralis), mathematics &c. Goth (Latin Gothus, Anglosaxon Gota), 
Behemoth (Hebrew). 

The Anglosaxon t becomes A, whereas Old-English often retains 
t: Thanet (Tenet, Latin Tanetos ins.), Thames, where the pro- 



II. The Elements of the Word. Origin of the Consonants. TheToothsounds. 139 

nunciation preserves t (Temese, Tamese), Old-English Temese, fifth 
(fifta), eleventh (endlyfta), twelfth (tvelfta) and other ordinal 
numbers, assimilated to those in ofra; even in Old-English fyfthe, 
sixthe (fifta, sixta) &c ; but also syxte and even eghte (eahtofra); 
swarth, swarthy = black, tawny (sveart), yet also swart; lath 
(latta). 

In words, derived from the ancient tongues, th often stands for t: 
Anthony (Antonius), author (autor), prothonotary (protonota- 
rius); we also find lanthorn alongside of lantern (lanterne, Latin 
laterna, lanterna). The Old-English frequently apprehended t thus: 
rethor (rhetor), Sathanas (Satanas), Ptholomee and others. The 
Modern-English anthem, Old-English antem, Anglosaxon antefen, 
has arisen out of antiphona. 

The Anglosaxon d has been changed into th partly in the middle 
of a word between vowels, partly at the end, which only slowly 
became the general usage in Old-English: hither (hider), Old-English 
hider; thither (pider), Old-English thider; wither (hvader, hvider), 
Old-English whider; together (to gadere), Old-English togeder, to- 
gyder; weather (veder), Old-English weder; father (fader), Old- 
English fader; mother (modor), Old-English moder; hyder, togy- 
der even in Skelton. both, Old-English bathe, bath, Old-Scotch 
baith finds no support in the Anglosaxon begen, ba, ba, but perhaps 
in the Old-norse badir, badar, bsedi, compare Danish baade, Swedish 
bade, Gothic bajops; as booth in the Old-norse bud; froth (Old- 
norse froda = spuma), birth, birthday (byrd, byrddag, but com- 
pare also beorfr=nati vitas); stalworth, Old-English stalward, stal- 
wart and stalworth, Old-Scotch stalwart = stout, valiant, comes from 
the Anglosaxon stealveard Substantive = adjutorium; in Chaucer we 
also find elth for the likewise obsolete eld (ylde, eld) = senectus. 
Even in words not Anglosaxon the th instead of d sometimes enters: 
brothel goes back primarily to the Old-French bordel, Medieval- 
Latin bordellum (Anglosaxon bord), compare the Old-English atha- 
mant (adamas); faith (feid, feit, fois, feiz), Old-English fay, feye, 
striking feght in Halliwell s. v., but compare spright and the Old- 
English spight instead of spite even in the seventeenth century, 
and the like. The Cymric c?, or what was so apprehended by the 
Roman ear, appears as ^ in Caermarthen (Latin Maridunum, Cym- 
ric caer vyrdin)/ as well as in Neath (Latin Nidum). 

A French z was sometimes rendered in Old-English by th, as 
in asseth (assez); may faith have descended from feiz with the z 
of the nominative? 

S apart from its division into a hard and a soft sound, mostly supposes 
an Anglosaxon and a Romance s: six (six), sell (sellan, syllan), 
say (secgan, seggan), soon (sona, suna), smoke (smocjan), snow 
(snav), slink (slincan), spill (spillan), swear (sverjan), stink (stin- 
can), spread (sprsedan), strawberry (stravberje); master (ma- 
gester), cleanse (clsensjan), whisper (hvisprjan), arise (arisan), 
grass (gr'as, gars); grasp, (Lowdutch grapsen); wrist (vrist); 
signify (signifier), sever (sevrer), summons (semonse), surgeon 
(surgien), spice (espisce), spouse (espos, espous m., spouse fern.), 
stanch (estancher), restrain (restraindre), science (science), 



140 Doctrine of the Word. - Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I. 

cloister (cloistre), jo ions (joios, -ous, -us), host (hoste, oste). 
Upon the combinations of s with gutturals sc, sk, sq, sch see below. 

s often stands in place of a dental Romance and Latin c, with 
which it still often interchanges in Old-English; as, conversely, c even 
in Modern-English sometimes even takes the place of an Anglosaxon 
s (see below c); moreover that c commonly interchanges with s in 
Old-French, which has mostly solely survived in Modern-French, as 
sometimes with ch: searsh (cercher, cherchier), succory (Latin 
cichorium, French chicoree); mason (macon, macun, Medieval-Latin 
macio, mattio, inachio), ransom (raancon, raianson, raenchon), les- 
son (lecon), caparison (caparacon), purslain (porcelaine), nurse, 
Old-English nourico, norice, even in Shakspeare nourish, license 
(licence), [d is pise perhaps from despire, despis, not immediately 
from despicere)], cimiss, (compare French cimicides, Latin cimex, 
-icis) and many more. In Old-English forms like seint, a girdle, 
sese (cease), cesoun (saison), servisable, sacrifise &c. frequently 
occur. The feminine form of substantives in ess, Modern-French ice 
alongside of (er) esse, has moreover already sometimes an s, for the 
first form still sometimes current in French: empress, Old-French 
empereris, empereis, but in Old-English also emperice. 

In sash s seems to have proceeded from a French ch instead of 
the primitive guttural c (chasse, chassis from the Latin capsa); Dissi- 
milation of the initial and the final sound will have been the cause. 

s arises from the Anglosaxon $ in the verbal ending of the third 
person singular of the present, where in the poetic, solemn and archaic 
speech the termination eth stands by its side. In the Northern dialects 
s early took the place of th, not only in the termination of the sin- 
gular, but also of the plural, which was likewise eth. The Old-Scotch 
seldom has th; here commonly he s (has), standis, makis, knawis, 
stertis, gettis, differis &c. stand for singular and plural. In the 
thirteenth and the fourteenth century s is found in the southern 
dialects alongside of th; Chaucer (in the Reeves tale) attributes to 
those of Cambridge the forms has, briiiges, fares, findes &c. 
whereas th else prevails in him. Since the sixteenth century this s 
has made greater progress in English; in Skelton, Spenser, Shak- 
speare and others s and th are interchanged, in which th is gradually 
reserved for solemn speech (see Mommsen Romeo and Juliet p. 107). 
The grammar of the seventeenth century put the usage of th fore- 
most, and that of s in the second rank; modern usage makes s the 
rule, th the exception. 

In the word ease and its derivatives easy &c. Old-English, 
Old-Scotch and dialectical eth, eath, eathly &c., even along with eis 
and the like, the Anglosaxon eafr, eaftelic and the Old-French aise, 
substantive aaise, of like descent (Gothic azets) meet and mix; in 
bequest from bequeath (becvefran) we must go back to the Anglo- 
Saxon substantive form cviss, compare behest (Anglosaxon behses). 

sc, sk and sq, in which s combines with a guttural, are in 
the more general transition of the Anglosaxon sc into the sibilant sh 
more rarely in Germanic than in Romance words, or in words which 
have passed through Old -French and Latin Greek words, sc is 
found only before obscure vowels (with which of course there is no 



//. The Elements of the Word. Origin of the Consonants. The Toothsounds. \ 4 1 

question of the dental c, as in scene, science), as well as before 
another consonant, rarely at the end of a word; sq only before a 
semivowel u, unless in immediately received foreign words. 

sc arises from the Anglosaxon so (Old-norse sk): scale (scalu = 
laux), scab (scebb, scabb = scabies), scald (Old-norse skalldr), 
scatter (scateran = dissipare), scoff (compare the Old-norse skufta 
= irridere), scour (Lowdutch schuren), score (scor = incisura), 
scurf (scurf = scabies), screech (Old-norse skrsekja and skrikja) 
alongside of shriek, scrape (screpan, screopan. Lowdutch schrapen); 
frequently from the Old-French sc, also sch, also themselves of Ger- 
manic descent: scaffold (escafaut, eschafault), scan (escander = 
scandere), scarce (escars, eschars), scarlet (escarlate), scorn (escor- 
ner, compare Modern-French ecorniffer), scorch (escorchier, escor- 
cer), scutcheon, escutcheon (escusson), scatches (eschace = be- 
quille, Modern-French echasses), scourge (escourgee), scape and 
escape (escaper, eschaper), scandal (scandele, escandele), scamper 
(escamper), escritoire and others, fisc (fiscus). 

Sometimes Germanic and Romance forms mix; for instance scot, 
escot stands alongside of shot, Old-French escot, Anglosaxon scot; 
scant, scantlet, scantling and the verb scantle point immediately 
to the Old-French eschautelet, Modern-French echantillon, compare 
Medieval-Latin scantellatus = truncatus, but belong to the Anglosaxon 
scsenan, scenan = fraugere; scarf corresponds in meaning to the 
Old-French escharpe, escerpe, Anglosaxon sceorp = vestitus, but as 
to its form attaches itself to the Anglosaxon scearfe = fragmen. 

sk stands for the Anglosaxon sc (Old-norse sk): skin (scinn), 
skill (sciljan = distinguere, Old-norse skilja = discernere, intelligere), 
sky (Old-norse sky = nubes), skipper (scipere = nauta), skirt 
(Anglosaxon scyrtan = abbreviare, compare the Old-norse skirta, skyrta 
= subligar, indusium, English shirt), skull (Old-Highdutch sciulla); 
brisket (Old-norse briosk = cartilage), tusk (tusc, tux), flask (flasc, 
flasca, flaxa); and for the Old-French sc (s&) and sq: skirmish rests 
immediately on the Old-French eskremir, eskermir, whereas the cog- 
nate scrimer points to the Anglosaxon scrimbre; sketch (esquisse, 
Italian schizzo); musket, musketoon (rnoschete, mouskete), Me- 
dieval-Latin muschetta), mask (masque, Medieval-Latin masca, mas- 
cus), cask = hollow vessel rests, like casque = helmet, on the French 
casque, risk (risque). In lask and task sk rests on a primitive x: 
lask (Latin laxus) diarrhoea; task (Latin taxa, Modern-French tache, 
French tasque). 

Moreover sc and sk are often confounded, for instance, in scate 
and skate, (Hollandish schaats), sceptic and skeptic and others. 

sq (w), in words originally Germanic, occurs only through the 
placing of an s before cv, as in squeak (Lowdutch quiken, queken); 
On the other hand, in words originally Latin and Old- French, has 
frequently arisen from sc and sq before u: squire, esquire (Old- 
French escuier, esquier - scutarius), Old-English squiere; squirrel 
(escurel, escurill from the Latin sciurus), squad (escouade, Italian 
squadra), squalid (Latin squalidus) and others. 

sch with the guttural ch is met with in words originally oriental 
and Greek: scheme (a;w), pasch (pascha), also in school (schola, 



142 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I. 



), although this sounded scolu in Anglosaxon and hence in Old- 
English scole; scholar. Upon exceptions see pronunciation page 62. 
Likewise the Italian words, in scherzando &c. 

Z was little known in Anglosaxon, and has come into English 
from the ancient and the Romance tongues; in Anglosaxon it stands 
rarely instead of cf, like as the Old-French occasionally symbolized 
an English />, & by z: zorne (Anglosaxon |>orne) est espine ROM. DE 
Rou). It arose out of the ancient and Romance z (t): zeal 
(French zele, Greek ^0v), whence zealot, zealous (French jaloux); 
zest (French zeste), zone (French, the same, tw','), zocle alongside 
of socle (Italian zoccolo, French socle), azure (French azur), to 
say naught of other foreign words, such as quartz and the like. 

Yet it has also taken the place of an Anglosaxon, instead of an 
Old-French s, where it still frequently interchanges with s, whereas 
Old-English commonly presents this alone: l^azel (hasel), Old-norse 
hasl; freeze (freosan), breeze and br ;ese = tabanus (briosa), 
sneeze and neese (compare fneosan), ^iaze, glazen (substantive 
glas, adjective glasen); blaze (blase), maze and amaze (mase = gur- 
ges), agaze = to strike with amazement (gsesan = percellere); adz, 
adze along with ad dice (adese), ouzel along with ousel (osle), 
gloze and glose along with gloss (substantive glose, verb glesan 
= interpretari, adulari); naze along with ness = headland (nass, 
nasse), daze, dazzle, dizzy (from dysig = stultus, Old-English, from 
dase), drizzle (from dreosan = cadere); seize (saisir, seisir), sei- 
zin and seisin (saisine, seiseine), raze and rase along with erase 
(raser), razor (rasor, rasoir), cizar along with scissors (ciseaux), 
buzzard (buzart, Old-Highdutch busar, Latin buteo); frizz, frizzle 
along with frissle, French friser, belongs to the Anglosaxon frise 
crispus. Fitz is the Old-French fils, fix, fiz &c. 

Sh, a sibilant, which Old-English oftentimes represented by sch, 
ssfi, perhaps also by ss (compare ssame = shame &c. in ROB. OF 
GLOUCESTER), is in Germanic words mostly the substitute for the 
Anglosaxon sc (Old-norse sk) 9 although c has often continued a gut- 
tural (see above): shift (substantive scift, verb sciftan), sheet 
(scete, scyte = linteum), shed (sceddan), shake (scacan), shoulder 
(sculdor), shoe (scoh), shrink (scrincan), shrive, shrift (scrifan, 
scrift); bishop (biscop), fish (fisc, fix), flesh (flsesc), thrash (pres- 
can), dash (Old-norse daska = percutere), marsh (mersc). Forms 
in sc often serve to distinguish nearly related Anglosaxon words, as: 
score, Anglosaxon scor, a notch &c., shore, Anglosaxon score, a 
coast; this dissimilation also gives notional distinctions, as: scatter 
to strew &c. and shatter, to break to pieces, Anglosaxon scateran; 
alongside of scab (scebb) stands shabby, mostly used figuratively; 
disc the apparently tabular surface of a heavenly body, and dish, 
a flattened culinary utensil, point to the same Anglosaxon disc, 
dix = tabula, Latin discus. 

As the Anglosaxon sc interchanges with #, this is also treated 
as an sc in rush (ryxa, but Latin ruscus), Of another kind is the 
transformation of Xeres into the English sherry. 

sh seldom answers to a single Anglosaxon 5, as in blush (blysjan), 
and abash, Old-Engl. abase, and bash, bashful, belonging, according 



//. The Elements of the Word. Origin of the Consonants. TheToothsounds. 143 

to Dieffenbach to the Middle-Netherlandish basen, Modern-Netherlandish 
verbazen. With this we may compare the apprehension of the s in 
Shepton Mallet (Latin Septonia), likewise that of the Latin s (from 
the Hebrew iz) in Joshua (Josua). 

On the other hand the Old-French ss, which also was wont to 
interchange with the dental c and ch, is frequently rendered by sh, 
whether that ss, c, ch rests upon a primitive x or the combination 
of other sounds, or even upon a single dental: cuish (cuisse, quisse, 
Latin coxa), cash (casse, chasse, Modern-French caisse, Latin capsa, 
Medieval-Latin cacia, cacea), sash (chasse, the same word as the 
last), brush (broce, broche, brosse, Old-Highdutch brusta), anguish 
(anguisse, angoisse, Latin angustia), Old-English anguysse; calabash 
(calebasse, Spanish calabaza), plash, to twine boughs, (plaissier, 
plassier, from the Latin plexus), leash (laisse, lesse), push (pousser, 
Latin pulsare), Old-English possen; parish (paroche, paroisse = pa- 
rochia), cushion (coussin, Medieval-Latin cussinus, from the Latin 
culcita), fashion (fachon, fazon, faceon); to which also belongs the 
verbal ending ish, French iss, Latin isc, as in embellish (embell- 
iss-, as it were the Latin embell-isc-ere), which the Old-English used 
to give by ise, ice, as the Old-Scotch did by is, eis, together with 
ische. In Modern-English the dental c has continued in rejoice, 
Old-English rejoisse (= rejo-iss-, from the Old-French jo'ir, goi'r). 

The representation of the dental ch by sh in English is natural, 
where in French the former alone appears, having been mostly softened 
from the guttural c, &, although it may also have arisen from a sibi- 
lant: dishevel (compare escheveler from chevel, Latin capillus), ga- 
in ashes (gamache, Medieval-Latin gamacha, a bootleg); hash, which 
appears alongside of hack, rests upon hacher, as the former does 
immediately upon the Anglosaxon haccjan = concidere; the dialectical 
fash answers to the French facher (from the Latin fastidium); the 
cloth named shalloon comes from Chalons; the French chaloupe 
after the Hollandish sloep, the Englishman renders by shallop along 
with sloop. Even sch in forms sometimes gives sh: shawl (Persian 
schal). 

Through the agreement of the French ch with the English sh, 
the English spelling sometimes fluctuates between both, for instance 
in shagreen and chagrin (French chagrin, from the Arabic zargab, 
Turkish sagri), fetish and fetich (Portugese fetisso, French of the 
eighteenth century fetiche), cabashed and caboched (caboche, 
compare caboche, thickhead, from the Latin caput); the fish is called 
shad and chad (ch pronounced like sh). Is it related to the Anglo- 
Saxon sceadda, English scate, skate? In Old-English even chiver 
is found instead of shiver (compare the Old-Highdutch scivero, 
Middle-Highdutch schivere); and thus the Modern-English eddish 
(Anglosaxon edisc) also becomes etch. 

Even ss sometimes still stands in Modern-English alongside of 
sh, as in Old-English (see above), in bass a and bashaw, Persian 
pai, schah (foot of the shach). 

The word radish, answering in meaning, to the Anglosaxon 
radic, in fact also radik in Old -English (see HALLIWELL s. v.) is 



144 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Port I. Sect. 1. 

attached to the French radis or the Latin radix, as well as to the 
Swedish radisa. 

The sibilant is still sometimes represented in Modern-English by 
sch instead of by s//, and that according to Old-French precedent: 
eschew (eschiver, Old-High dutch skiuhan), escheat (eschet from 
escheoir), eschalot, also shalot (echalotte, Italian scalogno = allium 
ascalonicum. LINNE). 

J, as a consonant sibilant, proceeds from the Old-French j and 
dental #, which not rarely interchanged with,/; the Latin J, although 
it has not always passed through the Romance, is referred hither: jig 
(gigue, gige, Middle-Highdutch gige) together with the dissimilated 
gig with an initial guttural g (compare the Old-norse geiga = tre- 
mere), jew (juif), jail together with gaol (gaiole, jaiole, gaole, Me- 
dieval-Latin gabiola, gayola, from caveola), joy (goie, joie), jaunte, 
felly (jante), jangle (jangler, gangler, Hollandish janken, jangeleu), 
jay (gai, Modern-French geai), jargon (jargon, gargon), to which 
perhaps jargle (compare jargoner and the Old-norse substantive jarg 
and jargan = taediosa iteratio and sermo inconditus), juggle (jogler, 
jugler, Latin joculari), just, joust, justle, jostle (substantive joste, 
jouste, juste, verb joster, jouster, juster, from the Latin juxta). Jest 
comes from the Old-French geste, compare chanson de geste, Old- 
English gestour, jestour (for to tellen tales [CHAUCER 13775]); jaw 
refers us to the Old-French joe, provencal gauta, although formerly 
of the same import as chaw (Old-Highdutch chouwe) although job 
also seems to interchange with chop. 

In jashawk the word eyas-hawk is transmuted, thus y has passed 
into a dental. 

As in Old-French, so in Modern-English the dentals g and ,;' 
sometimes stand in double forms for each other, as: jennet, genet 
and ginnet (genet, Latin genista = broom), Jill and Gill (Gille 
= Aegidia), jingle and gingle (perhaps belonging to jangler, gang- 
ler?), jenneting, geniting (from June) as it were Juneapple; jail 
and gaol (see above) and others. 

Upon the Modern-English pronunciation of j see below ch '2. 

4) The Throatsounds k (ck), q, c, ch, g, (gu, gh), h, y, x. 

X which, along with c, answers to the hard guttural sound of 
the Greek as well as of the Gothic &, stands at the beginning of a 
word especially before clear vowels, as well as before n in the middle 
of a word before or after another consonant or doubled (as ck) and 
at the end of English words singly, doubled or after another consonant. 
Upon sk see above. 

The representation of the Anglosaxon guttural c, which down to 
the eleventh century before all vowels, as well as before consonants, 
denoted the same sound, and not till afterwards, especially in foreign 
words, was also written &, has in English been distributed among k 
and c (before obscure vowels and in the compounds c?, cr) and qu, 
mostly instead of the Anglosaxon cv\ whereas the Anglosaxon c be- 
fore i, ?/, e, e, ea, eo, for which in Anglosaxon ch gradually came in, 
became the English dental ch. The pure guttural, was preserved 
however before clear vowels as an initial k, chiefly in those words, in 



/. The, Elements of the Word. Origin of the Consonants. Thro al-sounds. 145 



which the vowels appeared to be modifications of obscure vowels, or 
where hi, ke rest upon the Anglosaxon cvi, eve. 

k for the Anglosaxon initial c: kin, kindred (cynu, Gothic 
kuni, and Anglosaxon cynd), kind (cynde = congruus), king (cyning, 
Old-Highdutch kunung), k in e (Nominative plural cy, Genitive cuna), 
kindle (Old-norse kinda = ignem alere), kill, alongside of quell 
(cveljau and cvellan), Old-English also kull, kiln (cylene), kirtle 
(cyrtel), kite (cita, cyta = milvus), kitchen (cycene, Old-Highdutch 
kuchma), kid (Old-norse kid, hoedus), kiss (cyssan, substantive coss), 
key (caege), keen (cen, cene, Old-Highdutch kuon, koni), keel (ceol 
or ceol, Old-Highdutch kiol), keep alongside of cheapen = to bar- 
gain, Old-English chepen = to buy (cepan, cypan = vendere; tenere), 
Kent (Cent-land along with Cantvare), Kennet (Cynet) in Wilt- 
shire, kernel (cyrnel), kettle (cetil, cytel, Gothic katils); formerly 
also kittle along with tickle (citelj an, tiuclan, tolcettan = titillare). 
Old-English, like the Scotch, has forms like kirk (cyrice), now 
church, kemben (cemban, substantive camb, comb) now comb, 
kennen = to teach (cunnan, Present cann = scire, Gothic kannj an = 
yvwQt&iv), kerse (cerse, cresse, Danish karse). Old-English also often 
puts k instead of c before obscure vowels, as kan (can), kacchen 
(catch), kutten (cut), and with r at the beginning of a word, as 
krake (to crack), kreste (crest), krewelle (cruel), with /, as 
klevys (cliffs) and others. In the combination kn, where k is silent, 
although in Old-English it still sounded as a guttural (see above 
page 70), it has stood since the remotest time, as in knight (cniht, 
cneoht), knife (cnif), knell (cnyll, Middle-Highdutch knillen, Mo- 
dern-Highdutch knallen), know (cnavan) &c. 

In the middle and at the end of a word k is frequent as the 
representative of the Anglosaxon c, after a short vowel and in the 
middle of a word, doubled as ck, although at the end of a word it 
not seldom gives place to the dental c#, especially where it originally 
stood before clear vowels: twinkle (tvincljan), wrinkle (vrincle), 
fickle (ficol), knuckle (cnucl); sink (sincan), think (pencean, 
pencan), rank (ranc = foecundus), folk (folc), hulk (hulce), ark 
(arc, earc = navis), dark (dearc, cleorc), clerk (cleric, clerc), tusk 
(tusc); like (lie), rake (race), sake (sacu, sac), snake (snaca); 
greek (grec, graec), speak (sprecau, specan), hawk (hafuc), bul- 
lock (bulluca), hook (hoc); thick (piece), neck (hnecca), knock 
(cnocjan), lock (locc), suck (sucan, sugan). Upon the dental initial 
and final cA, and its partial interchange with k, see under ch. 

In words originally Romance an initial English k is found be- 
fore clear vowels, with a regard to the originally obscure vowel, 
sometimes, where Old-French presents c and k along with ch: ker- 
chief (couvrechief), kennel (chenil, Latin canile, compare chien, 
kien). At the beginning of a word it sometimes replaces, before 
vowels, but especially at the end of a word, a guttural c or k and 
qu: remarkable (remarquer, Old-French marker), turkois and 
turquoise (turquoise), locket (loquet, from the Anglosaxon loc = 
repagulum), wicket (wiket, guischet, from the Anglosaxon vie), 
cricket (criquet), lackey (laquais, formerly also laquet); flanc 
(flanc), plank (planche, plauke, Latin planca), de-, embark (pri- 



Matzner, engl. Gr. I. 



1U 



146 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. I. 

marily French tie-, enibarquor, yet also English bark, barge, Old-norse 
barki, barkr), cask (dasque); -- creak and creek (criquer, com- 
pare Anglosaxon cearcjan = stridere), creek and crick, a bight 
(crique), con-, revoke (con-, revoquer), duke (due); relick, 
Old-English relike (relique), trick (tricher, trichier), compare sub- 
stantive trekerie, trequerie, (see MATZNER, Altfranzosische Lieder s. v.), 
attack (attaquer), truck (troquer), mock (moquer, Cymric niociaw). 

It must be understood that various foreign words in k have been 
admitted in which it has remained even before obscure vowels and 
r, although else it passes over into c: kaleidoscope, kali, kan- 
garoo, kufic, kumiss, kraal, kraken &c. But in many words 
k interchanges with c before obscure vowels, as in calendar and 
kalendar, caliph and kaliph, alcali and alkali, alcahest and 
alkahest, and so at the end of a word: almanac and almanack 
&c. In Germanic words this is rare, as in caw and kaw (compare 
the Old-Scotch kae = jackdaw, Anglosaxon ceo?), ankle and ancle 
(ancleov). 

k stands sometimes as the substitute for other gutturals, as for 
h in elk (Anglosaxon eolh), and in Cymric words, for ch in Breck- 
nock (Cymric Brecheniauc = regio Brachani), wherewith we may 
compare the name of the Highdutch wine backrag (from Bacharach); 
g has become k in basket (Cymric basged, basgawd, even by the 
Romans apprehended as bascauda); rank, answers to the Cymric 
rheng, rhenge, yet both tongues perhaps refer to the Old-French renc, 
itself answering to the Anglosaxon bring, hrinc. 

An interchange of g and k takes place moreover in Germanic 
words, thus knar, knarl stands alongside of gnarand gnarl (com- 
pare the Anglosaxon gnyrran = stridere, gnornjan = moerere), as well 
as the Lowdutch knarren and gnarren, gnaddern; thus too knaw is 
cited along with gnaw (Anglosaxon nagau and gnagan, Old-Saxon 
cnagan). Compare below c 1 and g 1. 

Q, (qu), which the English and Scotch borrowed from the Latin 
alphabet, arises out of the Anglosaxon cv, so far as k has not here 
come in before clear vowels (as the Anglosaxou cy developed itself 
out of cm and conversely, for instance, eve, cveo, cvi &c. answered to 
the Gothic qi: quiver (compare Anglosaxon cviferlice = anxiously) 
= to shiver, shudder, quick (cvic), queen (even), quean = strum- 
pet (cvene = meretrix, mulier), Old-English also qweyn, bequeath 
(becvefran), quench (cvencan = extinguere), quake (cvacjan). Thus 
also arise double forms, like quell (cveljan, cvellan), in Old-English 
equal to kill; quern (cveorn, cvyrn) and the obsolete kern = mola. 

Other Germanic words in qu point to corresponding ones in 
High- and Lowdutch, as quack (Highdutch quaken), squeak (quie- 
ken) and many more. 

The compound awkward is spelt by Skelton aquarde (I. 
p. 331.), North-English awkert (Old-Highdutch abuh, Gothic ibuks). 

A series of Romance and, originally, chiefly Latin words has qu, 
corresponding to the qu appearing in Latin or only in Old-French, 
as to which it is to be remarked, that this also interchanged with cu 
in French: quit (quiter, cuitier), quiet (Latin quietus, Old-French 
quoit, coit, coi), vanquish (perhaps with reference to venquis, 



//. The Elements of the Word. Origin of the Consonants. Throat-sounds 147 

Modern -French vainquis, compare Old-French vainquieres), quail 
^quaille, Medieval-Latin quaquila, Modern-French caille); quarry = 
square (quarre, qarre), and quarry (Modern-French carriere), quash 
= to crush (quasser, casser = quassare), on the other hand = to annul 
(quasser, casser = cassum reddere, cassare), quarrel, Old-English 
querele (querele), conquest (conquest, conqueste), square (compare 
Modern-French equerre, a mason's square), pique (pique, verb piquer) 
and so forth. Many have been borrowed immediately from the La- 
tin, as quadrate, quodlibet &c. 

cu and co lie originally at the root of other verbal forms received 
from the French, for which the Romance language, along with cw, 
co, often gave qu, especially with an i after it; as cu, co is also in 
Latin developed into qui; compare incola and inquilinus, stercus and 
sterquilinium: quiver (cuivre, cuevre, couire, compare the Anglosaxon 
cocar); esquire, squire, Old-English squier, squiere (escuier, esquier 
= scutarius), squirrel (escurel, esquirel = sciurulus), quaint (cointe 
= Latin comptus, comtus), compare the Old-English coynteliche, coyn- 
tise, queintise; acquaint (acointer = Medieval -Latin adcognitare), 
quire alongside of choir, Old-English queer (MAUNDEV.) (choeur), 
quoif alongside of coif (coife, quoife, Medieval-Latin cofea, cuphia). 
The Old-English had quishin, qwyssyn instead of cushion (cous- 
sin, Medieval-Latin cussinus), surquidrie, surquedrie (compare 
sorcuidance from cuidcr, Latin cogitare) and many more. 

The Anglosaxon cu also became qui in quid, chewed tobacco, 
alongside of cud, the chewed food in the first stomach of reerninants 
(Anglosaxon cud from ceovan, English chew), the former whereof is 
dialectically still used for cud. 

C is occasionally found alongside of qu before an obscure vowel: 
liquorice and licorice (Latin liquiritia), as in the Old -English 
licour, Modern-English liquor; before a clear vowel sometimes k along- 
side of qu: fakir and faquir, with the pronunciation of k. 

C is partly guttural, partly dental, the former in Anglosaxon and 
Romance, of course also in Latin; the latter chiefly in Romance and 
Latin words. 

1) The guttural c rests upon an Anglosaxon c before obscure 
vowels, as well as in the compounds cl and cr, being in words 
of this descent chiefly limited to the beginning, in as much as 
k, q and the dental ch have taken its place. It also naturally 
answers to the Old-norse k: can (canne = crater), call (cealljan, 
Old-norse kalla), cast (Old-norse kasta = jacere), colt (colt), 
cup (cupp), curse (substantive curs, verb cursjan); = cliff 
(clif), clip (clyppan = amplecti), cluster (clyster, cluster = ra- 
cemus), clew (clive = glomus), cluck (cloccjan = glocire); 
crib (cribb), cringle (Old-norse kringla = orbis), crave (craf- 
jan), crop &c., (substantive cropp in the same meaning, Old- 
norse verb kroppa= carpere); scrape (screpan, Lowdutch schra- 
pen), scrap = fragment, crum (Old-norse skrap = nugae). 

The Romance and Latin guttural c is found rendered at the 
beginning and in the middle of a word (here also reduplicated 
as cc, whereas the reduplication is elsewhere denoted by cte) and 
at the end of a word bye: cabbage (French cabus, Old-High- 

10* 



148 Doctrine of the Word Phonetics, Part L Sect. 1. 

dutch capuz, Medieval-Latin gabusia, from the Latin caput), 
cadet (French the same, like capitettum for capitellum), cause 
(cause), coach (coche, Italian cocchio), coffer (cofe, cofre, Me- 
dieval-Latin cofrus, from cophinus), whence also the English 
coffin, coil (coillir, cueillir), count (center, cunter = compu- 
tare), to reckon; cumber, encumber (combrer, encombrer, 
encumbrer); -- claim (clamer, claimer), cloy to nail up, to 
cram (cloer?), cribble (crible), cream (cresme, Medieval-Latin 
crema), crest (creste, Latin crista), cry (crier); in the Middle 
of a word and doubled: bacon (bacon from the Anglosaxon 
bac), circumstance, circuit, viscous (visqueux), section, 
action, circle, secle (secle, siecle), accord, succor (sucurre, 
soucourre), bacca, accuse, succulent &c.; at the end of a 
word with other consonants and alone, especially in the termi- 
nation ic (Latin icus, ica. icum); sect (secte), act, perfect; 
- music, republic, politic, catholic, critic, bac (bac, 
Hollandish bak), maniac, where formerly ck was the favourite 
spelling, or ique came in; similarly relic alongside of relique 
(French relique) and the like. 

c frequently stands in Romance words, where Modern-French 
presents a dental ch. Here regard must be had not so much 
to the primitive Latin c as to the dialectical and older French 
c and ch: caitiff (caitif, chaitif, Modern-French chetif), carnal 
(camel, charnel), on the other hand charnelhouse (Old-French 
charnel), carrion (caroigne, carongne, charoigne, Modern-French 
charogne), Old-English caroyne, careyne, caraine; carry (carier, 
charier), carpenter (carpentier, charpentier), castle (castel, 
chastel), caudle (caudel, chaudel, Modern-French chaudeau), 
caldron (Modern-French chaudron, Italian calderone), causey 
deformed into causeway (cauchie, chaussee, chalkway) and 
others, although in most cases the English has chosen the dental 
cA, as in challenge (calengier, chalenger, chalongier, from ca- 
lumniare), champion (campion, champion) &c. (see under ch), 
or has passed over into sh (see sh). 

Occasionally, even in English, the guttural c interchanges with 
the dental ch: calice (TAYLOR) and chalice (calice, compare 
the Anglosaxon calic) and some others. 

For other gutturals c seldom appears; it answers to the Anglo- 
saxon g in Wicliffe (Viglaf, Old-Saxon Wiglef), to the Celtic 
g in claymore (glaymor), to the Latin g in the Old-English 
vacabonde instead of vagabond (still in use in the sixteenth 
century), and R ecu Iver (Latin Regulbium), as conversely gam- 
boge (from Cambogia) is interchanged with carnboge. The 
name of a nation, Picts, sounds in Anglosaxon Pihtas, Peohtas, 
as the Anglosaxon h often answers to the Latin c, for instance 
in Viht, English Wight, Latin Vectis. Campare k. 

2) the dental c, equivalent in sound to the sharp s, therefore fre- 
quently interchanging with it, is most frequently met with in 
Romance and Latin, but also in originally Anglosaxon words, 
representing in the former the dental c- and s-sound, in the latter 



II. The Elements of the Word. Origin of the Consonants. Throat-sounds. 149 

only the s-sound before clear vowels. Its phonetic transmutation 
into the hissing sound has been spoken of before (see p. 62). 

At the beginning and in the middle, as well as at the end 
of a word before a mute e, it is very usual instead of the Ro- 
mance and Latin c before a clear vowel: cinder (cendre, Latin 
ciner-em), cierge (cierge from cire), city (citeit, cite), cider 
(cidre, deformed from the Latin sicera), cedar (cedre, Latin 
cedrus); council (concile, Latin concilium), solicitude; 
entice (enticer, enticher = exciter), spice (espece, espisce), 
edifice, face, trace (tracer, trasser, tracher), distance &c. 

In Cedron the Latin Cedron (Greek AM)'.-W) lies at the root. 

The Modern-English c is frequently employed, particularly at 
the end of a word, in the place of the Old-French s, ss, for 
which the Old-French often puts c (since it frequently proceeded 
from c) and alongside of which it sometimes has a final z and #, 
the latter of which has often remained in Modern-French. Old- 
English still often has c, even at the beginning oi a word, 
which has become almost foreign to Modern-English. Compare 
the Old-English ce'soun (saison, sesou), Modern-English season 
(MAUNDEV.), ceise, cese (saisir, seisir), Modern-English seize 
(CHAUCER), Cecylle, Modern-English Sicily (TOWNEL. MYST.) 
and others. In Modern- English centinel is still here and there 
found for sentinel, cerf alongside of serf and others (see 
under sc); in the middle of a word: fancy (fantasie), faucet, 
a tap (fausset), enhance (from hausser, yet in Old-French com- 
monly enhaucier); at the end of a word, where Old-English 
most frequently preserves s: device (substantive devis, devise), 
advice (avis), offence (offense), defence (defense), trance 
(transe from transir), dance (danser, dancer, Old - Highdutch 
danson), scarce (eschars, escars), pace (pas, pais), cowardice 
(coardise), furnace (fournaise), palace (palais, paleis, pales); 
embrace (embosser, embracer), pinnace (pinasse from pinus); 
peace (pais, paiz, paix), price (preis, preix, pris), voice (vois, 
voiz, voix), choice (chois, cois), deuce (doi, dois, doux, Modern- 
French deux), ace (as); in Old-English we find the forms cre- 
vis instead of crevice (Modern-French crevasse), dis instead 
of dice (Modern -French des), surplis instead of surplice, 
forneis instead of furnace, pees instead of peace, chois 
instead of choice, vois instead of voice, like enhaunsen 
instead of enhance, pass instead of pace and others. Dissi- 
milation comes in in Modern-English, in some forms, by apply- 
ing the s or the 2, to distinguish a verb from a substantive, as 
in devise (deviser) alongside of device, advise (adviser) along- 
side of advice, apprize alongside of price. 

c is also so applied for the Anglosaxon s: ad dice (adese and 
adz, adze), fleece (fleos), mice (inys), lice (lys), ice, icy (is, 
isig); here belong also the adverbial forms in ce, at the root of 
which there lies an Old-English original genitive s, as twice, 
thrice, once, whence, hence, thence, since, Old-English 
twies, thries, ones, whennes, whens, hennes, hens, thennes, thens, 
sithens. In Skeltou we find the forms ones, whens, hens, 



150 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I, Sect. I. 

syns. Even bodice = stays seems to stand for the plural 
bodies 

A dental c seerns to have occasionally taken the place of the 
Romance sibilant ch-, yet here recourse might be had to the Latin 
forms, for instance in decipher (French dechiffrer, yet Medieval- 
Latin ciffara, Arabic safar), cornice (French corniche, Italian 
cornice, from coronis, confounded with comix?); so too in pu- 
mice (Latin pumicem) and pumice- stone, where the Anglo- 
saxon has the Guttural: pumicstan. c certainly interchanges, 
even in English, with c/j in cibol, ciboul and chibbal (French 
ciboule, Latin cepa, Italian cipolla). 

The dental sc has attached itself to the Romance and Latin 
sc: science (French, the same), sceptre (the like), scion 
(French scion); deliquesce, effloresce and so forth. Yet 
it has also taken the place of a single s, as in the originally 
Anglosaxon scythe (siBe), or ss, as in bascinet (French bas- 
sinet). This very sc also interchanges with the dental c: scy- 
mitar alongside ofcimeter (French cimeterre, of Turkish origin), 
scissors alongside ofcissors (ciseaux), as in Old-French sceller 
alongside of seeler and others. 

In Scythia, Scythian the English does not attach itself to 
the Anglosaxon form Scytftia, Scyo^ja, but to the Latin. 
Ch is guttural with the sound of Jc, and dental as a sibilant. 
The aspirated ch was completely foreign to Anglosaxon before the 
eleventh century. Upon the later ch see 2. 
1) The guttural ch takes the place; 

of the oriental sound, at the beginning of a word, represented 
in Latin writing by ch: Chaldea, although this here and there 
passes into the dental sihilant, as in cherub, cherubim; in 
the middle and at the end of a word: Michael, Old-English 
Mighelmesse (PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 260), Enoch; 

the Greek /, Latin ch: chimera, chaos, chlamys, Christ 
(although Anglosaxon Crist); anchoret, anchorite (anachoreta, 
although Anglosaxon an cor, ancra), mechanic, technical; 
distich, epoch, eunuch, conch (*oy/?, concha), anarch; 
also in the compound sch: scheme ('#?/"). Some few words 
have in common life assumed the dental pronunciation of ch (see 
above p. 62.). Words, which have passed through the French, 
have likewise sometimes retained the French dental pronunciation: 
machine and the like; as others (especially in the syllable arch) 
have reached it through the Anglosaxon c before a clear vowel: 
archbishop, (arcebiscop) ; 

of the Italian ch, as in machiavelisrn; 

of the Celtic ch: loch (in Scotland, lough upon Irish maps) 
pronounced in English with k (Cymric llwch, Irish louch), pib- 
roch, pibrach (Gaelic piobaireachd). 

The Germanic ch appears, although mute, in yacht (Hollaudish 
yacht), otherwise in the compound sch (see 2.). 

The rendering of an Anglosaxon c by a guttural ch is rare, as 
in ache, also pelt ake (Old-English verb aken, preterite oke, 
Anglosaxon verb acau, substantive ece, ace, ace), which according 



11. TheElements of the Word. Origin of the Consonants. Throat-sounds. 151 

to Smart was pronounced in Shakspeares time like aitch (with 
a dental ch). See 2. 

On the other hand a Latin and Romance guttural c is some- 
times rendered by ch; ch is certainly sometimes found in some 
words in Latin, alongside of c, and has also passed over into 
Old-French: sepulchre (sepulcre, sepulchre, Latin sepulcruin, 
-chrum), anchor (ancre, Latin ancora, anchora, Anglosaxon an- 
cor, on cor); chainlet, camlet, camelot (cainelot, Medieval- 
Latin camelotum, camallotum). Also stands alongside of lilach, 
lilac (Italian lilac, French lilas). 

A guttural ch stands alongside of # in chambrell or gam- 
brell (the hindfoot of a horse) which belongs to the French 
gambe, jambe and to the root cam, crooked (Zcuss Gr. Celt. 1, 
75). Thus the Old-English lets in g for ch: Nabugodonosor, 
Modern-English Nebuchodonosor. 

2) The dental ch is in Modern-English a sibilant with a t prefixed, 
which therefore, if combined with cA, indicates the reduplication 
of the f, whereas the French sound of ch appears only in words 
which have been naturalized from France in recent times. The 
former is however found both in those borrowed from the Old- 
French and in those in which ch has been developed out of an 
Anglosaxon c, on which account we might presume that the Old- 
French ch, as well as the c before clear vowels represented tsch, 
and gave rise to its intrusion into English. Yet the development 
upon English soil of the ch commencing with the dental ?, as 
well as that of g (and j) commencing with the dental c/, is the 
more natural assumption, and that warranted by other tongues, 
in which, however, the influence of the French sound of the c/?, 
g and j upon the Anglosaxon pronunciation seems to be without 
doubt, in as much as the Old-French c/?, g and j had made the 
transition from gutturals to dentals decidedly earlier, and at the 
most met the English halfway. 

The dental ch (tsch) has essentially taken the place of the 
Anglosaxon c at the beginning and in the middle of words be- 
fore clear vowels, at the end of words, where it originally stood 
before clear vowels, but also else where. How far it has yielded 
to the &, was observed above. The Anglosaxon offers, even in 
the eleventh century, ch instead of c, as chidau, chece at the 
beginning, muchel, cuchene (cycene), bisecchan in the 
middle and ich (ic), swilch (svylc) at the end of a word. See 
Ettmuller, Lex Anglos, p. XXVII. The Old-English soon received 
these forms and appropriated the reduplication cch after a short 
vowel: chiden, cheke, muchel, bisechen, ich, swich and 
with cch: bicche (Anglosaxon bicce = bitch), fecchen (Anglo- 
saxon feccan = fetch), lace hen (Anglosaxon laccan = to catch). 
Yet k (c) still stand in the beginning and at the end of a word: 
biseken, lakkeii, ic, swylke, a fluctuation, which even now 
partly takes place in the final ch and k. 

ch. for an Auglosaxon c at the beginning of a word: chide 
(cidan), child (cild or cild), cheek (cece), cheese (cese), 
chafer (ceafor), chaff (ceaf), choose (ceosan), chew (ceo van), 



152 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect 1. 

church (cyrice see above); in. the middle seldom, the sound in 
the middle of the Anglosaxon word having mostly become the 
final sound in English: kitchen (cycene); at the end of a word 
it has often come in, where c originally stood before a clear 
vowel: bitch, (bicce), pilch (pylce), church (cyrico). Yet k 
is also put before a clear vowel in the middle and at the end 
of Anglosaxon words: chicken (cicen), flicker (flyccerjan), 
cheek (cece, according to Grimm however ceac). Verbs in jan, 
ean and an with or without a consonant preceding the Anglosaxon 
c frequently transmute c into cli : teach (tsecan), Old-English 
techen; reach (raecau, race'an and recjau, recean, reccan), Old- 
English rechen; stretch (streccan), Old-English strechen; 
thatch (peccan), Old-English thecchen; catch (compare the 
Old-norse kaka = leviter attrectare), Old-English cacchen; 
clutch, Old-English clucchen, drench (drencean, drencan), 
Old-English drenchen = drown; stench (stencan = odorare), 
belch (bealcjan), Old-English on the other hand belken, as 
still in the North of England. Alongside of these stand forms 
like rake (racjan, racigean), speak (sprecan, specan), sink 
(sincan), stink (stinkan), drink (drincan), think (pencean, 
pencan) and so forth, which Old-English likewise commonly gives 
with k. In Modern-English seek (sece'au, secan) and beseech 
(besecan), Old-English seken and sechen, biseken and be- 
sechen, stand strikingly alongside of each other; be seek still 
in Spenser and Shakspeare. In other classes of words, in which 
the Anglosaxon made the word end in c, ch has likewise fre- 
quently taken its place: rich (ric), Norwich (NoroVic), speech 
(spaec), finch (fine), bench (benc); instead of c after a short 
vowel and cc stands tch: pitch (pic), crutch (crycc); on the 
other hand pock (pocc, poc), flock (flocc) &c. 'Old-English 
and Modern-English here too often disagree; for instance t hack, 
Modern-English thatch (pac), Old-English ilk, Modern-English 
each, but the Old-English also eche. k and ch become occa- 
sionally distinctive marks of the parts of speech, as in bleak 
(blac, blsec), and bleach (blsecean, blsecan) and some of the above 
quoted words; but they often run without distinction parallel to 
each other; as in those compounded of the Anglosaxon vie = 
portus vic = vicus which in Modern-English sound wic, wick 
and wich. 

In some double forms the French influence mingles with the 
Anglosaxon: marches, confines, Anglosaxon mearc = limes and 
signum, to which belong the English mark, Old-English merk = 
token, Old-French marche, mafce = limit; marquess and mar- 
chioness (Old-French markis, marchis, Medieval-Latin marchio); 
break and breach both belong to the Anglosaxon brae = fractio, 
but the latter is to be referred primarily to the French breche. 

In roach ch is put for Jih (Anglosaxon reohha, Latin raja). 

A dental ch (tsch) also frequently arises out of the Old-French 
ch, which likewise had mostly developed itself out of the guttural 
c, , although where in Old- French c and ch interchanged with 
each other in Old-French, in English a guttural c is preserved. 



II. The Elements of the Word. Origin of the Consonants. Throat-sounds. 153 

At the beginning of a word, rarely before clear vowels, mostly 
before a primitive (Latin) a, as in the French: chimney, (chi- 
menee, ceminee), chieve and cheve (provincial) and achieve 
(chevir and achever, achiever from chef = caput), chisel (ciseler, 
ciseau, Old -French also chisel), change (changier, canger), 
charm (charmer), challenge (chalengier, calengier), chamber 
(charnbre, cambre), chattel (chatel, catel, whence the English 
cattle, Latin capitale), chase (chasser); in choice (choix) the 
French form mingles with the Germanic choose. In the middle 
and at the end before obscure and clear vowels, as in French, where 
ch in the middle, which in English often becomes the final sound, 
arose out of c, x, tc, c/c, ct, pj and so forth: archer (archier, 
archer), truncheon (tron9ou, tronchon), merchant (marcheant, 
marchant), bachelor (bacheler, baceler), preacher, preach 
(precheres, precher, Anglosaxon predicere, predicjan); blancher, 
blanch (blancheor, blanchir, compare Anglosaxon blanca = equus 
albus and blaecean, blsecan = albare. English bleach), launch 
lancer, lanchier), paunch (pance, panche), March (Mars, March), 
march (marcher), porch (porche, Anglosaxon portic), broach 
(broche, broce, to the Latin brochus, brocchus), vouch (vochier, 
vocher from vois, voix). 

Ch interchanges in Old-French also with ss, and is also rendered 
by an English sh (see p. 143.); we likewise find tch after a short 
vowel substituted for the latter: escutcheon, scutcheon (es- 
cusson), sketch (esquisse), caroche (carosse, Medieval-Latin 
carrocium, carrochium). 

The words brought over with the French sound of the ch are 
few in number, as chaise, champaign (Old -French cham- 
paigne), chevisance (from the Old-French chevir, compare 
the Modern-French chevance), champerty, champertor (cham- 
part, champarteur) &c.; but it is striking that even older words 
preserve the French sound or might again adopt it. 

By the substitution of sh for ss (s) and ch, as well as cA, in 
English, with which on its side an English ch often clashes, it 
is explicable that the two latter sometimes interchange with one 
another in English, as in shinghle and ch ingle (Old-High- 
dutch scindala); the older forms deb osh, d e bo ish have yielded 
to debauch. 

Sometimes forms in c and ch are met together. They come 
from French words, in which a dental c interchanged with ch', 
hence chive and cive (chive, cive, from the Latin caepa), Old- 
English chibolle (Modern-French ciboule, compare the Low- 
dutch zipoll). Words in which an English ch corresponds to the 
French c, suppose a collateral form in ch: pinch (pincer), punch 
(compare poinconner, Italian punzar, punchar, and the Anglo- 
saxon pyngan = pungere). Cherry points not so much to the 
French cerise, as to the Anglosaxon cirse, cyrse; also chirp 
(Highdutch zirpen) points to the Anglosaxon c, (compare the Old- 
English chirk, Anglosaxon cearcjan = stridere); larch, a kind of 
pine, from the Latin larix, reminds us of the Italian larica, 
French lareche? On the other hand etch quite corresponds to 



154 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part 1. Sect I. 

the Modern-High dutch aetzen, as cratch, scratch, Old-English 
cracchen, does to the Old -Highdutch krazjan. Similar is the 
representation of the Anglosaxon ffbj tch in the unusual swatch, 
alongside of swath (Anglosaxon svafru). 

ch has also likewise sometimes developed itself out of a gut- 
tural g] orchard (Anglosaxon ortgeard, Old-norse jurtagardr) is 
an instance. The case is indeed more frequent in Old-English 
that a dental g was changed into ch: grucchen (Modern-English 
grudge (French gruger). So too conversely ch and g sometimes 
interchange in Modern-English: ostrich and estridge (autruche), 
spinnach, spinach and spin age (Italian spinace), with which 
we may compare the obsolete bodge alongside of botch. 
G is partly guttural, partly dental ; upon its dental pronunciation 
compare c above. 

1) The guttural g arises chiefly from the Anglosaxon g, although 
this in a limited measure passes over into y, in the middle of 
a word after vowels often becomes softened into i (compare sail, 
Anglosaxon segel, se'gl) or into w (compare own, Anglosaxon 
agen), at the end likewise often becomes y and w (compare key, 
Anglosaxon cseg; bow, Anglosaxon beogan). It is therefore 
most frequently preserved at the beginning of a word: gird 
(gyrdau), gild (gildan), get (getan), gallows (galga), good 
(god), gut, guts (gut); glide (glidan)^ greet (gretan)j also 
before n although here extinct in pronunciation at the beginning 
of a word: gnaw (gnagan), gnat (Modern-High dutch gnitze), 
gnar, gnarl (from the Anglosaxon gnyrran = stridere, Lowdutch 
gnarren). In the middle of a word it has seldom remained 
without reduplication: wagon and waggon alongside of wain 
(vagen, vagn, vaen), dagger (Old-norse daggardr, Swedish and 
Danish daggert), swagger (from the Anglosaxon svegjan =prae- 
valere); frequent after n: finger (finger), anger (from the An- 
glosaxon ange, compare the obsolete angerness, Anglosaxon 
anguiss), monger (mangere), hunger (hungur), br angle and 
wrangle (compare the Lowdutch brangen and wrangen = to 
scuffle). 

At the end of English words it is not rare after clear and 
obscure vowels, as after n: pig (Highdutch dialectically bigge, 
betze?), big (?), whig alongside of whey (hvseg = serum lactis), 
wrig, now commonly wriggle (Lowdutch wricken, wriggeln, 
wrickeln, compare the Anglosaxon vrigjan = tendere, vrixljau = 
alternare, reciprocare), twig (tvig), leg (Old-norse leggr = crus), 
peg(?), beg (from the Gothic bidagva = a beggar?), shag, 
whence shaggy (Anglosaxon sceacga = caesaries, Old-norse 
skegg), stag (Old-norse steggr = rnas plurium ferarum), hag 
(Anglosaxon hagtys, hages, Old-norse hagr = sapiens), crag = 
neck (from the Highdutch kragen, Swedish krage), dog (Old- 
norse doggr), fog (Danish fog = a shower of snow, yet Old- 
English fock), frog (Anglosaxon frogga, frocca), drug (to the 
Anglosaxon dryge, from drugjan = arescere, belongs the French 
drogue); ing (inge = pratum), sing (singan), sving (svingan), 
bang (Old-norse banga = pulsare), fang (fangan), throng 



11. The Elements of the Word. Origin of the Consonants.- Throat-sounds. 155 

(prang, prong); with double g: egg (ag) and to egg instead of 
edge. After vowels a double g (eg) has often become dental 
(see 2), after n in the verb singe (sengan = ustulare) and cringe 
(cringan, crincan). Old-English preserved a few more forms in 
g, as big build (bycgan = aedificare). 

The Old-French guttural g also, mostly before obscure vowels 
and consonants, usually remains guttural in English: garnish 
(garnir, guarnir), gallop (galoper), so too in gittern alongside 
of guitar (guitarre), gie alongside of guide (Old-French guier, 
guider), orgillous (which reminds us primarily of the Old- 
French orguillous, but belongs to the Anglosaxon orgol, orgel = 
superbia), linget (French lingot). In the middle of a word 
it often appears before clear vowels, in the metathesis gre: 
eager (aigre), tiger (tigre, Latin tigris), conger (congre, Latin 
conger, congrus). 

Occasionally too, a dental French g has become guttural: giz- 
zard (gesier, Latin gigeria), gibbous (gibbeux, Latin gibbosus). 

The g brought over from the Latin and the Greek remains 
regularly guttural, where it originally stood before consonants 
and before obscure vowels; yet even here exceptions are found 
before clear vowels. See the pronunciation. 

Finally, a guttural g has also arisen from a primitive guttural 
c (&); even in Anglosaxon such forms as frocca, frocga, frogga 
and frox = frosc (frog, in Old-English also frosh) stand along- 
side of each other. In English fig corresponds to the Anglo- 
saxon fie (whether under the influence of the Old-French fige 
= figne?), sprig substantive and verb, Anglosaxon spree and 
spreccan = fruticare, but the Old-English sprek = ramentum; dig 
belongs to the Anglosaxon die = agger; the Old -English has 
diken, dychen and dyggen (MAUNDEV.) alongside of each 
other. Thus too at the beginning of a word in the sixteenth 
century gaggle stands for cackle (see HALLIW. s. v.), compare 
the Highdutch gakeln and kakeln. Sometimes likewise in French 
words: flagon (flacon), sugar (sucre, Spanisjj. and Portuguese 
azucar), shog and shock (Old-French choque, Modern-French 
choc); periwig corrupted from perruque. Spenser uses 
aeglogue for eclogue, and in common life docket or do- 
quet is confounded with dogget. 

Instead of the simple g there often stands, according to French, 
precedent, and mostly in words taken from that language, gu, 
in which u serves at the same time to harden the g before clear 
vowels, yet it is found also before obscure vowels. In Old-French 
gu served to represent the Germanic w (Gothic v), especially 
at the beginning of a word, seldom the Latin w, and interchanged 
with w and g\ in Modern-French g remains before obscure vowels. 
Here Anglosaxon and Old-French forms often meet. That this 
u is sometimes condensed into w, even before clear vowels, con- 
cerns the doctrine of the pronunciation (see p. 65). It stands 
at the beginning of a word: guide (guider), guile, beguile 
also wile (the former belonging to the Old-French guile, guiler, 
guiller, also ghiller, giler, the latter to the Anglosaxou vile), 



156 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. I. 

guise and wise (the former belonging to the Old-French guise, 
the latter to the Anglosaxon vise), whence disguise (desguiser), 
Guy (Guy, Old-Highdutch Wido, \Vito = Veit), guard (guarder, 
warder), guiirish (SPEXSKR) (guarir, warir, garir), Guelfs, 
Guelphs (Guelfes, compare the Anglosaxon hvelp = catulus, 
Old-Highdutch Huelp = \Velf), guerdon (guerredou, gerredon, 
werdon) whence also reward. In the middle cf a word gu 
rests in part upon the Latin gu, as in languish (languir, Latin 
languere), distinguish (distinguer, Latin distinguere), language 
(Old-French laugage alongside of langue, lange, Latin lingua), 
Old-English Lingage. At the end of a word it is identical with 
the French g and u, as a sign of the hardening of the g: vague 
(vague adjective), fatigue &c. 

gu for a simple g has also penetrated Germanic words: guild 
(gild), guilt (gylt), guess (Swedish gissa, Danish gisse, com- 
pare the Old-norse giska = conjecturare;, guest (gast, gest, gist); 
at the end of a word in tongue. 

The same is the case in some other words, where the French 
gave no support to it: plague (Latin plaga, compare French 
plaie), prorogue (French proroger, Latin prorogare); rogue 
seems of Celtic origin. May it belong to the Celtic rogair = 
knave? 

Old-English, like Old-French, often employed g instead of gu: 
gile, gyle still in Skelton, gise, gilteles, gesse &c.; lang- 
age, tonge, also roge. 

For a guttural c (k, q) gue stands at the end in the Romance 
disembogue (Spanish disembocar, compare the Old -French 
boche, bouce, bouque); it is equal to the Cymric ch in hog 
(Cymric hwch). 

gh has principally a place in the middle and at the end of 
words, and has essentially taken the place of the Anglosaxon h, 
only this has sometimes been totally rejected in the middle and 
at the end of words, as it often was in Anglosaxon. But this h 
is in close contact with g and c; for in Anglosaxon g and e be- 
fore t passed into h, and at the end of a word g after I and r, 
as well as after a long vowel or diphthong, was changed into h. 
We therefore find the gh in older English often represented by 
j, as in ci3te, Wygt, myjte, fojte, bro^te (Ron. OF GLOU- 
CESTER), almigti, figter (in WYCLIFFK), mygt, sigt, nygt, 
digt (in ROBIN HOOD) and so forth. The sound of this gh was 
originally that of the Highdutch ch, apart from the partial, ori- 
ginally perhaps dialectic pronunciation as /, which has become 
established in some words in Modern-English. It has been be- 
fore shown that a final h (g) has been transmuted into w (ow). 
Moreover, formerly it was also entirely cast out, as in thaut 
nout, sout, i-brout, mi thout (DAME SIHIZ p. 12.), hye 
(high), poru in ROB. OF GLOUCESTER and others. The Scottish, 
which, in ancient times, wrote and pronounced thoch, rycht, 
nycht, nocht, wrocht, micht speaks for the sound ch. We 
are not here regarding the initial gh. At present gh is almost 
always mute. 



11. The Elements of the Word- Origin of the Consonants . - Throat-sounds. 157 

gh in the middle of a word is hardly ever met with but in 
inflective forms and derivatives. The English roots present it 
as the final sound, or as final with a t after it, and that only 
after the vowels i (ei), u (au, ou): nigh, nig her (neah, neh), 
to which neighbour (neahbur, neabur), high (heab, hea), thigh 
(peoh), though (peah), through, thorough (purh, puruh), 
dough (dag, dah); here perhaps also belongs bough, Old-English 
bow (from the Anglosaxon beogan?). It enters for the Anglo- 
saxon g in the rare stigh, compare the dialectic stighrope 
(stigan, stigerap), weigh (vegan), neigh (hnsegan), plough 
(Old-norse plogr), Hugh (Old-Highdutch Hugo), where collateral 
forms like sty, weyen, plow occur in Old-English. It fre- 
quently stands before t: might (meant, mint), night (neaht, 
niht), light (lihtan = levare), right (riht, rent), plight (pliht, 
verb plihtan); Wight (Viht), weight (viht), eight (eahta), 
caught (Old-English also cagte), taught (taehte, tseht), bought 
(bohte, boht) &c. , freight (Old-Highdutch vraht), Leighton 
and Lay ton (Ligtun). After r, gh still stands in burgh (buruh, 
burh, burg) alongside of borough, where gh still sounds like 
g; in Old-English still oftener, for example in bergh = mount 
(beorg, beorh) and borgh, borugh in the plural borwe, borwes 
(borga, a pledge, borg, borh) in PJERS PLOUGHMAN. 

The Old-English still often has, alongside of the rejection of 
the <///, forms with it, which are no longer in use in Modern- 
English; thus dro3, drogh, drough, drowghe, Modern-En- 
glish drew (drog), slough, slowghe, Modern-English slew 
(sloh), lagh Modern-English law (lah) and others. 

ght has also sometimes, in analogy to the representation of the 
primitive Anglosaxon gt, ct, been employed for the Latin ct, as 
the Anglosaxon ht also entered for the Latin ct', compare dihtan, 
Old-Highdutch ticton, dihton, Latin dictare, formerly English 
dight; thus the Old-English has Benedight (Benedictus), Shak- 
speare extraught for extracted. On this rests delight (Old- 
French deleiter, deliter and delecher) alongside of delectable, 
Old-English delit, delitable with reference to the Latin delectare. 
So too gh is represented by the Latin c: Liwghor (Leucarus), 
Brougham (Brocavum) 

The Latin h is treated as an Anglosaxon one in inveigh (in- 
vehi), compare invective, gh in sprig ht alongside of sprite = 
spirit is without foundation. In straight, Old-English streit, 
which also partly coincides with strait, Medieval-Latin strictum 
= detroit, the French estroit, estreit, Latin strictus, seems to 
blend with the Anglosaxon streht from streccan, Old -English 
streight. 

Where gh in rare cases at the end of words corresponds in 
pronunciation to the guttural k (c&), h likewise is at the basis: 
hough (ho, hoh), whence the verb hough = hamstring; shough 
= shaggy dog, also spelt shock, belongs to the Anglosaxon 
sceacga. The Irish lough, Scottish loch is of another kind. 

The mutilation of Livorno, Latin Liburnum into Leghorn, 
where gh has the sound of the guttural g is striking. 



158 Doctrine of the Word. - Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I. 

gh in the middle and at the end of a word has sometimes 
become the labial /, especially at the end and before t; the ety- 
mology of the words belonging here is not always clear, although 
their gh mostly points to h (g, c) and conversely to an/, trans- 
muted into gh. The transition of gh into the /-sound has nu- 
merous analogies in other tongues: compare K. Schwenck's Dic- 
tionary, 4 th Edition p. XIV., Schoetensack's Grammar of the Mo- 
dern-Highdutch tongue p. 26. In Old-English, as well as even 
now in English Dialects, it goes much further than in the general 
speech of the educated in modern times. Old-English doftyr = 
daughter (RrrsoN), caufte = caught (HALLIWELL s. v.), 
thofe = though (IBID.) and thus in Old-English and still in 
Northern-English thruff, thurf = through, thoft thought 
in Devon and else where. Instances in Modern -English are: 
enough, Old-English ynow (genoh, genog), tough (toh), trough 
(trog, troh), rough (hreoh, hreog, hreov alongside of hreav, 
English raw), slough, the cast off skin of a snake and scurf 
(from the Anglosaxon slahan, as slough, a filthy pool, with mute 
gh, Anglosaxon slog?), chough (compare the Old - Highdutch 
couch, gouch), cough (compare the Anglosaxon ceahhettan = 
cachinnari, Highdutch keucheu , keichen) , clough, ravine 
(whether from the Anglosaxon cleofan, clufan and thence also 
clough), draugh and draff (compare the Anglosaxon drabbe 
from drefan = turbare), compare the Old-norse badstofa, Swedish 
badstuga, Danish badstue; draught and draf (droht = tractus), 
from dragan, whence the English draw and drag, Old-English 
also dray), laugh, laughter (hleahhan, hlihhan and hleahtor). 
Chincough with a final /-sound, and even hiccough with a 
final p-sound, seem nearly allied, in as much as both are com- 
pounded of cough (see above). Also chin(c) and hie may be 
related and of the same root as cough. Compare the Swedish 
kik-hosta, Lowdutch kink-hoost and Lowdutch hik-up. 

With the transition of the Guttural into the Labial also agrees 
the affinity of sigh (with mute gh} to the Anglosaxon seofjan 
alongside of sican, whence the Old-English and dialectic sike; 
and furlough with the Hollandish verlof; compare the Anglo- 
saxon lufu = amor and leaf = permissio. 

Of peculiar nature is gh, which at the beginning of some words 
before clear and obscure vowels appears instead of a primitive g 
with its guttural sound, occasionally interchanging with gu and 
g. Thus gh is sometimes met with in Medieval-Latin, as, in 
Italian also, before clear vowels it represents the guttural g; Old- 
French writes alongside of g and gu also gh in ghise, ghiller, 
ghernon, ghenchir. From the latter the initial gh seems to 
have penetrated into English. We find it in the words: Ghi- 
belline, gherkin (Highdutch gurke from the Latin cucurbita), 
ghastful, aghast, in Shakspeare ghast as a verb, ghost 
(gast, gsest = halitus, and gsesan = percellere, whence the English 
agaze), also ghyll alongside of the usual gill (Old-norse gil), in 
Spenser ghesse for guess. The French (gueux) are rendered 
by Gheux (PHILLIPS). The Old-English gheet is of the same 



//. The Elements of the Word. Origin of the Consonants. Throat-sounds. 1 59 

meaning as goats. Dialectically ghizzern stands for gizzard, 
ghern for garden; in the Isle of Wight ghenge means the depth 
of a furrow. In the North of England even the dental g is harde- 
ned into gh: ghibe instead of gibe. 

In oriental words this gh is likewise sometimes found used: 
Afghan, Afghanistan, ghaut, ghee (from the Indian), ghoul 
(from the Arabic) and many more. 

2) The dental g, pronounced with d before it, and in its redupli- 
cation represented by dg, occurs in Germanic and Romance words, 
but in words originally Anglosaxon not at the beginning of a 
word, for in words like giant (Anglosaxon gigant) and gem 
(Anglosaxon gimm) the Anglosaxon and the French forms blend 
(Old-French geme, gemme, jame and jaiant, geant). 

The Anglosaxon g has become dental after n in singe and 
cringe (see p. 155.); in angel not so much the Anglosaxon 
engel as the Old-French angele along with aingle, angle at the 
basis; in the older targe (Anglosaxon targe = clypeus), whence 
target with a guttural g is derived, the Old-French targe, Me- 
dieval-Latin targia seems to have effected the dental pronunciation 
of the g. 

On the other hand the dental dg often enters instead of the 
reduplicated Anglosaxon gg (eg}: midge (mycg, niicg, rnygge), 
ridge (hrycg), bridge (brycg, bricg), edge (ecg), edge, verb 
alongside of egg (ecgan, eggjan), wedge (Old-norse veggr = 
cuneus and paries, Danish vsegge = cuneus), sedge (secg = gla- 
diolus carex). The Old-English has here a double g: brigge. 
eggen &c. In other words the fundamental tongue only presents 
a single g: h e d g e (hege and hag, compare Haag), fidget, other- 
wise also fidge (Danish fige = to hurry), Old-norse h'ka = festi- 
nare), fadge (fagjan = ornare, Old-Highdutch fagjan, fagon = 
satisfacere, expedire); many words are of unclear origin, as 
badge (Medieval-Latin bagia), a sign, mark (whether from be 6- 
gau, compare beah, beag = corona, annulus?), badger (compare 
the Swedish bagge, a ram?), badger, huckster, seller (compare 
Italian biadajuolo, badger and cornchandler) ; cadge, to bear and 
cadger, huckster, belonging to cadge, a pole; dodge (accord- 
ing to Ettmuller from the Anglosaxon dydrjan = illudere) and 
others. 

Wage belongs not to the Highdutch wagen, but to the Old- 
French gager, wager, substantive gage, wage, from the Gothic 
vadi, with which the Anglosaxon ved, veddjan, English wed 
agrees. 

In Romance words the dental g answers to the same sound; 
after a short vowel it is reduplicated as dg: gibbet (gibet, com- 
pare Diez R.-Wb. p. 175), gipon also juppon (jupon, gippon), 
gibe (in Champagne: giber =jouer), gin, also geneva (genievre), 
genet, gennet (genet, Latin genista), gender (gendre) gaol 
and jail (gaiole gaole); ginger (gin gembre), burgess (bur- 
geis, bourgois), sage (sauge, Latin salvia), Old-English save; 
rage, cage and others; judge (juge, juger), lodge (loge, lo- 
ger) &c. 



160 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. I. 

Latin words, and words which have passed through the Latin 
commonly retain the dental #, when it stood originally before 
clear vowels: gingival (from gingiva), genius, geminate 
(geminare), gynarchy, georgics (georgica), dialogize, dial- 
lage, absterge (abstergere) ; yet divulge, for instance, agrees 
neither with the Latin divulgare, nor the French divulguer; 
purge (purgare) has perhaps followed the French purger. 

Words like Roger (Anglosaxon Hrodgar, French Roger) are 
of course modelled after the French; here belongs also harbinger 
(from the Anglosaxon herebirigan, Old - French herbergier), 
wherein r has been changed into w, and which occurs in the Old- 
English form herbarjour, harbegier. 

A dental g has occasionally been formed out of s and a dental 
c, ch in an unaccented syllable: cabbage (Medieval-Latin ga- 
busia, French cabus), sausage (French saucisse = Latin salsicia), 
partridge (perdrix, Latin perdix, -icis, Old-English, ^Hirtryk, 
partrich), cartridge (cartouche as it were Latin chartoceum), in 
Spenser: galage (galoche from the Latin gallica). In revenge 
however not the Modern-French revancher, but the Old-French 
vanger, vangier lies at the foundation. Compare the Old-French 
nage, Modern-French nache. Conversely the Old-English often 
puts ch for g: grucchen (grudge, French gruger), partrich 
(partridge), beverache (beverage), as knowlecchen for know- 
ledge, although more correctly (Old-norse kunnleiki, notitia). 

As in Old-French so also in English the likesounding g and j 
interchange with each other: gelly and jelly (gelee), gingle 
and jingle (compare the Old-French jangler, gangler), gipon 
and juppon and others. Thus also Giles, Gill, Gillian are 
derived from the Latin Julius, Julia, Julianus. 

H, apart from its union with other phonetic signs, as th, sh, 
ch, gh, belongs principally to the beginning of words, where it is 
occasionally silent, as at the end; and where it is sounded, represents 
the so called aspirate, for which the language is indebted to the An- 
glosaxon h before vowels, and to which the weaker Old-French // was 
perhaps not equivalent. 

It arises from the Anglosaxon and Romance h; an Anglosaxon 
h before the consonants n, /, r, was lost: hill (hill), heel (hel), 
harm (hearm), hate (hatjan); hideous (hidos, -us, -eus), herse, 
port cullis and hearse, a carriage for the dead &c. (herse, Medieval- 
Latin hercia from the Latin hirpex), habergeon (haubergou, hau- 
berjon from halbert, haubert also habert, Old-Highdutch halsberc), 
haunt (hanter, Old-norse heimta), harness (harnas, harnois, verb 
harnacher), host = hostile army (ost, host), hostage (ostage, 
hostage from obses, Medieval-Latin obsidatus, ostagius as it were ob- 
sidaticus, um), hour (hore, houre, ore) and so on. Of course h has 
remained as the initial sound in Latin and Greek words, even though 
they have not passed through the Romance tongues, as in hyacinth, 
hyads, hymn, hyphen, hysteric &c. and in other foreign words, 
as hospodar &c. In Greek words rh is also found: rhetoric, 
rheumatism &c. 

A final A of a word or of a syllable is found partly in inter- 



//. TheElements of the Word. Origin of the Consonants. Throat-sounds. 1(51 

jections, where it may originally have served to sharpen the vowel, 
and will have approximated to the Anglosaxon final h, as in ah! 
hah! bah! and many more; it is moreover found in the middle and 
at the end of foreign words: Messiah, hallelujah! Allah &c. 

For luh instead of the Anglosaxon hv see Metathesis. 

Words with and without an initial 7? of Romance and of Greek- 
Latin descent are often found alongside of each other. The Old- 
French took the lead in this: hostler and ostler (compare hostel, 
ostel), hippocras and ipocras, homer and omer (a Hebrew mea- 
sure), herpetology and erpetology and many more, as in Old- 
English heir and eir, eyr, and even in Anglosaxon words : hysand 
ys (his), often in ROB. OF GLOUCESTER. 

Y serves essentially to represent the Anglosaxon /, (= Gothic f) 
and the g which in Anglosaxon frequently took the place of j, par- 
ticularly at the beginning of words before the clear vowels e, t, as 
well as before obscure ones with the prefix of e (ea, eo, eo); the 
genuine English y appears at present only at the beginning of a word. 

y stands for,;' and for an improper g in: yea (ja, gea), year 
(gear, ger, Gothic jer), ye (ge, Gothic jus), yes (gese, gise, gyse), 
yet (git, get), yond, yon (jand, geond = illuc, Gothic jains = yon), 
yore (jara, geara), yoke (joe, juc, geoc), young (jung, geong), 
youth (jeoguff, geogutT), yule (jul, geol); yest and yeast (gist, 
compare the Old-Highdutch jesan, later je'ren). In you, your (eov, 
eover), the y (j) existing in the nominative ge\ Gothic jus, has 
remained (Halfsaxon guw, gure, Lowdutch juch, jur); in yew and 
eugh, it has been developed out of ?', Medieval-Latin juus (Anglosaxon 
eov, iv, Old-Highdutch iwa, igo). It corresponds to a High- and 
Lowdutch j in yacht (Hollandish jacht), yager (Highdutch jager), 
younker, youngker. 

In Old-English even a j in the middle of a word has also pro- 
duced a y. Namely, the infinitive termination jan and the termina- 
tion of the first person of the present je passed over into the Old- 
English verb. The j, especially- in the Infinitive of weak verbs and 
in the first person of the indicative of the second weak conjugation, 
became g or ige or a simple e; for instance in hergan instead of 
herjan, lufigean instead of lufjan and in the present, as seal- 
fig e alongside of those of the first conjugation in je, as herje. 
Thence originate the Old-English terminations of the infinitive and 
of the present yen, ye alongside of ien, ie, the latter of which went 
through all persons of the present, as this y was transferred to the 
preterite, where the first weak conjugation shewed e. The semicon- 
sonant nature of this y (?) comes out pretty decidedly. So the verbal 
conjugation: tilyen, tilien; tilye, tilie tilyeth, tilieth; 
tilyede, tilyeden (tiljan, teoljan), sweryen swerye &c. 
(sverjan). The Old-French forms of the infinitive ier likewise, 
others presenting no ?', were similarly treated; hence maryen. ma- 
rie n (marier), scapyen, savyen &c., whereout the vowel termi- 
nation y was soon developed, as in governy, crouny, amendy, 
which agree with repenty, servy, conquery, in which the vowel 
may seem to have been preserved from ir. Even Germanic forms in 

Matzuer , engl. Gr. T. H 



162 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect L 

y occur, as endy (endjau), wemmy (vemman) &c. Some of these 
terminations still continue in Modern-English. 

From. #, which has not demonstrably taken the place of 7, or 
which sounds like g in High- and Lowdutch, an English y likewise 
sometimes proceeded: yield (gildan, geldan, Gothic fra-gildan), yell 
(gillan, gellan, Old-High dutch gellan), yelt (gilte, Old-norse gilta = 
scrofa), yesterday (gistran, geostran, Gothic gistra-dagis), yard 
(geard = sepes, Gothic gards, garda) and yard (geard, gerd, gird, 
Old-Highdutch gartja, gerta), yarn (gearn = pensa, Old-Highdutch 
garn), yellow (gelu, geolu, Old-Highdutch gelo) but yolk and yelk 
(geoloca, geolca), yearn (geornjan, Gothic gairnjan), yawn (ganjan 
= aperire, Old-Highdutch ginen, but compare the Lowdutch hojanen), 
so too Tare, a river (Latin Garyenus). The Old-English had also 
y instead of </, as in yemen (geman, gyman = custodire), yeme 
(geam = cura), whence perhaps yeinan s. above p. 106. foryeten, 
foryat, foryetten (forgetan), yeven, yaf, yeven, (gifan), yift 
(gift), yat, yate=porta (geat, gat=porta), this still in North-En- 
glish and Scottish; yarken (gearcjan = parare) even now in Northern 
dialects; ayein, ayeins (Anglosaxon preposition gagn), Modern- 
English again, against. 

y in Old-English also often took the place of a French 7, as in 
yoye, yoyfulle (joie), yoly (joli), yugement (jugement) and many 
more. The form yewys instead of jews likewise does not perhaps 
rest upon the Anglosaxon Judeas. Even now moreover words with 
an initial y and j, interchange, as in unclear forms jerk and yerk, 
Old- English yirk, (compare Dieffenbach Wb. II. p. 377.) and jade 
alongside of the dialectic yaud, a bad horse, a strumpet. 

Occasionally a French y has remained in the middle of a word : 
bayard, bayonet, as well as in other foreign words, for instance 
bayadere. 

X was in Anglosaxon put in the middle and at the end of words 
for cs, sc, gs = sg and fe, never at the beginning. In Old-English 
it also sometimes penetrated the beginning of a word for sh (= sc), 
as in the Coventry Mysteries: xal, xalt, xuld, xad (shed) stand, 
and even in Skelton xall, xulde &c. This is also. still the usage 
in English dialects. 

At the beginning it is to be met with in Modern-English only 
in foreign words, mostly of Greek origin, as in Xiphias &c., xebec, 
Spanish jabeque, formerly with x instead of j. 

In the middle and at the end of a word it stands for the An- 
glosaxon x and, like this, often also for those combinations of gut- 
turals with s in which it might enter in Anglosaxon, although even 
where the Anglosaxon let x enter alongside of sc, sh is sometimes 
selected; compare fish (fisc, fix), wash (vascan, vaxan) as distin- 
guished from wax, ashes (asce, axe), sometimes sk, compare ask 
(ascjan, axjan), Old-English axen. 

An instance in which, conversely, the Modern-English x answers 
to the older sc 9 is perhaps mix (Anglosaxon miscan, but compare 
the Latin mixtum). Thus flexs stands in the older English instead 
of flesh (flsesc). 

An ancient x has been preserved in mix en (mixen, myxen = 



77. The Elements of the Word. Changes by Contraction and Amplification. 1(53 

sterquilinium), vixen (fixen), the obsolete faxed (gefeaxod, feaxed, 
from feax, Old-norse fax, juba), Exmouth (Exan nrnoV), Exeter 
(Exan cester); compare the Latin name of a river Isaca, Isca; six 
(six), next (neahst, next), flax (fleax), axe, Axe (acas, ax, eax), 
wax (veaxan) and wax (veax, vax), ox (oxa, ohsa), fox (fox). 

It often arises in English from the contraction of k (c) and s, 
for instance in pox, Old-English pokkes (PiERs PLOUGHMAN p. 431), 
from the Anglosaxon pocc; coxcomb alongside of cockscomb, kex, 
Hemlock, alongside of kecksy; hence the propername Baxter for 
bak ester, bakstere. The Old-English word buxom = obedient, 
gay, which has no equivalent in Anglosaxon, belongs to the Anglo- 
Saxon beogan, bugan: compare the dialectic form bucksorne =jolly, 
in the South of England. 

The Romance, as well as the Latin and Greek #, unless the 
latter have been already changed by the Romance tongue, are com- 
monly preserved: example (Old-French example), exist (exister, 
Latin exsistere), excellent, anxiety, luxury, fix (fixer, Latin 
fixus), tax &c. Occasionally x is resolved into cs, as in ecstasy, 
ecstatic, alongside of extasy, extatic and others. 

In exchequer, in Old-English also cheker and eschekere, the 
Old-French eschakier, eschequier, eskiekier, Medieval-Latin scacarium 
(belonging to schach) lies at the root. The form arises through the 
double rendering of the sc, sk. Thus excheve arose out of the Old- 
French eschiver, eskiver. See HALLIWELL s. v. 



Changes of the primitive word through its contraction and 
amplification. 

Among the changes which the surviving vocabulary of the English 
tongue has gradually undergone, the contraction and amplification of 
the word in its vocal volume, without loss or change of meaning, 
is to be observed. The unconscious tendency of cultivated nations 
to make their speech a more pliant and rapid expression of thought, 
is constantly doing detriment to the vocal material, while, on the other 
hand, the striving after convenience in pronunciation, the habituation 
of the organs of speech through analogous forms, and the clash of 
irreconcileable sounds, often caused by the very contraction of a 
word, are causes of an amplification of the vocal material. But the 
striving after shortness by far outweighs that after the amplification 
of the word, and the broadening of the language remains especially 
reserved to the uneducated, wherefore it belongs partly to popular 
dialects, which have often preserved the primitive plenitude of vocal 
material. 

A) Contraction of the word. 

The contraction does not commonly affect the kernel of the 
word, which presents itself at the syllable of the stem, and com- 
monly also as the accented syllable, although here the two chief 
elements of the English tongue, the Anglosaxon and the French, 
so far diverge from each other that the French element has here 

11* 



1 64 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. I. 

and there preserved its accent upon the full final syllable instead 
of the syllable of the stem. Contraction also principally begins with 
the casting out of an unaccented vowel, entailing therewith that 
of the consonant through its clash with another irreconcileable con- 
sonant. Yet even here and there a combination of consonants, in 
itself perhaps reconcilable, is repugnant to the popular habit. The 
following cases are in particular to be distinguished. 
1) The falling off of vowels: 

a) at the beginning of a word. The falling off of a vowel is 
here rare, yet even Anglosaxon is not wholly wanting in instances, 
as in biscop (episcopus), pistol (epistola), Old-English pistel, 
Modern-English epistle, and the like. English has often again 
cast off the French e unorganically prefixed to sp, sc, st, or even 
the justified e: spy (espie) alongside of the verb espy (espier), 
although of Germanic origin (Old-Highdutch spehon), space 
(espace), Spain (Espagne, Anglosaxon Ispanja, yet the name 
of the people was even then sounded Spene = Hispani), scourge 
(escourgee), stanch (estancher); standard is found in Anglo- 
saxon as well as in Middle-Hi ghdutch stanthart (estendard); 
stage (estage, estaige) and others; slandre (esclandre, Latin 
scandalum), Old-English esclaundre. Thus in Old-English Sca- 
riot was spelt Iscariot (CHAUCER). Modern-English has double 
forms with these sounds, as, especial and special, escutcheon 
and scutcheon, estate and state, to estrange and strange, 
stranger, esquire and squire &c. In the Anglosaxou ster- 
ling (Medieval-Latin esterlingus, sterlingus), also e a sterling, 
Old-English starling the vowel of the root-syllable is similarly 
cast off. The remarkable quinsy arose from squinancy (esqui- 
nancie mulitated from synanche). Before single consonants e 
sometimes, a frequently, is cast off: gypsy (from Egyptian), 
ticket (diffused even in the 17 th century) may come from eti- 
quette, but should properly sound s ticket (Old-French estic- 
quette), mend (amender, amander, Latin ainendare, the simple 
mendare is wanting), purtenance (Old-French apurtenance), 
bay (abaier, Modern-French aboyer, ad-baubari; here the pre- 
position is likewise lost); van, vanguard, vantage (avant, 
avantage from ab-ante), vail (avaler from a val, to lower), 
board (instead of abord, perhaps the French aborder), limbeck 
alongside of alembic (alambic, alembic). Frequently treated 
of by etymologists, pert is perhaps naught else but the Old- 
French apert = ouvert, public sans feinte. In Old-English it 
stands exactly in the Old-French sense: pertliche for pure 
pride, and for no point ellis, that is, openly (PIERS PLOUGHMAN 
p. 78); How pertly afore the peple Reson bigan to preche (IB.); 
And pertly it hentes (Morte Arthure) in HALLIWELL s. v. 
perteliche. pert certainly also stands for the Latin subtilis = 
delicate, fine, for instance of a fine lady : He seygh never non 
so pert (iLLiisiRAT. OF FAIRY MYTHOLOGY p. 11). Compare 
however the Cymric pert = fine, spruce, and Gaelic peirteil = 
impudent. The older forms noy, uoyance, noyous, noyful 
correspond to the Old-French anoi, anoiance, anoios, which the 



11. The Elements of the Word. The Falling off of Consonants. 165 

modern tongue has brought back instead of and partly along- 
side of them: annoy, annoyance &c. Italian has the simple 
forms: noia, noioso &c. 

In Celtic names beginning with p, a has often fallen off; here 
belong: Prichard, Pritchard, Price, Peury, Powell, 
Pugh (also Pye according to LOWER, Engl. Surnames p. 146), 
which are properly compounds for Ap (ab, uab, mab = filius) 
Richard, Rhys, Henry, Howell, Hugh. Thus 
in proper names generally initial vowels, even obscure ones, 
often fall off: Livy (Olivia) and the like. 

Of Anglosaxon words: lone instead of alone (ealan, English 
alone, not usual in Anglosaxon) belongs here. 

b) In the middle of a word an unaccented syllable, or one which 
in English has become unaccented, especially between consonants, 
is thrown out. The Anglosaxon even, as well as the Old-French, 
leaned to this rejection; compare Anglosaxon cetil, cetl; cle- 
ric, clerc; segel, segl; fafremjan, fafrmjan; munec, 
munc; monaft', mond; miluc, mile; sadul, sadl &c. En- 
glish went by degrees much further in this: church (cyrice), 
adz, adze alongside of addice (adese), mint (mynet), hemp 
(hanep), own, Old-English owen (agen), bald, Old-English 
balled, Buckingham (Buccingaham), Walsinghain (Valsinga- 
ham), Swanwich and Swan wick (Svanavic), Hachness near 
Withby (Haconoa), hawk (hafuc, hafoc), Berkshire (Bear- 
rucscir), french (frencisc), scotch alongside of Scottish, and 
many more. 

This happens no less in Romance words: chapter, (chapitre), 
Old -English chapitre; captain (capitaine), able (habile), 
gentle (gentil) alongside of genteel, Old-English gentile; 
subtle alongside of subtile; copse alongside of coppice, 
enmity (enemistiet, Modern-French inimitie), chimney (chi- 
menee, ceminee), damsel (damisele, but also dancele), Old- 
English damysele, damycele, fortress (forteresce, but also even 
fortrece), musrol (muserolle), frantic alongside of phrenetic, 
apartment (appartement), remnant (remanant), Old-English 
remenant, John, Old -English Johan, comrade (caniarade), 
carbine alongside of carabine, damson, formerly dam a syn 
and damasee (Damas, Damascene), doctress alongside of 
doctoress &c. Here belongs also sprite, spright alongside 
of spirit, and chirp instead of cheer up. 

The rejection of a vowel before a vowel is rare, save in the 
blending of two words: trump (triomphe, triumphe); blendings 
of this sort are the obsolete forms: don, doff, dup, dout 
(= do on, -off, -up, -out), whence d outer = extinguisher. 

c) The final vowel is frequently lost, wherewith the loss of the 
vowel inflectional terminations is especially connected: end(ende), 
earth (eorfre), emmet (semete), milt (milte), yes (gese), 
Thames (Tamese), monger (mangere), ne if, n e a f (Old-norse 
hnefi, knefi, Danish nseve), fall (fealle), bid (bidde), creep 
(creope), blow (blave) &c.; pith (pifta), creed (creda), ass 
(assa), soon (sona, suna), son (sunu); so constantly in the old 



166 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I. 

substantive termination ere: eater (etere), player (plegere) 
&c. ; Old-English rydere, ledere, flaterere, usurere &c.; 
in Romance words this loss naturally chiefly affects the mute e: 
origin (origine), sign (signe), pain (paine), plant (plaute), 
branch (branche), group (groupe) &c. In envoy, the accented 
e falls off (envoye). This falling off of vowels especially appears 
after a short vowel of the accented syllable, or one shortened 
in English, as well as after long vowels and diphthongs, which 
become immediately recognizable as such in writing; compare 
blow, soon, pain. 
"2) The Omission of Consonants. 

a) At the beginning of a word the single final consonant is sel- 
dom omitted. This happens to the nasal n, which is else un- 
organically prefixed to an initial vowel, in adder (Auglosaxon 
nadre, naddre, Gothic nadrs, Old-English nedder, with which 
we may compare the Lowdutch, Hollandish and Flemish adder 
.= snake. The Anglosaxon aettern = venenosus seems to have 
naught common with it. Apron, for which also apperon and 
formerly a pern stood, corresponds in form to the Old-French 
naperou. 

On the other hand a solitary final guttural has often been 
cast off. In a certain sense g is to be reckoned here, although, 
where instead of gi or ge only y or i now appears, the soften- 
ing of the g, which first became y, into a vowel blended of i 
or e (yi = , ye = ie or J) explains the casting off of the g (y). 
Here belongs the prefix ge, which has disappeared in Modern- 
English; and which was rendered by y and i: yblent, ybrent 
(burnt), yfostered, yronnen, yqueint (quenched), ylike 
(Anglosaxon gelic = similis) and so on. Spenser has still many 
of these forms; Shakspeare, yravished, yslaked, ycleped, 
yclad, Milton and others, ycleped, yd ad, which an anti- 
quated style still sometimes affects. Here belongs also the form 
of expression I wis, arising from a misunderstanding of the 
ancient form, but which properly has not the Anglosaxon pre- 
terite visse, but the Old-English ywis (Anglosaxon geviss) for 
its foundation. Occasionally e has remained for ge: enough 
(genoh), Old -English yenoughe, ynough, Halfsaxon inow and 
others. Instead of the Old-English gef, gif stands if (Anglo- 
saxon gif), instead of Gypes wych in ROB. OF GLOUCESTER 
now Ipswich (Anglosaxon Gypesvic); itch belongs to the 
Anglosaxon giceness = prurigo; the older collateral form of 
yearn, desiderare, is earn (Anglosaxon geornjan). Compare 
the Old-English ere instead of year. 

A single h is often thrown off, even in Anglosaxon words: 
able, ability, Old-English hable, habilitee, ermine (hermine, 
Medieval -Latin hermellinus, -a), usher, Old-English huisher 
(Old-French huissier, hussier and uissier, ussier), ombre (Spa- 
nish hombre), allelujah alongside of hallelujah, to alloo, 
alongside of to halloo. In Old-English also ipocrite, ipo- 
crise, Ipocras, oneste and the like. In it (Anglosaxon hit) 
the Anglosaxou 7? has been lost; Old-English hit, hyt; for we Ik, 



II. The Elements of the Word. Omission of Consonants. 167 

we find the Anglosaxon hvilc = marcidus, Old-Hi ghdutch wilh- 
jan, and ving is the Anglosaxon hving and ving. Even Anglo- 
saxon often cast off the foreign A-sound, as in ymen, yinn 
alongside of hymn; Ercol (Hercules). 

The Hebrew guttural ch has been cast off in Enoch (Hebrew 
Chanoch). 

Initial letters in combination with other consonants are some- 
times thrown off. Thus ph before th is occasionally suppressed 
in pronunciation, as also in writing: tisic alongside of phthisic, 
compare apothegm alongside of apophthegm; v before /in 
lisp (Anglosaxon vlisp = balbus), Danish lespe; and after s in 
sister (sveostor, svyster), Old-English suster, Lowdutch Blister, 
but compare p. 168. H before TO, / and r at the beginning of 
a word has been abandoned: neck (hnecca), nap (hnappjanX 
nut (hnuta, hnut), listen (hlystan from hlosnjan), leap (hlea- 
pan), ladle (hladle), lot (hlot), ring (bring), rime, hoarfrost, 
to which the French frimas belongs (hrim), raven (hrafen). 
The &, otherwise mute before ft, (Anglosaxon c) has been lost 
in nap alongside of knop, in Northern-English nab (Old-norse 
knappr = globulus, compare the Anglosaxon cn'ap = jugum), 
Old-English knappe. S before n has vanished in Nottingham 
(Snotingahani). Betwixt s and /, c is indeed partly tolerated, 
as in sclerotic, sclavonian; yet c is mostly thrust out, since 
only the combination si was familiar to the Anglosaxon organ, 
(although even the form sclawen for slagen = slain is cited), 
hence the hybrid form slice (Old-French esclicer, Substantive 
esclice, from the Old - Highdutch slizan, Anglosaxon slitan), 
slander (esclandre), sclaunderyng (SKELTON I. 324.), slave 
(esclave), as Slavonic. The r omitted after sp in speak was 
frequently wanting even in Anglosaxou (sprecan and specan). 
In proper names usual combinations of consonants have frequently 
vanished, as, for instance, in Fanny (== Frances), compare the 
French Ferry, for Frederic. 

b) In the middle of the word (and here we reckon all save the 
final consonant) consonants are frequently omitted before other 
consonants, rarely before a vowel, whether consonants stood 
originally beside each other, or, as is very often the case, 
clashed with consonants in a derivative syllable or in the com- 
position of words. 

Nasal letters have rarely been cast out, as n in eleven 
(Anglosaxon endlif, Dative endlifum, endlefen), Old-English en- 
leven, ellene; agnail (Anglosaxon angnagl), nailworm, Thurs- 
day (Anglosaxon punres dag, yet Old-norse porsdagr); v a ward 
(SHAKSPEARE) instead of vanward, vanguard. In words ori- 

finally French, like covenant, covent (Coventgarden) Old- 
rench forms without n lie at the root; covet and covetous 
come from the Old-French coveiter, coveitous, although even 
Old-French sometimes inserts an unorganic ft, like the Modern- 
French in convoiter (from the Latin cupidus). 

Among liquid letters, I in Anglosaxon words before a primi- 
tive guttural is frequently omitted: each (selc), Old-English ilk, 



Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. /. 

eche, Dialectic elcone = each one (Cumberland), to be distin- 
guished from the Old-English ilk == the same, Anglosaxon ylc; 
which (hvylic, hvylc), Old-English whilke; such (svelic, svylc), 
Old-English swilke, swiche; thus too in Old-English there stand 
pike, pikke instead of pi Ike (Anglosaxon pylc); likewise 
before s in as (ealsva, alsva), Old-English als. Where in Ro- 
mance words a primitive I has been omitted, the Old-French 
has often thrown it out: safe and save (Old-French salf, sauf, 
and salver, sauver, saver); Old-English also had savation, 
heraud, assaunt, auter and the like, where Modern-English 
has again taken up the Z, as in salvable, salvation, al- 
tar &c. The Old-English Wat (Walter, compare French Gau- 
tier) is also to be compared (see LOWER p. 127.), and Gib 
(Gilbert = Giselbert) and others. The r is seldom lost, for 
instance in: cockade alongside of which also cockardis found 
(see HALLIWELL s. v ) (Old-French cocart, quoquart, vain, Mo- 
dern-French cocarde, from coq); and in mutilations of names; 
like Bab (Barbara), Bat (Bartholomew), Mat (Martha). 

Among the Lipsounds p has been cast out in corse along- 
side of corpse (yet even in Old-French cors), as in deceit, 
Old-English deceipt. The b is lost in dummy, dummerer, 
dumfound (Anglosaxon dumb, and already with lack of b in 
dumnyss, in English on the other hand dumbness), and in 
ames-ace (SHAKSPEARE) alongside of ambs-ace, Old-English 
ambes as. Compare the Old-French amedoi alongside of am- 
bedoi. The / is lacking in woman (Anglosaxon vifmann, where 
the Anglosaxon replaced it by assimilation : vimmann, vemmann), 
inhad, hadst (hafde, hafdest, hafdon), where the Old-English 
had havede, hevede &c. or assimilated/: hadde, haddest, 
hadden; head, behead (heafdjan, beheafdjan), lady (hlsef- 
dige = hlafveordige). 

We cannot regard the Anglosaxon v as cast out in so, also 
(sva, ealsva) and kill alongside of quell (cveljan), since here 
v becomes softened into the vowel u and coalesces with the 
following vowel, as in such (svylc), Old-English swa, kull. 
The Romance v is cast out in kerchief (couvre-chief), curfew 
(couvre-feu). Compare the Old-Englich kevere = to recover. 

Toothsounds have frequently been thrown out ; thus t before 
st: best (betst, properly betest), compare 3, b; and betwixt 
two s: Essex (Anglosaxon Estseaxan), Old-English Estsex; 
Wessex (Anglosaxon Vestseaxan), Old-English Westsex; betwixt 
a primitive h and th or t (where properly a vowel has been 
previously cast out): eighth, eighty, eighteen (compare 
Anglosaxon eahtocTa, eahtatig, eahtatyne). t before r, followed 
by another consonant, is also suppressed: Pernel (Petronella) ; 
as well as before d in dandelion (Old-French dant = dent 
de lion). The dental d is cast out before sp in gospel (An- 
glosaxon godspell); before sw: answer (Anglosaxon andsvarjan, 
but also ansvarjan, onsvarjan) ; in Old-English also before tr in 
sheltrom, sheltroun (Anglosaxon scildtruma = testudo) 
= host, troop of soldiers, th before labials after r in the word 






//. The Elements of the Word. Omission of Consonants. 169 

north is often thrown out, whereas th after a vowel, like other den- 
tals, readily assimilates with the consonant after it: Norfolk 
(Norfrfolc), Old-English still Norpfolc, like Sopfolc, Norway, 
Old-English Norpweye andNorweye, Norwich(Noro*vic), but also 
still in names like Nortwich, Nortwick and Northwich, 
North wick; before m in Norman, alongside of Northman 
(Anglosaxon Norfrmann and even Normann) ; but before h there 
ensues the casting out of the initial h: Northampton (Norfr- 
hamtun), Northumberland (Norfrhymbre, Norfranhymbre). 
Th is also omitted before sh: worship (Anglosaxon veortfscipe). 
S is often omitted after another s in composition: transept, 
dispirit; likewise after #, in which Latin and Old-French pre- 
ceded: exile, exert, execute, exult, alongside of exsuda- 
tion and many more. It has also been cast out before t in 
Exeter, Old-English Excestre and Exetre (Anglosaxon Exan- 
cester). 

Throats ounds also have often been cast out. A guttural c 
has been lost in drown (compare Anglosaxon druncenjan), 
likewise one of the threefold c (&) in neckerchief (that is 
neck-kerchief). The guttural g has been partly weakened into 
a vowel, as the doctrine of vowels demonstrates, and cannot 
therefore, in such a vocal resolution, be regarded as merely cast 
out. The case also in which the g which has arisen through 
the French transposition of an i or e is lost through a fresh 
transposition in English, cannot be referred here, as in Gas- 
cony = Gascogne (Vasconia), Burgundy = Bourgogne (Bur- 
gundia). G is however, perhaps to be regarded as cast out where 
either a primitive g stood before another consonant in French, 
or where a g, arising through the transposition of an i or e in 
French, was preserved in Old-English. In many cases Old- 
French certainly took the lead in the omitting of the g Thus 
g is to be regarded as cast out in disdain (desdaigner), 
Spain (Espagne), Old-English Spaigne; Britain (Bretagne), 
Old-English Bretaigne; mountain (montaigne, but also mun- 
taine), Old-English mountaigne; company (compeignie, but 
also cumpainie), Old-English compaignye, compagnie: join ant 
(joignant), Old-English joignant; Cluny (Clugny); Castanet 
(castagnette), purloin (purloigner); Modern-English retains the 
g, although it is silent, in many forms, as reign, impregn, 
sign, expugn and others. Forms with and without g also 
sometimes stand alongside of each other: eloin, eloine and 
eloigne (esloignier). In the Celtic word Craven, g is cast 
out before ?, Cymric craigvan = district of rocks. In Anglo- 
saxon words g (at all events before i) has been cast out after 
a primitive s (c) in icicle (isgicel), as well as between n 
and t in lent (lengten, also lencten). To too the Anglosaxon 
h before , else rendered by gh, has been cast out in trout 
(truht, Latin tructa) and wet (which likewise answers to the 
Anglosaxon veaht as vaet), not, alongside of nought, nauht, 
Old-English no3t, as in the compound after mb in: Lambeth 
instead of Lambhithe, compare Greenhithe (from the An- 



170 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Parti. Sect. I. 

glosaxon hyfr = portus), and after rw in: narwal alongside of 
narwhale (Anglosaxon nar = nas (nasu?) and hval = balaena). 
c) At the end of a word especially nasal sounds have been thrown 
off; m in fro (Anglosaxon frani, from); especially frequently ft, 
for instance after m, although a final inn seem otherwise recon- 
cilable (compare condemn, damn, automn, column), where 
n is now silent: stem (Anglosaxon stafn, stefn, stemn) and in 
the verb to stem (stemnjan), compare the Anglosaxon vaemn 
alongside of vaepon, emn alongside of efen, hremn along- 
side of hrafen, where English has abandoned the contracted 
forms; after s: dross (drosn = faex); after I: ell (eln, aln, 
whence elbow, where even in Anglosaxon elnboga also occurs 
alongside of elboga); more frequently after vowels: eve along- 
side of even (sefen), game (gamen), a = an (an), no = none 
(nan), Old-English non; ago (from the participle gan = gangen), 
go (Infinitive gan), do (don), cleave (cleofan), choose (ceosan) 
and so in all similar inflectional forms; above (bufan), afore, 
before (onforan, beforan), where the Old-English still along- 
while retained n. Here belongs also the preposition a for on 
in compounds, where even the Anglosaxon offered a, o, along- 
side of OT?, an. Thus Old-English has me, instead of men 
(RoB. OF G-LOUCESTER), tho instead of than, and others. 

The lipsound b is sometimes thrown off in Old-English after 
m (although often added) in lam, dum and other words, in 
which b now regularly reappears 

Among toothsounds a final t is sometimes thrown off : Bene- 
dick alongside of Benedict, anvil (Anglosaxon anfilt), Old- 
English anvelt; in Romance words, in which t often rests upon 
a primitive d, this occurs, according to the Old-French precedent, 
in Old-English in secree (secreit, secroi), now again secret; 
in Modern-English decree (decret), degree (degret, degre, 
Modern-French degre); plea, along with the verb plead (Old- 
French plait, plaid), Old-English pleid, plead; with this is 
connected the omission of the d in the ancient see (Old-French 
sed, siez, se); petty, along with which petit was formerly 
found, is the -Old-French petit. Compare the Old-English a 
petit thing (PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 287.). 

D also is cast off; often after??: tine (Anglosaxon tind, Old- 
Highdutch zinka), woodbine (Anglosaxon vudubend, -bind = 
hedera uigra), similarly in scan (Latin scandere); on the other 
hand in summon not the Old-French form with a d inserted: 
semondre, but semoner, also occurring, may lie at the root. 
Before a vowel too a final d has been lost: Davy (David). 
The s, silent in the corresponding French words, is often lacking 
in the English ones: pea (pois, peis, compare the Anglosaxon 
pisa, Latin pisum), relay (relais, or is the French relayer, 
substantive relais, descended from the English?), hero (heros), 
hautboy (hautbois). Thus also an an a stands alongside of 
ananas. In the word riddle the Anglosaxon s (raedels, com- 
pare the Middle-Highdutch rsetsal, -el) is also lacking. 

Final gutturals often disappear; especially g after ?', with 



//. The Elements of the Word. Omission of Consonants. 171 

which the softened guttural may seem to have coalesced: any 
(sBnig, anig), many (maneg, manig), body (bodig), ivy (ifig), 
penny (pending, pening, penig), dizzy (dysig), mighty (mih- 
tig) &c.; so too in Chelsea (Ceolesig). Besides that, a final 
#, with a vowel preceding it, has yielded directly to y and 
w. See vowels. This is likewise the case with c: I (ic = ego), 
Old-English ich; every (= ever each, Angiosaxon sefre selc), 
Old-English everych; particularly in adjectives compounded of 
the Angiosaxon lie: daily (daglic), fleshly (flsesclic) &c., where 
Old-English always had the forms with a final ch: nianlich, 
baldelich, wyslych, lordlich &c. The word cony, which 
is to be referred to the Latin cuniculus (Old-French conil, conin), 
sounds in Old-English conynge, couig. Even the final Angiosaxon 
h (else replaced by gh or otherwise) is sometimes not preserved: 
fee (feoh), shy (sceoh), seal (seolh, but also with the h re- 
jected: seol, siol, syl), mare = equa (mearh = equus, merihe, 
but also mere, myre = equa. 

The abandonment of a primitive reduplication of consonants 
in the middle and the end of a word deserves particular men- 
tion, but especially that at the end, in w r hich we of course ab- 
stract from the reduplication, of a consonant originally single, 
which first arose in the English tongue. The English restricted 
the reduplication in the first instance, as was natural, to syl- 
lables with a short or a shortened vowel. 

1) With the Lengthening of the Vowel, therefore, a consonant 
originally double is, regularly, changed into a simple one, both 
in Angiosaxon and in Romance words; hence: dare (Angiosaxon 
dearr, dear), stars (steorra), brawl (Old-English brallen); date 
formerly datte), tailor (tailleur); in words like flame, grate 
and others the Old-French fluctuated between flame and flamme, 
grater and gratter &c. Fallen and others with //, warrior 
(guerrier) and the like, form exceptions. 

2) The reduplication is especially retained in the accented syllable 
which is not final. Reduplications after it are exceptionally 
permitted, like the reduplications of / in Romance words, which, 
like other reduplications which are not primitive, take place in 
an inflective termination, as counselled, travelling, quar- 
rellest (from conseller, conseiller and so forth); although this 
is censured by grammarians; whereas, by universal consent, 
the derivative syllables ess and niss always end with a doubled 
consonant: countess (Old-French contesse, cuntesse); sick- 
ness (Angiosaxon seocuess). But before the accented syllable 
the maintenance of the double sound is fluctuating, although 
mostly retained, as in essoin (Old-French essoine), allow 
(allouer), annex, accost, collect, commence &c.; on the 
other hand upon (Angiosaxon uppoii, uppau). 

3) In the simple rootsyllable the primitive double sound is hardly 
ever preserved, except where /, s, c (English as ck and tch~) and 
g (Angiosaxon eg, English dge) originally appeared doubled; 
hence: hill (Angiosaxon hill), still (Angiosaxon stille), gall 
(Anglosaxou gealla), cress (Angiosaxon cre'sse), mass (masse), 



172 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 7. 

truss (Old-French trosser, trusser), bless (Anglosaxon bless- 
jan), stick (Anglosaxon sticca), thick (piece), flock (flocc), 
bitch (bicce), thatch (peccan), bridge (brycg, bricg), fledge 
flycge). Other reduplications are here exceptionally preserved, 
as mm: rnumm (Highdutch mummen, vermummen); nn: inn 
(Anglosaxon inne, inn); rr: err (Old-French errer, oirrer), serr 
(serrer), purr also pur (Highdutch purren, purr machen); bb: 
ebb (Anglosaxon ebba); tt: butt (Anglosaxon bytt), smitt 
(Highdutch schmitz, schmitze); dd: add (Latin addere). 

On the other hand one of the consonants is commonly lost 
here: grim (Anglosaxon grimm), ram (ramm), hen (henn), 
sin (synn), lip (lippa), trap (treppe), cup (cupp), crib (cribb), 
web (vebb), net (nett, also nete), bid (biddan), shed (seed- 
dan), wed (veddjan). Even the // commonly preserved in short 
and long syllables does not always appear in the accented syl- 
lable: wool (Auglosaxon vull), patrol (French patrouiller). 
When the the full (Anglosaxon full) with a double /, appears 
without the accent, before or after the accented syllable, it 
assumes the single /; the former in the Auglosaxon fashion; the 
later contrary to the Anglosaxon usage: fulfil (fulfillan); 
baleful (Anglosaxon bealufull). 

If the word is compound, the double consonant is frequently 
not given to the accented verbal root in //, as in fulfil, com- 
pel, whereas the double consonant is uniformly afforded to 
others, such as those in ss: caress (caresser), en doss (endosser). 
But grammarians disagree upon the former case. In inflective 
forms, which are added syllabically, the double consonant is given 
to the root syllable. 

3) The omission of vowels and consonants. 

a) At the commencement of the word the omission of a consonant 
with a vowel after it, or of a vowel with a consonant after it, 
is not uncommon, whereas the ommission of a syllable begin- 
ning or ending in a consonant is rare. The loss at the com- 
mencement is frequently naught else than the casting off of a 
particle which, although originally necessary to the determination 
of the notion, was afterwards, through the absence of accent, 
no longer conceived in its specific import. 

Consonant and vowel are cast off in: story alongside of 
history (compare here however the Old-French histoire, estoire 
and Anglosaxon ster, Old-Highdutch storja, that is historia), 
spaniel (from Hispaniolus, compare French epagneul), spital, 
spittle (Old-French hospital, ospital), spite (Old-French 
despit, compare Hollandish spyt), spence = pantry (Old-French 
despense), sdain, sdeign in Spenser (Old-French desdeigner), 
sport (desport), to which also the forms fend, fender, fence 
are to be reckoned (Old-French defendre, desfendre; defenderes; 
defens); in reeve, Old-English reve, to which sheriff, Old- 
English shereve, belongs, the Anglosaxon prefix ge, which seems 
to have always been peculiar to the substantive, has been cast 
off (Anglosaxon gerefa, sciregerefa, scirgerefa). In dropsy, 



//. The Elements of the Word. Omission of Vowels and Consonants. 173 

dropsical even the essential element of the word has been 
lost (from the Greek Stiototy and <<Jowi'). In proper names ab- 
breviations like Beck, Becky (Rebecca) &c. are less striking. 
Still more frequent is the case that the syllable beginning 
With a vowel, even here mostly a primitive prefix, is cast off: 
rack alongside of arrack, prentice alongside of appren- 
tice, Old -English prentis; sample (Old -French essample, 
example), soar (French essorer, Old-ProvenQal eisaurar), swage 
suage alongside of assuage (Old -French assoager, asuager, 
from the Latin suavis). In Old-French the reduplication of the 
consonant arising from assimilation was often omitted, as in the 
last instance ; so that in some cases in English only the casting 
off of a vowel (see above) could be assumed. The syllable en 
, .;._. is found thrown off in cense, censer, alongside of incense 
(Old-French encens, encenser, eucensier = encensoir), Old-En- 
glish censing, censer; gin alongside of engine (Old-French 
engin, yet even the adjective gignos), Old-English gyn, gin; 
cyclopedia and cyclopaedia alongside of encyclopaedia; 
in common life we say peach instead of impeach (Old-French 
empescher = deferer en justice). Still more striking is cern 
in Shakspeare for concern. Mutilations, such as Mun instead 
of Edmund, often occur in proper names, even with the rejec- 
tion of several syllables, compare Betty, Betsy = Elizabeth, 
where we must observe the class of names beginning with T, 
in which the initial consonant is the remnant of a atte (at the) 
prefixed, as in Try (atte rye = shore), Tooke (atte hooke), 
Twell (atte well), Thill (atte hill); as in some beginning with 
n the consonant is a remnant of atten (at then, Anglosaxon at 
pam, the Dative of se, pe, or with n to avoid the hiatus): 
Noakes (atten oak), which is commonly named along with 
Style (compare Simone atte Style [PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 89.]). 
Drake has also been shortened by an essential element (com- 
pare Old -English andriki, Old-Highdutch autrecho, Swedish 
andrake), wig is shortened from peruke, periwig; zounds 
arose from God's wounds! 

fe) In the middle of the word, with the expulsion of an unaccented 
vowel the consonant preceding it is also frequently cast out, 
because the organic combination of the now clashing consonants 
is not possible, or is inconvenient, in which the case may arrive 
that two like consonants meet and stand before or after a third: 
England (Anglosaxon Eng/aland), Old-English Englelonde; 
else (el/es), Berkshire (Anglosaxon Bearrwcscir, yet Bearucscir 
is also cited); nurture (Old-French nom'ture, yet also, with 
neglected assimilation of the ?, from nutrire, noriture), noisome 
(instead of noisesome); or two and mostly three other consonants 
would clash: either (Anglosaxon seg/wafter, yet also segfrer), 
hast (Anglosaxou ha/ast), lakin, laken instead of lacfo'kin, 
made (Anglosaxon macdde), Old-English also mase, tase (=ma- 
&es, ta&es); mart (= market, Old-norse markadr), lark (laverce), 
Old -English and Scottish laverock; last (adverb lafost, from 
late = tarde, sero, the adjective latemest), Ralph (Old-High- 



174 Doctrine of the Word Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1. 

dutch Ratalf),. lord (hla/ord), Old -English loverd alongside of 
lavedi (DAME SIRIZ), lobster (loppestre, yet also lopustre, lopy- 
stre), whirlwind (Old-norse hvir//lvindr), sennight (seo/on- 
niht, in Thorpe seofeniht), Cambridge, Old-English Cante- 
brigge; since, Old-English sytAenes, sitAence (from Auglosaxoa 
sifrpan); or and nor are contractions from adbr, nacfor, them- 
selves standing for the fuller forms ahvacfer, nahvaOer. In Ro- 
mance and other words this omission is no less usual: palsy 
(Greek-Latin paralysis), fancy stands for the older fantasy; 
sexton for sacristan, sacrist (from the Medieval-Latin sa- 
crista[nus], Middle-Highdutch sigriste); garment (Old-French 
gammient, garnement), cantonment (French cantonrcement) 
and others, although with many words of this sort the derivative 
forms are to be regarded as already grown out of an English 
shortened root. 

Where g is softened or, if you will, cast off after a vowel, 
the following vowel also disappears: nine (ni#on), tile (ti</wl), 
as, before a preserved obscure vowel, it secedes with the pre- 
ceding one: rule (refill, regol, Old-French reule). 

No less frequent is the case that, with a vowel, the follow- 
ing consonant disappears: Ax minster (Axarcminster), Oxford 
(Oxenforde), Newark, Old-English Neweioork (RoB. OF GLOU- 
CESTER), Repton (Anglosaxon Hreoparcdun), Bedford (Bedarc- 
ford), Windsor (Windtesore, Old-English metathetically Wind- 
e/sore [Roe. OF GLOUCESTER]), Tamworth (Tainanveorcftge), 
Dartmouth (Darmtarnufr), fourtnight instead of fouxteen- 
night, cuckold, Old-English cokewold, monday (monan dag), 
Sunday (sunnanday) &c., Old-English still monenday, sonnen- 
day &c. (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER); almry alongside of almcmry 
(from the Old-French almosne, Anglosaxon almasse), parrot 
(French perro^wet, Italian parrocchetto ?), damson instead of 
damascene, sarplier ( serp'/liere ) , ginger (Old-English 
ging6er, gingefere, French gingembre, Latin zingiber), Old- 
English comsen (Old-French comewcer) and others. 

The expulsion of vowels before and after a consonant, as 
well as that of consonants at once before and after a vowel, 
whereby the rejection affects either two syllables partly or one 
entire close syllable beginning with a consonant is rare. The 
former is found in proctor = procurator, proxy = pro- 
cwracy; the second in Rochester (Hro/esceastre), Boston 
in Lincolnshire, Old-English BoJoZ/ston (DAME SIRIZ p. 4); 
Lincoln was in Latin Lindum colonia; in Anglosaxon Lindesige 
= Lindsey in Lincolnshire is found. Funnel, is by Johnson 
derived from Latin infuncfa'6wlum, but the Cymric ffynel, a chim- 
ney is herhaps to be referred to it, as Dieffenbach asserts. 
c) The casting off of a vowel and consonant is particularly of 
importance at the end of words, and concerns chiefly the deri- 
vative and inflective terminations. Apart from the mutilations 
of words at the end, here after to be mentioned, we will only 
generally notice the loss of the nominal and verbal terminations 
in aw, en, en, un, ow, um and acf, of which we shall speak in 



//. The Elements of the Word. Omission of Vowels and Consonants. \ 75 

the Doctrine of Forms, and which have been followed by the 
corresponding Romance and Latin terminations ir, er, ar, oir, 
re, as well as Ire, ere, ere, are, us, um and so on. Yet we will 
particularly mention some nominal forms and particles, as well 
as the infinitives of verbs. 

Many nouns, namely, lose in their English form the deriva- 
tional termination; thus the termination en is lost, especially 
in Anglosaxon words: mill (Anglosaxon nrylen), Old-English 
mylene, miln, whence milner= miller; lent (Anglosaxon lengteu, 
lencten), Old-English lenten, lent, whence the form, lenten is 
now treated as an adjective; handsel (Anglosaxon handselen 
= traditio), kindred (compounded with rgeden, not the ad- 
jective rsed); thus en has also been cast off in morrow (An- 
glosaxon morgen) and the like. Moreover, other full endings 
of nouns than those with n in Anglosaxon words, are not readily 
lost, besides that in (i)ge: toad (tadje, tadige), harbour (here- 
berge), Old-English herberwe, Tamworth (TamanveorfJige) ; 
as well as sometimes in va: gear (Anglosaxon gearva), com- 
pare Anglosaxon gearvjan and girjan), pea (pava), formerly 
however po and others under the influence of v. In words like 
hag (Anglosaxon hagtys, h'ages) a shorter form lies at the root, 
as here, the Old-norse hagr = sapiens. 

Romance nouns which had mostly cast off their primitive 
terminations even in French, as well as Latin ones, suffer less 
mutilation in their derivational than in the inflectional termi- 
nations (the nominative being computed as such ; compare forms 
like pulpit, margin, maul, mall (Old-French maules, Latin" 
malleus) &c. The habit of rejecting the inflection an, en) &c., 
which in Anglosaxon nouns has also sometimes seized the deriva- 
tional syllable (see above), seems also to occasion the loss of 
.the n - termination in other nouns; compare rosemary, Old- 
English rosemaryne, filigree alongside of filigrane. Ab- 
breviations like ink rest upon the Old-French precedent (enche, 
enque, Modern-French encre). The rejection of the terminations 
te and se after t and s rests properly on the simplifying of con- 
sonants, as in bandlet (bandelette), omelet (omelette), riches 
(richesse), Old-English richesse, with which is also joined alms 
(Anglosaxon almasse). 

In Particles an has often been cast off: but (Anglosaxon 
butan) alongside of out, Anglosaxon ut; within, without 
(viffinnan, vifrutan), Old-English frequently withouten, withowten; 
about, Old-English abouten ; beneath (beneofran, beniftan, 
Lowdutch [bejneden) and others; so too um in between (bet- 
veonum), limb meal (limmselum) and others. 

As regards the infinitive termination, it is particularly to 
be noticed, because the infinitive in the English verb is at pre- 
sent to be regarded as the root form (of the weak verb) and 
hence any elements of primitive inflection preserved in it pass 
into the other verbal forms (compare render rendered, 
rendering). All English verbs, with the exception of the 
preserved Anglosaxon verbs, conform to the weak form of con- 



176 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Parti. Sect. 1. 

jugation, and formerly assumed besides other inflectional forms, 
also assumed that of the infinitive in en, which has at present 
been cast off, and is exceptionally preserved, partly out of mere 
orthoepic principles, as a last remnant, in the mute e. Deri- 
vational terminations before the infinitive termination are of 
course preserved, and the infinitive termination still occurring 
at present n, en, on is such a derivational termination, belong- 
ing also to imitated verbs: rain (rig-n-an), even (ef-en-jan, 
emnjan), reckon (rec-n-an, recnjan). The terminations an, jam, 
have disappeared: wind (viudan), melt (rneltan), shrink 
(scrincan), whisper (hvisprjan) &c. The preserved e is found 
after a long or lengthened vowel: tease (tsesan), freeze (freo- 
san), shake (scacan), writhe (vriflan); also in forms with a 
rejected g, as lie (licjan), die or dye (deagjan); and even 
after a preserved short vowel: give (gifan) and after a syllable 
long by position: wrinkle (vrincljan), waddle (vadljan), 
cleanse (clsensjan). 

In Old-English the terminations en (n) follow each other as 
of course, and often run alongside of another: finden, wen- 
den, tellen, riden, plaien, helpen, as sayn, han, don, 
gon, and finde, wende, telle, ride &c., playe &c., with 
which is connected the complete extinction of en in many verbs. 

Romance and Latin infinitives replace in Old-English their 
primitive terminations by the same terminations belonging ori- 
ginally to Anglosaxon, hence forms like quiten, plesen (Old- 
French plaisir), escapen, reneyen (renier, renoier, reneier), 
feynen (feindre, faindre, in these and similar verbs with 
rejection of the inserted d) suffren, enforcen &c., which 
likewise underwent the abbreviations quite, plese, escape, 
reneye &c., and still in part preserve the e in Modern -English. 
Where here an r appears at the end of a word, it mostly be- 
longs to the root, not to the primitive termination, as in suffer, 
proffer, compare the Old -English suffren, profren; cover, 
flower, sever (with an e inserted before the r of the root), 
compare Old-French covrir, florir, flurir, sevrer, but also severer; 
appear (Old-French aparoir, aparer) and others. 

On the other hand some forms remain* in which -the r be- 
longed indeed to the infinitive termination, as render (Old- 
French rendre, perhaps to distinguish it from rend, Anglosaxon 
hrendau, to tear), barter, whence the substantive barterer 
alongside of barrator (Old-French barater, bareter), with which 
in the TOWNELEY MYSTER. p. 165. the old Substantive barett 
= vexation (Old-French barat, barete) is found, so that we may 
comprehend the verb as a denominative from the Old-French: 
barateres; batter reminds us strongly of the Old-French batre, 
battre, Latin batuere, although we might impute to the er an 
intensive or frequentative signification, as embroider does of the 
French broder (Swedish brodera, Danish brodere), although 
here at the same time we may think of the substantive 'border; 
flatter answers to the Old-French flater, although it might be 
taken to be a denominative from the substantive* f late res. 






11. The Elements of the Word. Amplification of the Word. 177 

cashier as a verb in the meaning of dismiss is also striking, 
(casser, quasser) and domineer (dominer). That the infinitive 
termination did not remain wholly disregarded other substan- 
tives seem also to indicate, as supper (souper) and the still 
more striking remainder (remain dre), corresponding in form 
with surrender, used both as a verb and as a substantive, and 
with which we cannot think of a transfer of the Anglosaxon 
derivation er, or, ur. 

Mutilations of words in their final syllables, not cast off by 
a complete or at least a more general analogy, occur in the 
more glib every -day speech, and have partly penetrated into 
writing, particularly where they imitate the language of com- 
mon life. Proper names here again take the first place; thus 
Privet, the name of a place, is shortened from the Anglosaxon 
Pryfetes flod, Primtesflod; hence the monosyllabic Nat (Natha- 
niel), Wat (Walter), Bill (William), Meg (Margaret), Tib 
(Tibald), Tid (Theodor), Tim (Timothy), Tom (Thomas), Dan 
(Daniel), Deb (Deborah), Sam (Samuel), Sib (Sebastian), Su 
(Susan), Ciss (Cecily), Zach (Zachary), Gib (Gilbert), Chris, 
Kit (Christian) and others, which are again lenghtened by y, 
like Timmy, Tibby, Tommy, Debby, Suky (Susan), 
Conny (Constance), which receives the character of a diminu- 
tive termination; cherry, for the Anglosaxon cirse, Old-High- 
dutch kirsa, may be thus explained, unless we go back to the 
French cerise. Similar are abbreviations like the pro and con 
(= contra), incog (= incognito), hyp and to hyp = hypochon- 
dria, and to depress with melancholy; Cantab is an abbreviation 
from Cantabrigian; cit is used contemptuously for citizen and 
forms thence the feminine form citess; sentinel is shortened 
into sentry. Cond is quoted as a nautical expression for to 
conduct, it is by HALLIWELL erroneously ascribed to CHAUCER. 
Consols; has been formed on the Exchange from consolidated 
annuities. Chum, Chamber companion and table- and -bed- 
fellow still in many dialects, is made to spring from comrade; 
as well at least might it arise from the Anglosaxon cuma=hospes, 
we must then rather think of chamber-fellow. Much of this kind 
remains of course of doubtful origin. 

B) Amplification of the Word. 

The adding on of vowels and consonants, insignificant for the 
notion of the word, is in part more extensive in Old- than in Mo- 
dern-English, in part more widely spread in Modern than in Old- 
English. The amplification of the word in Modern-English mostly 
concerns the insertion of vowels, and is founded in great part upon 
other rejections. 

1) Adding on of Vowels. 

a) At the beginning of the word an insignificant vowel is hardly 
ever prefixed in English. Prefixed vowels are only significant 
prefixes, although their signification may in course of time have 
been partly weakened. Here belongs also the , occurring still 

Matzner, engl. Gr. I. 12 



178 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. 1. 

more frequently in Old-English, which is to be regarded as a 
preposition. The use of e before sp, st, sc and so forth, in some 
words, also appearing without this e, as in espouse, estate, 
escape, belongs to Old-French. 

b) In the middle of the word a vowel is often inserted in an 
unaccented syllable. This happens especially between consonants, 
the last of which is a liquid or nasal letter, and which in An- 
glosaxon or Old-French stand beside each other without a vowel 
communication. Before r an e here appears: whisper (Anglo- 
saxon hvisprjan), murder (Anglosaxon myrflrjan), temper 
(Anglosaxon temprjan), bolster (Old-norse bolstr, Old-High- 
dutch polster), holster (Old-norse hulstr = theca); since cer- 
tainly even Anglosaxon in general in denominatives of this sort 
offered this suffix er, (Old-Highdutch ar} and not a single r; 
compare hinderjan, slumerjan &c. The same happens in 
Romance words, from the same phonetic reason, with which 
however we must not reckon those instances in which a suc- 
ceeding, now mute e is set by methathesis before the last con- 
sonant; for instance, proper, French propre. Here belong 
however: enter (entrer), cover (covrir), recover (recovrer 
= recuperare), Old-English keveren; sever (commonly sevrer, 
but also severer, as in the adjective several, still sounding thus 
in English), deliver, deliverance (delivrer, delivrance), live- 
ry (livree, Medieval-Latin livreia, sec. XIV also liberata, clo- 
thes delivered &c., according to ZEUSS Gr. celt. I, 1 28 of Celtic 
origin; Armorican luifre, a party coloured coat, from lui, colour) 
and others. 

After a letter, not however a liquid, which in Anglosaxon 
might be immediately followed by m or w, e or o has been 
inserted. In words of this sort the Anglosaxon had also regu- 
larly the vowels e, o or u- f before m, o commonly stands (Old- 
Highdutch am, um): besom (besma), bottom (botm), blossom 
(substantive blostma, blosma, verb blostmjan, blosmjan); com- 
pare Anglosaxon bo sum and bo sin. Old-English here offered 
also botme, blosme, fadme (fathom) &c. 

Before n, e and o, as in Anglosaxon e or o before n (Old-High- 
dutch an) are here also met with: hearken (hercnjan, hyrcn- 
jan), glisten (glisnj an), reckon (recnj an, recnan), Old-English 
rekenen; beckon and beacon, with different meaning, both 
Anglosaxon beacnjan, becnjan, (belonging to the substantive bea- 
cen, beacn), Old-English becken. The more ancient language 
(in SPENSER) had steven, the voice (stefn, stemn) and even 
stevyn, as the dialects still have stove n, stovven = stump, 
stub (stofn), in Leicestershire stovin. 

A u is inserted before m in the Romance word alarum, 
alsolarum, alongside of alarm (alarme, Walloon larme), com- 
pare; Did he beat a larum? (HALLIWELL s. v. larum). 

Before vowels we find i, y inserted in the substantive suffix 
*-er, the i or y of which comes after aw, 010, t, th, z, perhaps 
also after //, and although chiefly subservient to a phonetic 



11. The Elements of the Word. Adding on of Vowels. 179 

lightening, may rest upon the French ier, which indeed frequently 
appears in English as er with a suppressed i; compare lawyer, 
sawyer (otherwise sawer), bowyer; courtier (court), clothier 
(cloth), hosier (hose), brazier (brass), glazier (glass), col- 
lier (coal). 

The apparently inserted i before a and o in parliament 
(parlement), amerciament alongside of amercement; sa- 
vior, saviour is to be ascribed to Old-French forms like par- 
lieres, parlior; mercier, merciable; saveor, saveeur. 

The striking i in the compounds handiwork, handicraft, 
also spelt with a y: handystroke, handyblow, comes as 
little from the adjective handy (Anglosaxon gehende = promptus, 
Old-English hende, hendy) as the i is a euphonic connecting 
vowel. Instead of the Anglosaxon forms handveorc, handcraft, 
hand^eveorc, like hand^evrit, and the like, have become the 
standard therefor (compare the Anglosaxon gecraft along with 
craft = facultas, ars), which has been mistaken in modern times, 
when words of this sort are regarded as compounds of handy. 

Insertions of e, as in rosemary (rosmarinus) rest on aeon- 
fusion of roots. 

The o before a mute w in Modern-English also deserves men- 
tion, and which may be regarded as inserted. The combination 
of ow has been cited above among the English vowels; w was 
properly in words of Anglosaxon origin in Old-English a con- 
sonant, taking the place of the Anglosaxon v (w), g and h y 
themselves frequently interchanging among each other. In An- 
glosaxon they were either preceded by a vowel, to be justified 
etymologically (compare vealovjan, valvjan, Gothic valugjan, 
Old-Highdutch walagon, English wallow), and this was partly 
wanting. Old-English primarily, where it dit not substitute gh 
for the consonants (g, h) (as in borgh = borga, fidejussor), 
made w with an e after it enter as the substitute of that con- 
sonant. Hence the forms falwe (adjective fealu, fealo = fealav, 
verb fealvjan), narwe (nearu, nearo = nearv), sparwe (spearva, 
speara), pilwebere (Anglosaxon pyle, compare the Latin pul- 
vinus, Hollandish peuluw and Lowdutch kussen-biire), morwe, 
morwening (morgen, morn, Old-Highdutch morgan), sorwe 
(sorg, sorh), herberwe (hereberge), arwe (earh and areve). 
They were soon represented also by the rejection of the e 
and insertion of the o, which was occasioned by the w: fallow, 
narrow, sparrow, pillow, morrow, sorrow, arrow; so 
that now a light Anglosaxon vowel preceding the original con- 
sonant even seems replaced by o: willow (vilig, velig), sallow 
(salig, sealh, seal, Old-Highdutch salaha) &c. 

c) In general the final sound of words in respect of their vocali- 
zation is found encumbered; the e alone is frequently found as 
an inorganic addition. It has been already said (see p. 155), 
how the e, at present mute, especially after a consonant with a 
preceding single vowel, continues as a sign of the lengthening 
of the syllable, but also partly where no lengthening takes 
place. We deem this inorganic e occasioned by the habit of 

12* 



H80 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Parti. Sect. L 

making an organic vowel, for which e is substituted, sound after 
long as well as short syllables. There is no doubt that the 
now mute e was still audible in the fourteenth century, and 
perhaps no more suppressed in pronunciation, than the final e 
now is in many words in Modern -Highdutch. It often has 
the full measure in verse in Chaucer. Compare CHAUCER ed. 
TH. WRIGHT: Whan that April/e with his schowres swoote 
(PROL. 1); A cook thei hadc?e with them for the nones (IB. 381); 
Ther was non such from HuHe to Cartage (IB. 406); They 
seyc?e that it were a charite (TiiE KNIGHTES TALE 1435); The 
gayler sleep, he mighe nought awake, (IB. 1476) and so forth, 
and in the frequent endings of a verse with e we may perhaps 
see jingling or trochaic rhymes, as in: 

For certeynly I drede such sentence 

Though thay not pleynly speke in nry audience. 

(THE CLERKES TALE 8512.) 

I have not had no part of children twayne, 

But first syknes, and after wo and pay we. (IB. 8526) 

For that jingling rhymes are not foreign to Chaucer is shown 
by passages like: 

His palfray was as broun as eny berz/e 

A Frere ther was, a wantoun and a mer?/e. (PROL. 207). 

Nought oonly he, but al his contre, mer?/e 

Was for this child, and God thay thank and her/e. 

(TiiE CLERKES TALE 8491.) 

As we must also necessarily recognize these rhyme endings in 
verses like the following: 

What thing is it that wommen most desirerc: 
Be war and keep thy nek-bon fro the iren. 

(THE WYF OF BATHES TALE 6487.) 

Some say den owre herte is most i- eased 

Whan we ben y-flaterid and y-preisecf. (IB. 6511.) 

An inorganic e is frequently found in Old-English, where they 
have been long abandoned, as in the verbal forms in eth: ma- 
kethe, rennethe, sterethe, turnethe, holdethe, gothe, 
dothe &c., and in the suffix ing : gevinge, foi'3etinge, com- 
ynge &c.; the suffix ness : rechelessnesse, perfitnesse &c.; 
after long and short syllables of all parts of speech in words 
originally Anglosaxon and Romance, as merke = darkness (An- 
glosaxon myrc), nede (nead), yere (gear), derke (dearc), 
glasse (glas), flesshe (flsesc), bridde (bridd), sike (sioc), 
sixe (six, seox), everyche (from selc), selde (seld), offe 
(of) &c.; awtere (Old-French alter, alteir), raunsone (raan- 
cou), resowne (reson), metalle (metal), generale (general), 
secunde (secunt, secont) &c.; whereas some, now abandoned, 
rest upon Old-French forms, like defaute, now default. 



//. The Elements of the Word. Adding on of Consonants. 

Numerous mute e of this sort still appear in the sixteenth 
century. They are essentially reduced since the middle of the 
sixteenth century, but many are still at present preserved, al- 
though the mute e has now become essentially an orthoepic, 
conventional mark, whose employment has in general no defi- 
nite purpose. But the preservation of the inorganic e after an 
originally short, now also short syllable, is striking, as in the 
preterite of strong verbs, as bade (Anglosaxon bad), sate along- 
side of sat (sat), ate alongside of eat (at); and after syllables 
now shortened, as one (an), none; after diphthongs, as in 
mouse (inus), louse (His), house (hus); and long vowels, 
which may pass as such by themselves, as in goose, geese 
(gos, ges) and the like; or after double consonants, for instance 
worse (virs, vyrs), compare corpse and corse (Old-French 
cors, corps). 

2) Adding on of Consonants. 

a) To the initial sound of the word, and that mostly the vowel,, 
an insignificant consonant is often prefixed. The first place is 
here taken by the Nasal ??, which in substantives is always 
falsely derived from the originally preceding article an: newt 
is developed out of eft (Anglosaxon efete), which in Old-English 
sounds evet and alongside therewith ewt (MAUNDEV.), in North- 
English dialects still effet; nail, nawl stand beside awl (An- 
glosaxon avul, sel, al), nias is the same word as eyas; in Old- 
English and dialectically neme is like erne (Anglosaxou earn, 
uncle); in Old-English also nedder, neddre stands alongside 
of edder; that is adder. The prefixing of an n in proper names 
beginning with a vowel is very familiar to the Englishman: Nib 
(Isabella, shortened Isbe, Ib), Ned (Edward), Naquilina, 
Acky, Nacky, queen Nacky! (OTWAY); Nanny, Nancy 
(Anna), Nab (Abigail), Nobs (Obadiah), Nurnp (Humphrey, 
Old-English Humfred). Moreover that n also has proceeded 
from the definite article is without doubt; thus the name Noke, 
Nokes (from atten oak see p. 173) in SKELTOM I. 344 even 
Jacke at Noke; hence the form nale for ale (SKELTON I. 45. 
at nale), compare atte nale (PIERS PLOUGHMAN p. 124), where 
we must still write atten ale, as in MORTE ARTHURS MS. Lin- 
coln f. 88. instead of: the yolke of a naye (that is egg) is to 
be written: of an aye. See HALLIWELL s. v. naye. 

Among the lipletters, an insignificant and now silent w often 
precedes h: whole (Anglosaxon hal), Old-English hole, whore 
(Anglosaxon hore, Gothic horjo), Old-English hore, hoore; 
whoop (Old-Highdutch wituhopha, French huppe) and whoop 
alongside of hoop as a substantive and verb = shout (compare 
French houper, expressions of the chase). The older language 
had more cases of this sort, as wham, whome (home), whas- 
schen (wash), whot (hot) &c., which are still partially pre- 
served by the dialects; thus we even find whone alongside of 
wone, instead of one (an). 

For rap (to steal, compare Swedish rappa, Old-uorse hrapa 



182 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1. 

= ruere) is sometimes found written wrap, perhaps only through 
a confusion of the verbs of the same sound. Compare moreover 
the Anglosaxon vrynge and ringe, a spider; vreotan and 
reotan, plorare. 

Among the toothsounds s is found prefixed to Anglosaxon 
roots beginning with a consonant, which is familiar to Germanic 
roots generally, and therefore to the Anglosaxon. In Anglo- 
saxon we find for instance rneltan and smelt an = liquefacere, 
as in English melt and smelt, creak, screak and shriek 
(Old-norse shrsekia, quiritare) &c. alongside of each other. Thus 
English has now sneeze instead of the older neese (Anglosaxon 
niesan according to Somner; compare Old-English nausna, ol- 
facere), alongside of crawl (Lowdutch krabbeln, krawweln) also 
scrawl in the same sense; instead of the Old-English crac- 
chen the Modern-English has scratch; alongside of quash 
stand squash and squeeze (Anglosaxon only cvisan or cvis- 
san, compare the Lowdutch quese = a bruise, Swedish qu'asa, 
to bruise. 

s in she is also to be regarded as a strengthening of the ini- 
tial sound instead of the Anglosaxon heo, although even the Old- 
saxon offers siu. In the Anglosaxon a guttural h entered in he, 
heo, hit before the vowel of the pronoun (Gothic "is, si, i'ta); the 
Old-English offers for the nominative of the feminine heo, ho 
and hoe (DAME SIRIZ), therewith also sometimes scho, sche 
(RoB. OF BRUNNE and RITSON'S ROMANCES), like the Scotch 
(DAV. LINDSAY), so that in she the combination of the Gothic 
.5 with the Anglosaxon A, ch, lies, as it were, before us. 

Among the gutturals we find h and y prefixed to initial 
vowels. In Anglosaxon words, however, h is hardly to be met 
with, as in gold -hammer, yellow-hammer (Anglosaxon 
amora). In Old-English this was more frequent, for instance 
in bus (us) (TOWNELEY MYSTER.), habide (abide) (LYDGATE), 
habot (abbot) (ID.) heddir, heddre (adder) (RELIQ. ANTIQ. 
II. 273) and others. In Romance words this was very common 
in Old-English, according to the Old-French example. In Mo- 
dern-English heben (ebony) still stands in SPENSER, hebenon 
in SHAKSPEARE; hermit has remained along with eremite as 
in French; but habundant, haboundance, Helise (Ely- 
sium), Hester (Esther) &c. have 1 long been abandoned. 

Here also belongs the adding of h to w at the. beginning 
of whelm (Anglosaxon velman = aestuare, forvelman = obruere), 
and perhaps also in whurt, whortleberry (Anglosaxon vyrt 
= herba, but compare the Anglosaxon heorotberige). Even in 
Anglosaxon hvistlan, hvet, hval stand alongside of vist Ian, 
vet, val. Eh stands instead of r in Rhine (Rin, but the 
Latin Rhenus), hryme alongside of rime (Anglosaxon rim, 
nm a). 

An initial y is sometimes developed in words which in An- 
glosaxon began with ed, eo, ea, eo-, yean, yeanling (eanjan, 
eacnjan = parturire) along with ean, eanling; yew (eov) = 
taxus, Old-English also ew; York (Eoforvic), Old-English 



IL The Elements of the Word. Insertion of Consonants. 183 

Euerwik (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER); you, your (eov, eover, Go- 
thic iz vis, izvara, compare ye, Anglosaxon ge, Gothic jus), Half- 
saxon guw, gure, in Old-English also yeme (earn, uncle), yede, 
yode = went, Latin ivi (eode). Also before other vowels y ap- 
pears at the beginning; yarly instead of early (aerlic) stands 
in Palsgrave Acolastus 1540; yeld instead of elde in Skelton; 
down to the seventeenth century yere instead of heir (HALLi- 
WELL s. v.). In Old-English stand the symbols y and 5 in 
Yende (India), 3er (ere, Anglosaxon ser), 36 se (ease), 3ynd- 
ynge (ending), HALLIWELL HIST. OF FREEMAS) and others. 
Dialects often prefix the vowel y. yaits (oats), Cumberland; 
yan (one), yak (oak) North, and others. 

b) The insertion of consonants is not rare. 

Of the nasal and liquid letters n, I and r are here to be 
considered. N is found before an initial guttural and dental g 
of the following syllable: nightingale (Anglosaxon nihtegale), 
Leffriugtou (from the propername Leofric); messenger (Old- 
French messagier), Old -English still messager; passenger 
(passagier), porringer = porridge-post (from the Latin porrum, 
Anglosaxon porr, Old-English porret, in which the form porrage 
alongside of porridge istobe placed at the foundation); murenger, 
wall-overseer (belongs to murage), Arminger, proper name 
(from the Latin armiger), popinjay, formerly pop in gay 
(SKELTON I. 409.) Old-French papegai. N stands before a dental 
c and s in the compound enhance, formerly also haunce 
(Old-French enhalcer, enhaucer), as in Old-English in en- 
sample (Old-French essample); or before a dental ch: enchea- 
son in Spenser (Old-French acheson, ochoison), chinche 
(chiche). Also before d it is inserted inflindermouse, along- 
side of flittermouse and flickermouse (Old-norse flaedar- 
nms, flagurmus), as in Anglosaxon in Sarmende (Latin Sar- 
matae). The Old -English giterne, Modern - English gittern, 
(guitar) rests upon the Old-French guiterre, guiterne. N, in 
Ordinal numbers, as seventh (seofofra), ninth (nigofra), tenth 
(teoda) and so forth, cannot be regarded as an insertion, al- 
though in ROB. OF GLOUCESTER we still read seuethe, nithe, 
tethe &c., since in the later formation the cardinal numbers 
were reverted to. The insertion of an n between vowels, as in 
mendinaunt (compare the Modern-English mendicant), belongs 
to Old-English. 

The / appears as an insertion after Lip-, Tooth- and Throat- 
sounds before a mute e, wherein we rather see an unconscious 
transition into a syllable of formation, than a phonetic necessity. 
This addition is old: manciple (Old-French mancipe, Latin 
mancipium) even in Chaucer; participle, principle, syl- 
lable, myrtle (French myrte), periwinkle (French per- 
venche, Latin perviuca), Old-English pervinke. The unwarranted 
insertion of I in could (Anglosaxon cufle) belongs to the later 
period of the language, which assimilated could to the forms 



184 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. L 

would, should; the moderns have in vain commenced to 
uproot the /. 

An inserted r leans upon initial consonants as a joint initial 
sound; thus, in the combination^, dr: cartridge (French car- 
touche), compare partridge (French perdrix, Latin perdix); 
chawdron, chaudron formerly also chaldron, chaundron, 
chawtherne = entrails (Lowdutch kaldunen, Llibeck Chronicle: 
koldune, Highdutch Kaldaunen); Old-Engl. often: arsmetrike 
(arithmetic) &c.; also gr: groom (Anglosaxon guma), bride- 
groom (brydguma), vagrant (Old -French vagans, vagant); 
of >r, br there are hardly any instances in Modern-English: 
culprit, unclear in its termination, seems to come from the 
Latin culpa; Old-English is astrelabre (astrolabe). At the end 
of a syllable r is seen before other consonants; before s: 
hoarse (Anglosaxon has, Old-High dutch heis, heisc), Old-English 
and Old-Scotch hais; harslet alongside of haslet = a pig's 
chitterlings (Old-French hastellet = echinee de pore frais). In 
trousers or trowsers (Old-French trosse, from torser, trosser) 
the r has perhaps arisen through an unconscious change of the 
ending of a substantive in er. r has been inserted before ih 
in swarth alongside of swath (Anglosaxon svaffu); before p 
in corporal alongside of cap oral (French caporal, from cap 
= chef); in marchpane (French massepain), on the other hand, 
a primitive r has been preserved, (compare the Italian marza- 
pane = Marci panis?) 

Of the lipsounds p and b are frequently inserted; p com- 
monly between m after a short vowel and a following ft, t or $; 
before n in the Old-English benempnen, in Spenser : b e n e m p t 
(Anglosaxon benemman), sole mpne (solemn), compnen (sum- 
mon), sompnour (somner, Old-French semoneur), sompno- 
lenze (somnolence); and after the Old-French pattern : dampne, 
damp[nation; before t often even in Modern-English: empty 
(Anglosaxon ernetig, emtig), Old-English still amty (RoB. OF 
GLOUCESTER), Northampton (Nor^hamtun), Bampton (Be- 
amdun), tempt (Old-French tenter, but also tempteir, Latin 
tentare), sumpter (Old-French somier, sumer); as well as be- 
fore s: glimpse (from the Anglosaxon gleam), Old -English 
glinising (CHAUCER); compare dimpse (from dim) = twilight 
in Somerset; sempster alongside of semster, seamster 
Anglosaxon, seamestre), Dempster, a propername, of the same 
meaning as deemster = a judge; Sampson (French Samson); 
also stands alongside of tempse, temse, a sieve (Old-French 
tamis, Lowdutch tarns, Anglosaxon temes = cribrurn ; whether 
of the same meaning as Temese, Temes, Thames, Cymric tarn 
isc = tractus aquae?). P is rarely inserted before a vowel: 
whimper, Scotch quhimper (Highdutch wimmern, Lowdutch 
wemern). 

Between m after a short vowel, and a following vowel &, on 
the other hand is often put; this even in Anglosaxon, compare 
the Anglosaxon scolirnbos, Greek and Latin scolymos. En- 
glish instances are: embers (Anglosaxon aemyrje = cinis), slum- 



11. The Elements of the Word. Insertion of Consonants. 185 

ber (slumerjan); thus we still find in Modern-English st amber 
(AKMINS NEST OF NINNIES 1608) for stammer (from the An- 
glosaxon stamor = balbus), in the fifteenth century swimbing 
(HALLIWELL s. v.) for swimming (Anglosaxon svimman). But 
the insertion of b before an / is very common: nimble (An- 
glosaxon nemol, nurnol = capax, from the verb niman, compare 
the Old-norse nsemr = capax, docilis), shambles (scamol), 
f amble, to stammer and fumble (Lowdutch vimmeln, vam- 
meln, vummeln, Danish famla = to grope), mumble, Old-En- 
glish mamelen (PIERS PLOUGHMAN) (Lowdutch mummelen, Hol- 
landish mommelen), crumble (from the Anglosaxon cruman, 
Highdutch kriiineln), tumble (Danish turnle, Lowdutch tum- 
meln, but Anglosaxou tuinbjan), stumble (North-English stum- 
mer), grumble (from the Anglosaxon grimman, Lowdutch grum- 
rnen, to sound deep, thunder, in the March of Brandenburg: 
grurnmeln, French grommeler), chamblet, camb let alongside 
of camlet, carnelot &c. 

Toothsounds are inserted; especially t and d after an other 
consonant before n and particularly r (also en, er with the glib 
e) although t at present is silent before n. T is wont to come 
in after s: glisten (Anglosaxon glisnjan), tapistry (French 
tapisserie; even in Old-English tapise in ROB. OF BRUNNE, Old- 
Scotch tapesse as a verb); whereas d is inserted, especially 
after n and I: thunder (Anglosaxon punor, yet is already cited 
alongside of puuderslege, punorslege) ; gender (Old-French 

Sjnre, Latin gener-is, with which compare to gender, engender, 
Id-French engendrer, alongside of engenrer); kindred, Old- 
English kunrede, kynrede, kinrede (from the Anglosaxon cynn 
= progenies, not from cynd = natura); elder (Anglosaxon ellen, 
ellarn), alder (Anglosaxon alor, air), Old-Scotch aller; alder- 
liefest (SHAKSPEARE) and thence even a comparative alder- 
leefer (COBLER OF CANTERBURIE 1608), aldertruest (GREEN), 
as in Old-English aldermest, alderlast, alderlest (=least), 
alderlowest, alderbest, alderfirst, alderformest, al- 
derwisist, alderwerst &c. that is Anglosaxon ealra = om- 
nium with the superlative, Old-English and Old-Scotch also 
aller. Compare also Anglosaxon baldsam alongside of bal- 
sam. Other insertions of t and d are: fitz (Old-French fils, 
fix), jaundice (French jaunisse), with which we may in some 
measure compare the Anglosaxon yntse, yndse, for the Latin 
uncia. 

An s inserted before / is probably to be ascribed to a mix- 
ture with the French form in island (Anglosaxon ealand and 
igland, egland, compare the Old-French isle, Old-English yle) 
and also in Carlisle (Celtic Caerluel, Caerleol, Latin Lugu- 
ballium), as the Old-French prevails also in aisle (= French 
aile). In Modern-French many s of this sort have been again 
rejected before / and other consonants, others have remained 
and as in English, have become silent. Old-English possessed 
this s also in other words, like ydolaster, idolastre, now 
idolater. 



186 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. I. 

Throat-sounds are likewise among inserted letters, although 
mostly long since silent. Here belongs g before n, perhaps 
mostly to be ascribed to a false analogy: feign (Old-French 
feindre, faindre), Old-English feynen, fainen, hence in Modern- 
English not brought back with a regard to feignois; feignant; 
eigne. law expression (ainsnes, ainsnez, Modern-French aine); 
foreign, foreigner (Old-French forain), Old-English forein; 
sovereign (Old-French sovrain, soverain), Old-English sover- 
aine, sovereyne, also Anglicized soferand (TOWNELEY MYSTER.); 
coigne = corner, alongside of coin, quoin (Old-French coin, 
although also coignee, an axe is derived from it). More striking 
is the sounding of the g in: impregnable (imprenable), per- 
haps preserved from old conjunctive forms of the verb prendre, 
like preigne, pregnies; also in shingle, even in Old-English 
shyngle, schingle, whence a verb shy n glen, to make out of 
shingles or planks, which points to the Old-Highdutch scindala, 
scintila, Latin scandula, which has passed through the Old- 
French escande, escandole. An unjustified gh has thrust itself 
in spright (Old-French esperit), perhaps in recollection of Old- 
French forms quieter, promectre and the like. In Old-English 
it was more frequent, as in spight (spite = despit), where it 
might return with a regard to the Latin form c, as still in 
delight (Old-French deleit, delit), Old-English delit, but also 
in feght, (= faith, Old-French foit) and others. More frequent 
in Old-English was the insertion of an h before vowels, whether 
preceded by a vowel or consonant: proheme (proemium), mir- 
rhour, still in Spenser, abhominable, still derided in Shak- 
speare L. L. 1. 1. as the usage of his time, and others. This 
aspiration has totally ceased, as well as at the beginning of 
a word. 

c) At the end of the word scarcely any other insignificant sound 
than a lip or tooth letter enters, rarely the nasal n. 

The n is an addition in bittern (French butor), Old-English 
bitore; likewise in marten, also martern (Anglosaxon mearo*", 
French marte, martre, Scotch martrick, Lowdutch inarte, mater, 
mater ken); the Old-English had complin (Old-French complie), 
now compline. 

Even Anglosaxon favoured the lipsound b after m, where the 
Old-Highdutch had p, compare lamb; Old-Highdutch lamp; 
camb, Old-Highduth champ &c. English annexed it to a final 
w, where it was lacking in Anglosaxon : limb (Km), Old-English 
lyme; crumb and crum (crume), thumb (puma), numb and 
benumb, compare num = dull, stupid (TRAGEDY OF HOFFMANN 
1631; perhaps belonging to niman? compare ben imau = stupe- 
facer e). 

Among toothsounds t readily annexes itself to a final con- 
sonant, as to ft, partly perhaps from a confusion of the suffix 
with one better known: parchment (Old-French parcamin, 
parchemin), Old-English parchemyn (PIERS PLOUGHMAN p. 285), 
ancient (Old-French ancien, anchien), Old-English auncyen 
(MAUNDEV.), cormorant (French cormoran, Cymric mor-fran, 



II. The Elements of the Word. Insertion of Consonants. 187 

searaven, with corb prefixed, seeDiezs. v.), pheasant (Old-French 
phaisan), Old-English fesaunt; pennant along with pennon 
(Old-French pennon, penon); mar gent (margin) (SHAKSPEARE 
and LONGFELLOW); such forms were sound even in Old-French 
alongside of those in an, for instance peasant (Old -French 
paisant), tyrant, Old-English also tyrande, tyrandie (Old- 
French tiran, tirant), tiran (SPENSER); Old-English roniant, 
romaunt (Old-French roman, romant). Compare Old-English 
orizont, Modern-English horizon, and others. 

Thus also has anont arisen (Anglosaxon on efn, on emn e 
regione), an en (MAUNDEVILLE). 

As readily does t join itself to a final s, as in the substantives 
behest (Anglosaxon behses), bequest (Anglosaxon cviss = 
sermo, gecviss = conspiratio; the substantive cwith in Verste- 
gan is the Anglosaxon cvide = sermo). For interest as a verb 
Shakspeare has interess; as a substantive Spenser still in- 
teresse; as substantive, Shakspeare interest, perhaps through 
the influence of the French. The joining of t on to par- 
ticles, which have proceeded from the proper genitive ter- 
mination es, is familiar to the later tongue: against (Anglo- 
saxon togegnes, togenes), Old-English againes, ageins, agens 
and others; amongst (Anglosaxon amang), Old-Engl. anaonges, 
emongs, even in the sixteenth century; midst, amidst 
(Anglosaxon to middes), Old-English yn pe middes, amiddes; 
alongst (to the Anglosaxon lang, long; compare the Middle- 
Highdutch langes), whilst (Anglosaxon hvil, tempus), Old- 
English whiles; besides, even the forms with t are already old. 
We even find anenst, Modern-English anent; onste (CHESTER 
PLAYS II. 100), Modern-English once, dialectically even now 
wunst, won st. Here also belongs the popular Nest in the 
abbreviated name Agnes. The forms betwixt, 'twixt (An- 
glosaxon betvihs), Old-English betwix, atwixen, has even in 
Anglosaxon the collateral form in x = hs and xt\ betvux, 
betvuxt. 

In tuft (French touffe) a derivational termination lies at the 
bottom of the t] compare the Picard touffette. A t is also ad- 
ded in thwart, athwart, to the Anglosaxou pveorb, pveorg; 
compare the Highdutch zwerch; this t yields the Halfsaxon sub- 
stantive form pwerrt = malum, and the Danish and Swedish 
adverb tvsert. 

An insignificant d is especially joined to a final n: hind = 
servant (Anglosaxon hina), Old-English hyne; fond (from the 
Old-norse fana, fatue se gerere), Old-English fon, even in Spen- 
ser, alongside of fond; lend (Anglosaxon laenan), Old-English 
and Scotch lenen = to lend; round, alongside of the obsolete 
roun, still in ,Skelton, Spenser and Shakspeare: to whisper 
(Anglosaxon runjan); sound (Anglosaxon substantive son, Old- 
French son, sun, verb soner, suner); Old-English substantive 
soun, verb sounen; astound, alongside of astonish (Old- 
French estoner, mixed with the Anglosaxon stunjan, English 
stun), Old-English astonen, astonneii. The forms com- 



188 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part L Sect. L 

pound, expound, propound have Old-English verbs ex- 
po un en and expounden for patterns, but perhaps rest upon 
Old-French pondre, espondre &c. The substantive riband, 
ribband, alongside of ribbon, belongs to quite modern times; 
the Old-English is riban (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 29), French ruban. 
The Old-English has Symond (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 240), 
shonden, Modern-English shun (Anglosaxon scunjan) and the 
like; dialectically, as in Warwickshire, d is readily added to 
words in own: gownd instead of gown, drownd instead of 
drown &c. D is added after / in mould (Old-French moler, 
moller, Modern-French mouler); after r in afford (Old-French 
afeurrer = to tax, from the Latin forum, Medieval-Latin aforare, 
to act according to the laws, judge, Modern - French afforer, 
although the meaning do not agree), Old-English affore; com- 
pare with greene fervence t' affore yong corages (LYDGATE 
Minor Poems p. 244). 

An s or es is often found at the end of words, where it ap- 
pears idle ; it is however originally every where to be taken to 
be a suffix or inflectional form. It is often to be regarded as 
an adverbial -termination, as hereabouts, midships; some- 
times it appears then turned into ce: once, Old-English enes, 
since, Old-English si then s, contracted since, and others. 

But s often appears in the names of places, especially French 
ones, by a false analogy. French names of towns namely have 
often received s through the transfer of the name of a people 
to its place of abode, and even here a false analogy was the 
occasion of the joining on of an unjustified s. In English we 
find Lyons, Saint Germains, Saint Maloes and the like. 

More difficult is the explanation of the s at the end of proper- 
names of persons. Here we must often oscillate between a 
genitive and a plural s. Namely, if in the names John Rey- 
nolds, James Phillips (compare LOWER p. 120) the image 
of a genitive is near at hand, it is striking, when in Fiddes's 
life of Cardinal Wolsey, the bishop of London, Edmund Bonner, 
is called Dr. Edmunds, and the bishop of Winchester, Stephan 
Gardiner, Dr. Stephens. This reminds us that no one thought 
any longer of s as a suffix. That this s originally frequently 
denoted the plural, is proved by terms like Shanks, Long- 
shanks, Crookshanks, perhaps also Bones &c. Names like 
Leeves, Flowers, Grapes, Pease, Shales, Crosskeys, 
Irons, Briggs, Bridges, Barnes (barn), Sands, Bankes 
(bank), Woods, Hedges &c. also look like plurals. The names 
Brothers, Boys, Cousins (and even Children occurs) are 
perhaps likewise plurals. Common people, like Noakes and 
Styles, seem to have an especial predilection for the plural s. 

The reduplication of consonants in the middle and at the 
end of the words, unwarranted by the fundamental form of the 
words, needs a special discussion. In the domain of the English 
tongue the proneness, partly dependent on physiological condi- 
tions, to double the consonant after the originally short or the 
shortened vowel, had early made itself felt; and that most 



//. The Elements of the Word. Reduplication of Consonants. 189 

naturally in the middle of a word and after the accented syl- 
lable, where the consonant stood between vowels, less naturally 
at the end of the word, as well as in the middle and at the 
end in an unaccented syllable. The Anglosaxon offered redu- 
plications of consonants in the middle, less at the end of a 
word, after a short syllable. 

Orm, the author of the so called Ormulum, who wrote this, 
his metrical harmony of the gospels, as it seems, towards the 
end of the twelfth century in Halfsaxon language, and after 
every short vowel doubled the consonant with principial ob- 
stinacy, even where another consonant; either final or beginning 
the new syllable, followed, has not been able to force this 
process upon his successors; but his attempt to carry out 
the reduplication of consonants in his manner proves that, to 
the pronunciation of his contemporaries, a sharpening of vowels, 
even in an unaccented syllable, was not unknown, which rendered 
possible a representation of the manner. He writes ice, patt, 
piss, off, iss, magg, wipp; swillc, rihht; ennglish, 
nemmned; tsechepp, wordess and so on. Old-English, 
although mostly restricting the reduplication to the accented 
syllable, frequently fluctuates in the reduplication of consonants, 
partly at the end of words, partly in the unaccented syllable, 
and writes lytylle, tremylle, pepylle, devylle, pokett, 
alongside of forms with a single consonant (MAUNDEV, and Tow- 
NELEY MYSTER.). 

Reduplications are also found after a long vowel and a diph- 
thong, as peasse (peace), greatt, greatte (great), outt, 
withoutten, fowlle, heylle, leyff and others (TOWNEL. 
MYSTER.). The sixteenth century often spells mortall, ge- 
nerall, tragicall, while the fourteenth frequently offers 
crewel, peril, spiritual. A universal principle does not 
prevail even at present; but it is remarked that the absence 
of reduplication of the consonant in the middle of a word after 
a short vowel of the accented syllable is met with less in Ger- 
manic than in Romance words more rarely in disyllables than in 
polysyllables, more frequently in more modern than in more 
ancient words. 

With regard to the various classes of reduplicated consonants 
it is to be remarked that: 

I. The nasal and liquid consonants were not generally redupli- 
cated in Anglosaxon at the end of a word, although reduplicated 
in the middle of a word. In Old-French their reduplication, 
like that of the remaining consonants, was only usual before 
a (mute) final e. In Modern-English the reduplication in the 
middle of a word, even with the consonants originally single, 
is very common; at the end of a word, only with /. We 
regard here only unjustified reduplications, and abstract from 
the rule by which, in syllabic inflection, and in derivation, 
the accented root-syllable doubles its final consonant. 

.In the middle of a word m and rc, but especially I and r 
are doubled: emmet (Anglosaxon amete), li miner (Old-French 



190 Doctrine of the Word. - Phonetics. Part I, Sect. 1. 

liemier, compare English limehound, from the Latin iigainen), 
mummy (French momie); manner (Old -French inaniere), 
dinner (disner, diner), kennel (chenil); y e 1 1 o w (Anglosaxon 
gelu), swallow (svelgan), follow (foJgjan), gallop (Old- 
French galoper), jolly (jolif), pullet (poulet, perhaps not 
with a reference to the Latin pullus); arrow (Anglosaxon areve, 
earh), marrow (mearh, mearg), quarrel (Old-French querele), 
garret (garite), carry (charier, although belonging to carrus), 
hurricane (Spanish huracan) &c. At the end of a word I 
is doubled in: mill (Anglosaxon mylen), till (tiljan = colere 
terrani) and till alongside of until (Anglosaxon til, preposition 
and conjunction ad and donee), well (vela, vel). 

2. Lipletters appear on the whole seldom reduplicated in Anglo- 
saxon; bb appeared most frequently in the middle and at the 
end of a word, where it was commonly simplified, pp was rare, 
ff only in propernames and foreign words. In Old -French 
their reduplication hardly existed. In Modern-English neither 
vv nor ww is in use, yet ff is found even in an unaccented 
final syllable developed out of a single /. 

In the middle of a word only an unjustified p and b are 
found reduplicated, rarely /, since / before a vowel was wont 
to pass over into t>, but it is sometimes reduplicated before a 
vowel and before /, as also b before this liquid: pepper 
(Anglosaxon pipor), copper (in Anglosaxon the adjective cy- 
peren is found; on the other hand Old - Highdutch kuphar, 
Latin cuprum), puppy, puppet (French poupee, Latin pupa), 
supper (French souper), fripper, frippery (Old-French 
verb friper, substantive friperie &c.); gibbet (Old -French 
gibet), ribbon (ruban), cribble (crible), pebble (Anglosaxon 
pabol) ; at the end of the stem / mostly stands reduplicated : 
stiff (Anglosaxon stif), cliff (Anglosaxon clif), staff (Anglo- 
saxon staf), gaffle (Anglosaxon gafol); in an unaccented syl- 
lable: sheriff (Anglosaxon gerefa), bailiff (Old-French bail- 
lif), plaintiff (plaintif), caitiff (caitif). 

3. The toothletters t, d and & also appear reduplicated in An- 
glosaxon, but commonly become single at the end. The sibilant 
s also shared this quality. In Old-French hardly any other sound 
in the interior of the root (a part from the reduplication of t 
appearing before a mute e) was considered except s. In Mo- 
dern-English, where even the primitive && (compare the Old- 
English siththen) has been long abandoned, reduplications 
of single consonants often occur in the middle of a word, 
especially of the t, d and s, as well as of the z, whereof the 
last two are also reduplicated when final. A reduplication of 
the shy resting principally upon the Anglosaxon sc can hardly 
be conceded in Old-English, where certainly ssh (fresshe), 
ssch (whassched [MAUNDEV.], assche [IB.]) occurs. 

Reduplications in the middle of a word, where I again 
stands as a twin consonant, are, for instance: tatter (Old-norse 
tetur = lacera vestis, Anglosaxon teter, tetr), shuttle (Anglo- 
saxon sceatel); mittens (French mitaine) even in CHAUCER, 



//. The Elements of the Word. Reduplication of Consonants. 191 

Old-Scotch mittanis; matter (Old-French matiere, matere), 
mutton (Old-French molton, mouton), glutton (Old-French 
gloton, glouton, perhaps not on account of the Latin gluto, 
glu^o); ad dice (Anglosaxon adese), waddle (Anglosaxon vadl- 
jan = vagari, from vadan = vadere), saddle (Anglosaxon sadul, 
sadl), sudden (Old-French sodain, sudain); scissors (Old- 
French cisoire), lesson (lecon); frizzle (Old-French friser); 
at the end of a word s is frequently, z rarely reduplicated: 
brass (bras), glass (glas), grass (gras), frizz (Old-French 
friser); also in an unaccented syllable: harness (Old-French 
harnas, harnois), cutlas (Old-French coutelas, but coutelasse 
is also cited. 

4. Throat-sounds were reduplicated in Anglosaxon, like cc, eg 
for gg and hh; in Old-French single roots hardly offer guttural 
reduplication. Old-English had the reduplications cch = cc and 
gg (cacchen, grucchen, dregges, buggen, abreggen, 
juggen). Modern-English has in Germanic words developed 
the reduplication of c as ck, in others as cc or even cq (but 
only in composition, as in acquaintance = accointance), 
likewise gg out of single consonants; Mi, which would be a 
reduplicated g~h, does not occur, although Old-English offers 
forms like ynowjgh with an apparently triple h. But, since 
c has partly become dental, like g, reduplications of these 
dentals are represented in Modern-English by tch and dg(e), 
which only rarely have arisen out of single consonants, 
and mostly in Romance words, ck, tch and dg(e) are to be 
met with equally in the middle and at the end of words; 
cc only in the middle, gg hardly ever at the end. The gut- 
turals under these reduplications also appear regularly before /. 

Guttural reduplications, which have arisen from single con- 
sonants in the middle and at the end, are, for instance, the 
following: ck: chicken (cycen, cicen), reckon (Anglosaxon 
recnan, recnjan), fickle (ficol), knuckle (cnucle), brick 
(brice, French brique), suck (sucan, sugan); cc: succory, 
chiccory (French chicoree): gg: waggon and wagon (An- 

flosaxon vagen), haggard (Old-French hagard), juggle (Old- 
rench jugler), egg (Anglosaxon ag). 

Reduplications of the guttural, which has become dental, in the 
middle and at the end of a word; tch: kitchen (Anglosaxon cy- 
cene), butcher (Old-French boucher), dutchess, alongside of 
duchess, pitch (Anglosaxon pic, Gothic peik), watch (Anglo- 
saxon vacjan, vacigan); dispatch (Old-French depescher, com- 
pare impeach, Old-French empescher); dg(e): fadge (Anglo- 
saxon fagjan), abridge (Old-French abrevier, abbregier), Old- 
English abreggen; lodge (Old-French loge, logier), Old-English 
logge. They are also to be met with in the unaccentuated 
final syllable, as in partridge, Old-English partrich &c. 



192 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I. 



Assimilation of Consonants. 

The original word may undergo a change, in that one^of two 
different consonants, mostly the final and the initial sound of two 
syllables, either originally standing beside each other, or else meeting 
together after a rejection of vowels, assimilates itself to the other, 
whence arises the reduplication either of the former or of the latter 
consonant. In general the second consonant beginning a new, even 
an unaccented syllable, prevails to which the preceding one is wont to 
join itself, although, the nasal consonant especially, rather draws 
the succeeding one over to itself. But English has brought over 
numerous assimilations from its constituent tongues. 

1. The assimilation of a consonant with a nasal or liquid letter is 
perhaps the most frequent. Here belong: 

mm instead of/m: lemman, now sometimes leman (lefmon 
DAME SIRIZ p. 11. levemon p. 12.), dearest, darling. Compare 
lammastide (Anglosaxon hlafmesse and even hlammesse) ; instead 
of dm: gammer (Anglosaxon godmodor); instead oimb: plum- 
mer alongside of plumber (French plornbier), plummet &c.; 
instead of nm: hammock (Hollandish hangmat, -mak), gram- 
mercy! (COLLET GIBBER) = grand' merci. 

nn instead of nd: winnow (Anglosaxon vindvjan), dialectically 
windewe; Bennet (Benedict), bannerol alongside of bandrol 
(Old-French banderolle); trunnel alongside of trundle (Anglo- 
saxon tryndel = orbis); instead of nw: gunnel alongside of 
gunwale. 

II instead lh: full am, false die (from the name of a place 
Fulham); instead rl: ballast (Old-English barlest, Swedish bar- 
last, Danish baglast). 

rr instead of rn: garrison (Old-French garnison, guarnison, 
but also partly confounded with ganson), Old-English garnison 
(CHAUCER); instead of dn Derric, Derrick (Anglosaxon peodric, 
French Thierry); instead of tlir: Surrey (Anglosaxon Sucfrea, 
compare Old-Highdutch sundarauwa), Old-English Soperei (Ros. 
OF GLOUCESTER); instead of gr\ stirrup (Anglosaxon stigerap, 
stigrap); instead of nr: Harry alongside of Henry. 

2. Among lipletters another consonant is especially assimilated to 
b and /. 

bb instead of pb: robbins, which means rope-bands; instead 
of gb; Hubbard (Old-Highdutch Hugibert, compare Anglosaxon 
hyge = mens). 

/: gaffer (Anglosaxon godfader); Suffolk (Anglosaxon Sufr- 
folc), Old-English Sopfolc (ROB. OF GLOUCESTER). 

3. A toothsound occasions the assimilation of another sound. 

tt instead of ct: dittany (dictamnus); similarly in Old-English 
Atteon, Latin Actseon (CHAUCER), like the pronunciation of 
victuals; ditty (belonging to the Anglosaxon dihtan, Latin 
dictare), Old-English dite as a substantive. 

In Old-English b also assimilated itself to t in dettour = 
debtor (CHAUCER). 



//. The Elements of the Word. Assimilation. 193 

dd instead of dw: in Old-English god dot = godwot (HAVELOK). 

ss instead of ths: Sussex (Anglosaxon SucTseaxan), Old-En- 
glish Soupsex; lissom is in like manner written for lithesome, 
compare bliss (Anglosaxon blidfe, bliss); instead of ds: gossip 
(Anglosaxon godsibb), Old-English godsib, compare gospel for 
godspell; instead of ts and st: mess, to feed &c. (Anglosaxon 
metsjan = cibare), compare bless (Anglosaxon bletsjan and bless- 
jan); misseltoe alongside of mistletoe (Anglosaxon mistelta), 
tressel alongside of trestle (Old-French trestel, Modern-French 
treteau, according to Diez, Hollandish driestal). 

zz instead of rs: nuzzle in the meaning of to foster (Old- 
English noursle = to nurse up). 
To a guttural another consonant is hardly ever assimilated. 

gg is put for rg in guggle instead of gurgle; in Warwick- 
shire it is used for gargle. 



Transposition of Sounds, or Metathesis: 

The transposition of the sounds of a word, insignificant for the 
notion, is a general phenomenon, brought about by a physiological 
cause, the Elective Affinity of the sounds, and supported by the 
defective apprehension of the sounds as a whole. It affects various 
sounds, but liquid sounds are especially the cause of the transposition. 
This metathesis distinguishes words partly into various periods, partly 
into various dialects of the same tongue. 
1. Two consonants immediately following each other may change 

E laces with each other. At the beginning of a word this, at 
?ast in the written tongue, is the case with the Anglosaxon ko 9 
now appearing only as wh. In Old-English writings the instances 
of the position hw are scanty; more early, on the contrary, we 
find wh almost everywhere, unless h is thrown out, as in ROB. 
OF GLOUCESTER in wo (who), wer (where), wat (what) &c. 
But wh also stands, in a striking manner, for qu (Anglosaxon cv), 
as in whik (quick), whake (quake), whaynt (quaint) (TOWNEL. 
MYSTER.), and even now in Northern dialects, whence we might 
infer the originally sameness of pronunciation of hw (wh) and cv 
(qu)-, especially since also, conversely, qu often appears for wh, as in 
quetstone (whetstone) (IBID.), quete (wheat), quedur (whether) 
(HALLIWELL s. w.); whereas Scottish formerly substituted quh 
for wh: quhittle (whittle), quhow (how), quham (whom) &c., 
as qwh is likewise found: qwhicke (WARKWORTH'S CHRONICLE 
p. 3.). As to the present pronunciation of wh as hw no cause 
can be assigned for the transposition. Compare white (Anglo- 
saxon hvit), wheat (hvsete), whoop (hvopan) &c. At the middle 
and end of a word the inversion of sp into ps is very common 
in dialects; thus in Sussex they say wapse, hapse, elapse 
for wasp, hasp, clap &c., in Kent eps for asp &c., as An- 
glosaxon presented apse, vaps, hapse, vlips, cops &c., along- 
side of aspe, vasp, haspe , vlisp, cosp &c. In Chaucer 
crispe and cirps are found (Anglosaxon crisp and cirps); Mo- 

Matzner, engl. Gr. I. J3 



194 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1. 

dern-English ever prefers sp; compare grasp (Lowdutch grapsen, 
belonging to gripen, Anglosaxon gripan). Methatheses of another 
sort, as those of gn and ng in pegen, pegn, peng, pen, En- 
glish thane, minister (also familiar to Old-French) are found 
more rarely in Anglosaxon; or ns and sn in clsensjan and 
clsesnjan, English cleanse, which are not met with in English. 

2. Consonants originally commencing two syllables seldom change 
places. This is the case in tickle (Anglosaxon citeljan) along- 
side of the obsolete kittle (SHERWOOD), which still survives in 
Northern dialects. Old-English certainly used tinclan, tol- 
cettan in a like sense. Through the interchange of the second 
liquid consonant of the next syllable with the initial sound of 
the previous one the apparently compound form gill if lower, 
otherwise gillofer, has arisen. In Chaucer it sounds cloue- 
gi/ofre (that is French girof/e = caryophyllum). 

3. Two consonants, originally including a vowel often come to- 
gether as an initial sound, when the last is a liquid consonant, 
which is easily attracted by another, so called mute. Modern- 
English offers this attraction of the r in an accented syllable, 
not unknown either to Anglosaxon or Old-French, still more 
frequently then Old-English: bright (Anglosaxon beorht, but 
also bryht), obsolete bert; fright (fyrhta), wright (vyrhta), 
frith, Scotch firth; compare Dieffen bach's Dictionary I, p. 365. 
405; fresh (Anglosaxon fersc, but Old-norse friskr, Old-High- 
dutch frisc), cress (Anglosaxon cresse and cerse, compare vylle- 
cerse), Old-Eaglish kerse, like the Danish karse; thrill (pyrhel- 
jan, pyrljan perforare), Old-English therlen, later thirl; nostril 
naspyrl), through (Anglosaxon purh, puruh), Old-English thurgh 
&c.; brothel (Old-French bordel), Old-English and Old-Scotch 
bordel; fruggin, provincial = oven-fork (French fourgon, from 
the Latin furca), cruddle is used for curdle, frubbish, frub 
for furbish (BARRET), scruf for scurf. The participle afraid is 
Old-English aferd, aferid (Anglosaxon afseran); the Old-French 
effreier, effroier and the Anglosaxon faeran blend here. Hither 
too we may refer the unaccented syllables, particularly those in 
which /, less so r, come alongside of another consonant and take 
e after them, although here and there the joining on of e after 
the rejection of a vowel between the mute and liquid letters 
appears as natural an assumption; compare idle (Anglosaxon 
idel), Old-English idel; bridle (Anglosaxon bridel), Old-English 
bridel; apple (Anglosaxon appel, apl), maple (Anglosaxon ma- 
peltreo), fickle (Anglosaxon ficol), sickle (Anglosaxon sicol, 
sicel), Old-English sikel; kirtle (Anglosaxon cyrtel), Old-English 
kirtel; thistle (Anglosaxon pistel), Old-English pi still; cattle 
Old-French catel, chatel), Old-English catel); castle, Old-English 
castel; mantle alongside of mantel, even with a diversity of 
meaning. This especially takes place with regard to /, whereas 
with r the reverse mostly takes place in Modern-English. Yet 
r also is attracted: acre (Anglosaxon acer), augre alongside of 
auger and some others. Old-English, on the other hand, has 
aftre, thidre, whidre, watre, Alisandre, laddre, wun- 



11. The Elements of the Word. Metathesis. 195 

dre &c. (MAUNDEV.), where Modern-English reinstated the vowel 
into its original place. 

4. Equally familiar to Modern-English is the separation of the ini- 
tial liquid in such manner that the two consonants now include 
the vowel which originally followed them. In an accented syl- 
lable this metathesis again affects the r, as even in Angiosaxon; 
compare gras and gars, grin and girn &c. Modern-English 
instances are: bird (Angiosaxon bridd, pullus), Old-English and 
Old- Scotch brid, bridde; third (Angiosaxon pridda), Old-English 
thriclde; thirty (Angiosaxon pritig, prittig), Old-English thritty; 
dirt (Angiosaxon dritan = cacare, Old-norse drit = excrenientum 
and drita = cacare), Old-Scotch dry te = cacare ; thresh (Anglo- 
Saxon perscan, but Old-Highdutch driscan); curl (Old-norse 
krulla. Middle - Highdutch krulle, a lock of hair); girn still 
stands sometimes alongside of grin; forst still occurs alongside 
of frost (HALLIWELL), like the Angiosaxon frost and forst, 
frostig and fyrstig; garner (Old-French grenier and also 
gernier, Latin granarium); garnet alongside of gran ate (Italian 
granato), furmenty alongside of frumenty (compare Old-French 
froment and forment), purpose (compare Old-French proposer 
and purposer), burnish (Old-French brunir and burnir) &c. 
Even in an unaccented syllable r frequently, but / hardly ever, 
steps out of the combination with its consonant, so that a return 
is made to the primitive position of the vowel, which the older 
tongue, especially the French, had forsaken (compare above, 3), 
although we might here often think of the insertion of a vowel: 
sugar, Old-English sugre (PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 292. Latin sac- 
charum, Spanish, Portugese azucar, French sucre); letter (Old- 
French letre, Latin littera), Old-English lettre; pattern (French 
patron), number (nombre), minister (ministre); without a 
primitive vowel before r: proper (propre), member (membre), 
vinegar (vinaigre) and others. Even Angiosaxon has plaster, 
as well as Modern-English, overagainst piastre, plaistre. Old- 
English forms, like philosophre, Modern-English philosopher, 
jaspre, Modern-English jasper (jaspis) and the like, are also 
transpositions. / rarely occurs in this case: ousel, ouzel (An- 
giosaxon osle). 

5. The transposition of vowel and consonant in an unaccented 
syllable, with which also the cases named under 3 and 4 might 
partly be reckoned, have perhaps often for their cause the attempt 
to render the spoken sound with greater certainty in writing. 
Hence the formerly occurring forms fier, hier, and the like, 
alongside of fire, hire; as also thence, thrice, once, else 
are not to be taken as transpositions of the older forms then- 
nes, thries, ones, elles, whose e became mute. 

6. French used to admit an attraction of a short i or e by a pre- 
ceding vowel, when a consonant stood between them and the 
short vowel was followed by another, as in histoire (historia), 
poison (potion-em). English has in part abolished these mate- 
theses and approximated itself to the Latin fundamental form, 
perhaps conformably with Old-French collateral forms; compare 

13* 



196 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I. 

history, story (Old-French histoire, estoire, but also estore), 
victory (victoire, but also victorie, victore), secretary (secre- 
taire), chartulary (cartulaire, chartulaire) and many more. 
The words in ier (arius) belonging here, have also likewise ap- 

5roached the Latin form: primary (Old-French primier, primer), 
anuary (Janvier) &c. The more frequent transmutations of 
the liquids ill (il) and gn (partly arising from gn, ng, partly from 
m, ne before another vowel) are likewise to be considered as a 
transposition of the French metathesis, in which English likewise 
had ancient French collateral forms as models: pavilion (Old- 
French pavilion, paveillon, Latin papilion-em), bullion (French 
billon), minion (French mignon), companion (Old-French 
compaignon, companion), poniard (poignard) and the like. 
Carrion also belongs here (Old-French caroigne), Old-English 
caroyne, careyne. 

7. Solitary uncommon metatheses are biovac alongside of bivouac; 
cuZverine (French couZewwine), the Old-English cokodrill and 
cokedrill (MAUNDEV.) (crocodilus), jurs^endai (yesterday) 
(DAME SIRIZ p. 4.). Must we also take parsley to be a meta- 
thesis? Compare the Old-English percile (PIERS PLOUGHMAN). 



Assimilation of different words and double forms of the same 

word. 

The constitution of the material of speech and the manner of its 
embodiment into the mixed tongue, English, the habit of rendering 
various sounds by one and the same, as well as, conversely, the facility 
of denoting the same sound by various English letters, explain the 
possibility both of seeing words originally different represented by 
one and the same English word, and also of finding the same original 
word differently represented. The latter found the more support in 
the constitution of such words as had already passed through another 
tongue and could be received both in their fundamental form and in 
their altered shape. This was especially done when occasion was 
found to couple notional differences on to them. In this even the 
mistaking of roots, which had been long possessed in their renewed 
form, was of service. 

A) Assimilation of different words. 

"We have already frequently had occasion to distinguish by 
their roots words of the same sound. But the number of words 
belonging to this class is in English very considerable, and demands 
a careful discrimination in detail, which in the first instance is 
incumbent upon Lexicography. We give here, out of the great 
multitude, by way of examples, a list of assimilated words, whose 
descent seems to result from their phonetic development. 

1. Words beginning with a vowel sound. 

Impair. 1) Verb: worsen, spoil, Old-French empeirer. 2) Adjective: 
uneven, unadapted, French impair. 



II. The Elements of the Word. Assimilation of different words. 197 

in is sometimes the prepositional particle in, sometimes the pri- 
vative prefix =un, before the same roots: informed. Adject. 
1) instructed; 2) unformed; infusible, adject. 1) what can be poured 
in, 2) unmeltable. 

Old-English ilk. Pron. 1) each, Anglosaxon aelc. 2) The same, idem, 
Anglosaxon ylc. 

Eight. 1) Substantive: an island in a river, Anglosaxon iggafr, insula? 
also spelt ait. 2) Numeral; Anglosaxon eahta. 

ear. 1) Substantive: ear, Anglosaxon eare. 2) Substantive: of grain, 
Anglosaxon aher, ahher, ear; verb: to shoot out into ears. 3) 
Verb: plow, Anglosaxon erjan. 

earn. 1) Verb: gain, Anglosaxon earnjan. 2) Verb: collateral form 
from yearn, to long after &c., Anglosaxon geornjan. 3) North- 
English, to curdle, Anglosaxon ge-rinnan, ge-irnan = coagulari. 

embers. 1) Substantive: ashes, Anglosaxon semyrje. 2) ember days, 
embering days, probably from the same root. 

emboss. 1) Verb: to swell, technical; Old-French bosse, compare bos- 
seler. 2) Verb: to thrust in (the spear) hide (SPENSKR), from 
the Old-French buisser = heurter, figuratively, as a term of the 
chase: to worry to death (SPENSER and SIIAKSPEARE). 3) To lie 
in ambush, Old-French embuissier, Italian imboscare; otherwise 
imbosk. 

elder. 1) Adjective and Subst. : older, Anglosaxon yldra. 2) Substan- 
tive: a sort of tree, Anglosaxon ellen, ellarn. 

even. 1) Substantive: (eve), Anglosaxon sefen. 2) Adjective and Ad- 
verb; Anglosaxon e'fen, Adverb e'fne, verb efenjan. 

eft. 1) Substantive, Anglosaxon efete. 2) Adverb: = after, Anglo- 
saxon eft, aft. 

edder. i) Substantive, dialectically : adder, Lowdutch adder, Anglo- 
saxon naddre. 2) Wood for plashing, verb: to plash hedges, 
Anglosaxon eodor, edor = sepes, Modern-Hi ghdutch eder, etter. 

egg. 1) Substantive, Anglosaxon ag. 2) Verb: to incite, also edge, 
Anglosaxon egjan = excitare. 

exile. 1) Adjective: thin, Latin exilis. 2) Substantive: banishment,, 
verb: to banish, Latin exsilium, exsilire. 

Arm. 1) Substantive, Anglosaxon earm. 2) Plural, verb: to give 
weapons, French armes, armer. 

agate. 1) Adverb: on the road, Old-norse gata = semita. 2) Substan- 
tive, Old-norse agat. 

Ounce. 1) Substantive, Anglosaxon yndse, Latin uncia. 2) Lynx, 
Old-French, once. 

2. Words beginning with consonants. 

a) With nasal and liquid consonants. 

Mint. 1) Substantive: a plant, Anglosaxon minte, Latin mentha. 2) 
Coining place, verb; Anglosaxon mynet, mynetjan. 

mew. 1) Substantive, Anglosaxon maev. 2) Substantive: a cage, verb: 
to pen in, Old-French mue, muer, (mutare). 3) Verb, compare 
mewl, French miauler. 

mean. 1) Adjective; Anglosaxon maene = communis. 2) Middling, 



198 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I. 

Substantive: means, Old -French inoien, meien. 3) Verb, An- 
glosaxon msenan, Old-Highdutch meinjan. 

meal. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon melu. 2) Anglosaxon m&\=pa8tu8. 

mere. 1) Adjective, Anglosaxon tnsere, Latin inerus. 2) Substantive, 
= lacus, Anglosaxon mere, mare = mare, palu.s, lacus. 3) Bound, 
Anglosaxon msere = finis, limes, Old-norse mseri = terminus. 

mangle. 1) Verb: from the Latin mancus, Medieval-Latin niaucare. 
2) Substantive, Old-French mangoimel, Old-English mangonel (a 
sling), Medieval -Latin manganellus, from the Greek fiicyyttvov, 
Old-Highdutch mango, whence the verb of like sound: to roll. 

male. Adjective and Substantive; Old-French mascle, masle, malle. 
2) Adverb prefix, French mal, Latin male. 

marry. 1) Verb; Old-French marier. 2) Interjection, from Mary = 
Maria. 

march. 1) Substantive, verb; French marche, marcher. 2) Substan- 
tive: marches, Old-French marche, marce (perhaps the same word 
as No. 1). 3) A month, Old- French Mars, March. 

mate. 1) Substantive; Hollandish maet, whence the verb of even 
sound. 2) Verb: to make dead, Old-French mater, matir from 
mat, Medieval-Latin mattus, dead. 

match. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon maca, Old-norse maki = cowsors, 
whence the verb of even sound. 2) French meche. 

mass.- 1) Substantive; Old -French masse. 2) Anglosaxon masse, 
me'sse. 

mast. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon mast Fern. = esca. 2) Anglosaxon 
mast, Masculin. 

mace. 1) Substantive; Old-French mace, rnache. 2) French and Latin 
macis. 

make. 1) Verb; Anglosaxon macjau. 2) Substantive; Anglosaxon niaca 
= match. 

main. 1) Substantive: in compounds (mainland, main-sea), Anglosaxon 
magen = vis, robur. 2) In compounds like mainprise, maintain, 
Old-French main. 

may. 1) Verb; Anglosaxon mag. 2) Substantive: a month, French 
mai. 

mole. 1) Substantive; Hollandish mol, molworp, Old-norse moldvarpa, 
compare English moldwarp. 2) A mark, Anglosaxon mal. 3) 
A damm, French mole, Latin moles. 

mother. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon modor. 2) Lees, Danish mudder, 
compare the Highdutch moder. 

moss. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon meos, Latin muscus. 2) A bog, 
Middle-Highdutch mosz, Old-Highdutch mes, Danish mose. 

moor. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon mor = palus, inculta terra. 2) 
French Maure. 3) Verb: to cast anchor, compare French amarrer, 
Anglosaxon meoring obstaculum and amerran = impedire. 

mood. 1) Substantive; French mode, Latin modus. 2) Anglosaxon 
mod = mens, animus. 

mould, mold. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon molde = pu1i:w, terra. 2) 
French moule, Latin modulus. 3) Perhaps belongs to No. 1 , com- 
pare multrig, Lowdutch mulstrig. 



11. The Elements of the Word. Assimilation of different words. 199 

mow. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon muga, muva = acervus, whence the 
verb. 2) Subst., French inoue. 3) Verb, Anglosaxon mavan. 

Nick. 1) Substantive: Old-norse nikr, Anglosaxon nicor, monstrum 
marinum. 2) Substantive ; Anglosaxon nicljan = curvare. 3) Sub- 
stantive: right time; verb; to meet with, whence nicker, Old-norse 
hnickia, raptare, hnickr, dolus, apprehensio violenta. 

net. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon nett, nete. 2) Adjective; Old-French 
net, nat, Latin nitidus. 

neat. I) Substantive; Anglosaxon neat, pecus. 2) Adjective; nice 
Old-Highdutch niotsam. 

nap. ]) Verb, Subst.; Anglosaxon hnappjan, dormitare. 2) Anglo- 
saxon hnoppa, villus. 3) Substantive: a gnarl, perhaps the same 
word, but compare Anglosaxon cnapp, jugum\ Old-norse hnappr, 
globulus, caput. 

lAme. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon lim. 2) Anglosaxon lind, com- 
pare English lind, linden; Old-English also Jyne. 

light. 1) Subst., Verb; Anglosaxon leoht, lyht; leohtan, lyhtan. 2) 
Adjective; Anglosaxon liht, whence the verb; Anglosaxon alih- 
tan, desilire. The verb lighten belongs to No. 1, the same verb 
to No. 2. Here belongs also lights, the lungs of a beast. 

list. 1) Substantive; together with the corresponding verb; Old-French 
liste, Medieval-Latin lista, Old-Highdutch lista; whence the French 
lisiere. 2) Old-French lice, liche; whether the same word? 3) 
verb: else also lust, Anglosaxon lystan. 

lie. 1) Verb; Anglosaxon licjan. 2) Anglosaxon leogan. 

lent. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon lencten. 2) Adj.; slow (B. JONS.). 
French lent. 

left. 1) Preterite and Participle from leave. 2) Adj.; compare An- 
glosaxon left, inanis, with lefan, debilitare, lef = debilis, compare 
Latin laevus. 

let. 1) Verb: to hinder, Anglosaxon letjan, lettan, tardare. 2) to allow, 
Anglosaxon laetan, sinere, permittere. 

lee. 1) Substantive; Old-French lie. 2) The windless side, dialectic 
lew; whether lest, Latin lovus? compare Lowdutch leg = bad. 

lean. 1) Adjective; Anglosaxon Isene. 2) Verb; Anglosaxon hlinjan, 
hleonjan (Latin inclinare). 

leave. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon leaf, permissio. 2) Verb; Old-norse 
leifa, relinquere (Anglosaxon lefan, permittere}. 3) to pick out, 
Old-French lever, liever. 

league. 1) Substantive; French ligue. 2) Portugese and Spanish le- 
gua, Gallic leuca. 

lease. 1) Verb; to glean, Anglosaxon lesan. 2) to let for a term 
(with the s hard), Old-French laissier, laisier. 3) leasing = lies, 
Anglosaxon leasung'from the verb leasjan, mentiri. 

lap. 1) Substantive; verb: to enwrap, Anglosaxon lappa, fimbria. 2) 
to lick, Anglosaxon lappjan, lapjan. 

last. 1) Adjective and Adverb; Anglosaxon latemest, latost. 2) Sub- 
stantive; Anglosaxon Mast. 3) Verb; Anglosaxon gelsestan, con- 
tinuare. 

lath. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon latta. 2) A district, Anglosaxon 
latf (Bosw.). 



200 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1. 

lake. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon lacu. 2) a pigment, French laque, 
Persian lak. 

lay. 1) Preterite from lie, Anglosaxon lag. 2) Verb; Anglosaxon 
lecgan. 3) Substantive: a song, Old-French lai, Cymric llais, a 
sound. 4) Adjective: worldly, Old-French lai, laicus. 

lock. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon locc, cirrus. 2) Substantive, verb; 
Anglosaxon loc belonging to lucan. 

loom. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon lorna, suppellex. 2) A sort of bird, 
Danish lomme. 3) Adjective: fresh (of the wind) compare Old- 
English lome = frequently (PIERS PLOUGHMAN 439), Anglosaxon 
gelome, frequenter] gelomelic, frequens. 4) Verb: to come in sight 
(of ships), to appear bigger; perhaps belongs to No. 3 [liman 
= crescere?]. 

load. J) Verb, Subst.; Anglosaxon hladan, hlad, onus. 2) Substan- 
tive, whence loadstone, loadstar, Old-English lodesterre, a vein 
(in a mine), Anglosaxon ladu, iter, canalis, Old-Highdutch leita, 
compare ladman, ductor. 

low. 1) Adjective, Adverb and verb; Old-norse lag, locus depressus, 
Hollandish laag Adj. 2) Substantive: flame, Anglosaxon lege, 
lyge, Old-norse log, Danish lue. 3) in names of places: a hill, 
dam, compare Bedlow (also lowe), Anglosaxon hlaev, hlav, collis, 
agger. 4) Verb; Anglosaxon hlovan. 

Eime. 1) Subst. ; Anglosaxon hrim, also rim. 2) a chink, Latin rima. 
3) Alongside of rhyme, Anglosaxon rim, numerus-, Old-French 
rime, Cymric rhimyn. 

ring. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon hring, hrinc. 2) Anglosaxon hrin- 
gan, campanam pulsar e. 

repair. 1) Verb, Substantive; French reparer. 2) Verb, Substantive: 
refuge, Old-French repairier, repairer; repaire, repere, Latin re- 
patriare. 

rest. 1) Substantive, verb; Anglosaxon rest, rast, quies; restan, quies- 
cere. 2) Subst., verb; Old-French reste, rester. 

resent. 1) Participle from resend. 2) Verb, Old-French ressentir. 

rear. 1) Substantive; Old-French rier, riere, Latin retro. 2) Adjec- 
tive: (also spelt rare) half raw, Anglosaxon hrere, crudus. 3) Verb, 
to bring up, Anglosaxon rseran. 4) In the Substantive: rearmouse, 
fluttermouse, Anglosaxon hreremus, the verb hreran, agitare is 
at the root. 

rank. 1) Substantive, verb; Old-French renc, Cymric rhenge. 2) 
Adject. ; Anglosaxon ranc, superbus, foecundus. 3) Perhaps be- 
longing to the Latin rancidus, rancor, like the English rancid? 

rally. 1) Verb; French rallier. 2) French railler. 

rape. 1) Substantive; Latin rapa. 2) Compare the Hollandish and 
Lowdutch rapen, Shwedish rappa, belonging to the Latin rapere. 
3) Division of a county in Sussex? 

rash. 1) Adjective; Auglosaxon rash, Old-norse roskr, Danish rask, 
whence the verb of like sound; compare Old-norse raska, loco 
movere, Auglosaxon rascjan, vibrare. 2) Substantive; Old-French 
rasche, compare the Provencal rascar, as it were rasicare. 3) 
A sort of cloth, French ras, from Arras. 4) Adjective; provin- 



II. The Elements of the Word. Assimilation of different words. 201 

cial, dry (from corn, which easily falls out), compare the High- 
dutch raesch, roesch = harsh, from hard. 

race. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon raes, impetus, Old-norse ras, cursus. 
2) French race. 

rack. 1) Subst., verb; belonging to the Anglosaxon racan. 2) Subst.: 
abbreviation from arrack. 3) Thin clouds, mists; compare Old- 
norse rak, humor- raki, mador; Anglosaxon racu, rain. 4) An- 
glosaxon hracca, occiput. 

ray. 1) Substantive, verb; Old-French rais, rait, rai; raier, raiier. 

2) Substantive: a sort of fish, French raie, Latin raja. 3) Abbre- 
viation from the Old-French arrai, arroi, English array. 

rain. 1) Substantive, verb; Anglosaxon regen; re'gnan. 2) Raindeer, 
Anglosaxon hran, hraen, capreolus, English also called rane. 

rail. 1) Substantive: night-rail, Anglosaxon hragel, vestimentum. 2) 
Low-Saxon regel. 3) A sort of fowl, French rale, from the verb 
raler. 4) Verb: to jeer, French railler; else, English rally. 

rock. 1) Substantive, Old-norse rockr, coins. 2) Old-French roce, 
roche, Modern-French roc. 3) Verb; compare Anglosaxon reocan, 
exhalare, vacillare, Old-norse riukandi, fumans, vacillans. 

roe. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon rah, ra. 2) Old-uorse hrogn. 

row. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon rav. 2) Verb, Anglosaxon rovan. 

rut. 1) Substantive; Old-French ruit, Modern-French rut, whence the 
corresponding verb, Latin rugitus. 2) The track of wheels; com- 
pare the Old-norse rota; or, from the Old-French rote, rute = 
Latin rupta? 3) To throw (whence provincially in Cheshire, Sub- 
stantive: the beating of the waves), compare Old-norse rot, mo- 
tio violenta. 

rush. 1) Anglosaxon risce, rixe (Latin ruscus?). 2) Verb; compare 
the Anglosaxon hrysc. hrysca, irruptio; hriscjan, vibrare. 

rue. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon rude, French rue. 2) Verb; Anglo- 
saxon hreovan, ejulare, dolere; whence rueful, from the Anglo- 
saxon subst. hreov, dolor. 

b) Words with initial Lipletters. 

Pine. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon pinn, pin, Latin pinus. 2) Verb; 
Anglosaxon pin; pinan, pinjan = cruciare, Old-French peine, 
paine, poene; peiner &c. 

pile. 1) Substantive; French pile, Latin pila (VIRGIL) (pila), per- 
haps identical with No. 3. 2) Old-norse pila, sagitta, Latin pilum. 

3) Anglosaxon pil, sudes, French pile, Latin pila. 4) Hair, mostly 
collective: hairy surface, Old-French poil, peil, Latin pilus; in 
cross and pile, French croix et pile, pile denotes the side of the 
coin whereupon the coat of arms stands. 

pill. 1) Verb: plunder, Old-English pile (RoB. OF BRUNNE), Old- 
Scottish pille, peile, French piller (compare the Latin expilare, 
oompilare). 2) To shell; otherwise peel, Old-French poiler, peiler, 
peler, Latin pilare. 3) Substantive; from the Latin pila, French 
pillule. 

pitch. 1) Substantive, verb; Old-English pik, Auglosaxon pic, Latin 
pix. 2) Height, Old-French pic. 3) Verb; Anglosaxon pyccan, 
pungere, Old-English picchen, allied to pick. 



202 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I. 

pen. 1) Subst., verb; Old-French penne, pene, Old-norse penni; on 
the other hand Anglosaxon pinn. 2) Substantive, verb ; compare 
pinfold, Anglosaxon on-pinnjan, redudere repagulo remoto; Old- 
English pynnen = to bolt. 

perch. 1) Substantive; French perche, Latin perca, on the other hand, 
Anglosaxou bears. 2) Substantive, verb: (of birds), Old-French 
perche; percher, Latin pertica. 

pan. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon panne. 2) Verb: to join together, agree, 
perhaps from the Cymric pannan, to line (a dress), Anglosaxon 
pan, Latin panuus? 

pall. 1) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon pell, pall, Latin pallium, Old- 
French palle, silk or cotton stuff. 2) To make or turn stale, 
Old-French pale, palle = bleme. 

pale. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon pal, Latin palus. 2) Adj., Subst.; Old- 
French pale, palle. 

partisan. 1) Subst.; French partisan. 2) A sort of weapon, French 
pertuisane from the Old-French pertuiser; according to Diez p. 253. 
perhaps derived from the last. 

page. 1) Subst.; French page. 2) French page (^raJ/o^). 

pawn. 1) Subst., verb; Old-French pan; paner = prendre des gages, 
Old-norse pantre; compare the Lowdutch pennen. "2} In chess, 
also peon, French pion, Italian pedone. 3) Peacock, Old-French 
paon, poon. 

port. 1) Subst., Old-French port, Latin portus. 2) Old-French porte, 
Latin porta. 3) A sort of wine, abridged from Oporto. 4) Subst., 
verb; Old-French port, portement; porter. 

pound. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon pund. 2) Verb, Subst; Anglosaxon 
pyndan, Old-English Subst.: pondfold = pinfold. 3) Verb; An- 
glosaxon punjan, confer ere. 

punch. 1) Verb; Italian punzar, punchar, compare French poincon, 
North-English punchion, an awl; English puncheon, a thorn, also 
a tub (the punched; that is, tapped). 2) Verb: to strike with 
the fist; Subst.: a blow with the fist; possibly the same? 3) 
Subst.: a foreign word, according to some from palepuntz, a 
beverage in Surat, according to others from the Indian panscha 
= five, a beverage of five ingredients. 4) Adj. and Subst.: also 
punchy*); Jackpuddiug, of unclear origin, unless the Jackpudding 
has his name from the drink. 

plight. 1) Verb, Subst.; Anglosaxon plihtan, periculo exponere, spon- 
dere; pliht, periculum. 2) Verb, Subst.; compare the Old-High- 
dutch vlehtan, Latin plectere, Celtic plega. 

plat. 1) Verb, Subst.; otherwise plait, allied to the foregoing. 2) 
Adj., Subst.; Old-French plat, Swedish platt. 

prune. 1) Subst.; Old-French prune. 2) Verb; Old-English proinen, 
Old-Scottish prunze, compare the French provigner, from the 
Latin propaginare, whence in English also provine. 

Bill. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon bile, rostrum, Old-English bile. 2) An- 

*) Note by the translator: I do not think there can be this doubt about 
the origin of "punchy". I apprehend that it is mistakenly written for 
"paunchy 1 ', that is, having a predominence of the abdomen. 



//. The Elements of the Word. Assimilation of different words. 20H 

glosaxon bill, ensis-, compare the Highdutch beil. 3) Compare 
the Highdutch unbill, billig. 4) List, reckoning, in Old-English 
a lettery (CHAUCER), French billet. 

bittern. 1) Subst.; from the Anglosaxon biter, bitter. 2) A kind of 
bird, French butor. 

beetle. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon betel, bytel and biotul, beotel, malleus-, 
whence the verb to overhang, compare beotan, minari. 2) An- 
glosaxon botel and bitel, blatta from bitan. In betel both sub- 
stantives touch each other. 

bark. 1) Subst., verb; Old-uorse Subst.: borkr and verb barka, cutem 
induere, cortice finger e; birkja, decorticare. 2) Anglosaxon beor- 
can, latrare, whence borcjan. 

bass. 1) Subst.; Medieval-Latin bassus. 2) (In a church) perhaps 
nothing else than the Anglosaxon bast, cortex tiliae; in North- 
English the bast is thus called; in Cumberland dry rushes are 
called thus. 3) Verb: to kiss (MORE), compare the French baiser, 
Latin basiare, else the English buss. 

bore. 1) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon bor, scalprum; borjan, terebrare. 
2) Preterite of bear, Anglosaxon bar. 

borne. 1) Subst.; French borne, see Dieffenbach, Dictionary I. 300. 

2) Participle from bear, Anglosaxon boren. 3) (often in the names 
of places), Scottish burn, Anglosaxon byrna, torrens. 

box. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxou box, Latin buxus. 2) Anglosaxon bux, 
box, pyxis (both words denote originally the same thing). 3) 
Verb, Subst.; Danish baxe, Swedish baxas; belonging to the High- 
dutch pochen, bochen, Swedish boka. 

boot. 1) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon bot, Old-English bote, compensatio, 
reparatio^ Gothic botan. 2) Subst., verb; Old-French botte, boute. 

3) Old-English boat, Anglosaxon bat, linter. 

bound. 1) Verb, Subst.; Old-French bondir, bundir, bond. 2) Pre- 
terite and Participle from bind, Anglosaxon band, bundon, bun- 
den. 3) Subst., verb; compare the English boundary, Medieval- 
Latin bonna, bunda, bonnarium, Old-French bonne, bone, also 
bodne. 

bull. 1) Subst.; compare Anglosaxon bulluca, vitulus; Lowdutch bulle; 
Old-norse boli, taurus. 2) (Papal), Anglosaxon bull, Latin bulla. 

burden. 1) Subst.; = burthen, Anglosaxou byrcfen, onus. 2) Chorus 
(singing), Old-English burdoun, Old-French bourdon. Bass; com- 
pare bourdonner. 3) Obsolete: Pilgrims staff; Old-English also 
burdoun, Old-French bourdon. 

but. 1) Subst., verb; French bout, aboutir. 2) Particle, Anglosaxon 
butan. 

budge. 1) Verb; French bouger. 2) Subst.: prepared lambshide; 
whence budget, a bag &c , Old-French boge, bouge, Latin bulga. 

blow. 1) Subst.; from Anglosaxon bleovan, ferire. 2) Verb; Anglo- 
saxon blavan, flare. 3) Subst.; from the Anglosaxon blovan, 
florere. 

brim. 1) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon bremme, brymme, mar go. 2) Dia- 
lectically, Anglosaxon brim, unda, mare. 3) Adj.: obsolete, instead 
of breme, Anglosaxon breme, celeber. 

breeze. 1) French brise, Italian brezza. 2) Anglosaxon briosa, tabanus. 



204 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. 1. 

broil. 1) Subst.; belongs to the French brouiller; compare the Ita- 
lian broglio. 2) Verb; Cymric brwlio, brwlian, compare the Swiss 
brageln, prageln, to cook. 

Fell. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon fell. 2) Old-norse fell, mons. 3) An 
open field, thought to be abridged from the Anglosaxon fild, fe'ld. 
4) Adj., Subst.; Anglosaxon fell, crudelis and ira. 5) A mouse- 
trap (see HALLIWELL s. v.), Anglosaxon feall, dedpula. 6) Verb; 
Anglosaxon fyllan, fellan, prosternere. 7) Preterite from fall, An- 
glosaxon feoll. 

fair. 1) Adj.; also Adverb and Subst.; Anglosaxon fager. 2) Subst.; 
Old-French foire, feire, fere. 

far. 1) Adj. and Adverb; Anglosaxon feorr. 2) Subst.: a pig, An- 
glosaxon fearh, compare Old-English farrow. 

fold. 1) Verb, Subst.; Anglosaxon fealdan, plicare; feald, plica; whence 
the adjective termination -fold, Anglosaxon -feald, -plex. 2) 
Subst; Anglosaxon falud, fald. 

full. 1) Adj., Adverb and Subst.; Anglosaxon full, plenus. 2) Verb; 
Old-English fullen, compare Anglosaxon fullere, English fuller, 
Latin fullo, French fouler. 

fry. 1) Subst.; Old-norse frse, frio, Gothic fraiv, Old-French fraye. 
2) Verb, Subst.; French frire, Latin frigere. 3) Subst.: sieve? 

Vice. 1) Subst.; Old-French vice, visce, Latin vitium. 2) Old-French 
vis, viz. 3) Sometimes abridged from advice, French avis. 4) 
Prefix, Latin vice. 

vail. 1) Verb; instead of veil, Old-French voile, veile = velum. 2) 
Old-French avaler, avaller = baisser. 3) Vails; Subst.; from the 
Old-French valoir, valeir, properly aid, relief. 

vaunt. 1) Subst. = van, from the Old-French avant. 2) Verb; Old- 
French vanter, venter, from the Latin vanus. 

Wise. 1) Adj.; Anglosaxon vis. 2) Subst.; Anglosaxon vise. 

wight. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon viht. 2) The Island, Anglosaxon Viht 
= Vectis. 3) Adj.; Old-Scottish wicht, seems to belong to the 
Old-norse vigr, bellicosus (compare Anglosaxon vih, vig = pugna). 
In the Old-English we also find wight written instead of weight, 
white and witch. 

well. 1) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon vella, vylla, fons; andvellan, vyl- 
lan, ebullire. 2) Adverb; Anglosaxon vela, ve'l, bene. 

weed. 1) Subst.: now commonly in the plural, Anglosaxon vaed, 
vestimentum. 2) Subst, verb; Anglosaxon veod, herba; veodjan, 
eruncare. 

wax. 1) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon veax, vax, cera. 2) Verb; Anglo- 
saxon veaxan. 

wort. 1) Anglosaxon vyrt, virt, vert, vart, herba, radix. 2) Anglo- 
saxon virt, veort, vert, brasium, mustum. 

wood. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon vudu. 2) Adj.; Anglosaxon vod, fu- 
riosus. 

whittle. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon hvitle, cultellus, 2) Anglosaxon hvitel, 
pallium. 



//. The Elements of the Word. Assimilation of different words. 205 



c) Words with initial tooth-letters. 

Till. 1) Verb; Anglosaxon tiljan, studere, colere terrain, procurare, 
computare. Whether does till, a money -drawer, belong here? 
2) Preposition and conjunction; Anglosaxon til, ad, donee. 

tick. 1) Verb, also substantive (of a clock), Hollandish tikken, Low- 
dutch ticken. 2) Subst; Hollandish teek, Lowdutch tekebock, 
Middle-Highdutch zecke, French tique. 3) Old-Highdutch ziecha, 
Middle- and Modern-Highdutch zieche, Cymric tic, ticcyn, English 
ticken. 4) Subst., verb; belongs to ticket? 

tire. 1) Verb, to rush down (upon something) to pluck (of a bird 
of prey) to touse, belongs to the Anglosaxon terjan, tirjan, vexare, 
irritare, and te'ran, lacerare, scindere, English tear, to which be- 
long the Highdutch zerren and zehren, perhaps under the in- 
fluence of the French tirer, of the same origin; from the notion 
of pulling that of fatiguing has been developed: to make and be 
tired. 2) Subst., verb; else attire, Anglosaxon tier, apparatus, 
ordo, Old-Highdutch ziari, Middle-Highdutch ziere; ziarjan. Com- 
pare Old-norse tyr, fama praeclara, Anglosaxon tir, tyr, splen- 
dor, decus. 

tense. 1) A temporal form, Old-French tens, tans. 2) Stretched, tight, 
Latin tensus. 

tarry. 1) Verb; In this verb the Anglosaxon terjan, tirigan, vexare 
irritare, Old -French tarier, taroier meets with the Old -French 
targier, tarjer, from the Latin tardus; in Old-English targen is 
found for it (ROMANCE OF OTUEL p. 79). 2) Adj., from tar, 
Anglosaxon teru, pix fluida. 

tart. 1) Adj.; Anglosaxon teart, asper. 2) Subst.; French tarte, 
tourte, Medieval-Latin torta. 

tap. 1) Verb, subst.; Middle-Highdutch tappe, paw, Old-French taper; 
tape. 2) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon tappa, Hollandish tap, Old- 
norse tappr, tappan, tappjan, Old-norse tappa. 

ton. 1) Subst : a measure or weight, also tun, Anglosaxon tunne, 
Old-French tone, tonne. 2) French ton. 

toll. 1) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon toll, vectigal, privilegium telonium 
dictum-, Old-norse tolla, tributum imponere, pendere. 2) Verb; to 
take away (a law term) ; whence Subst. : toll, Latin tollere , Me- 
dieval-Latin tolta, breve quo Us tollitur e curia baronis. 3) Verb, 
Subst.; of a bell. In Old -English tollen, tolen occurs in the 
meaning of draw, figuratively to incite. Perhaps it is wrong to 
think of the Latin tollere. Compare Old-norse tolla, haerere, 
cohuerere; or may we think of tol-cettan, titillare? 

trump. 1) Subst, verb; Old-English trumpen (PiERS PLOUGHMAN), 
Old-norse trumba, tympanum, Old-Highdutch trumba, Middle- 
Highdutch trumbe. 2) Subst.; in cards, French triomphe. 

Die. ll Verb, Old-norse deyja, mori. 2) Commonly dye, Anglosaxon 
deagjan, tingere. 3) Subst.; Old -English also dee, French de, 
Italian dado. 

defile. 1) Verb, Subst.; French defiler, defile. 2) Anglosaxon fylan, 
inquinare. 



206 Doctrine of the, Word. Mnmtics. Part 1. Sect. 1. 

dear. Adj. and Subst.; Anglosaxou deore, dior, dyre. 2) Noxious, 
Old -English verb deren = to curt, injure, Anglosaxon derjan, 
nocere. 

dam. 1) Subst., verb; Old-norse dammr, alluvies, Anglosaxon dem- 
man, obturare, Gothic faur-dammjan. '2) Mother, especially of 
brutes, Old-French darne, Latin doinina. 
date. 1) Subst ; French date. "2) A sort of fruit, Provencal datil, 

French datte, dactylus. 

down. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon dun, mons, to which belongs the par- 
ticle down, compare Anglosaxon adune and ofdune, deorsum. 2) 
Light hair, Old-norse and Lowdutch dun. 
Thus. Adverb; Anglosaxon pus, sic. 2) Subst.; incense, Latin thus. 

thrum. 1) Verb; to play badly (an instrument), jingle, Old-norse 
pruma, anhelare, intonare. 2) Subst.; (the end of yarn cut off 
from the weft); verb: to warp, Old-norse prom, margo, Old- 
Highdutch, Middle-Hi ghdutch drum, Lowdutch drom, drom, dram, 
draum, dromt. 

thrush. 1) Subst. ; Anglosaxon prysce, Old-Highdutch drosca, droscela. 
2) Pustules, also spavin (inflammation of the feet of horses); 
perhaps belonging to the Anglosaxon priscan, ferire, percutere. 

See. 1) Subst.; benefice of a bishop, Old-French sed, sied, siez, se. 
2) Verb; Anglosaxon se'on. 3) Subst.; Old-English instead of 
sea, Anglosaxon sse. 

seam. 1) Subst.: fat, Anglosaxon seim (BoswoRTFi), Old-norse seimr, 
ductile quid, Lowdutch sem. 2) Subst.; verb, Anglosaxon seam, 
sutvra. 3) a measure (8 bushels of corn), provincial, a horses 
load, Anglosaxon seam, onus, sarcina jumentaria, Old-Highdutch 
soum. 

seal. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon seolh, phoca. 2) Subst.; Anglosaxon sigel, 
Gothic sigljo, sigillum; Anglosaxon sigeljan, Gothic sigljan, ob- 
signare. 

sew. 1) Verb; Anglosaxon sivjan, seovjan, suvan. 2) Verb; alongside 
of sue, to follow, pursue, Old-English sewen, suwen, Old-French 
sevre, seure, Modern-French suivre. 3) Verb; to let down (a 
pond &c.), whence the Subst. sewer, Old-French sewiere, seu- 
wiere; on the other hand sewer, Old-Scottish sewar, a carver, 
is perhaps originally nothing else than the Old -English suer, 
that is follower, adherent, servant (THE CREED OF PIERS PLOUGHM. 
p. 459.), and Palsgrave wrongly explains W I sewe at meate" by 
Je taste", which certainly might belong to the obligations of the 
officer, called a sewer. The dish of minced flesh, which Gower 
calls sewe (see LYNDSAY Poet. Works ed. Chalmers 3. p. 461.), might 
be named from the Old-French soef, soeve, Latin suavis, or might 
be the broth, which in Cymric was called sug, sudd; Anglosaxon 
sogoda, succus. 

sallow. 1) Subst.: a sort of tree, Anglosaxon salig. 2) Adj.; An- 
glosaxon salu, fuscus, niger. 

sage. 1) Subst.; French sauge, Anglosaxon salvige. 2) Adject, and 
Subst.; Old-French sage, saige, sapiens. 3) North-English subst.; 
for saw, Anglosaxon sage, serra. 

sack. 1) Subst, verb; Anglosaxon sacc, saccus. 2) Plundering, verb: 



11. The Elements of the Word. Assimilation of different words. 207 

to plunder, Old-French sac, probably belonging to No. 1. Com- 
pare Diez, Dictionary p. oOO. 3) Subst. : a sort of wine, whence 
the Old-English sack-posset and sack-whey in Devon, French 
sec, Italian secco. 

some, 1) Indeterminate pronoun; Anglosaxon sum. 2) In the for- 
mula some and all (HALLIWELL s. v. sum), all and some, some 
answers to the Old-French somme, sume, some, Modern-English 
sum, so that it might be formed after the French somme toute. 
The Old-English has som, sum, some, and uses it also adjec- 
tively, Schropschire som and half Warwikshire al so (ROB. OF 
GLOUCESTER I. p. 5). Compare: And of his mynde he shewed 
me all and some (SKELTON I. p. 39.). Of all good praiers God 
send him sum (IB. p. 69.). The formula stands adverbially for 
completely. 

sole. 1) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon sole, solea. Hence springs the 
name of a fish sole, French sole, Italian soglia. 2) Adj. ; Old- 
French sol, sul, seul, solus. 

sod. 1) Old preterite and participle from seethe, Anglosaxon seafr, 
sudon; soden. 2) Subst.; Hollandish zode, zood, zoo, Lowdutch 
sode. 

soil. 1) Subst.; Old-French soel, suel, sueil, Modern-French seuil. 

2) Subst., verb, Old-French souil, a slough, provencal solh, dirt, 
whence the verb souiller; mixed with the Anglosaxon sol, volu- 
tabrum, sordes; syljan, foedare, Gothic bi-souljan, inquinare, whence 
the Romance forms are derived. 3) Verb: to lead a horse to 
graze, Old-French saoler, Modern-French souler. 

sound. 1) Adj.; Anglosaxon sund. 2) Subst.; Anglosaxon son, sonus, 
Old-French son, sun; soner, suner, sonner, Old-English sounen. 

3) Subst.; Anglosaxon and Old-norse sund, mare, vadum. The 
same Anglosaxon word lies at the root of the meaning, swim- 
mingbladder, since sund in Anglosaxon and Old-norse also means 
swimming; Old-norse sund-uggar, pinnae piscium', sund-fseri, cauda 
et pinnae piscium; synda, nare, natare. The meanings of casting 
the soundingline, lean not on the French sonde, sender, but the 
Romance words, Span., Port., Ital. sonda, French sonde son- 
dar, sonder themselves are descended from the Germanic sund. 
Anglosaxon sundgerd and sundline denote the rod and line for 
measuring the depth of the sea, like the English sounding line. 
Sound, as the name of the cuttle-fish, may have the same origin. 

4) Subst.: swoon, even in the Vicar of Wakef c. XI, belongs 
to the Old-norse sundl, sundli, vertigo, verb sundla, vertigine tur- 
ban, alongside of the subst. svim, verb svima; compare the An- 
glosaxon svima, vertigo, deliquium, along with svanjan, evanescere, 
according to Sommer also asvunan, deficere animo. 

sow. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon sugu, sus. 2) Verb: sow, Anglosaxon 
savan. 

smelt. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon smelt, smylt, sardina piscis, salmo eper- 
lanus. 2) Verb; Anglosaxon smeltan, smyltan, liquefacere, 3) 
Participle; alongside of smelled, from smell, with which is com- 
pared the Lowdutch smolen, to smoke, smsel, the reek of damp stuff. 

smack. 1) Verb, Subst.; Anglosaxon smac, sm'acc, sapor, gustus; smec- 



208 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1. 

can, ffustare; Old-norse smacka, the same; alongside thereof the 
verb, subst., Lowdutch smacken, Middle-Highdutch smackezen, 
Hollandish smakken, (on the other hand the Hollaudish smaken), 
smak, a blow. 2) Subst. ; Anglosaxon snacc, Old-norse snakr, 
Hollandish smak, Danish srnakke. 3) Subst; Lowdutch smack. 

snow. 1) Subst.; verb, Anglosaxon snav, nix. 2) Hollandish snaauw, 
Danish snau, perhaps properly a snoutship, compare the Hol- 
landish snaauwen, to snub. 

slough. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon slog, volutabrum, English also sludge, 
slush and slosh. 2) (pronounced sluff) (of snakes, who cast the 
skin, formerly of beasts generally) scab, in Northern -English also 
pod, Middle-Highdutch sluch throat, skin of the snake. 

spill. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon spindel, spinl, fusus; Hollandish spil, 
compare the Middle-Highdutch spilmac, Lowdutch spille, Modern- 
Highdutch spille, spindel. 2) Verb; Anglosaxon spillan, Old- 
norse spilla, corrumpere, consumere, Lowdutch verspillen. 

spoke. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon spaca. 2) Preterite and Participle from 
speak, Anglosaxon spac; spocen. 

spright. 1) Subst.; the same as sprite = spirit. 2) Perhaps confounded 
with sprit, Anglosaxon spreot, trudis, contus', or belonging to 
sprig, see spray. 

spray. 1) Subst.; also sprig, Cymric brig = top, but compare also 
the Anglosaxon spree, sarmentum, Old-norse sprek, ramentum. 2) 
(of the sea), belongs to the Anglosaxon spregan, fundere-, com- 
pare the Middle-Highdutch sprouwen, sprewen, spargere, made- 
facere. 

swallow. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon svaleve. 2) Verb, Subst.; Anglosaxon 
svelgan, svilgan, devorare, imbiber e; Middle-Highdutch swalch, 
-ges, swale, grudiness, swalken, crapulari, svelge, vorago. 

still. 1) Adj., Adv. and Conj.; Anglosaxon stille, quietus-, stille, tacite; 
Verb; Anglosaxon stillan, compescere, also Subst. (poetic); Old- 
Highdutch stilli, Middle-Highdutsh stille. 2) Subst.; Old-norse 
stilli, agger, vallus. 3) Verb; Latin stillare. 

stern. 1) Adj ; Anglosaxon sterne, severus, asper, rigidus. 2) Subst. 
(of a ship), Anglosaxon stearn, gubernaculum^ compare stior, the 
same, and steorern, gubernaculi locus, as well as stearnsetl, pup- 
pis. 3) Old-Epglish, Subst.; Stella, else sterre, Modern-English 
star, Old-norse stiarna, Anglosaxon steorra. 

stale. Old-English stele. 1) Subst., (obsolete), Anglosaxon ste'l, cau- 
lis, manubrium. 2) Bait (SHAKSPEARE). These meanings belong 
to the Anglosaxon stelan, surripere, furari, compare stalu,/wrftm; 
Longobardic astalin, fraus. Here too seem to belong the adjec- 
tive stale = old, worn out; substantively, sour beer, bad woman; 
and as a verb, to wear out, in which the image of the deceit- 
ful, spurious, may lie at the root. 3) Verb, Subst.; Danish stalle, 
Swedish stalla, Italian stallare, probably borrowed from the dirti- 
ness of the stable. 

stable. 1) Adj.; Old-French estable, stdbttis. 2) Subst.; (in the chase); 
verb, Old-French estable, Modern-French etable, stabulum. 

stud. 1) Subst.; verb, Anglosaxon studu, postis, clavus. Lowdutch 
stiit (on the other hand stut). 2) Subst. ; formerly also studderie 



II. The Elements of the Word. Assimilation of different words. 209 

a large stable; Anglosaxon stod, armentum equorum, Old-High- 
dutch, Middle-Highdutch stuot, (here belongs steed, Anglosaxon 
steda). 

scale. 1) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon scalu, lanx, trutina, Medieval-Latin 
scala, bilanx, Old-norse skal, bilanx and patera, hence in Somer- 
setshire, also: a drinking bowl. 2) Subst.: of a fish, Anglosaxon 
scealu, scala, putamen; compare the Old-French escale, escaile, 
Modern-French ecaille, ecale, a nutshell; whence the verb. 3) 
Subst., verb; Old-French eschele, eschiele, Latin scala; whence 
the verb escheller, Italian scalare, Modern-French escalader. 

Shackle. 1) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon scacul, columbar, Hollandish 
schakel, limb of a chain, Modern-Highdutch schake; whence 
figuratively in Northern -English, the wrist. 2) Stubble; compare 
shack, right of pasture in winter and to the shattered corn at 
harvest; it belongs to the Anglosaxon scacan, quatere, excutere 
and volare, Old-norse skaka, quatere, agitare, and denotes pro- 
perly the battered out and flown away corn. The dialectical 
verb shack, to rove about, and subst. vagabond, confirms this. 

shoal. 1) Adj., Subst.; (compare shallow), belongs to the Old-High- 
dutch scalljan, to cause to sound, Middle-Highdutch schal, hollow, 
Modern-Highdutch schal. 2) Subst.; Anglosaxon scolu, caterva, 
multitudo. 

shock. 1) Subst.; from the Anglosaxon sceacga, caesaries, compare 
"West-English shacked instead of shaggy, Anglosaxon sceacged, 
comatus, Old-norse skeggi, barbatus. 2) Subst.; whence the verb, 
to set corn in shocks, Danish skok, Swedish skock, Middle-High- 
dutch schoc (60 pieces), Lowdutch schocken. 3) Subst, verb; Here 
Germanic and French elements mix, Old-Highdutch scoc, Middle- 
Highdutch schoc, Middle-Highdutch schocken, schoggen, to be 
in swinging movement, with the Anglosaxon scacan, related to 
the Old-norse skaka; along therewith the Old-French cheque, a 
stem, choc, a thrust, choquer, to thrust against. 

Check. 1) Subst.; Old-French eschac, eschec; to which belongs check, 
on a Bank, from the Old-French verb eschequer, to divide by 
lines, like a chessboard (eschequier), compare the Highdutch 
scheckig, English cheeky. 2) Verb: to impede, Subst.: hindrance, 
are likewise taken from the game; compare the Middle-Highdutch 
schachen, to give check. 

chap. 1) Obsolete verb: to deal; Subst.: a dealer, figuratively: com- 
panion; compare chapman, Anglosaxon copman, ceapjan, emere, 
negotiari. 2) Subst.: a chink; verb: to come open, seem to belong 
to the Anglosaxon cippjan, secare and to a root cippan , compare 
Old-norse kippa, elevare', kippr, inter stitium loci. 

chase. 1) Subst.; Old-French chasse, casse, Modern-French chasse 
Latin capsa. 2) Verb, Subst.; Old-French chacier, cacier; Me- 
dieval-Latin caciare, Subst. chace, cace, of unclear origin. 

Jet. 1) Subst.; French jais, jayet, gagates. 2) Verb, Subst.; Old- 
French Jeter, geter; get, giet, jactus. In the meaning: a henroost, 
the French jet seems taken collectively; compare Latin jactus 
retis, all fish caught, French jet d'abeilles, a swarm of bees; jet 
de voiles, a complete set of sails. 

Miitzner, engl. Gr. T. 14 



210 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I. 

jetty. 1) Subst, French jetee. 2) Adj., from the Subst. jet. 

jar. 1) A large jug or glass vessel with a wide opening; French 
jarre, Provencal, Span., Port, jarra; of Arabic origin from garrah, 
a water vessel. 2) Verb; to tick (of the clock) [SHAKSPEARE], 
Subst. This word points to the French jars, also jar (Nicox), 
"Walloon gear, a gander, Breton garz; according to Tarbe a verb 
jargauder and iargauder is used in Champagne of the gander, 
which treads the goose with gabble, as if g belonged to the root. 
In Cymric the verb jar is rendered by ysgortio, ysgordio. 

d) Words with initial throat-sounds. 

Cart. 1) Subst., verb; French carte, charte. 2) Subst., verb; French 
carde; carder, also chardon; chardonner, Old-French escharder, 
to scratch up with thistles, from the Latin carduus. 

cape. 1) Subst.; French cap alongside of chef, Latin caput 2) Old- 
French cape, chape, Old-norse kapa, Medieval-Latin capa, cappa. 

caper. 1) Subst.; French capre, Latin capparis. 2) Subst., verb; 
from the Latin caper; compare the French cabrer and cabriole, 
cabrioler. 

case. 1) Subst.; Old-French cas, quas; casus. 2) Subst., verb; Old- 
French casse, chasse, Latin capsa. 3) Dialectic for because. 

compt. 1) Subst., verb; (commonly count), Old-French conter, Modern- 
French compter. 2) Adj. (obsolete), Latin comptus, Old-French 
cointe. 

console. 1) Verb, French consoler. 2) Subst.; French console, from 
sole, Latin solea. 

corn. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon corn, granum; whence the verb corn. 
2) On the feet, Old-French corn, cornu. 

corporal. 1) Subst.; corrupted from the French caporal. 2) Adj.; for 
the more usual corporeal, and Subst., Medieval-Latin corporale, 
palla qua sacrificium tegitur in altari. 

cope. 1) Subst., verb; Old-English copen, Medieval-Latin capa, cappa; 
incappare = operire, compare Anglosaxon cappa, cappe, pileus^ 
cucullus; see cape. 2) Subst; (SHAKSPEARE), Old-French cope, 
copel = cime, Anglosaxon copp, culmen. 3) Verb; commonly 
construed with with*), perhaps means originally as much as 
chap or chop, chaffer, to haggle with any one. In Eastern dialects 
cope is still used for to chop, exchange. Compare English cope- 
man alongside of chapman, Anglosaxon copmann, mercator^ an 
Anglosaxon verb copjan (compilare?) of dubious meaning, also 
occurs. All these forms belong to the Gothic kaupon, to follow 
trade. 

cob. 1) Subst.: head; little lump of hay (in Oxford), stone (East of 
England); applied to beasts: a small, strong pony; a seamew, 
perhaps also: a spider (in cobweb); in a wider meaning: an un- 
gelded horse; further, chieftain (= leader, chief, in Cheshire), 
hence cob-swan, the leading (male) swan &c., seem equally to 

*) Note by the translator: Whether does "cope with" flow from No. 2, 
the root meaning being head, as we say to "head", to make head 
against. 



11. The Elements of the Word. Assimilation of different words. 211 

belong the obsolete cop, Anglosaxon copp, calix and culmen, 
Old-Highdutch koph, Middle-Highdutch kopf, a globular vessel, 
Breton cab = tete, bout, Old-Highdutch chgepf, cacumen, Cymric 
cop = summit. Compare also Old-friesic kop, Lowdutch kop, a 
tree. 2) The verb cob, to strike; dialectically Subst. blow, be- 
longs on the other hand to the Old-norse kubba, amputare, per- 
fringere. Compare also the Swedish kuffa, ferire, trudere, English 
cuff. 

cost. 1) Subst.; obsolete and dialectic (East of England) rib, Old- 
French coste, Latin costa. 2) Verb, Subst.; Old-French coster, 
couster, Latin constare and Subst. cost = frais, depense. 
count. 1) Subst.; Old-French cuens, conte, cunte, cumte, Latin comes, 

-it-is. 2) Verb, Subst.; Old-French center, cunter; conte. 
counter. 1) Subst.; Old- French conteres, conteor, in the sense of the 
Modern-French conteur. 2) Adv. and Prefix; Old-French contre, 
cuntre. 
cleave. 1) Verb; Anglosaxon cleofan, clufan; Lowdutch kliwen. 2) 

Anglosaxon clifan and clifjan, adhaerere, Lowdutch klewen. 
crowd. 1) Subst. : a string instrument, also croud, crouth in Halliwell, 
Cymric crwth, Medieval-Latin chrotta, Old-French rote; whence 
also a verb crowd, to fiddle, was in use. 2) Verb; Anglosaxon 
creodan, premere, premi; croda, compressio. 
kennel 1) Subst.; compare channel, Old-French chenal, Latin cana- 

lis. 2) Verb; French chenil, Latin canile. 
kern. 1) Subst. (Irish) soldier. 2) Instead of quern, Anglosaxon 

cveorn, cvyrn, mola. 

keel. 1) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon ceol, carina, navis; Old-norse kioll, 
carina, navis; kiolr, carina, dor sum montis. 2) Verb; Anglosaxon 
celan, algere. 

knoll. 1) Verb; Anglosaxon cnyllan, cnellan, signum dare campana; 
whence Subst.: knell, Anglosaxon cnyll, campanae signum. 2) 
Subst.; Anglosaxon cnoll. 

Quail. 1) Subst. : a sort of bird, figuratively, a strumpet, Old-French 
quaille, Modern-French caille, Medieval-Latin quaquila, Hollandish 
kwakkel, kwartel. 2) Verb: to despond, belongs to the Anglo- 
saxon cve'lan, pati, mori and cveljan, trucidare, compare English 
quell, kill; Old-norse qvol, cruciatus; qvalrsedi, angor, cruciatuSy 
qvelja, torquere-, qvilli, infirma valetudo. 3) Verb: to curdle (of 
milk), particularly dialectically in East-English, French cailler, 
Italian quagliare, cagliare, Latin coagulare. 

Gore. 1) Subst.: curdled blood, Anglosaxon gor, tabum. 2) Verb: 
to but with the horn, from the Anglosaxon gar, hasta. 3) Here 
belongs the meaning of a Subst. gore, a wedgeshaped piece of 
cloth let in, a wedgeshaped piece of a field; the Middle-High- 
dutch gere, means the same, which is derived from the Old- 
Highdutch ger, Anglosaxon gar, Gothic gais, Latin gaesum, 
hasta. 
Gum, 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon goma, Old-norse gomr, palatum. 2) 

French gomme, Latin gummi, gummis. 

gull. 1) Verb, Subst.; belonging to the Old-norse gyllinger, adulator, 
as Adj. splendidus-, Old-Swedish gylla, decipere-, Old-English guile 

14* 



Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part L Sect. I. 

= gay, fine (HALUWELL). 2) Subst. : a mew; dialectically it 
means the callow fowl and the gosling. Cymric gwylan. 
-gust. 1) Subst.; Old-norse gustr, giostr, aura frigida, Anglosaxon 
gist, procella, ventus. 2) Taste; along with which gusto also oc- 
curs, Latin gustus. 

grin. 1) Subst.: a trap, Anglosaxon grin, gryn, laqueus. 2) Verb, 
Subst.; Anglosaxon grennjan, ringi; (grynn, odium, malum]) com- 
pare Old-norse grina, intentis oculis intueri. 

ground. 1) Preterite and Participle from grind, Anglosaxon grand, 
grundon; grunden. 2) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon grund, fundus, 
solum; gryndan, fundare. 

Hind. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon hind, cerva. 2) Anglosaxon hina, do- 
mesticus. 3) Adj.; Anglosaxon hind-veard, posterus; hindan, post, 
retro; hinder Adverb and Preposition. 

hip. 1) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon hype, hyp, hyppe; femus. 2) Also 
written hep, Anglosaxon hiope, heope, rosae silvestris bacca, rubus. 
3) Interjection, as an invocation. 4) Verb: to hip, popular ab- 
breviation of hypochondriac. 

hide. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon hyd, cutis. 2) Verb (derived from the 
Subst. just named), Anglosaxon hydan, abscondere; Old-norse 
hyda, excoriare, flagellare and pelles superinduere; dialectically 
still in English, to whip. 3) Subst.: a measure of land, Anglo- 
saxon hyd, Medieval-Latin hida, hyda, terrae portio, quantum 
sufficit ad arandum uni aratro per annum', compare the Old-norse 
haudr, terra inculta. 
helm. 1) Subst. (of a ship), verb; Anglosaxon healma, helma, guber- 

naculum. 2) Subst.: a helmet, Anglosaxou helm, galea. 
hamper. 1) Subst.; instead of hanaper, Medieval-Latin hanaperium, 
from the Anglosaxon hnapp, calix. 2) Verb: to fetter, impede, 
North -English beat; Subst.: impediment; compare Old-norse 
hampa, manibus volvere, terere. 

harrow. 1) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon hereve, occa, Danish harve. 2) 
Verb; obsolete alongside of harry, to worry, Anglosaxon herjan, 
hergjan, vastare, bello premere, and herevjan, hyrvjan, vexare t 
affligere. 3) Interjection; as a cry for help, also haro, an Old- 
Norman cry of distress, Old -French haro, harou, hareu, hari, 
whence the verb harier, harer = harceler, provoquer un combat. 
The cry is derived from ha Rous! that is ha! and the name of 
Duke Rollo. See Du Cange s. v. haro. This disputed opinion 
seems to receive confirmation by the exclamation : haroll alarome ! 
quoted by Palsgrave. 

haver. 1) Subst.; from the verb have, Anglosaxon habban, habban, 
habere. 2) Oats; (compare haver-bread, haversack, French havre- 
sac, properly High dutch habersack), Old-norse hafrar, Danish 
havre, Old-Saxon havaro. 

haggard. 1) Adj. and Subst.; according to Diez from hawk with the 
termination ard, French hagard. 2) Subst. ; in the meaning rick- 
yard or stack-yard: space for hay or cornstocks, perhaps corrupted 
from hay-gard, compare Anglosaxon geard, sepes, to which be- 
longs the English garden; Old-English and Old-Scotch, also garth, 
as still in the North of England, and the English orchard. ; 



II. The Elements of the Word. Assimilation of different words. 213 

hawk. 1) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon hafuc, accipiter. 2) Verb; com- 
pare Lowdutch Subst. hak, Danish hokre, belonging to hocken. 
3) Verb, Subst.; This word is an expression imitative of the 
noise. 

holni. 1) Subst.: an island in a river, Old-norse holmi, Danish Swe- 
dish holm, insula, Anglosaxon holm, altum mare and insula. 2) 
A tree, commonly taken for the evergreen oak, but wrongly, 
according to Halliwell, who thereby will have only the tree, else 
called holly, to be understood. The latter is the Hollandish hulst, 
Old-Highdutch holis, French houx. The form holm, with the 
change of the n into m, corresponds to the Anglosaxon holen r 
used for several trees and shrubs (sambucus, aquifolium, alnus), 
whence cneoholen or holm, English kneeholm, ruscus. 

hop. 1) Verb,' Subst.; Anglosaxon hoppan, satire, sahare. 2) Subst.; 
Old-Highdutch hopfo, Middle-High dutch hopfe, Hollandish hoppe, 
hop, Medieval -Latin hupa, humlo, Old-norse humall, Danish 
humle. 

host. 1) Subst., verb; (SPENSER, SHAKSPEARE), Old-French hoste, 
oste, Latin hospit-em. 2) Subst.: in the Catholic ritual, Latin 
hostia. 3) Old-French ost, host, from the Latin hostis. 

hue. 1) Subst.: colour, Anglosaxon hiv. 2) a cry; a hue and cry, 
legal pursuit, arrest, Old-French hu, huz along with huee, verb 
huer from the Interjection hu! 

B) Double forms of the same Word. 

Among the assimilated words enumerated, as before, many of 
the same origin have been already cited in different forms. We 
content ourselves here in general with classifying the English words 
of this sort which annex different meanings to distinct forms, although 
the latter occasionally flow into one another, passing over those words 
in which the different forms have received no essential differences of 
meaning, as abysm and abyss, guard and ward, guile and wile, 
sludge, slush, slosh &c. 

a) Such are those which several contemporary forms, perhaps 
following one another, in one of the root tongues of English, or dif- 
ferent iorms of the fundamental word in different tongues serve to 
support, among which those words are to be disregarded whose dif- 
ferent meanings have already given rise to dissimilated forms of 
another tongue. The following may serve as examples: 
outer, opposed to the word inner, and to utter in the meaning of 
extreme, complete, which are based upon two Anglosaxon forms 
uter and ytra, but from the same root and of like meaning 
(exterior}. 

morrow, to-morrow, and morn, poetic subst , along with morning, An- 
glosaxon morgen and morn, matutinum tempus. 

lance, to throw as a lance; especially, thrust, prick, open with the 
lancet, and lanch, launch, to hurl; particularly, to float a vessel, 
Old-French lancer and lanchier, that is, frapper avec uiie lance, 
darder. 






214 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I. 

wine and vine, have the allied Anglosaxon vin and Latin vinum, 
French vin, for fundamental forms. 

wind and vent, likewise lean upon the Anglosaxon vind and Old- 
French vent, Latin ventus, of like meaning. 

wise, mostly used now only in compounds, stands alongside of guise. 
The Anglosaxon vise, modus, consuetude and Old-French guise, 
Modern- French guise, maniere, facon, are the same word. 

why and how, Anglosaxon hve, hvy, hvu (Instrumental from, hva, 
hvat, quis, quid), cur, quomodo. 

waggon or wagon, commonly waggon, and wain, a carriage, Charles' 
swain, a constellation, Anglosaxon vagen, vagn, vsen, plaustrum. 

villan, also villein, is by modern Lexicographers distinguished from 
villain, a rascal ; both rest upon the Medieval-Latin villanus, Old- 
French vilain, vilein, villain, that is, laboureur and rustre. 

deploy, to exhibit (troops), and display, to Jay out, Old-French desploier, 
with the collateral forms pleier, plier; compare the Modern- French 
deployer alongside of deplier. 

cattle and chattel, moveable possessions, Old -French catel, chatel; 
biens, biens mobiliers. 

convey and convoy, Old-French conveier, convoier; conduire, accom- 
pagner. 

quaint and compt (obsolete), Old-French cointe, Latin comptus, comtus. 

cross and cruise (by sea), Old-norse krossa, signo crucis notare, Old- 
French crois, cruiz, Old-Highdutch cruci, cruzi. 

humor, humidity, has recently been distinguished from humour, a frame 
of mind. In Old-French the terminations or, our, eur, run along- 
side of each other: humor, -our, eur; but the Latin humor is 
perhaps here regarded alongside of the French form &c. 

b) Other double forms are of a kind that they proceed from one 
and the same form of the word, and with a difference of meaning are 
distinguished from one another by a change of vowel or consonant. 
While the first-named often interchange their forms with one another 
in Old-English, we still find here the same fundamental form in the 
older language, with a diversity of meaning. The following are 
examples : 

milk and milch, are distinguished in sense, but both seem to be related 
to the Anglosaxon miluc. Lowdutch has the Subst. melk and 
the Adj. melke alongside of each other. 

mean and moan, Anglosaxon maenan, indicare and queri, dolere; Old- 
English menen in both meanings; likewise bemenen instead of 
signify and bemoan. 

make was formerly used for companion, consort; match expresses the 
notion of the equal, adequate to another, as well as the abstract 
notion of a consortment of a pair in marriage; both still exist 
in makeless and matchless, of like meaning; Old-norse rnaki, 
aequalis and conjux, Anglosaxon maca, consors, conjux. According 
to Bosworth there was also an Anglosaxon ge-ruacca, which 
would chime in with the Old-English macche = match. 
metal, rarely used figuratively, and mettle, only figuratively, come from 
the Latin raetallum, French metal. 



//. The Elements of the Word. Double forms of the same word. 215 

nib and neb, Anglosaxon nebb, caput, vultus, os', compare the Low- 
dutch nibbe, a beak. 

person and parson, Old -French persone for personne and cure; in 
Old-English the clergyman is also called persone. 

beacon and beckon, both point to the Anglosaxon beacen, signum, nutus, 
and beacnjan, becnjan, indicare, annuere. 

flower and flour, point primarily to the Old-French flour; yet it is 
remarkable that the form flur is in use in that double meaning: 
flores and tenuissimum triticum. 

to, Preposition and too, Adv., answer to the Anglosaxon to used as 
a preposition (ad} and adverb (insuper'). 

ton, fashion, tone and tune, are borrowed from the same word, Greek 
rovof, French ton, Anglosaxon dyne, tonitru, sonus*), Middle- 
Highdutch don. 

discreet is distinguished from discrete; French discret and Latin discre- 
tus, the former of which corresponds in sense with the English 
discreet. 

sing and singe: like sving and swinge, are allied in meaning to the 
Anglosaxon singan, canere and se.ngan, ustulare, as well as svin- 
gan, vibrare, flagellare and svengan, quassare, jactare, but dissi- 
milate only the consonant g as a guttural and as a dental. 

sauce and souse, Old-French sause, Modern-French sauce, from the 
Latin salsus. 

scatter and shatter, Anglosaxon scateran, dissipare. 

school and shoal, Anglosaxon scolu, schola and caterva; Hollandish 
school, schola and caterva, scholen, congregari; Old-Highdutch 
schuole, also: meeting. 

stick and stitch, are only apparently dissimilated forms from the An- 
glosaxon sticjau, pungere, transfigere and haerere, the former be- 
longing rather to the Anglosaxon stecan, pungere, icere, and as 
it has become unfaithful to its origin in conjugation (stung; stung, 
Anglosaxon stac; ste'cen), rather assimilated to the form stitch. 
It is otherwise with pick, and pitch, both coming from the An- 
glosaxon pyccan, pungere; compare Old-norse picka, frequenter 
pungere. 

cap and cape, Anglosaxon cappa, pileus, cucullus. 

cot, otherwise cote and coat, answer to the Anglosaxon cot, casa, 
Old-norse kot, casa and at the same time pectorale. 

cup and cop, Anglosaxon copp, calix and culmen. 

kill and quell, Anglosaxon cvellan, cveljan, necare, trucidare, Old- 
English quellen = to kill. 

glass and glaze, from the Anglosaxon glas, vitrum. 

grass and graze, from the Anglosaxon gr'as, gramen; compare grasjan, 
gramine vesci, and other dissimilations. 



*) Note by the translator: the connection of these Germanic words with 
the Greek T'.I",^ seems more than questionable, fdi-oc, in the sense of the 
differentiated sound produced by the different degrees of tension of the chord, 
is an intellectual development of the Hellenic mind; whereas the dyne, din, 
tonitru, and stun-grou pseems to be onomatopoetic from a sudden, explosive 
sound. 



216 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Parti. Sect. 1. 

c) In conclusion I must mention the peculiar double forms, aris- 
ing when the verbal root, in the one case, as it presents itself in the 
infinitive of Romance or Latin words ; and alongside of that, the Latin 
and, less frequently, the Romance participial form of the same verb 
are employed to form English verbs. The most frequent par- 
ticipial form is that in ate (Latin atus), which gives verbs answering 
to the Latin in at- are; yet others also occur. These double forms 
belong chiefly to verbs compounded with prefixes, and those leaning 
upon participial forms are peculiar to the modern tongue. Many 
represent no notional differences, and perhaps are only distinguished 
by their more or less frequent use. To those scarcely distinguishable 
in meaning belong, for instance: immerge immerse; incurve in- 
curvate; inhume inhumate ; enounce enunciate; enerve (MILTON) 

enervate; announce annunciate; administer administrate-, oblige 

obligate (litle used); prejudge prejudicate; promulge (PEARSON) 

promulgate-, transfund (BARROW) transfuse; subduce subduct; 
complane complanate &c. 

Others diverge more decidedly, in part at least : impregn; impreg- 
nate^ infringe (a contract, a law), and check; infract, more rarely used. 
intone, intonate, the same, collaterally to sound loud, thunder; incarn, 
to cover with flesh; incarnate, to humanize; illume (formed after the 
Old-French alumer), also figuratively, is more poetic; illuminate (also 
of illumination with colours), to enlighten, include, to shut in; enclose 
(inclose), from the French participle enclos, which has also become 
a substantive, to fence in; aspire, to strive after; aspirate (of pronun- 
ciation), predestine, to determine before hand (generally) ; predestinate, 
to determine before hand by an immutable resolve (in the dogmatic 
sense); transfer, to remove (to another place), to convey (to a per- 
son) &c.; translate, (also an official person) or (from one tongue into 
another); comprehend, to include, also to take in (with the under- 
standing); comprise, from the French participle compris. 

In transmew (SPENSER) and transmute of like meaning, the same 
infinitive, first in the Old-French from muer, and then in the Latin 
mutare, lies at the root. 

It is rare that a double participial form produces two verbs, as 
in the two obsolete adjute (Latin adjutum) and adjuvate (Latin 
adjuvatum, rare); and in depaint (French depeint) and depict (Latin 
depictum), which are distinguished only by the usage, not in meaning, 
like the first named. 



L The Parts of Speech and their Inflective Forms. 217 

SECOND SECTION. 
THE DOCTRINE OF FORMS. 



Phonetics has to do with the body of the word according to its 
material nature. The Doctrine of forms considers the word according 
to its notional nature and its destination withiu speech, as conditioned 
or partly conditioned by the form of the word, and as a part of 
speech. 

]) We distinguish different parts of speech, or classes of words, 
which are named according to their predominant destination in 
the sentence, while they are not precluded from occasionally in- 
terchanging their functions in the sentence. 

The parts of speech are divided into Nouns, Verbs and Par- 
ticles. 

a) The noun names or denotes objects given in external reality 
(concrete objects), or imagined analogously to these (abstract 
objects), and the qualities inherent in them, which by their 
form or meaning indicate their attributive reference to the 
objects. 

Objects are denoted by substantives, the qualities formally 
referred to them by adjectives. 

If the object is not named, but merely denoted by a word 
passing for a sign pointing back or away to an object, either 
a person or a thing, this representative word is termed a sub- 
stantive pronoun. 

If the object is determined attributively, not according to a 
quality inherent in itself according to its nature, but extrinsi- 
cally, that is, quantitatively, or demonstratively in the amplest 
sense of the word, this is effected by a numeral, an adjective 
pronoun or an article. 

b) The Verb, or time-word, the essential word of the predicate, 
whereby a judgment is accomplished, serves in the sentence to 
express the activity of the subject, which falls in the sphere 
of Time, as the subject with its qualities is originally imagined 
in the sphere of space. 

c) The remaining parts of speech are called particles, which, al- 
though commonly of small outward compass, are not of small 
import in speech, but essentially contribute to determine the 
character of the tongue. They are divided into words of cir- 
cumstance, or, adverbs; words of relation, on prepositions; 
connecting words, or, conjunctions; and sounds of emotion, 
or, interjections. 

The adverb serves essentially to determine the verb more 
particularly, with reference to the space, the time, the manner, 
and the cause and aim of the action. Its further functions in 



218 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II. 

the sentence flow from this its original destination. The pre- 
position stands in an essential relation to the substantive, and 
determines, in the same aspects as the adverb, the more general 
character of the case more nearly and closely, as, in the ab- 
sense of case-inflection, it undertakes the function of such inflec- 
tion. The conjunction is the means of expressing the relation 
of the sentences to one another, coming, apparently, out of 
the sentence, although in fact acting as an adverb or a prepo- 
sition. The interjection had the meaning of a subjective ut- 
terance of emotion, or of an affection, without any notional 
defiuiteness, and stands, in fact, outside of the sentence, although 
it may appear as the unconcious abbreviation of a sentence. 

This characterising of the parts of speach considers them 
according to their more general syntactical relations within 
speech. la the aspects of their form and of their original na- 
ture, as determinate thereby, the doctrine of forms has to 
develop them further, as syntax has to set forth their more 
particular destinations and their partial interchange among each 
other. 

The more ancient tongues, as well as those generally which 
have preserved their inflective forms more complete than the 
English, distinguish nouns and verbs, as parts of speech capable 
of inflection, from particles, as forms incapable of inflection. 
This distinction is in English no longer completely applicable, 
nouns being in great part to be reckoned among the parts of 
speech incapable of inflection, unless we confound the substitu- 
tion of case prepositions, (like of and to) for cases with the 
notion of inflection. But only the change of the body of the 
word by additional sounds or syllables can be called inflection, 
whereby the part of speech, without change of its notional 
determination, enters into distinct relations within the sentence. 
2) Another aspect in which the parts of speech are to be considered 
in the doctrine of forms is the change of the body of a word, 
produced by derivation and composition. 

Under the name of a root we comprehend the similar con- 
stituents of a larger or smaller number of words, in which a change 
or variation, or a dimming of the vowel, as well as a change 
of consonants, conditioned or explainable physiologically is cer- 
tainly not excluded. All words belonging to the same root leade 
us to the conclusion of their original notional connection. The 
image of a root, with a meaning permeating all its stems and 
ramifications, is, however, solely of theoretic value. No root as 
such appears in speech; there every word appears as a definite 
part of speech, whose radical abstract meaning is separated and 
individualized, even when the radical sounds alone apparently 
constitute a word. 

The simple word proceeding from the root may, as such, be 
augmented by inflective forms. The unaltered part is then the 
stem. That even derivative words may be capable of inflection, 
is readily to be understood, and we call the verbal body, 
amplified materially and more closely determined notionally, the 



/. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. 1. The Substantive. 219 

stem of the word, as distinct from the inflective termination. 
We commonly term both the fundamental form. 

a) "When the stem is amplified by means of sounds or syllables, 
so that distinct notions and parts of speech arise, these further 
formed stems are called derivative words. 

b) But when to a selfstanding word of any sort another, or even 
more than one more word is added, so that these words coalesce 
into one phonetic and notional whole, compound words arise. 

The task of the doctrine of forms is accordingly to represent 
the single parts of speech in the aspect of their capacity or 
incapacity of inflection, as well as the doctrine of the derivation 
and composition of words. 



I. The Parts of Speech and their inflective forms. 

A) The Noun. 
I. The Substantive. 

The noun substantive denotes externally real, sensuously per- 
ceivable, or concrete objects, which are primarily apprehended as 
existing in space, and are therefore Persons, or Things. 

It further serves to denote the notions of qualities, actions or 
beings, gained through the action of thinking, and which, as abstract 
objects, are imagined analogously to things sensuously perceivable, 
and are employed as subjects or objects in the sentence. 

The limit between concrete and abstract substantives is hard 
to draw, since the perceivable, such as sound, noise, smell, light 
&c., may in their origin be conceived as the utterance of an activity, 
and, in regard to the subject apprehending, appear sensuously per- 
ceivable. Thus abstract substantives, denoting an action, are often 
used to signify the sensuously perceivable result, as in drawing, 
painting, embroidery; and the action is even put for the material 
in which it is effected. The abstract term even becomes the term 
for an individual to whom an abstract quality belongs: compare 
Majesty, Highness, instead of Prince, and so on. In these regards 
ancient and modern tongues agree; in the last-named the English 
goes, however, further than Highdutch. Thus youth (Anglosaxon 
geogufr, juventus) denotes not only youth abstractly and collectively 
(see under c), but also the individual in the youthful age; witness 
(Anglosaxon vitness, testimonium) testimony and the person bearing 
it, compare temoin = testimonium; acquaintance, personal know- 
ledge, abstractly and collectively, and the person known, relation; 
the affinity and the person related, compare Anglosaxon sibb, consan- 
guinitas, cognatus; fairy, formerly abstractly fayry (see HALLIWELL 
s v.), French feerie, stands now in the place of the otherwise more 
usual fay. 

A further organic division of substantives is that into names of 
sorts, projer names, collective names and names of materials. 



220 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 1L 

We can regard there as, on the one hand, distinct classes of sub- 
stantives, while on the other hand they pass in part into one another. 
We may likewise regard them as sorts of concrete substantives, while 
abstract substantives may also partially take their place. 

a) Names of sorts is the term for those substantives which denote, 
according to their notion, objects which are to be apprehended as 
individuals of a sort or kind. Concrete objects are of course 
mostly of this sort; yet even abstractions, such as virtue, vice, 
bias, sickness &c., so far as they are individualized or imagined 
as appearing as manifold, may become names of sorts. 

b) Proper names are those substantives whereby persons or other 
objects are denoted, not according to their notion, but in an ex- 
trinsic, conventional manner, without their essence or quality 
needing be touched. They mostly arise out of concrete names of 
sorts, but also out of abstract names. But by several objects hav- 
ing the same proper name, the notion of a sort does not on the 
contrary arise; but, if the proper name is employed metaphori- 
cally, in remembrance of the characteristic qualities of the person 
or thing bearing it, the proper name becomes the name of a sort, 
as Nero represents the notion of a tyrant. 

c) Collective names comprise a number of single objects under one 
total image, when the image of the individual beings recedes, as 
in forest, army. If these totalities are apprehended as manifold 
in number they appear as names of sorts: forests, armies; a thick 
forest, a formidable army. So far as abstract substantives can be 
regarded as terms for the common nature or activity of individuals, 
they frequently assume the character of collective names, as, Priest- 
hood, Knighthood, Christendom, Mankind, Clergy. 

d) Names of materials are substantives absolutely denoting the homo- 
geneous matter or mass of which objects consist. They must be 
regarded as names of sorts, when the matter is separated by 
distinct qualities or localities, as, black earth, white glass; or, 
when they denote objects prepared from a material, as, a glass, 
= a drinking vessel. 

The character of the substantive in these respects has an in- 
fluence upon its inflective forms. 



Declination of the substantive in general. 

As regards, in the first place, the fundamental form of the En- 
glish substantive, as opposed to its inflective terminations, we must 
draw a distinction between the Anglosaxou and the Romance elements 
in genuine English words of this class, to which we oppose words 
subsequently introduced and not assimilated to the great majority. 

The substantives of Anglosaxon origin, attach themselves in 
their English form essentially to the Anglosaxon nominative of the 
singular of simple as well as of derivative substantives. The simple 
or derivative form of the substantive, common to the Anglosaxon cases, 
is mostly presented in them. We disregard here the rejection of 
the vowels of formation e, a, u, o as well as the partial substitution 



/. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. I. The Substantive. Declension. 221 

of .the mute e, and also the annexing of an inorganic e, which we 
have mentioned above. Derivative forms have seldom suffered a loss 
in consonants, as dross, Anglosaxon dros-n, game, Anglosaxon 
gam-en; mill, Anglosaxon myl-en; anvil, Anglosaxon anfil-t; seal, 
Anglosaxon se'ol-h, but also se'ol, syl; mare, Anglosaxon mer-ihe, 
but also mere, myre, and some others. The u in the nominative, 
arising form a derivative v } has sometimes been thrown off, as in 
meal, Anglosaxon mel-u, -eves; ale, eal-u, -eves and others. Forms 
of this very sort (which in Anglosaxon have also o instead of u in 
the nominative singular) prove that English was wont to adhere pri- 
marily to the form of the substantive prominent in the nominative. 
Rarely has any other form become the standard; this is however the 
case in breech, commonly, breeches, Old-English breek (MAUN- 
DEV.) and breech (IB.) (compare the Anglosaxon nomin. singul. broc, 
in the genitive, as in the nominative and accusative plural brec), in 
which the ee of the plural seems transferred to the singular; as also 
in the plural brethren, the vowel of the dative singular appears; 
compare the nominative singular brotfbr, dative brewer, whereas every- 
where else 6 is found. 

In. regard to the substantives borrowed from the Old -French 
we find the same course pursued in English as the French early 
began to take. Old-French had to a great extent suffered the stem 
of Latin words appearing in the oblique cases to become the standard 
for the form of substantives, where it did not appear in the nomi- 
native; (compare maison, Latin mansion-is &c., nuit, Latin noct-is 
&c., citet, Latin civitat-is &c.); but alongside of these, particularly 
with masculines, the nominative (and vocative) of the singular, di- 
stinguished from the other cases by a subjoined s or x, mostly according 
to the analogy of the second Latin declension, but also of the other 
forms with s in the nominative, whereby a preceding consonant was 
often excluded (compare coc cos [Modern-French coq], fils 
fix [filius], clo, clou clox [clavus]). The Old-French also pre- 
served a long time distinct forms for the nominative of the singular 
and for the other cases, quens, cuens (comes), and conte (comit- 
is &c.); enfes (infans) and enfant (infant-is &c.); sires (senior 
with s) and signeur, signour &c. (senior-is &c.), bers (baro, with s) 
and baron (baron-is &c.) and others. But, as even Old-French puts 
the forms of the French oblique case in the place of the nominative, 
and Modern-French has almost wholly lost the forms with the letter 
8 in the nominative singular, and, where preserved, uses them for all 
cases (compare fils, filius), English has adopted the oblique case of 
the French as the fundamental form of the substantive. Compare 
host, Old-French os, osz, oz ost, host; ray, Old-French rais 
rai; glutton, Old-French gloz, glous, gluz glouton, giuton; baron, 
Old-French bers baron; emperor, Old-French empereres ernpe- 
reor; traitor, Old-French trahitres, traistres traitor, trahitour &c. 
Even where forms like virge, virgine stand alongside of each other 
without distinction of case, English has chosen the oblique form: vir- 
gin (virgin-is). Remnants of the letter s of formation in the nomi- 
native are rare as, in fitz (fils, fix, fiz). 

The inflective forms of the substantives which have remained 



222 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II. 



to the English tongue rest essentially upon the Anglosaxon strong 
declension of the masculine gender. The formation of the common 
plural termination s, es of almost the entire number of substantives 
found decided support in the French plural s (#), which was almost 
always given, even in Old-French, both to the nominative and to the 
oblique cases of the plural. 

Anglosaxon distinguished a strong and a weak declension of 
the three genders, exhibiting different forms of declension for mas- 
culine and for feminine substantives. The case-terminations of An- 
glosaxon essentially employed, and among them also one for the rare 
instrumental, are exhibited in the first strong declension of mascu- 
line and feminine substantives, as well as in the first weak one of 
masculine ones; examples of which are here given: 



Angl. strong declension I. masc. 


L fein. 


weak declension I. masc 


Sing. Norn, fisc (fish) 


den-u (den) 


drop-a (drop) 


Gen. fisc-es 


den-e 


drop-an 


Dat. fisc-e 


den-e 


drop-an 


Ace. fisc 


den-e 


drop-an 


Instr. fisc-e 






Plur Noin. fisc-as 


den-a 


drop-an 


Gen. fisc-a 


den-ena 


drop-ena 


Dat. fisc-um 


den-um 


drop-um 


Ace. fisc-as 


den-a 


drop-an 



Old-English has already ceased to distinguish the case termina- 
tions of the forms in the singular, down to the genitive, which 
also occasionally vanishes; but in the plural terminations the weak 
still continues to appear alongside of the strong plural termination, 
as is more particularly elucidated below. 

Modern-English possesses now only one genitive termination, 5, 
which arose out of the Anglosaxon es of the genitive of the singular, and 
has even invaded the plural, as well as a plural termination s, es, answering 
to the termination of the strong first declension, alongside of which also 
the weak termination en (Anglosaxon an) here and there appears. 
For the genitive termination in both numbers the case preposition of 
with the accusative, analogously to the French de, the Danish and 
Swedish a/, and the Hollandish van is substituted. The accusative 
coincides in form with the nominative. The accusative likewise partly 
takes the functions of the dative; else the dative relation is expressed 
by to before the noun, analogously to the French a and the Hol- 
landish aan. The Modern-English substantive is accordingly inflected 
in the following manner, the more particular discussion and limitation 
whereof is next to be stated: 



/. The Parts of Speech, A. The Noun. 1. The Subst. Formation of the Plur. 223 



IL 



Sing. Nora. Ace. book name day 
Gen. book's name's day's 

Plur. Nom. Ace. books names days 
Gen. books' names' days' 



leaf branch spy fancy hero 

leaf's branch's spy's fancy's hero's 

leaves branches spies francies heroes 

leaves' branches' spies' fancies' heroes' 



The regular formation of the plural. 

By far the most substantives form their plural by an s affixed 
to the fundamental form. Here belong those ending in consonants, 
with the exception of sibilants and hissing sounds, and of / in part, 
as well as those ending in Towels, with the exception of substantives 
ending in y and y, as well as of a number of those ending in o. 

The words in fe of Anglosaxon origin which assume s, change 
/into v: life lives; wife wives; knife knives. Excep- 
tions are: strife (Old-French estrif), and fife (from pipare, Anglo- 
Saxon pip (BOSWELL), Old-norse pipa, Old-Highdutch phifa), safe, 
Old-French salf. 

Those which append es to the fundamental form are therefore 
now to be considered as exceptions, whose e is partly preserved for 
the sake of the convenience of the pronunciation, and partly has 
remained faithful to the older orthography of the singular. 

a) Accordingly those in s, ss, #, a dental ch and sh, among which 
those in s are mostly foreign words and retain in part their foreign 
termination in the plural (see below), have the plural termination 
es: genius geniuses (eminent minds); isthmus isth- 
muses; kiss kisses; glass glasses; witness wit- 
nesses; fox foxes; box boxes; watch watches; 
church churches; fish fishes; brush brushes. 
A single s is doubled: Douglas Douglasses (W. SCOTT). 

Among the words ending in $, one has preserved the old plu- 
ral in es alongside of that in s: cloth cloths, but, in the 
meaning of dress: clothes. Clothes is by Walker and others 
falsely derived from another singular. Compare the Anglosaxon 
clad" (strong neuter, in the nom. and ace. plural clatf), vestimen- 
tum; Old-English: Tentes made of clothes (MAUNDEV. p. 233). 
Clothed in clothes of gold (IB.), the others in th have s merely: 
smith smiths, hearth hearths, path paths. 

b) In words in /, with a long vowel, except oo, preceding, of Anglo- 
Saxon origin, and in (/", / is changed into v with the accession of 
es : leaf leaves; sheaf sheaves; thief thieves; 
loaf loaves; elf elves; shelf shelves; calf cal- 
ves; half halves; wolf wolves. To these is to be ad- 
ded the French beef beeves. 

Usage is, however, not consistent; alongside of elves and shel- 
ves we also find elfs and shelf s. Also reef, Old-norse rif, has 
reefs; waif, thing without a master, although referred to the 
Anglosaxon vafjan, fluctuare, perhaps reposes primarily, as a law 
term, upon the Old-French gaif, Medieval-Latin wayfium, res vai- 



224 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part L Sect. II. 

vae, in the legal sense: a stray head of cattle, and has likewise 
waifs in the plural. 

Words of Romance origin likewise retain / with a single s: 
brief briefs; fief fiefs; relief reliefs; chief 
chiefs; handkerchief handkerchiefs; mischief mis- 
chiefs; grief griefs; coif coifs; gulf gulfs. 

Words ending in oof, / and rf, without regard to their origin, 
commonly receive only s in the plural in Modern-English, and 
preserve the/: roof roofs; hoof - hoofs; proof proofs; 
reproof -- reproofs; whiff whiffs; skiff -- skiffs; 
cliff cliffs; sheriff sheriffs; bailiff -- bailiffs; 
mastiff mastiffs; distaff distaffs; muff muffs; 
ruff ruffs; puff puffs; snuff snuffs; stuff stuffs; 
cuff cuffs; wharf wharfs; dwarf dwarf; scarf 
scarfs; turf turfs &c. 

Deviating from this we find the plural of wharf wharves, 
Anglosaxon hveorfa, hverfa, mola, verticillus; hvearf, reversio, spa- 
tium; Middle -Highdutch warf; Old-norse hwarf, colliculus &c.; 
likewise turf turves; Anglosaxon turf, plural tyrf, cespes, as 
in Old-English. Staff, commonly forms staves, but also staffs 
(compare hand-staff handstaffs) (WEBST. a. WORCEST.), Anglo- 
saxon st'af stafas, Old -English o staf two staves (PiERS 
PLOUGHMAN p. 350). Even the strikingly formed mastiff (Old- 
French mastin, properly house dog, from maison), in North-En- 
lish dialects masty, besides the plural mastiffs (DRYDEN, SWIFT) 
has also rnastives (JOHNSON). 

c) Substantives ending in y and y with a consonant immediately 
preceding transform their vowel into 2, i in the plural, and assume 
es: fly flies; spy spies; ally allies; outcry 
outcries; body -- bodies; city cities; fancy fan- 
cies; story stories. The latter preserve the old orthogra- 
phy of their singular: citie, fancie (phantasie), storie. 

In proper names a final y is commonly preserved and s only 
added: Henry Henrys; Weakly -- Weaklys; Petty 
Pettys; Pretty Prettys; Lovely Lovelys; Quickly 
- Quick lys (LOWER Engl. Surnames p. 115); although, along- 
side of these, plurals of names originally generic, Freebodies, 
Goodbodies (IB.) occur. 

If another vowel immediately precedes the ?/, s is added to the 
of unchanged fundamental form: key keys; kidney kid- 
neys ; journey journeys; day days; ray rays; 
boy boys. The derivative termination ey is, however, often 
treated like y, so that we meet here and there the forms: attor- 
nies, monies, monkies, vallies, pullies, chimnies, which 
are rejected as incorrect by grammarians. 

The rarely occurring final \ is treated like y: alkali al- 
kalies. 

The e in simile is likewise occasionally transformed into ies: 
similies (MACKLIN), yet the plural iiji commonly similes, 
d) Words in o, mostly foreign words, commonly receive es in the 
plural, where e only serves to symbolize the lengthening of the o. 



/. The Farts of Speech. A. The Noun. I. Substantive. Formation ofplur. 225 

This happens where no short i immediately precedes the o: echo 
echoes; niagnifico magnificoes; manifesto mani- 
festoes; motto mottoes; negro negroes; potato 
potatoes; buffalo buffaloes; flamingo flamingoes; 
vulcano vulcanoes; hero heroes; calico calicoes; 
on the contrary with a i preceding: intaglio intaglios; 
nuncio nuncios; folio folios; portfolio portfo- 
lios; seraglio seraglios. 

But the usage is settled only in the more familiar forms of 
substantives of the former sort; we find likewise: mosquitos, por- 
ticos, virtuosos, dominos, cantos, grottos &c. 

Of particles in o used substantively we sometimes find plu- 
rals which mostly assume a single s, but also es. The s is then 
often separated from o by an apostrophe, in order to render the 
particle form recognizable: The pros and cons (WEBST.) from 
the Latin pro and contra. 0, that your face were not so full of o'sl 
SHAKSPEARE ed. Collier, Love's L. L. 5, 2.). The aye's and no" 1 s 
of Parliament (CHALMERS). All yon fiery oes and eyes of light 
(SHAKSP. Mids. N. Dr. 3, 2.). In russet yeas, and honest kersey 
noes (SHAKSP. Love's L. L. 5, 2.). 

The 0' prefixed to Celtic proper names takes an s in the plural: 
Even the whigs allowed that, for once, the O's and Macs were 
in the right (MACAULAY Hist, of Engl. 7. p. 208. TAUCHN.). 

The substantives in oo follow the main rule: cuckoo 
cuckoos; Hindoo Hindoos. 

Note In general, parts of speech of all kinds used substantively con- 
form to the rules above laid down when they assume a plural form. 
Yet with particles and other parts of speech the separation of s from 
a previous vowel or consonant by the apostrophe sometimes occurs, 
as above remarked with regard to the s after o: The shes of Italy 
(SHAKSP. ed. Collier Cymbel, 1, 4.), that is, women. Happy are the 
she's that can number amongst their ancestors counts of the Empire 
(LADY MONTAGUE). Your whole conversation is composed of if 8, buts, 
perhapses, and supposes (JAM. COBB). Talk'st thou to me of Ifs, auda- 
cious traitor? (ROWE). But me no buts, unless you would pass o'er 
The bridge which few repass (L. BYRON). Our to-days and yesterdays 
Are the blocks with which we build (LONGFELLOW).' Yeas and Nays 
(those voting yea and no) (WEBST.). 

Old-English, after it had made general the plural termination 
in s without regard to the final sound of the singular, used chiefiy 
in the first place the full form es, for which it also substituted 
's, ys; these terminations often occur alongside of each other in 
the same writer. It also transferred them to French words, which 
had not the vowel; erles, wateres, wodes, lordes, Brito- 
nes, felawes, faderes, foules, townes, kynges, knyjtes, 
Picardes, emperoures (Ros. OF GLOUCESTER), londes, ber- 
des, weyes, townes, hilles, relikes, cubites. castelles 
&c. (MAUNDEV ), werkes, wordes, weddynges, goodes, 
hestes, lordes, preestes, shereves (sheriffs), bargaynes, 
burgeises; beggeris, bidderis, londleperis, flatereris &c. 
(PiERS PLOUGHMAN). Alongside of these a single s, also , appears 
more frequently in Romance words: persons, sisours, cura- 

Matzner, eugl. Gr. I. 15 



226 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. II. 

tours, bailliffs, artz, experimentz, sergauntz &c. (PiERS 
PLOUGHMAN); resons, conditions, surgiens, phisiciens , 
officers, perils, conseils, subgets, cosins, germains , 
testaments, contracts &c. (CHAUCER). Words ending in a 
single consonant, as, particularly, r in an unaccented syllable, often 
reject the e, as beggers, singers, kaysers, flaterers, lad- 
ders &c.; but others, as evils, hyls, maydens, lordings, 
stirrops &c.; which often stand alongside of the fuller forms, 
compare hillys and hyls (PERCY REL. p. 2. II.), flatereris 
and flaterers (PiERS PLOUGHMAN p. 271.). Even in the sixteenth 
and the first half of the seventeenth century no fixed principle 
prevails, even in Romance words, in the choice of s and es. Skel- 
ton still writes: lyppes, wormes, buyldynges, frendes and 
frendis, yeres and yeris, knyghtes, hartes and hartis, 
princis and lordes, actes, barones, seruauntes &c. along 
with seruants, castels, waters, cofers, systers &c. Nuts, 
peares, plumbes, greene beanes are found in TAYLORS WORKES 
1630. I. 97. STEPHEN'S ESSAYES and CHARACTERS 2. ed. 1650. 
In the second half of the seventeenth century the principle is 
established to let es come in chiefly after sibilant and hissing 
sounds, and thenceforward e is gradually restricted to a few other 
cases. 

Irregular Formation of the Plural. 

Forms departing from the above mentioned formation of the plu- 
ral appear at present as irregular. They are of various kinds. 

a) Some plural forms rest solely upon a variety of spelling; 
whereby there arise some duplicate forms, which have been made 
use of to distinguish separate significations. Here belong: 

penny, Anglosaxon pending, pening, penig, a small coin; the 
plural pennies denotes only the single concrete piece of money; 
the form pence is the term for the value. The latter proceeded 
from the former and was spelt pens in Old-English: Thei boughte 
Jesu for 30 penyes (MAUNDEV. p. 83.). There caste Judas the 
30 pens before hem (IB. p. 93.). It hathe cost me pence And 
grotes many one (SKELTON I. p. 236.). For one shot of five pence 
thou shalt have five thousand welcomes (SHAKSPEARE Two Gentlem. 
of Ver.). 

die, French de, forms the plurals dice and dies, a stamp; the 
Old-English has the plural deys (WEBER), dees (PiERS PLOUGHM. 
and GOWER in Halliwell s. v.) and dis (CHAUCER). He won it 
me with false dice (SHAKSPEARE Much Ado ab. N.) 

pea, Anglosaxon pisa, piosa, Old-French pois, peis, Latin pisum 
forms the plural peas and pease, the latter of which is regarded 
as collective. The Old-English has the singular pese and the 
plural pesen (Anglosaxon pisa, -an) (MAUNDEV. p. 199), but also 
peses ( PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 128.) alongside of pesen (p. 129.). 
Even Maundeville uses also pese as a plural; peasen was still in 
use in the seventeenth century (J. WALLIS p. 69). 

b) A few irregular plural forms are remnants of the strong declen- 



/. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. J. The Subst. Irregular Plur. 227 

sion of the Anglosaxon. To the second strong declension of the 
masculine correspond: 

man, plural men; Anglosaxon mann, plural menn, men. Com- 
pound substantives follow the simple: woman women, Anglo- 
Saxon vifmann, vimmann, vimmann, vemman, with which we may 
compare magdenmann, virgo; merman mermen, placed by the 
side of mermaid, which in Anglosaxon was meremenn, nympha, 
compare the Old-Highdutch merminni; and so a great multitude 
of others: alderman, nobleman, yeoman, penman, footman, oarsman, 
boatman, seaman, countryman, kinsman, huntsman, coachman, 
chapman, churchman &c., to which also names of nations, as 
Frenchman, Englisman, Scotchman &c. belong. Yet here Norman 

Normans, German Germans are excepted, whose names, in 
as much as they have passed through the Romance, no longer 
remind us of their origin, although the Anglosaxon possessed Nor- 
mann alongside of Norfrmann. Those not compounded of man 
are of course not regarded, as Ottoman Ottomans, Mussulman 
Mussulmans &c. 

Proper names compounded of man are likewise withdrawn 
from the old plural form; whence the plurals Brightmans, Flat- 
mans, Wisemans, Truemans, Goodmans &c. 

The old word leman, Old-English lemman, also lefmon, that is 
lefe man, leef man (originally used of both sexes), takes s in the 
plural, as even in Old-English it received s and es: He hadde 300 
lemmannes (MAUNDEV.p. 72.); lemmans of knyghtes (PiERS PLOUGH- 
MAN p. 431,); lemmannes (IB. p. 303.). 

foot., plural feet, Anglosaxon fot, plural fet; Old-English foot 
fete; along with which old plural forms are also found: fotez, fot- 
tis (HALLIWELL s. vv.), and so occasionally in Modern-English 
foots : By these dear fragrant foots and little toes (OxwAY Venice 
preserv. London 1796. p. 107), in a comic scene. In proper names 
s likewise appears in the plural: Lightfoots &c. 

tooth., plural teeth; Anglosaxon tofr, plural tefr. 

To the second strong declension of feminines belong: 

mouse, plural mice; Anglosaxon mus, plural nays; Old-English 

mous niys, mees; myse in Skelton I. 61. Likewise compounds, 

as shrewmouse, rear-mouse &c. 

louse, plural lice; Anglosaxon lus, plural lys; Old-English lous 

lys; also compounds, like crab-louse &c. 

goose, plural geese; Anglosaxon gos, plural ges; Old-English gos 

gees; to which compounds, as stubble-goose &c. 

cow, plural kine alongside of cows; Anglosaxon cu, plural cy, 
(genitive cuna); Old-English ku kyen; PERCY Rel. p. 120. I. 
has the plural kye from the 16 th century. The form kine is 
chiefly to be found in poets, but it is also met with in prosewriters; 
in poetry, for instance: And there he blasts the trees . . And makes 
milch-kine yield blood (SIIAKSPEARE Merry Wiv. 5, 1.). The kine 
of the pasture shall feel the dart that kills (BRYANT). Round 
about him were numberless herds of kine (LONGFELLOW); and in 
prose: His stores of oatmeal were brought out: kine were slaugh- 

15* 



228 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forma. Part 1. Sect. IL 

tered (MACAULAY Hist, of Engl. 5. p. 30.). The ne (en} perhaps 
springs from the weak declension. 

<c) Other plural forms rest upon the weak Anglosaxon declension, 
which has already penetrated into substantives originally strong, 
which sofar unite a double plural form. 

eye', plural, sometimes even in Modern-English eyen, eyne along 
"with the usual eyes-, Anglosaxon eage, plural eagan; Old-English 
eighe, igh, also e, ee, even now Scottish ee, plural eygen, eighen 
and eighes (PIERS PLOUGHM.) also eyen, eyenen, ein, eene, Scottish 
een. Eyen and eyne in Skelton; eyne in Spenser and Shakspeare 
Love's L. L. 5, 2. Mids. N. Dr. 1, 1. 2, 2. alongside of eyes. The 
forms ee, plural een, are used by W. Scott and Byron, and are 
still in use in Lancashire, Westmoreland and Cumberland. 

ox, plural oxen', Anglosaxon oxa, plural oxan, has remained till 
now faithful to the ancient form. 

hose, plural hosen, for which hose is now substituted; Anglosaxon 
hose, plural hosan, Old-English hose hosen. 

shoe, has a more ancient plural shoon alongside of the modern 
shoes', Anglosaxon scoh, sco, plural scos, but also scon; Old-En- 
glish sho, scho shoon, shone and shoos; Scottish sho shoon; 
shoon is even now in use in Westmoreland, sheaun in Yorkshire. 
W. Scott uses shoon ; alsof Lord Byron : He wore his sandal-s^oon 
(CHILDE HAR.). 

child, plural children, Anglosaxon cild according to the strong 
form of declension, plural cild and, with r (er} inserted, as often 
in Anglosaxon, cildru. The en is added, and is often wanting in 
Old-English: Yt was no childer game (PERCY Rel. p. 94. II.). His 
childre three (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 35). Thus, moreover, Old-English, 
instead of lambs, has the plural lambren, for which also lamben 
occurred, formed, after the Anglosaxon lamb, plural lambru, (PiERS 
PLOUGHM. p. 307.; LYDGATE Minor Poems ed. Halliw. p. 169.), 

Xen, eyren alongside of egges, eggys, after the Anglosaxon ag, 
ral agru, ageru, instead of eggs, of which eyren in Caxton's 
time was the usual form in Kent; calveren, according to the An- 
glosaxon cealf, calf, plural cealfru, instead of calves. 

brother, plural brethren alongside of brothers, Anglosaxon anoma- 
lously, broftbr (dative singular brewer), plural broSru and brofrra; 
Old-English sing, broder, brother, brether, plural breder, brether, 
bredere (TOWNELEY MYSTER) and bretheren, brethren. The Old- 
English formed analogously suster, sister sustren, sisteren, An- 
glosaxon sveostor, svyster sveostra; and dojter, doughter 
do3tren, doughtren, Anglosaxon dohter dohtra. In prose 
brothers is now commonly used of brothers as children of a family; 
brethren in a lofty style and ecclesiastical language, mostly figu- 
ratively. Compare in the proper sense: Joseph . . the which had 
VII brethren (SKELTON I. p. 203). For who is amongst them 
whose brethren, parents, children, wives or sisters Have not partook 
oppression . . ? (L. BYRON) ; and figuratively in comparison with 
brothers: Call not thy brothers brethrenl Call me not Mother (ID.) 

The number of plurals in en is pretty considerable in Rob. of 
Gloucester. Besides the forms above named, still to be met with 



1. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. 1. Substantive. Irregular Plur. 22$ 

in subsequent writers, there are here found by way of example 
forms in part justifiable, belonging in Anglosaxon to the weak 
declension, as arwen, Anglosaxon areve, -an (I. 48,); steden, 
horses, Anglosaxon steda, -an (I. 185.); schiren, Anglosaxon 
scire, -an (I. 60.); sterren, Anglosaxon steorra, -an (I. 229);: 
ameten, Anglosaxon semete, -an (I. 296.); chyrchen, Anglo- 
saxon cyrice, -ean and -an (I. 319.); h ass en, Anglosaxon assa, 
-an (11.404.); mass en, Anglosaxon masse, -an (11.405.); been, 
Anglosaxon beo, -n and -an (II. 493.); and in part such as are 
not justifiable through the Anglosaxon, as belonging to a strong 
form of declension: tren, Anglosaxon treov, -es (I. 1.); lesen,. 
common partures, Anglosaxon laesu, -ve, now dialectically lease 
(IB.); h eue den, heads, Anglosaxon heafud, -es (I. 261.); applen r 
apples, Anglosaxon appel, -es (I. 283.); candlen, Anglosaxon 
candel,-e feminine and -esneutr. (1. 290.); soul en, souls, Anglosaxon 
savel, -e (I. 319.); honden, hands, Anglosaxon hand, -e (I. 345.); 
hyden, of land, Anglosaxon hyd, -e (II. 374.); benen, beans, 
Anglosaxon bean, -e (II. 495.) and others. Even Romance words 
are referred here, as unclen, Old-French oncle, uncle (I. 87.): 
lancen, Old-French lance, lanche (I. 1 85.) and others ; adjectives 
which have become substantives, as fon, enemies, ^Anglosaxon fa 
adject. &c. These plurals are proportionately numerous even at 
the end of the fourteenth century. Many still live only dialectically r 
as ashen, housen, still in use in the seventeenth century, and 
others. 

d) Some plurals are of the same sound as their singulars. 
1) These are such Anglosaxon neuters of the strong form as are 
not distinguished in the nominative and accusative of the plural 
from the like cases of the singular. Here belong some names 
of beasts, as: 

neat, plural neat, Anglosaxon neat, pecus, bestia; now little used 
in the singular: for ex. neat's tongue, taken collectively in the 
plural. 

deer., plural deer, Anglosaxon deor, bestia. 

sheep, plural sheep, Anglosaxon scaep, ovis. The form sheeps 
is rare; compare: Two hot sheeps. (SHAKSP. Love's L. L. II. 1.); 
Old-English also shep. 

swine, plural swine, Anglosaxon svin, sus; Old-English also swyn. 

horse, plural horse, alongside of the usual horses, Anglosaxon 
hors, equus. Horse occurs in the plural only collectively of caval- 
ry, as is wont to be regarded. 

Of another kind are Anglosaxon neuters, which had already the 
character of collectives in the singular. 

folk, plural folk &ud folks, Anglosaxon folc, populus, gens. Com- 
mon usage gives the plural an s, if the image of the individuals 
comes into the foreground. The singular is commonly used for 
people in general: Not to thinketh the folk of the village (LONG- 
FELLOW). I'll make him marry more folks than one (SHERIDAN). 
There are some gentlefolks below to wait upon Lord Foppington 
(ID.). The weeping isle That sends the Boston folks their cod, 
shall smile (BRYANT). Old-English uses the plural form with s, 



230 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 11. 

primarily in the meaning of nations: Where dwelleu many dy- 
verse Folkes, and of dyverse Maneres and Lawes (MAUNDEV. p. 4.). 
Yet folk and folkes are used for people in general : Thanne longen 
folk to gon on pilgrimages (CHAUCER C. T. 12). What thar the 
recch or care How inerily that other folkes fare? (IB. 5911.). To 
the word folk the word people has been early assimilated, and 
used in the general meaning without s. Compare the Old-Engl.: 
Fyve thousand peple (PiERs PLOUGHM. p. 3*28.). Modern-English 
These people, however fallen, are still men (GOLDSMITH). These 
people of the northern parts of Scotland were not one nation, 
but divided in two (W. SCOTT). I have given over fifty people 
in my time, who have recovered afterwards (JAMES COBB.). The 
plural peoples stands for: nations in the translation of the Bible; 
Chambers used it in his Information for the People, Lond. 1849: 
Considering the remoteness of the various peoples from one another 
(p. 29. II.) et ibidem (p. 31. I.). 

kindred, is given by Worcester with the double plural kindred 
and kindreds. In the Anglosaxon I do not find cyndrsed; as a 
compound of rseden it would be of the feminine gender, yet hivred, 
familia, and hundred, centum, of the neuter gender, occur. The 
Old-English form is kiurede, kynrede, kunrede. 

An Anglosaxon neuter of another sort is pound, Anglosaxon 
pund in singular and plural, which sometimes, even in the plural, 
sounds pound, but commonly pounds. Old-English: Folle-prytty 
pousend pound (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 297.). Thritti thousent 
pound askede he (PERCY REL. p. 90. I.). For singulars of like 
meaning, used instead of the plural, see below. 

2) An Anglosaxon feminine substantive attaches itself to these forms: 
score, which remains unchanged in the plural; Anglosaxon scor, 
plural scora, incisura, numerus vicinarius. The likeness is ex- 
plained by the loss of the final vowel, hence: They reign' d the 
monarchs of a score of miles (H. WALPOLE) and threescore, 60; 
fourscore, 80 &c. So too in Old-English: Many score thousand 
(PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 349.). Twenty score paces (PERCY REL. 
p. 46.). 

3) The great number of adjectives nsed as substantives do not to 
a great extent change their form in the plural. They are for 
the most part originally Anglosaxon, but also Romance adjectives. 
First of all belong here the comparatives and superlatives, as 
well as the participial forms in ing and ed. The vestiges of 
an ancient inflection have long been lost. For particulars see 
below; on the Adjective, where mention is made of those which 
have completely passed over into the inflection of substantives. 
For the sake of example compare: The proud are taught to 
taste of pain (GRAY). Lamentations ill become us, When the 
good are ravish'd from us (H. WALPOLE). The rich with us 
have two sources of wealth, whereas the poor have but one 
(GOLDSMITH). The brave should ever love each other (ID.). The 
vile are only vain; the great are proud (L. BYRON). At the hour 
of council . . I shall not Be found among the absent (ID.). And 
must they fall, the young, the proud, the brave? (ID.). Blessed 



/. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. I. Substantive. Irregular Plur. 231 

are the pure before God (LONGFELLOW). And I was healed as 
the sick are healed (ID.) Though twenty thousand worthier 
came to crave her (SHAKSPEARE). The vilest here excel me 
(MILTON). But how to think of what the living know not, 
And the dead cannot, or else may not tell (J. HUGHES). For 
the blinded and the suffering Alone were at his side (WHITTIER). 
Old-English still frequently inflected with a plural e, which ap- 
pears to correspond to the Anglosaxon e of the adjective in the 
plural of the strong form of declension; compare Anglosaxon bald, 
plural balde; audax, audaces; blind, plural blinde; coecus, coeci 
&c. Old-English : Of alle manere of men The meene and the riche 
(PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 2.). And the povere fede (IB. p. 6.). Amonges 
poore and riche (IB. p. 278.). The gode shulle gon to Paradys, 
and the evele to Helle (MAUNDEV. p. 132.). Yet the e also was 
early cast off: Though it be songe of old and yonge (PERCY REL. 
p. 97. II.). This e is also extended to participial forms: One 
of Goddes chosene (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 209.); it is often wanting 
in those in ed in Piers Ploughman. 

Some few original adjectives fluctuate; here belong: heathen, 
plural heathen and heathens, Anglosaxon hsefren, Adj. 

4) The case is rare that substantives ending in hissing sounds lose 
their s in the plural, as is sometimes the case in the geni- 
tive, if the substantive ends in s or ce. Older instances are: 
Madame regent of the scyence seuyn (CHAUCER I. p. 363.). These 
two Antipholus', these two so like (SHAKSPEARE Com. of Errors 
extr.); whereas elsewhere Antipholuses stands in the same 
author. 

5) Latin words of the fourth and fifth declension sometimes retain 
their forms of the same sound in the nominative of the plural 
as in the singular, as apparatus, hiatus, series and others, 
but apparatuses', hiatuses, serieses &c. also occur. 

e) Many foreign words have irregular plurals, alongside whereof 

forms gradually Anglicised become gradually more current. 
1) Here we reckon Latin and originally Greek words, which follow 
the second and third Latin declension, like many in us: incu- 
bus incubi and incubuses; radius radii and radiuses; 
focus foci and focuses; fungus fungi and funguses; 
chorus chori and choruses; genius genii, but ge- 
niuses &c.j so too triumvir triumviri and triumvirs; on the 
other hand the plural magi from magus is usual, as also antis- 
cii, periscii, antceci, anthropophagi &c., which usually 
occur only in the plural. Words in um, on often have their ori- 
ginal plural in #, but also in s: elysium elysia and ely- 
siums; memorandum memoranda and memorandums; 
stratum strata, rarely stratums, and others, but forms 
like exordiums, millenniums, decorums are not unusual; 
automaton (um) automata and automatums; criterion 
(um) criteria and criteriums; phenomenon pheno- 
mena, very unusually phenomenons. The plurals effluvia, 
errata, arcana, data, and some others, from words in um are 
still very common. Words in is, not increasing by a syllable in 



232 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. IL 

inflection in the Latin, retain es, in the English plural: axis 
axes; oasis oases; ellipsis ellipses; parenthesis 
parentheses; hypothesis - - hypotheses and the like. 
Words in x (ix, ex}, increasing by a syllable in the Latin, com- 
monly have an English regular form alongside of their Latin one : 
calx calces and calxes; calix calices and calixes; 
vortex vortices and vortexes; to the double plural forms 
index: indices (Exponents of numbers) and indexes (to books) 
different meanings are annexed; with others the English plural 
form is hardly found, as from apex apices. Latin or Greek 
words in is, increasing in inflection, retain their Latin and Greek 
inflection: iris irides; ascaris ascarides; cantharis 

cantharides. Words in en with an increasing form of in- 
flection incline towards the English inflection: omen omens 
(GOLDSMITH), stamen stamens (this only in Botany) else 
stamina. Dogma forms dogmas and dogmata, exanthema 

exanthemata and so others in ma; genus has genera; 
regale regalia, in the Latin form. 

2) Some originally Hebrew words have preserved their plural in 
im alongside of the regular English one: seraph seraphim 
and seraphs; cherub cherubim and cherubs. The form 
im has also been treated as a singular and formed a plural che- 
rubims. 

3) A few French words which have become naturalized in English 
are here and there found with a French plural termination, as 
beau beaux and beaus; manteau manteaux, on the 
other hand commonly portmanteau - - portmanteaus &c.; 
monsieur messieurs and the like. 

Italian plurals in i from singulars in o or e are likewise used: 
banditto banditti; virtuoso virtuosi; dilettante 
dilettanti; cognoscente cognoscenti; conversazione 

conversazioni &c. 

Plural formation of compound substantives. 

The plurals of compound substantives present upon the whole 
no peculiarities, so far as these words, as inseparable bodies, must 
regularly subjoin the inflective termination to their last constituent, 
where they have to assume a plural form. Yet the English com- 
pounding is partly of a looser kind, so as to let the syntactical relation 
of their elements glimmer through, whereby some anomalies arise in 
the inflection. In general the following rules obtain: 
1) If a substantive is compounded of substantives, standing in a 
direct relation to each other, that is to say, appearing joined to 
each other, either by way of apposition or of addition, the last 
alone is inflected: 

peacock peacock; cuckoo-bird cuckoo-birds (SHAKSPEARE); 
oaktree oak-trees; fellow-servant fellow-servants; merchant- 
man merchant-men; my fellow -scholars (SHAKSPEARE Merry 
Wives); to encrust the bones of merchant- dukes (L. BYRON Ch. 
Har.). The shepherd kings of patriarchal times (ID. Sardanapal). 



I. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. I. Subst. Use of the Numerals. 233 

Earl-Marshal Earl- Mar -shals; hence we find also, with the pre- 
fixing of the word Lord in the plural Lord Lieutenants (CRABB 
Hist, of Engl. Law p. 541.); on the other hand also; the power 
of the Lords Marchers (IB. p. 441). 

2) If the substantives stand in an indirect relation, the fundamental 
word is inflected: gunstock gunsfoc&s; fruit-tree fruit-trees; 
cabinet-maker cabinet-wafers. Hence, when the determining 
substantive is subjoined with a preposition, the preceding sub- 
stantive is inflected: sister-in-law sisters-in-law, commander-in- 
chief commanders-in-chiet 

3) If a substantive is compounded with an adjective preceding it, 
only the substantive is capable of inflection: blackbird black- 
birds; wild-geese; if the adjective follows the substantive, the sub- 
stantive is ordinarily provided with the plural termination, as in 
knight-errant knights-errant ; court-martial cowrte-martial ; 
yet no agrement is here to be sound. Halliwell forms the plural 
knights-errants (see HALL. Diet. s. v. Graal), and with regard to 
words compounded with ful: mouthful, handful, spoonful, 
ladle ful, lapful &c. opinions diverge about the annexing of 
the s to the first or the second word. But in general the spel- 
ling hand/w/s is preferred to handsful: Tond same cloud cannot 
choose but fall by pailfuls (SiiAKSP. Temp. 2. 2.). Hand/w/s or 
small parcels of anything (HALLIWELL s. v. culpons); mouth/w/s 
(WEBST. and WORCEST.). Handful is also found unaltered in the 
plural: For of the lower end two handful It hat devoured, 'twas 
so manful (BUTLER); and this is the Old-English mode: pritti 
schipful of men (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 39.); myd pre schipful 
of kny3tes (IB. 111.) 

4) If the composition consists of a substantive with a particle sub- 
joined the substantive receives the sign of the plural: holder- 
forth -- holdersforth (WEBST. and WORCEST.); hanger-on 
hangers-on. 

5) If a preceding verbal element is compounded with a substantive, 
the inflection goes to the substantive: spend-thrift sipend-thrifts ; 
it likewise goes to the last element if no substantive at all is 
contained in the compound : Lazy lubbers, good-for-nothings (FouR 
OLD PLAYS. Cambridge 1848. Gloss, s. v. slowches) The lovely 
stars, the forget-me-note of the angels (LONGFELLOW"). 

Peculiarities in the use of the Numerals. 

The singular supposes the image of an individual, apart from 
the further determination of the object imagined, as a unit: the plural 
contains the image of a plurality of individuals. The nature of the 
object governs the possibility of imagining it in the plural; whence 
all classes of substantives are not alike capable of the plural for- 
mation. 

The plural changes in general naught in the notion of the object; 
yet the image of a thing as a whole, conditioned by the plural, may 
give the noun a modified or a different meaning. 

The plural supposes indeed a singular; but objects which are 



234 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I Sect. II. 

wont to occur in the plural in common experience, may lose their 
singular form, or, at least, the use of them may become very limited. 
Primitive plurals may excite the image of a single, though com- 
pound object, and thence take the character of singulars; as, conversely, 
a single object may excite a collective image, thereby taking the nature 
of a plural. Negligence in speech may also in familiar words cast 
off the inflective termination, a singular form thereby taking the place 
of the plural. We shall consider numerals from these four points 
of view. 

a) The various classes of substantives have in various degrees the 
capacity of forming a plural. 

1) Names of sorts, in the narrower sense, or concrete names of 
sorts are most capable of the plural formation, since their sin- 
gulars denote concrete individuals: man men; house 
houses; flow r er flowers; field fields &c. The terms 
for individuals too, belonging to a people or a place, are names 
of sorts, and have a plural form, unless they are adjectives used 
substantively, and retaining, as such, the adjective form: Celts, 
Germans, Saxons, Londoners &c. 

2) Proper names form a plural according to two regards: 

) when they denote a plurality of individuals of the same name: 
As I hate hell, all Montagues and thee (SHAKSP.). The revolu- 
tion which drove out the Tarquins (TYTLER). One Macdonald 
is worth two Camerons (MACAULAY). In the midland counties 
of Scotland, such as the three Lothians (W. SCOTT). If a sub- 
stantive determination in this case precedes the proper name, 
as a title or a second name, only the last proper name is usually 
inflected: Three doctor Faustuses (SHAKSP. Merry Wives). If 
he were twenty sir John Falstaffs (IB.). The two doctor Thom- 
sons (GOLDSMITH). One of the miss Flainboroughs (ID.). Yet 
in regard to names with a title preceding no complete agree- 
ment obtains; we also say, especially in superscriptions: to the 
Misses Howard; to Messrs Thomson &c., with an inflection of 
the title merely. If another name of a sort precedes the name 
of a sort, as a determination of it, only the first name of the 
sort is inflected: the brothers Thomson; the cousins Wilberforce. 

/?) if they become names of sorts in a figurative meaning: I 
demanded who were the present theatrical writers in vogue, 
who the Dry dens and Otways of the day? (GOLDSMITH), Not 
so are Molieres and Shakspeares allowed to manifest their strength 
(LEWES). Even here prefixed titles and proper names remain 
unchanged: May there not be Sir Isaac Ncwtons in every 
science? (WATTS.). 

3) Collective names are of course capable of the plural formation, 
if totalities of individuals exist in a plural, as armies, assem- 
blies, forests, tribes, crowds &c. 

4) Names of materials appear in the plural, if. they are distinguished 
in kind, as oil, oils (different sorts of oils); or if subjects con- 
sisting of materials are named simply by their material: copper, 
coppers, silk, silks, iron, irons, sand, sands. The Poetic 
view often takes names of materials in the plural as the expres- 



/. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. I. Substantive. Use of Numerals. 235 



sion of separate masses or of such as are renewed repeatedly: 
As in the summer-time the thirsty sands Drink the swift waters 
of the Manzanares (LONGFELLOW). White as the snows of heaven 
(J. HUGHES). Cool shades and dews are round my way (BRYANT). 
No more the cabin smokes rose wreathed and blue (ID.). Come 
when the rains Have glazed the snow (ID.). This manner of 
expression is also not foreign to the nobler prose. 
5) Abstract substantives appear in the plural, partly if the notion 
is distinguished by sorts, partly if properties or activities are 
represented as belonging to different persons or as activities 
repeated: Local jealousies and local interests had brought his army 
together (MACAULAY). The dog is ever the friend of his friend, 
and enters into all his predilections and animosities (MAYOR). 
It is chiefly in warm or temperate latitudes that all the beauties 
of his form, aod the energies of his character are displayed (with 
regard to the horse) (IB.). I'll see Castalio, tax him with his 
falsehoods (OTWAY). Vasco de Garna, a man of great abilities 
(J. BARROW). -- Wherein has Caesar thus deserved your loves'? 
(SHAKSPEARE Jul. C.). Sure, something more than fortune joined 
your loves (Rows). Our lives are rivers gliding free To that 
unfathomcd, boundless sea, The silent grave (LONGFELLOW). I 
better bore The deaths of the two sous Heaven took from me 
Than Jacopo's disgrace (L. BYRON). Indeed! By all our 
lovesl (OTWAY). Twere ten thousand pities (SHERIDAN). The 
wills above be done (SHAKSP. Temp.). let the soul her slum- 
bers break (LONGFELLOW). If the abstract substantive is taken 
concretely, the plural needs no further explanation: On the legs 
(of the camel) are six callosities (MAYOR). Yet the substantive 
is often taken concretely only in the plural, as, in effect, effects; 
sweeping, sweepings. 

b) In connection with the plurals above discussed stands the apparent 
transmutation of the meaning of the substantive in the plural. 
But a difference arises through a notion's being taken either in a 
metaphorical, restricted or amplified meaning in the plural, or 
because subjects express in the plural a single compound thing. 
Here substantives of all classes come under review. Many of 
these plurals have been taken from other tongues. 

1) Taken in a metaphorical, restricted or amplified meaning, for 
example, are substantives like respect, respects; honour, honours; 
state, states; part, parts; attack, attacks; force, forces ; spirit, spi- 
rits; vapour, vapours; grain, grains; ground, grounds, and many 
more. The number of these words is great. 

2) A compound whole is likewise often expressed by denoting the 
single ingredients, which must likewise often be taken in a meta- 
phorical meaning. Compare lead, leads; colour, colours; stock, 
stocks; chap, chaps; blind, blinds; stay, stays; bead, beads; scale, 
scales; drawer, drawers; spectacle, spectacles; stair, st airs; nipper, 
nippers; table, tables; letter, letters. Even abstract substantives 
present in the plural the image of a totality of activities, as 
draught, draughts; in a metaphorical meaning even the place to 



236 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. II. 

which the repeated activity relates may be present in the total 
image: sounding, soundings-, inning, innings 

c) Many substantives occur only or hardly ever save in the plural. 
English owes many plurals of this sort to its fundamental tongues, 
whereby the nonexistence of an English singular is explained. In 
a grammar it suffices to characterize this numerous class in general 
terms. 

1) They are partly names of kinds, denoting persons or personified 
beings, which are commonly mentioned only in their totality, al- 
though they may also be mentioned here and there in the sin- 
gular; and partly adjectives used substantively, and among them 
foreign words, which belong to scientific usage. Instances are: 
ancients; moderns (both seldom in the singular); parents 
(certainly usual in the singular for father or mother); ostmen, 
Danish settlers in Ireland; commons (used as a substantive 
in the singular for a common pasture); waits (Old-French gaite, 
waite); the Latin manes, penates &c. Hyades, Pleiades, 
also in the English form Hyads, Pleiads; caryatides and 
caryates (in the singular also caryatid); the geographical terms 
ascii (also ascians with the singular ascian), amphiscii, 
antiscii, periscii, antoeci, perioeci, antipodes, (rare in 
the singular antipode) and others, as anthropophagi, acephali 
(the name of a sect), literati, and many more. 

With these are associated names of mountains, islands, coun- 
tries and so forth, which are to be regarded as proper names 
of a multitude: Alps (rarely alp = mountain), Apennines, 
Pyrenees &c. Azores, Maldives, Ladrones, Hebrides &c. 
Netherlands, Low Countries, Indies (East Indies, West 
Indies) as distinguished from ancient India &c.; further, geo- 
graphical terms, as Dardanelles &c. 

2) Concrete names of things of this class are divided into several 
groups. 

) Many substantives relate to a dual, or double articulation, in 
which the objects appear. 

Here belong organic double members: meninges (Greek 
/uijj'iyyfi; from ziij^yl, skin), the integuments of the brain; lights, 
lungs (Anglosaxon lungen, only plural); reins, kidneys 
(compare Latin reues); hypochondres (Greek vnoxovdytK)^ 
hence also perhaps posteriors, Latin posteriora; genitals, 
Latin genitalia, as mustaches (alongside of mustach) and 
whiskers (compare the Highdutch wisch). The clothing of 
two limbs: mittens (French mitaine); spatts and spatter- 
dashes; especially the names for the clothing of the legs: 
breeches (Anglosaxon plural brec from broc, Latin braccae), 
in the singular commonly meaning buttock; also brogues (in 
Suffolk; elsewhere brogue is a wooden shoe); trowsers, 
French trousses; slops (Anglosaxon slop, indumentum); over- 
alls; galligaskins (gallo-vascones, caligae Vasconum) now 
facetiously; in conversational speech: inexpressibles, non- 
descripts &c. Tools having two legs or levers: scissors 



/. The Parts of Speech. A. The Nouns. 1. Substantive. Use of Numerals. 237 

French ciseaux) and shears (rarely in the singular, Old-High- 
dutch scari, Middle-Highdutch schaere; compare Anglosaxon 
scar, vomer); snuffers (in the singular one who snuffs); pin- 
cers, pinchers (compare the French pincette), tongs (Anglo- 
Saxon tange); pliers, plyers; tweezers (compare the High- 
dutch zwicke); calipers (compare caliber from the Arabic 
kalbah, French calibre); hence also perhaps nutcrackers. 
Pells mean the parchments of the treasury, pellis acceptorum 
and exituum. 

/5) Others express objects existing together in an indefinite multi- 
tude, or consisting of several parts. 

Here belong expressions for organic parts, particularly: 
entrails (French entrailles); intestines (rarely in the sin- 
gular, Latin intestina); inwards (rarely in the sing.); bowels 
(Old-French boel, boiele); whereas guts (Anglosaxon guttas, 
only plural) in English is in use also in the singular gut; chit- 
terlings (compare Anglosaxon cvio*", uterus and the Highdutch 
kutteln); numbles also humbles (compare the French nomble, 
Latin lumbulus); giblets (compare the French gibelotte; vitals. 

Pieces of clothing, as compounded of several parts: weeds 
(Anglosaxon vsed, vestimentum) , rare in the singular; regi- 
mentals; pontificals, Latin pontificalia; canonicals; hence 
also weapons, as arms, even in Latin arma, rare in the sing.; 
greaves, also graves (Old-French greves, Medieval-Latin gre- 
vae) (perhaps because of the double piece), as also tasses 
(Old-French tassetes de corcelet = corselet?), legplates (properly 
from the waist to the knee). Here also belongs trappings, 
properly from the saddle cloth (compare the span. port, trapo, 
French drap). 

Compound products of human activity generally: clayes 
(French claie); shambles (Anglosaxon scamol); stews (Anglo- 
saxon stov). 

Agglomerations or aggregates of all sorts : ashes, embers, 
cinders (also cinder); raments; dregs (Old-English dregg), 
lees (unusual in the sing.), faeces; molasses, melasses; 
spraints; hards, hurds; lesses. 

Provisions: victuals; eatables; drinkables; viands; 
greens; delicates; groats (compare Anglosaxon grytt, grot, 
fragmentum); oats, rarely oat, save in compounds (Anglosaxon 
ata); fesels (compare Latin faselus). 

Moneys and Revenues: annats; estovers (Old-French verb 
estofer), legal maintenance; esplees (Old-French espleit), com- 
plete income of an estate; emblem ents (Old-French embler); 
proceeds; thirdiugs, the third of the produce of the harvest, 
which falls to the landlord at the death of the tenant; vails, 
vales; wages (Old-French gage, wage); pentecostals (to 
the clergy) &c. 

Materials and subjects, which are commonly used collectively: 
materials (in use also in the sing.); woollens; movables; 
combustibles; abstergents (commonly, adjectives used as 
substantives). 



238 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II. 

Games, in which the subjects are to be imagined as multi- 
plied: nine-holes; ninepins; billiards; loggats; hot- 
cockles (French hautes coquilles?) &c. 

Diseases, so far as they are determined by their symptoms, 
when abstract substantives also appear: measles (in the sin- 
gular, a leper); jardes (French jardon); lampers, also lam- 
pas, a disease of horses; vives, fives (French avives), ahorse 
disease; whites; shingles; hemorrhoids, emeroids, erne- 
rods. 

Extensions in space: environs; marches (Anglosaxon 
mearc). 

Literary productions: annals, memoirs, epics. 
3) Abstract substantives occur more rarely in the plural only. Yet 
there belong here: 

A considerable number of names of Sciences, as totalities of doctrines, 
of principles or of knowledge, as ethics, optics, oeconomics, 
politics (formerly, in the sing, a politician), mathematics, 
metaphysics, mnemonics, numismatics, dialectics (also 
in the sing.), dioptrics, hydraulics, hydrostatics, gno- 
monics, and other adjectives in ic used as substantives; even 
in iac: genethliacs. 

Feasts, solemnities and formalities occur, mostly after the 
precedent of other tongues, likewise in the plural: Baccha- 
nalia and bacchanals, orgies (rare in the sing.), Luper- 
calia (sing. Lupercal in Shakspeare), encenia &c., exequies 
(Latin exsequiae), obsequies, rarely in the sing. (French obse- 
ques), espousals (French epousailles), nuptials (compare Latin 
nuptiae); with which determinations of time are associated, as 
calends, ides, nones (nonae), matins (French matines), 
vespers (French vepres) &c., in which the activities falling on 
them are in part disregarded. 

We must also apprehend as a comprehension or repetition 
of activities plural substantives like thanks (Anglosaxon pane); 
attentates, a judicial process after an injunction or appeal, 
and similar ones; as also the facetious sullens (from the Anglo- 
saxon syljan), is to be taken like the dumps, also in use in 
the singular. 

d) The use of the plural instead of the singular, and conversely, 
is on the whole limited. Many forms which are reckoned here 
are of unknown origin. 

1) Some plurals have in fact become singulars in speech. They 
then partly run in the plural the same as in the singular, and 
have partly developed a new plural out of the original plural 
form. Here belong: odds, sing, and plur. (perhaps belongs to 
the Gothic aups, Old-norse audr, Old-Highdutch odi, Modern- 
Highdutch ode = desertus, vacuus ; also at present edd means in 
dialects, lonely, alone; the Cymric od seems borrowed from the 
English), inequality, difference, advantage: means, sing, and 
plur. (Old-French meien, moien) : news, commonly treated as 
a singular, but also as a plural in the same form. Compare: Thus 
answer I . . But hear these ill news with the ears of Claudio 



/. The Parts of Speech. A. The Nouns. 1. Substantive. Use of Numerals. 239 

(SiiAKSPEARE Much Ado ab. Noth.); as a singular even in Skel- 
ton: I am glad to hear that newes (MEKIE TALES). bellows, 
singular and plural (Old-norse belgr, Anglosaxon belg, bulga), 
wrongly contended to be a singular. Compare: Flattery is the 
bellows blows up sin (SHAKSPEAKE Pericl. 1, 2.). They watch- 
ed the laboring bellows, And as its panting ceased . . Merrily 
laughed (LONGFELLOW). gallows, with a new formed plural 
gallowses, even in SHAKSPEARE Cymb. 5, 4. (Anglosaxon galga). 
pox and small-pox, alongside of which the proper singular 
form pock occurs,, are regarded as singulars (Anglosaxon pocc, 
poc). Other words are here and there treated as singulars, 
as amends (French amende), even sessions. Compare: I'll try 
him only for a sessions or two longer, upon his good behaviour 
JOHN GAY); even the names of books Apocrypha and Hexa- 
pla. Here a few compounds are also to be reckoned, which, 
as terms for coins according to the number of units composing 
them, have assumed quite the nature of singulars and form new 
plurals: sixpence, plur. sixpences; ninepence, plur. nine- 
pences; twopence, plur. twopences. Compare: Of seven 
groats in mill-sixpences (SHAKSPEARE Merry Wiv. 1, 2.). 

We must regard as a cognate syntactical license the use of a 
multitude in the singular as the term for a college: The Forty 
hath decreed a month's arrest (L. BYRON Mar. Faliero). The 
Forty doth salute The Prince of the Republic (ID.); on the other 
hand: The Forty are but men (ID). Thus too other enumerated 
units are construed as totalities with the singular of the verb: 
Every twenty paces gives you the prospect of some villa, and 
every four hours that of a large town (LADY MONTAGUE). Here 
three parts of the business is left for me to do (GOLDSMITH). 
Other apparent combinations of a verb in the singular with plu- 
rals have to be explained in the Doctrine of the Verb and in the 
syntax. 

But another class of these words consits of original singulars: 
alms passes for the sing, and the plur. (Anglosaxon almasse, 
ifavifioavvri} Old-English sing, almesse, plur. almesses; in Shak- 
speare alms as a singular). riches is now taken as a plural 
(Old-French richesce, ricece, Old-English sing, richesse, plural 
richesses; riches in Shakspeare sing, and plur.). summons 
is rightly treated as a proper singular, from which the plural 
summonses has been formed (Old-French semonse, semonce). 
eaves is universally regarded as plural, although it is naught 
else but an Anglosaxou singular (yfes, ofes, e'fes and yfese, margo ; 
Old-Highdutch opasa, tectum). 

2) Singulars on the contrary are oftener treated as plurals. 
) Here belong words taken in a collective sense and which are 
also referred to a determinate number of individuals, and however 
they may be combined with the plural of the verb, without fur- 
ther determination, as infantry, cavalry and others: The force 
of Hannibal consisted of fifty thousand infantry and nine thousand 
cavalry (GIFFORD). And he loved his queen . . And thrice a 
thousand harlotry besides (L. BYRON Sardanapal.). And the rope 



240 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II. 

with its cordage three (LONGFELLOW). Compare Old -English 
Througlie a hondritli archery (PERCY Rel. p. 4. I.). Concrete 
names of kinds, except in the case specified undes /?, are more 
rarely construed with the plural {especially of attributive deter- 
minations). Genuine plurals, as deer, sheep, swine and even 
horse, in spite of its collateral form horses, cannot, be referred 
here (see p. 229), but some other names of animals certainly 
occur here. To the word horse (for cavalry) the word foot 
has been early assimilated: There were Beaumont's foot, who 
had . . refused to admit Irish papists among them (MACATILAY). 
Compare the Old-English: In this firste hoost . . what of hors, 
what of fote (MAUNDEV. p. 240 ). Of other names of sorts there 
belong here fish, fowl, hair and some others; Mine are the 
river-fowl (LONGFELLOW). Ay, when fowls have no feathers, 
and fish have no fin (SHAKSPEARE Com. of Err.). Of course these 
words have also plural forms, which even necessarily appear, 
where the individuals, as such, become prominent: The beasts, 
the fishes, and the winged fowls (SHAKSPEARE Com. of Err.). 
She has more hair than wit, and more faults than hairs (ID. 
Two Gentlem. of Ver.). On the contrary, collective names are 
more frequently taken collectively, where they do not appear as 
subjects of the sentence: I have always found . . great plenty, 
particularly of wild boar (LADY MONTAGUE). There is no catching 
trout without wetting one's trowsers (LONGFELLOW). Will ye pro- 
mise me this before God and man? (ID.). A hundred of the/oe 
shall be A banquet for the mountain birds (BRYANT). About 
the cliffs Lay . . shaggy skins of wolf and bear (ID.), where the 
individual stands as the representative of his kind, a syntactical 
license common to many tongues. 

/?) Some names of kinds, denoting a determinate quantity, a mea- 
sure or a weight, even a space of time, were used formerly 
more than at present in the singular instead of the plural 
forms after preceding numeral determinations, in literary and 
educated conversational language. Here belong: pair, brace, 
couple, yoke (a yoke of Oxen, an Anglosaxon neutral, 
of the same sound in the singular as in the plural), do- 
zen, score (as a genuine plural, always), groce or gross; 
quire, ream (of paper); foot, fathom, mile; pound (as 
a primitive plural), stone, last; tun, hogshead; bushel; 
week, year fan Anglosaxon neuter, the same in the plural as 
in the singular). With these are joined names of sorts, as, shil- 
ling, piece (mostly of things), head (of men and beasts, an 
Anglosaxon neuter, the same in the plural as in the singular), 
sail (of ships), cannon, shot. The language of common con- 
versation cannot be determined by its boundaries, the literary 
and educated speech is constantly abandoning these forms more 
and more, which moreover are not without an etymological origin. 
The English account-books decline such words regularly, and 
grammarians in part reject the non-inflection as quite false. 
Compare Murray's Grammar &c. by Gartly. Lond. 1851. p. 111. 
In lieu of many examples compare: The ball always concludes 



/. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. L Substantive. Use of Numerals. 241 

with English country, dances, to the number of thirty or fourty 
couple (LADY MONTAGUE). Five hundred yoke of oxen (JOB. 1, 3.). 
A constant cascade of about thirty foot (FIELDING). Full fathom 
five the father lies (SFIAKSPEARE Temp.). I have known when 
he would have walked ten mile afoot to see a good armour (ID. 
Much Ado ab. Noth.). Twelve year since Thy father was the 
duke of Milan (SHAKSPEARE Temp.). Hundred head of Aristotle's 
friends (POPE). That cost me two shilling and two pence a piece 
(SHAKSPEARE Merry Wiv.). The fleet . . consisted of 92 sail 
(MRS. MARKHAM). One hundred cannon were landed from the 
fleet (BURCHELL) Several shot being fired (ID.). (See Wagner's 
Grammar of the English tongue, elaborated by Herrig p. 108.). 
Forms of this sort are familiar to Old-English, especially where 
primitive plurals of strong forms in a, u, rarely in s, are at 
the foundation, for whose vowels e is mostly substituted: That 
is an hundred fadme of lengthe (MAUNDEV. p. 23.; Anglosaxon 
fadem, plural -as), A rib of his side, that is 40 fote longe (ID. 
p. 31.; Anglosaxon fet instead of fete). The folk that ben but 
3 span long (ID. p. 211.; Anglosaxon spann, plural spanna). And 
a lytylle thens, 28 pas, is a chapelle (ID. p. 96.; Old-French 
pas). 20 myle (ID. p. 7.; Anglosaxon mile, plural mila); but also 
myles (p. 30.). He was per sene nyjt (Ron. OF GLOUCESTER 1. 
p. 158.; Anglosaxon neaht, plural neahta). Fourty winter (PIERS 
PLOUGHMAN p. 277.; Anglosaxon vinter, masculine plural vinter) 
along with wyntres (IB.). Guendolyn was kyng fiftene $er po 
(RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. p. 27.; Anglosaxon gear, plur. gear). By 
forty e shilling a yere (PERCY Rel. p. 116. I.; Anglosaxon scilling, 
plur. scillingas). An hondred pousend marc (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER 
II. p. 393.; Anglosaxon marc, plural marca). Fro thens toward 
the est a 3 bow shote (MAUNDEV. p. 97. ; Anglosaxon scyte, plur. 
scytas or gescot, plural gescotu). 

y) In connection with the usage above cited stand some compounds 
of numerals with substantives, wherein both stand in a direct 
relation to each other and the substantive should therefore as- 
sume the (present) inflection of the plural. Here belong: seven- 
night, sennight (Anglosaxon seofonniht, properly plural femi- 
nine = hebdomas); fortnight = fourteen nights, two weeks; 
twelvemonth (Anglosaxon tvelfmonfr according to Bos WORTH); 
compare. Old-English: Al this fourtenight (CHAUCER v. 931.). A 
fevere That taketh me al a twelve monthe (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 266.) 
Upon cognate phenomena see below, the doctrine of the Numeral. 
But the noninflection of the substantive is common, even where, 
the composition appears loosened, if numeral and substantive 
become an attributive determination of a succeeding substantive, 
so that the whole receives the character of a single compound: 
You have seen the faces in the eighteen penny gallery (FIELDING). 
I protested I could see no reason for it neither, nor why Mr. 
Simpkins got the thousand pound prize in the lottery (GOLDSMITH). 
Compare the Old-English: And forth he goth a twenty divel way 
(CHAUCER v. 4255. ed. Tyrwh.). Hence the expressions: a four 
wheel chaise; a three foot rule; a thirty pound note; an eighty 

Matzner, engl. Gr. I. j 



242 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. 11. 

gun ship &c. "Where the genitive relation is denoted by 's, s\ 
this immediate reference ceases; where the plural stands, an ap- 
positive relation of the last substantive usually enters. 

The Formation of the Genitive. 

A remnant of the Anglosaxon case-formation is the socalled An- 
glosaxon Genitive, -which enters instead of the substantive with the 
case preposition of, but only where it precedes the latter as the deter- 
mination of a substantive, or where no substantive follows or is to 
be supplied. This case form is found more in names of persons 
(names of kinds as well as proper names) than in names of things. 

The sign of the genitive s belongs originally to the singular of 
masculine and neuter strong substantive forms. In English it was 
early transferred to all substantive, even of the feminine gender, in 
the singular. Herein the English agrees with the Danish and Swe- 
dish, of which the Danish especially makes the declension of the 
masculine and the feminine substantive almost wholly coincide. Even 
in Hollandish in conversational language, the s of the genitive is 
often given, especially to feminine substantives preceding the sub- 
stantive determined by them, but which does not belong to them; 
the Lowdutch proceeds similarly. The Modern-Highdutch of northern 
Germany is acquainted with genitives like mutter's, tante's haus 
&c., as proper names of the feminine gender in general adopt in 
Modern-Highdutch the s and ens of the masculine gender. The An- 
glosaxon knows nothing of genitives of this sort, but has nevertheless 
sometimes even in adverbial genitives the termination es, as in nihtes 
(neaht, niht, -e, f.); whereas gevealdes, his gevealdes, sua sponte 
may certainly be refered to geveald m. alongside of gevealde f. 

a) Modern-English accordingly puts this s in the singular, without 
regard to the original gender of the substantives, to names of 
kinds and proper names, more rarely to abstract nouns, with an 
apostrophe preceding (this with an almost entire consistency since 
the seventeenth century): Drinking is the soldier's pleasure (DRY- 
DEN). A lawyer's is an honest employment (JOHN GAY). Thy 
sire's maker, and the earth's And heaven's (L. BYRON). To 
know no more Is woman's happiest knowledge (MILTON). You 
say, you do not know the Lady's mind (SHAKSPEARE Rom. and 
Jul.). The sports on occasion of the Queen's marriage (W. SCOTT). 
Blest be your mother's memory (OTWAY). They knew something 
of the death of Macbeth's father (ID. Macb.). He trembles, he 
glows, Amidst Rhodope's snows (POPE). Encamped beside Life's 
rushing stream In Fancy's misty light (LONGFELLOW). In my 
youth's summer I did sing of One (L. BYRON), 

Even adjectives used as substantives receive this s: Into the 
future's undiscovered land (LONGFELLOW); even other parts of 
speech used substantively : Yesterday's sun Saw it perform'd (OT- 
WAY). To-morrow's rising sun must see you all Deck'd in your 
honours (ID.). 

If a word ends in a sibilant, as s, #, more rarely in ce, se, even 



/. The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. 1. Substantive. Formation of the Genitive. 243 

a dental ge, the annexed s is sometimes wanting in Modern-En- 
glish, and ' is added as a sign of elision: Read o'er the volume 
of young Paris' face (SHAKSPEARE R. and J.). "With joy I see it 
in Eumenes' hands (J. HUGHES). And he, the last of old Lycur- 
gus' sons (THOMSON). Look, in this place ran Cassius' dagger 
through (SHAKSPEARE Jul. C.). And hard unkindness" altered eye 
(GRAY). I did not know the princess' favourite (CONGREVE). They 
could scarcely attend to the Prior of Torvaulx' question ("W. SCOTT). 
There is one tree the phoenix" 1 throne (SHAKSPEARE Temp.). At 
least for that resemblance' sake embrace me (H. WALPOLE). Prayer 
is Innocence' friend (LoNGF.). O'er Venice' lovely walls (L. BYRON). 
Venice' Duke! Who now is Duke in Venice? (ID.). Only for praise' 
sake, when they strive to be lords o'er their lords? (SHAKSP. Love's 
L. L.). There's a partridge' wing saved, for the fool will eat no sup- 
per that night (SHAKSP. Much Ado ab. Noth.). With regard to the 
treatment of the s the Anglosaxon led the way, which often left 
proper names in s unchanged in the genitive: Urias vif; Mattheus 
gerecednys; whereas else es is appended; Re muses &c. Yet 
no agreement prevails in this respect, even in one and the same 
author, and the annexing of an s to substantives of this sort is 
very common, although the collision of several sibilants offers a 
difficulty in pronunciation. In poetry, the subjoined s, with the 
apostrophe, after sibilants and hissing sounds, counts (either 
with or without a preceding, otherwise mute e) as a full syl- 
lable; compare prose instances: Randolph agreed to act by Dou- 
glas's counsel (W. SCOTT). Her mistress's bell rung (FIELDING). 
Your Grace's name is the best protection this play can hope for 
(Rows). Thus Wallace's party grow daily stronger (W. SCOTT); 
and passages from poets: Sighing for Phillis's or Cloe's pity (RowE). 
Just sense and sober piety still dictate The Countess's command. 
With truth I say it (H. WALPOLE). Man, who rejoices in our 
sex's weakness (Rows). According to the Church's rev'rend rite 
(ID.). Inheriting a princess name and riches (L. BYRON). Nor 
was it my intention To wound your Reverence's saint-like organs 
(H. WALPOLE). Here certainly also occur instances, where no 
full syllable in verse arises: At every hazard; and if Venice's Doge 
&c. (L. BYRON Mar. Faliero I, p. 25. ed. Tauch.). 

The Old-English early transferred the genitive termination es 
(is, ys), sometimes even a simple s after consonants, to all sub- 
stantives in the genitive of the singular, although at first more 
rarely to ferninines: Alias, myn hertes queen! (Anglosaxon heorte, 
-an Fern., cor [CHAUCER v. 2777.]). As the berstles of a sowes 
eeres (Anglosaxon sugu, -e fern., sus, perhaps sug, -es, n. [IB. 
v. 558.]). That knew this worldes transmutacioun (Anglosaxon 
veorold, -e fern., mundus [IB. v. 2841.]). And at the kinges modres 
court he light (Anglosaxon modor, gen. the same mater [IB. v. 
5206.]). His sistars son was he (Anglosaxon sveostor, gen. the 
same soror (PERCY Rel. p. 4. II.]). Seynte Anne oure Ladyes 
modre (Anglosaxon hlaefdige, -an, domina [MAUNDEV. p. 15.]). In 
Hermingildes chambre whil sche slepte (CHAUCER v. 5015.). And 
by Custaunces mediacioun (IB. v. 5104.). The images hond (MAUN- 

16* 



244 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 11. 

DEV. p. 9.). Marthaes and Maries (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 217.). But 
genitives without s, not merely of the feminine gender are often 
found also earlier and later: Ys broper dep. (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER 
1. p. 121.). To Dauid kyndom (IB. p. 9.). pe queue fader (IB. 
p. 26.). pe entrede in at Temse moup (IB. p. 47.). pi kynde lond 
(IB. p. 85.). For Marie love (IB. p. 28.) Thrugh Adam syn and 
Eve foly (TOWNELEY MYST. p. 160.). His fader wille thou must 
nedes wyrk (IB. 167.). My fader ordynance thus it is (IBID). 
The masculines and generally proper names in s frequently remain 
unchanged in the genitive, as in Chaucer: markis, Sathanas, 
Peneus, Theseus, Melibeus, Ceres, Yenus, although also 
markeses, Peneuses, Cereses &c. occur; so too ferninines in 
ce: Sith the pestilence time (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 6.); still in Skel- 
ton: in Magnyfycence syght (I, 268.). Even other feminines are 
also found sometimes late without the sign of the genitive: For 
my fansy sake (SKELTON I, 261.) The not denoting the genitive 
of words in s is termed very common even in the seventeenth 
century, as in Priamus daughter, Venus temple &c. The 
genitive termination es is familiar, along with the mere s, down 
to the sixteenth century: In wedlockes sacred state (JOCASTA, 1566). 
Wisedomes sage aduise (IB.). My ladyes grace (SKELTON I. p. 36.). 
Goddes passion (A new Enterlude called THERSYTES). A mannes 
mighte (IB.). 

Another sort of absence of mark of the genitive relation, not 
properly concerning the doctrine of forms, is the employment of 
the uninflected case after substantives which operate like prepo- 
sitions, either with or without attributive determinations: He has 
left you all his walks on this side Tiber (SHAKSPEARE Jul. C.). 
That all was over on this side the tomb (L. BYRON). Leaving 
Cornorn on the other side the river (LADY MONTAGUE). Thus po- 
pular speech uses 'on board a ship' instead of 'on board of a ship' 
and the like. Of yet another kind is the transition from the 
genitive relation into that loose combination of substantives, wherein 
the preceding one operates as the determining word of a com- 
pound: Hard by, at street end (SHAKSPEARE Merry Wiv. 4, 2.). 
Thou com'st from Jersey meadows (BRYANT). 

b) The inflection s is also transferred to the genitive of the plural, 
without distinction of the original declension or gender of the 
substantives. After the Anglosaxon plural inflection had ceased 
to enter into the genitive in Old-English, so far as this could be 
the reason for a distinction from the nominative, the genitive 
generally was left uninflected, but soon gave to those plurals not 
ending in es in the nominative the inflection of the genitive sin- 
gular. Modern-English in point of fact also leaves the genitive 
plural in s without inflection, but adds the mark of elision, 
as if an s were wanting. The seventeenth century, inversely, 
mostly put a mark of elision before the s, which modern copies 
commonly transpose according to the modern fashion. Instances: 
And with the brands we'll fire the traitors' houses (SHAKSPEARE 
Jul. C.). That dawn never beam'd on your forefathers' eye (W. 
SCOTT). These happy masks, that kiss fair ladies' brows (SflAK- 



/. The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. I, Substantive. Formation of the Genitive. 245 

SPEARE R. and J.); on the other hand according to John Wallis 
(sec. XVII): the Lord's House = the House of Lords; the Com- 
mons House = the House of Commons, whereby he adds, that the 
fundamental forms are: the Lords's House, the Commons's House. 

The complete absence of the mark of elision has moreover not / 
yet quite ceased: Who was the cause of a long ten years war? \ 
(OTWAY). They passed this way ! I hear their horses hoofs (LONG- 
FELLOW). 

Plural forms without s adopt completely the genitive form of the 
singular: Young men's love then lies Not truly in their hearts 
but in their eyes (SHAKSPEARE R. and J.). The white hands of 
gentlemen's daughters (W. IRVING). More than a hundred children's 
children rode on his knee (LONGFELLOW). 

Adjectives used as subjectives, adopting no s in the nomina- 
tive of the plural, sound in the genitive of the plural, as in those 
of the singular: The poor's rate obliges us to give so much charity 
(FIELDING). We may take forms of this sort for collective sin- 
gulars. 

Occasionally other parts of speech used as substantives, which 
in themselves, we must take to be plurals, also receive this s: 
A mark'd man to the Forty's inquisition (L. BYRON Mar. Faliero). 
Let it live on . . till the hour of nature's summons, but the Ten's 
is quicker (IB.). 

Old -English still sometimes used the termination ene, cor- 
responding to the Anglosaxon weak genitive termination ena, which 
was also frequently found in the strong form of declension, and 




Jewene joye (IB. p. 384.), But the usage was soon adopted of 
employing the plural form in es (s) and to let the genitive rela- 
tion be inferred solely from the position of the substantive: Of 
whom the book of fadres lyfes spekethe (MAUNDEV. p. 79.). Thei 
ben now in paynemes and Sarazines honds (IB.). On the olif antes 
bakkes (ID. p. 191.). Cristes lore, and his apostles twelve, He 
taught (CHAUCER v. 529.). The plurals in en were also treated 
so: With gode men almesdede (DAME SIRIZ p. 7.). Judas he japed 
With Jewen silver (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 19.); but the transfer of 
the singular es to such forms is old : Ye . . Rende mennes clothes 
(PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 13.). And putte it in to Cristene mennes 
hondes (MAUNDEV. p. 104.). 

Peculiarities in the use of genitive forms. 

a) So far as attributive determinations, preceding a substantive in 
the genitive, are wholely incapable of inflection, of course the 
substantive alone receives the sign of the case : By the blue lake's 
silver beach (LONGFELLOW). 

If substantives to be taken attributively precede a substantive, 
Modern-English likewise inflects only the substantive determined 
by them. The most frequent case of this sort is the determina- 
tion of a proper name by preceding proper names or names of 



246 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part L Sect. II. 

kinds: After Edward Bruce 's dead (W. SCOTT). I am sir John 
Falsta/'s (SHAKSPEARE Merry Wiv.). So perish all Queen Eliza- 
beth's enemies! (ROBERTSON). Is this the tenant Gottlieb's farm? 
(LONGFELLOW). Like god Bel's priests (SHAKSPEARE Much Ado 
ab. Noth.). Of Amanda our friend Loveless' s wife (SHERIDAN). 
The outside of doctor Belioso's house (J. COBB). He bears a most 
religious reverence To his dead master Edward's royal memory 
(Rows). In a conversation at dinner, at your cousin Campbell M c 
Kenzie's (MACKLIN). This was common even in Old-English: 
The desertes of Prestre Johnes Lordschipe (MAUNDEV. p. 122.). 
By king Henries day (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER 2. p. 532.). Yet not 
the proper name, but the name of the kind was inflected: pe 
emperoures August (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER 1. p. 61.), especially 
where another name of a kind came between the proper name 
and the name of the kind: Harald, pe kynges sone Knout (ID. 1. 
324.). That our kinges moder Henri was (ID. 2. p. 530.). 

A name of a kind may also precede a name of a kind as an 
attributive determination, when the same inflection of the last 
takes place: To his, the tyrant husband's reign succeeds (RowE). 
His brother pirate's hand he wrung (L. BYRON). 

b) If a genitive substantive is followed by a determination consisting 
of a preposition with a substantive, the substantive with its 
determination is taken as a whole to whose last substantive con- 
stituent the s of the genitive is added: The king of Great Bri- 
tain's dominions (MURR\Y). The Count of Lara's blood is on thy 
hands (LONGFELLOW). Here are some fine villas, particularly the 
late prince of Liechtenstein's (LADY MONTAGUE), A field of battle's 
ghastly wilderness (L. BYRON). Do my eyes deceive me, or have 
the enemy besieged my father-in-law's house? (J. COBB.). Old 
English deviated frequently herefrom, in so far as it could insert 
between the genitive and its further determination the substantive 
to which the genitive was referred. In this case the preceding 
substantive received the sign of the genitive: The kinges soster 
of Spaine (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER 2. p. 532.). The erle's sone of 
Gloucestre (IB. p. 530.). 

c) If a substantive apposition follows a substantive, the termination 
of the genitive is commonly given to the apposition, unless it is 
separated from its substantive by the substantive to which the 
genitive is referred: St. John the Evangelist's day, John the Bap- 
tist's head &c.; and so too with proper names with appositions, 
as: "William the Conqueror &c. Weeping again the king, my father's 
wreck (SHAKSPEARE Temp.) Forgiveness of the queen, my sister's 
wrongs (L. BYRON Sardanap.). I was yesterday at Count Schon- 
brunn, the vice-chancellor's garden (LADY MONTAGUE). On the con- 
trary: For the queen's sake, his sister (L. BYRON Sardanap.). It 
is Othello's pleasure, our noble and valiant general (SHAKSPEARE 
Oth.). Compare Old-English: In Piers berne the Plowman (PiERS 
PLOUGHM. p. 417.). 

This rule is, however, often departed from in common life, and 
grammarians permit, for instance, to say: I left the parcel at Mr. 



/. The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. I. Substantive. Use of the Genitive. 247 

Johnson's, the bookseller, as at Mr. Johnson, the bookseller's (CROM- 
BIE); others do not even acknowledge the latter to be right. Com- 
pare Guy's English Grammar: London 1833 p. 80. If the apposi- 
tion following a proper name is more comprehensive, the former 
appears indeed preferable: The Psalms are David's the king , priest 
and prophet of the Jewish people (MURRAY). See Murray's Gram- 
mar, revised by Herrig p. 122. 

The double inflection of a substantive and the apposition at the 
same time is rare: A small and old spaniel, which had been Don 
Jose's, his father's (L. BYRON). 

d) If more than one substantive stand in the genitive relation to 
one and the same substantive, either only one, and that the last, 
of the genitives assumes the inflectional mark, or all are equally 
inflected. The last receives it, if all genitives are apprehended 
as the totality of the subjects or individuals referred, whether they 
are connected by a copulative or a disjunctive conjunction, or 
are placed asyndetically beside each other. All are inflected, if 
either the word of reference (in the plural), is referred distribu- 
tively to the genitives, or if the genitives, in their common re- 
ference to a substantive, must be thought as separate or as ap- 
posed. The intention of making the single members of a totality 
prominent likewise effects the repetition of the mark of inflection. 
It is clear that play is given here to individual apprehension. 
) Nonrepetition of inflection: Keep your loialty, And live, your 
king and country's best support (RowE J. Shore). Woman, 
sense and nature's easy fool (IB.). In wonderworks of God and 
nature's hand (L. BYRON). Dry den and JKowe's manner, Sir, 
are quite out of fashion (GOLDSMITH). Oliver and Boyd's 
printing-office (M' CULLOCH). And Otway, Raddiffe, Schiller, 
Shakspeare's art Had stamp'd her image in me (that of Venice) 
(L. BYRON). When the contending nobles shook the land 
with York and Lancaster's disputed sway (RowE J. Shore). 
After a fortnight or three week's possession (GOLDSMITH). Whose 
arch or pillar meets me in the face Titus or Trajan's 1 ? (L. 
BYRON). 

/?) Repetition of inflection: That hereditary feud Between Valen- 
tia's and Granada's kings (CONGREVE). Here repose Angela's, 
Alfieri's bones, and his The starry Galileo (L. BYRON). Moun- 
tains above, Earth's, Ocean's plain below (ID.). For honour's, 
pride's, religion's, virtue's sake (ID.). Beyond or love's or 
friendship's sacred band Beyond myself, I prize my native 
land (RowE). They find themselves happy when they can 
enjoy a pantomime, under the sanction of Johnson's or Shak- 
speare's name (GOLDSMITH). 

If articles precede the genitives, the inflection is likewise 
repeated: The sage's and the poet's theme (ROGERS). 

If other particles than and, or, come bet\veen the genitives, 
the repetition of the inflection is likewise of course: He has 
two sons, that were ordain'd to be As well his virtues' as his 
fortunes' heirs (OTWAY). They are Thomas's as well as James's 
iooks (GuY). 



248 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II. 



The gender of substantives. 

Anglosaxon distinguished a threefold, Old-French a twofold gram- 
matical gender of substantives; English has preserved the three gen- 
ders, the masculine, the feminine and the neuter, mostly, however 
with the obliteration of the differences of gender formerly fixed by 
the verbal form or the usage of the language. 

With, the abandonment of the differences of gender in the form 
/ of the article, the adjective and the attributive pronoun, and with 
the complete assimilation of the declension of all genders, the recol- 
lection of the former grammatical gender must have been almost to- 
tally lost. The language of common life and of poetry has partly 
preserved the memory of them. The conception of the gender is 
certainly hardly perceivable save through the personal pronouns 
referred to a substantive (he, she, it &c.) and their possessive forms 
(his, her, its &c.). 

With few exceptions the language of conversation of the well- 
educated and of common prose has returned to the natural distinc- 
tions of sex in the determination of the gender of substantives. The 
gender is expressed in a limited measure by substantive terminations. 

Accordingly, substantives expressing male beings pass in general 
as masculine; those expressing female beings, as feminine, so that 
here only animal nature is considered. A few names of things are, 
in the more general usage, masculine or feminine. All other substan- 
tive are regarded as of the neuter gender; even animal beings, where 
the regard to their natural gender retires, are treated as neuters. 
Yet the common names of the different races of animals (nomina epi- 
coena) are occasionally determined from other points of view. 

Poetry and the more noble prose not rarely depart from, the 
common mode, treating names of things as masculine or as feminine 
substantives. 

a) As regards the masculine and the feminine gender with reference 
to their distinct forms, the natural distinction of sexes is expressed 
in various ways. 

1) This is done partly by words of different roots, or by words, 
whose termination denoting gender has been effaced. They 
originate mostly with the Anglosaxon, but partly from the Old- 
French. The one form is exceptionally of Anglosaxou, the other 
of Romance origin. 

) Here belong terms for men, as father (Anglosaxon fader); 
mother (Anglosaxon modor); brother (Anglosaxon broker); 
sister (Anglosaxon sveostor); son (Anglosaxon sunu); daugh- 
ter (Anglosaxon dohter); -- uncle (Old-French uncle, oncle); 
aunt (Old-French ante, Latin amita) ; boy (Old-English boye, 
boy [PIERS PLOUGIIM. p. 214 and 6.J, compare Swedish bof, 
Lowdutch bow, spitzbow); girl (Old-Engl. gerl, of both gen- 
ders, compare the Lowdutch gor, unadult girl, small child, gore, 
daughter); bachelor (Old-French bacheler); maid, maiden 
(Anglosaxon magefrf., magden n.). king (Anglosaxon cyning, 



1. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. I. Substantive. Genders. 249 

cyng); queen (Anglosaxou even, perhaps belonging to the same 
root as cyning). earl (Anglosaxon eorl, erl); countess (Old- 
French contesse, cuntesse). friar or monk (Old-French freire, 
Anglosaxon munec, monc); nun (Anglosaxon nunne, Old-En- 
glish nonne). wizard (Old-French guiscart, guischart, from 
the Old-norse viskr, sagax; the Anglosaxon vigelere and hveo- 
lere, divinator, is, on the contrary, abandoned) in Lancashire 
he- witch; witch (Anglosaxon vicce). 

From the same stem with an obliterated derivation are: 
nephew (Old-French nief, niez, nevod, neveu, Latin nepot-is, 
compare Anglosaxon nefa); niece (French niece, Latin neptis). 
Thus also sloven (compare Anglosaxon slav, piger); slat (com- 
pare Dieffenbach G. Dictionary 2. p. 266), and lad (Old-En- 
glish ladde, Old-Scottish laid, Anglosaxon leod, vir); lass Scot- 
tish the same) seem to belong to the same stems. 

A masculine has been formed upon an original feminine in: 
widower (compare Middle-Highdutch witewaere, Old-Highdutch 
witowo); widow (Anglosaxon viduve, vuduve, Latin vidua). 

To other simple forms compounds stand opposed, as in: 
man (Anglosaxon mann); woman (Anglosaxon vif man); whence 
nobleman, gentleman &c. ; noblewoman, gentlewoman &c.; and 
conversely in: husband (Anglosaxon husbonda); wife (Anglo- 
saxon vif, n.); bridegroom (Anglosaxon brydguma, procus), yet 
also groom alone and groomsman (LONGFELLOW); bride (An- 
glosaxon bryd, uxor, sponsa, femina). sir (Old-French sires, 
sire); madam (ma dame). 

Compounds stand opposed to other compounds in: lord 
(Anglosaxon hlafveard, hlaford); lady (Anglosaxon hlafveardige, 
hlsefdige). - - gaffer (not from the Anglosaxon gefadera, m. 
patruelis, but from godfader), in Lincolnshire also gaff, god- 
father, old man, grandfather, often in the address, neighbour, 
friend; gammer (not from the Anglosaxon gemeder, f. commater, 
but instead of godmodor), old woman, grandmother. Here also 
belong: grandfather; grandmother. grandson; granddaughter. 
grandsire; grandam, jocosely grannam, granny, grandmother; 
whereas the simple sire; dam, mother are now only used poe- 
tically of men, and the latter even with contempt. Both are 
now used on the other hand of beasts, as, male (Old-English 
maylle) and female (Old-English femaylle), where they are 
used substantively. 

/?) The names of beasts, coming into consideration here are of 
Anglosaxon stem, and not numerous. They mostly belong to 
mammals: ram (Anglosaxon ramm, aries, vervex), and wether 
(Anglosaxon vefrer, aries, vervex) ; ewe (Anglosaxon eovu, eov). 

- boar (Anglosaxon bar); sow (Anglosaxon sugu). - - bull 
(Old-norse boli); cow (Anglosaxon cu). bidlock (Anglosaxon 
bulluca, m. vitulus), gelded bull, and steer (Anglosaxon steor, 
juvencus), the same, likewise ox (Anglosaxon oxa, bos, taurus), 
also a general name for neat cattle; heifer (Anglosaxon heah- 
fore, heafre). buck (Anglosaxon bucca); doe (Anglosaxon 
da, dama). dog (Old-norse doggr, m.), as the name of a 



250 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II. 

kind, to denote the masculine gender in compounds; bitch (An- 
glosaxou bicce, canicula). stallion (Old-French estalon), also 
horse (Anglosaxon hors, n. equus) instead of stone-horse in: 
to take horse = to be covered, as a mare; mare (Anglosaxon 
merihe, mere, equa). stag (Old-norse steggr, mas plurium 
ferarum; the cock is also called stag in North-English) and 
hart (Anglosaxon heorut, heort); hind (Anglosaxon hind), also 
called roe (Anglosaxon rah, ra, caprea), yet this is also a 
general name for stag; the male animal also roebuck. colt 
(Anglosaxon colt); filly (compare also fola, pullus, equuleus, 
English foal; Old-Scottish fillok, Cymric ffilog). 

Of birds there occur: drake (Old-norse andriki); duck (from 
the verb duck, Lowdutch duken, Hollandish duiken; on the 
Baltic [Warnemuende] the wild duck is called diiker; Swedish 
Danish dukand). cock (Anglosaxon cocc, coc); hen (Anglo- 
saxon henn, gallina, compare hana, gallus). Of the same stem 
are: gander (Anglosaxon gandra, m. anser; Old-English .also 
gant: with a gose and a gant (SKELTON 1. p. 111.), Lowdutch 
ganter and gante, gantje; goose (Auglosaxon gos). ruff, the 
cock bird of the fighting snipe has its name from its great ruff 
(English ruff; Old -English ruff, rough: compare Old-norse 
rufinn, hirsutus, Anglosaxon hreof, callosus and hreoh, hreov, 
asper; the hooded pigeon is called in English ruff); reeve, the 
hen bird (although without a ruff), seems formed after ruff. 

Of other animals such different denominations hardly occur; 
but of fishes: milter (Anglosaxon milte, otherwise named after 
milk, Old-norse miolk, lactes piscium, compare Danish melke- 
fisk; spawner (from English spawn; Old-English spane, com- 
pare Anglosaxon spen, fibra; spon, Old-Highdutch span = cre- 
mium, fomes &c., Old-norse sponn = ramentum ligni). Among 
insects are distinguished : drone (Anglosaxon dran, drsen, Danish 
drone), for the male of the bee; bee (Anglosaxou beo, f.) also 
a general name, bee. 

2) Not a small number of substantives distinguishes the female from 
the male sex by a derivative termination. 
) Names of persons are here principally distinguished. Distinc- 
tions like that of the Anglosaxon masculine and feminine sub- 
stantives in Declension, for example: gat, -es, caper and 
gat, -e, capra, were no longer possible; varieties of the no- 
minative, as of those in a, m. and e, f. : maga -- mage, 
cognatus, -a; ne'fa -- ne'fe, nepos, neptis, were like- 
wise abolished by the treatment of the final vowels. The femi- 
nine termination, by derivation by means of en (n): munec 
municen, mouachus, nonna; alf, elf elfen, incubus, la- 
mia; god gyden, deus, -a; casere casern, imperator, 
iinperatrix, has scarcely been otherwise preserved than in the 
name of an animal (see /* farther below). The derivative term- 
ination estre, istre, developed into ere (English er), asinveb- 
bere vebbestre, textor, textrix; bacere bacistre, 
pistor, pistrix, is in great part abandoned, but has partly 
passed over directly into the nominative and has even adopted 



1. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. I. Substantive. Genders. 251 

a new feminine form (see below). To distinguish the genders 
therefore Romance derivative forms have therefore essentially 
been chosen. 

Of Anglosaxon terminations accordingly ster, Old -English 
stere, are here seldom considered: spinner spinster. 
Old-English has several feminines in stere: bakstere; brewe- 
stere (PIERS PLOUGHMAN); knitster is in use in the Devon 
dialect. In Skelton tappyster (Anglosaxon tappestre, cau- 
pona from m. tappere) is still a barmaid: A tappyster lyke 
a lady bright (1, 239). Now the most of those remaining are 
masculine, sometimes alongside of masculines in er, for in- 
stance rhymer and rhyinster; weaver and webster; sin- 
ger and songster &c. See, moreover, the doctrine of deriva- 
tion. 

Among Romance terminations is the feminine form ine, 
ina, wherein the Latin, the French and the Germanic form 
(ina, ine, in, compare rex regina; Old-French roi, rei, rai 

ro'ine, re'ine, rai'ne; German markgraf markgrafin) mingle: 
czar czarina; hero heroine (French heroine, Greek 
and Latin heroine); margrave margravine; landgrave 

landgravine. Some of them have adopted other feminine 
forms along with them. (See below.) Sultan sultana rests 
upon the Medieval -Latin sultanus, -a; infant -- infanta 
upon the Spanish and Portugese infante, -ta. 

The termination ess, Old-English esse, French esse has received 
a wide diffusion, corresponding to the Latin issa, Greek 6<jacf, 
inoct. It is also found in Anglosaxon in foreign words, as ab- 
bad (od, ud) abbudisse (abbas -- abbatissa). From 
words in or and er arise the terminations oress and eress, cor- 
responding to the French eresse (oresse), as from words in 
tor and ter, the termination tress, which goes back to the French 
trice, Latin trix, the last of which from substantives in lor 
still often stands along with tress. The these are joined some 
in dor and der with the termination dress. English here con- 
founds Romance and Germanic words, regarding the termina- 
tion ess in all forms as the homogeneous mark of the femi- 
nine. 

The termination ess is added to masculines in n ending in 
a consonant (on, an, in, en, am): patron -- patroness; 
baron baroness; deacon deaconess; champion 

championess; canon (Old-French canone, Modern-French 
chanoine) cano ness (French chanoinesse): sultan sul- 
taness, alongside of sultana; compare Old-English soudan 
soudannesse (CHAUCER); guardian guardianess; dau- 
phin dauphiness; citizen citizeness (rare); chief- 
tain chieftainess (Miss SEDGWICK); to substantives in t 
(st, ni): poet poetess (French poetesse), for which also 
poetress occurs; prophet prophetess (French prophe- 
tesse); hermit -- hermitess; priest (Anglosaxon preost) 

priestess (compare the French pretresse) ; host hostess 
(French hotesse); count countess (Old-French contesse, 



252 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. 11. 

cuntesse); viscount viscountess; giant giantess; 
saint saiutess (FISHER); regent regentess (COT- 
GRAVE). -- Irregular is here abbot abbess according to 
the French fashion (abbesse); in tyrant tyranness (AKEN- 
SIDE) the older masculine form tyran, as in anchoret an- 
choress the old masculine an ere, ancor (Anglosaxon ancor and 
I (, ancra, solitarius, anachoreta) is the foundation. 

A few other substantives ending in a consonant, but not 
in the derivative terminations or and er belong here, as god 
- goddess (compare French deesse, Anglosaxon gyden), Old- 
English even goddesse (CHAUCER); chief chief ess (CAR- 
VER); herd - - herdess (BROWNE), Old-English hierdesse 
(CHAUCER); shepherd shepherdess; czar czaress 
alongside of czarina; peer -- peeress (French pairesse); 
heir heiress. Some, ending in a mute e, are associated 
with them; they take ess instead of e: advocate advo- 
catess; ogre -- ogress (from the French ogre, from the 
Latin Orcus, whence the Anglosaxon ore = goblin); prince 

princess (French princesse); duke duchess (Old- 
English duchesse, Old-French ducesse, duchoise, ducheise); 
Old-English constable constablesse. Some substantives, 
which in the masculine gender end in a vowel, annex the 
feminine termination ess, to it: Jew Jewess; Hebrew 
Hebrewess; hero heroess (rarely alongside of heroine). 
In negro negress (French negresse, from negre) the o 

(4 of the masculine is not regarded, as in votary votaress 
the y. 

With the feminine formation of names of persons in or, er 
those ending in tor, dor, as well as in ter, der, are to be 
distinguished. 

Those in or, er assume ess in the feminine, like those above 
named, commonly without further change of form: author 

authoress; mayor mayoress; prior prioress; 
warrior warriouresse in Spenser; tailor tailoress; 
archer archeress; avenger avengeress; peddler 

peddleress; farmer farmeress; diviner divi- 
ner ess; Old-English has more of these forms, as charme- 

*-'' resse, jangleresse &c. 

Substantives in er-or, er-er, to which even some in ur-er 
are joined, throw off their masculine termination or, er, before 
the termination ess: conqueror conqueress; adulterer 
adulteress; murderer murderess; sorcerer sor- 
ceress; caterer cateress; fosterer fostress; (B. 
JONSON); procurer procuress; treasurer treasu- 
ress. Even governor casts off or in governess; emperor 
has empress (Old-English emperice, compare Old-French em- 

( I pereres, empereor empereris, empereis). 

Masculine names of persons in tor, dor, ter (ster) der with 
the assumption of the feminine termination ess usually cast out 
the o or e preceding the r, ending therefore in tress and dress: 
inventor inventress; inheritor inheritress; in- 



1. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. 1. Substantive. Genders. 253 

structor instructress; emulator emulatress; edi- 
tor editress; executor executress; exactor 
exactress; actor actress; auditor auditress; 
orator oratress; mediator mediatress; monitor 

monitress; nonienclator nornenclatress; legis- 
lator legislatress; rector rectress; preceptor 
preceptress; proprietor proprietress; protector 
protectress; fautor fautress; fornicator forni- 
catress; traitor traitress; director directress; 
detractor detractress; solicitor solicitress; 
suitor suitress; spectator spectatress; coadju- 
tor coadjutress; competitor competitress; con- 
ductor conductress; creator creatress and others; 
enchanter enchantress; arbiter arbitress; mi- 
nister ministress; waiter waitress (rare); chanter 

chantress; comforter comfortress; hunter (An- 
glosaxon hunta) huntress, Old-English hunteresse (CHAU- 
CER). To these words are added some original femiirfnes in 
ster, now treated as masculines: seampster, sempster 
seamstress, sempstress (compare Anglosaxon seamere, 
sartor seamestre, sartrix); songster songstress (com- 
pare Anglosaxon sangere, cantor sangestre, cantatrix); huck- 
ster huckstress (compare Danish hoker, Swedish hokare 

Danish hokerske, Swedish hokerska). -- Master has mi- 
stress (Old-English maister maistresse, Old-French maistre 
maistresse). 

embassador, ambassador embassadress, ambas- 
sadress; offender offendress (SHAKSPEARE); founder 
foundress; commander commandress. Alongside of 
the feminine launder (Old-English lavender, laundre in Pals- 
grave, French lavendiere) a new feminine laundress has been 
formed, which has been the occasion of the masculine laun- 
derer. 

Words in tor have - in part, along with the feminine tress 
the Latin termination trix, as: inheritrix, executrix, ora- 
trix, mediatrix, monitrix, rectrix, protectrix, spec- 
tatrix; in part they have only the latter, as the less popular: 
adjutor adjutrix; administrator administratrix; 
arbitrator arbitratrix; testator testatrix and 
some others. Some have even assumed the mere ess (there- 
fore toress'), although they are wont to have the collateral form 
tress: victor victoress (SPENSER), victrice (B. JONS.) 
and victress (SHAKSPEARE); elector electoress, elec- 
, tress; tutor tutoress and tutress; doctor docto- 
ress, doctress. 

A final t has been the occasion for the termination tress 
instead of tess in: poet poetress (see above), architect 

architectress. To neatherd the feminine neatress 
has been formed (compare Anglosaxon geneat, bubulcus). 

Marquis, marquess (Old-English markis, Old-French mar- 



254 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part L Sect. II. 

chis, markis) has the feminine marchioness (from the Me- 
dieval-Latin marchio, Old-English markisesse (CHAUCER). 
p) Names of beasts are rarely distinguished by a derivative ter- 
mination. 

The Anglosaxon feminine termination en has been preserved 
in fox vixen, (Anglosaxon fox fixen, compare vulf 
vylpen). 

Some have the feminine termination ess: lion lioness, 
tigre tigress (French tigresse); imitations are hardly ven- 
tured upon for other mammals. Of birds belongs here eagle 
eagless. 

3) The distinction of the male and the female sex by a formal 
difference in the substantives does not go far enough for the 
necessities of speech. There is a great number of them, even 
among those capable of a feminine formation, which must be 
regarded as double-gendered, even when having an originally 
masculine derivative termination. Here belong, for example: 
parent, child, cousin, servant, slave, neighbour, com- 
panion, friend, enemy, favourite, darling, rival, heir 
(she is heir of Naples [SHAKSPEARE TEMP.], orphan, thief, 
fool, novice &c.; astronomer, painter, flatterer, weaver, 
teacher, dancer &c.; apologist, botanist &c., as well as 
the great number of names of beasts, and in general all substantives 
denoting animal beings and not distinguished by their meanings 
or by forms of gender. The gender of such words may be 
known partly by a feminine proper name, partly by their refe- 
rence to a personal or possessive pronoun, as in: The slave 
loves her master (L. BYRON). She is a peasant (LONGFELLOW): 
or the contrary to such a one: She loves her cousin; such a love 
was deemed Incestuous (BRYANT). But if the object is to make 
the natural gender perceivable by the substantive immediately, 
this is done in various ways: 
) by union with a prefixed or suffixed substantive. 

The sex of human beings is distinguished by man and maid 
or woman: man-servant, maid-servant; maid-child (LE- 
VITIC.), compare Anglosaxon mancild and maedencild, Old-En- 
glish also knave child (CHAUCER), even man-midwife; ser- 
vant-man, servant-maid; washer-woman. Words like: 
kinsman, kinswoman; dustman, dustwoman; milk- 
man, milk-maid, fish-wife, f ish- worn an &c., with which 
moreover we may compare Anglosaxon compounds like : Isering- 
mann, laeringmaeden ; discipulus, discipula, do not belong to 
the same category, man, woman not standing to distinguish 
the gender of their preceding determining word, that is, not 
in direct relation to it. Sometimes such a determination of 
sex stands withont a contrary, as fisherman. 

To distinguish the sex of animals, in mammals dog and 
bitch serve of the canine race; buck and doe of stags, rabbits 
and hares; boar and sow of pigs; colt and filly of foals; some- 
times sexual terms are denoted by human proper names, more 
rarely by names of kinds of persons: dog-fox, bitch-fox; 



L The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. 1. Substantive. Genders. 255 

(by dog-ape a particular sort of ape is denoted); even the 
masculine bee is called dog-bee (HALLIWELL s. v.); roebuck, 
buck-goat, buck-rabbit, buck-hare, buck-coney; doe- 
rabbit &c.; boar-pig, sow-pig; colt-foal, filly-foal; 
Jackass; Jennyass, Jinnyass; Tomcat; Tib-cat (Tibby 
= Isabella); the northern dialects still have carl-cat, like the 
Anglosaxon, which used carl (mas) and even (uxor) of mam- 
mals and birds: carlcatt, catus; carlfugol, avis mas; 
cvenfugol, avis femina. Maiden cat is also quoted for a 
she-cat. She else commonly bears the pet-name puss, pussy. 
Bird are sexually distinguished by cock and hen; cock- 
sparrow, hen-sparrow; cock -partridge, hen-par- 
tridge; peacock, peahen; turkey-cock, turkey-hen 
(turkey alone denotes this animal). In gor-cock, gor-hen; 
moor-cock, moor-hen, the sexual determination perhaps 
takes place, but not in the direct relation. 

fy by the prefixed adjectives male and female, which are referred 
to mankind as well as to brutes, when however used as sub- 
stantives not compounded, mostly of brutes : male- child, fe- 
male-child; male-servant, female-servant; male des- 
cendants, female descendants; female anchoret; male 
cat, female cat; male fish, female fish; used as substan- 
tives: the male of the roe; the female of the horse; the male 
of the turkey; the female of the turkey. So the French use 
male and femelle. 

y) by the pronouns lie and she, which are prefixed to names of 
brutes, more rarely of men: he-bear, she-bear; he-deer, 
she-deer; he-goat, she-goat; he-animal; she-ass &c. 
The more noble speech hardly uses these pronouns of men; 
we find: she-neighbour, she-friend, she-slave (LADY 
MONTAGUE), as well as she-devils (BULWER); in poets face- 
tious expressions of this sort, as : Be brief, my good she Mer- 
cury (SHAKSPEARE Merry Wives). She is otherwise, when, ad- 
ded to names of persons, it operates as an expression of con- 
tempt: The she-king, That less than woman (L. BYRON Sar- 
danap.). The pardon'd slave of she Sardanapalus (IB.). 

It is readily understood that there are also substantives, par- 
ticularly names of persons, which can only be referred to the 
one or the other natural sex, without particularly indicating 
this by their form. Thus substantives pointing to activities 
or qualities belonging only to men are of course of one gender, 
as well as conversely those, relating to activities or qualities 
pertaining only to the female sex. Compare: pope, pon- 
tiff, parson, knight, champion, general, corporal, 
Cyclops, Triton &c. with matron, virgin, courtesan, 
concubine, muse, syren, Naiad, Nymph, Fury,houri 
&c., the enumeration whereof has a mere lexicographical 
interest. 

For names of beasts which are comprehended under one 
common grammatical gender, feminine or masculine, see 
under b. 



256 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II. 

Names pf things are rarely regarded as masculine or feminine sub- 
stantives in common speech and writing. Yet the sun (Anglosaxon 
sunne, /em.) appears regularly, as even in Old-English sonne, sone 
masculine, as in Gothic sunna, alongside of the feminine sunno, in 
Old-Highdutch sunno alongside of sunna and sometimes Middle-High- 
dutch sunne, although also feminine. The Old-French soleil, solol masc. 
may here not have been without influence. There are however found 
instances, even in Old-English, in which the sun appears feminine : And 
lo! how the sonne gan louke Hire light in hirselve (PIERS PLOUGHM. 
p. 384.)- The mone and the sterren with hire bereth the sonne bright 
(WRIGHT Popul. Treatises on Science 1841. p. 132.). The moon, moon 
(Anglosaxon mona, masc.') is regularly feminine in Modern-English, as 
in Old-English, departing from all old-Germanic tongues, in Danish 
maane is masculine and femmine 4 in Middle-Highdutch mane rarely 
feminine, in Hollandish maan has become feminine; the Old-French 
lune may have cooperated here. The different names of ships are also, 
at least in technical nautical language, treated as feminine, as ship 
(Anglosaxon scip, neutr.}, vessel (Old-French vessel, veissiaus rnasc.), 
boat (Auglosaxon bat, masc.'), brigantine, brig, frigate, three- 
decker (fee., and even merchantman, Indiaman, man-of-war 
&c., as ships, even when bearing a masculine proper name, are used 
femininely; thus even in Shakspeare: Bring her to try with main course 
(Temp. 1. 1.). Lay her ahold; lay her off (IB.). Where we, in all her 
trim, freshly beheld our royal, good, and gallant ship (IB. 5, extr.) 
The stability of the ship, and the strength of her masts (CHAMBERS). 
She was a small schooner, at anchor, with her broadside towards us 
(W. IRVING) The Better ophon (ship of war) dropt her stern anchor in 
the starboard bow of the Orient (SOUTHEY). The Majestic (ship of war), 
Captain Westcott, got entangled . . but she swung clear (ID.). In Old- 
English, at least in Chaucer, a ship bears a feminine name: His barge 
yclepud was the Magdelayne (C. T. 412.); barge is certainly originally 
feminine. In King Home 123. it is seemingly neutral: that ship, 
yet that is not referred to neuters alone; compare on that other side 
(CiiADCER C. T. 113.); that lusty sesoun of that May (IB. 2486.). Com- 
pare also a place, in which the ship is masculine: And jif a schipp 
passed be tho marches, that hadde outher iren bondes . . he scholde 
ben perisscht (MAUNDBV. p. 163.), Outside of nautical language ship 
passes moreover as a neuter; as a masculine it is also found with a 
reference to a masculine denomination: Commodore also denotes the 
convoy ship . . who carries a light in his top (MOORE Mariner's Yoca- 
bulary). But the people apprehend inanimate things which they handle, 
and with which they are familiar as objects of their predilection, as 
feminine beings, for instance, the miller his mill. For the usage of 
the nobler language see below. 

b) The neuter gender comprises in general all lifeless objects, and 
even animal beings, when considered without regard to their sex. 
The language of poets and the nobler prose, even the language 
of the people deviates from this; since, on the one hand, the do- 
main of poetical and rhetorical personification has been little limi- 
ted in the English tongue since its first development; on the 
other hand, the recollection of the original gender of Anglosaxon 
as well as of Romance forms has kept itself more or less obscure; 
but poetry, as well as prose, frequently follows the more general 
apprehension. 

Concrete names of things stand here in the first rank: The sea 
has its pearls, The heaven has its stars: But my heart . . has its 



/. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. 1. The Substantive. Genders. 257 

love (LONGFELLOW). Even abstract and collective terms are thus 
considered: Clamorous labor Knocked with its hundred hands at 
the golden gates of the morning (ID.). Humanity with all its 
fears (ID.). The freighted vessels departed, Bearing a nation, with 
all its household goods, into exile (ID.). 

Names of beasts of all sorts are in a general sense treated as 
neuters: The conductor of the elephant, who is usually mounted 
on its neck (MAYOR). In its natural state the hedgehog is nocturnal, 
remaining coiled up in its retreat by day (CHAMBERS). The brown 
rat made its first appearance in Paris about the middle of the 
eighteenth century (ID.). The domestic pigeon is wonderfully pro- 
lific: it lays two eggs &c. (MAYOR). That bird is called the cross- 
bill . . In the groves of pine it singeth Songs, like legends, strange 
to hear (LONGFELLOW). 

Even names of children, as child and, strange to say, even boy, 
are regarded as neuters: 'This Fancy's child, and Folly is its fa- 
ther (COTTON). A simple child . . What should it know of death? 
(WORDSWORTH). She was always extravagantly fond of this boy, 
and a most sensible, sweet tempered creature it is (FIELDING). 
It is to be understood, that, with reference to the natural gender 
the corresponding pronoun is referred to it: We shall behold our 
child once more: She is not dead! (LONGFELLOW). 

It is most remarkable, when beings conceived as feminine, as 
the Hydra, are taken as neuter: You must strike, and suddenly, 
Full to the Hydra's heart its heads will follow (L. BYRON). 

In Old-English the neuter of the pronoun (hit, it), to distinguish 
which from the masculine in its possessive genitive (his) is cer- 
tainly not possible, is already often transferred to names of things, 
abstract nouns, and names of beasts of genders originally dif- 
ferent : Thi lufty chere makes my hert glad, And many a time so 
has it gart [made] (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 37.). Egeus That knew 
this worldes transmutacioun, As he hadde seen it torne up and 
down (CHAUCER 2840.). Theseus hath i-sent After a beer (An- 
glosaxon bser fern.; feretrum), and it al overspradde With cloth 
of golde (IB. 2872.). The long peper (Anglosaxon pipor, m.) co- 
methe first . . and it is lyche the chattes of haselle (MAUNDEV. 
p. 168.). But Cristes lore . . He taught, and ferst he folwed it 
himselve (CHAUCER 529.). If that sche sawe a mous Caught in 
a trappe, if it were deed or bledde (IB. 144.). 

The departures from the more general processes just exhibited 
deserve a more particular consideration, although giving little sup- 
port to the establishment of a fixed rule. It is, however, not without 
interest to pursue in their various classes the glimmerings of the 
original genders of substantives now for the most part treated as 
sexless from the more abstract manner of expression. The hitherto 
deficient observation of the genders of substantives in popular dialects 
would render the consideration of them more instructive 
1) Names of beasts must in the first place be discriminated from 
the rest of substantives. They often appear in poetry, and even 
in prose, and in common life in the masculine or feminine gender, 
if the general name of the beast is used to denote both natural 

Matzner , engl. Gr. I. 



258 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II. 

genders (genus epicoenum). Here it is not alone the peculiarly 
poetical manner of viewing, which attributes the masculine gender 
to the strong or the powerful, the feminine to the smaller and 
the lovely, but the Auglosaxon and Old-French gender is often 
regarded. Even works upon natural history frequently retain 
the masculine, less so the feminine names of beasts. 
) Mammals and reptiles are mostly assigned to the masculine 
gender, as genus epicoenum, as in the Germanic tongues gene- 
rally. Thus even the general beast (Old-French beste, f.) as 
well as other original feminines, is early assimilated to the mas- 
culine: The beast is laid down in his lair (COWPER). Old-En- 
lish: And whan a beste is deed, he ne hath no peyne (CHAUCER 
1321.). So commonly elephant (Latin elephas, Anglosaxon elp, 
elpend, m.); elk (Old-norse elgr, m., Middle-Highdutch elch); 
ape (Anglosaxon apa, m.); ass (Anglosaxon assa, m., -e, f.); 
otter (Anglosaxon otor, ottyr, m.); lion (French m.); lamb (An- 
glosaxon n.); rat (Anglosaxon rat, Old-Highdutch rato, m.); 
even roe (Anglosaxon ra, f.) : Like the roe when he hears . . the 
voice of the huntsman (LONGFELLOW); panther (Greek -Latin 
panther, m., but Latin -era, French -ere, f.) : The forest's leap- 
ing panther . . Shall yield his spotted hide (BRYANT); bison 
French m., Old-Highdutch wisant, m.): In these plains The bison 
feeds no more . . yet here I meet His ancient footprints (BRYANT); 
beaver (Anglosaxon befer, m.); bear (Anglosaxon be'ra, m.); ba- 
boon (Medieval-Latin baboynus, m., French babouin, m.); fox 
(Anglosaxon m.); wolf (Anglosaxon vulf, m.); whale (Anglosaxon 
hval, m.); tiger (Latin gen. comm. French m.); dog (Old-norse 
doggr, m.) ; dormouse (see mus, f. ?) ; sloth (compare Anglosaxon 
slav6 v '=pigritia, f.): The sloth . . He lives upon the leaves . . 
of trees (PERCIVAL) ; steed (Anglosaxon steda, m.); squirrel (Old- 
French escurel, m.); sheep (Anglosaxon scaep, n.); calf (An- 
glosaxon cealf, n.); catamount (wild cat, Anglosaxon catt, m.); 
The . . catamount, that lies High in the boughs to watch his 
prey (BRYANT); goat (Anglosaxon gat, es, m.); hors (Anglosaxon 
n.); hyena (Latin French f.): I have seen the hyena's eyes of 
flame And heard at my side his stealthy tread (BRYANT); 
asker, dialectically a lizard (from aftexe, with a masculine ter- 
mination) ; lizard (French m.) : The lesarde . . sayd that he must 
. . ley all in the dust (SKELTON 1, 365.); newt and eft (Anglo- 
saxon efete, m.?); basilisk (0oft/"xoc, m.); blindworm (Anglo- 
saxon vurm, m.); although vorm itself is also sometimes femi- 
nine; frog (Anglosaxon frocca, frogga, m.): The frog has changed 
his yellow vest (Dr. JENNER); tortoise (compare French tortue, 
f.); dragon (French m.); serpent (French m.); snake (Anglosaxon 
snaca, m.); cayman (French caiman, m.); crocodile (xyoxcdukos, 
m.); chameleon (Greek m.). 

The feminine gender is rarely employed exclusively or chiefly. 
Mouse (Anglosaxon mus, f.) remains also usually feminine as 
a general name; hare (Anglosaxon hara, m.) as in the language 
of hunters. So too mole is found (Old-norse moldvarpa, f.; 
Hollandish mol, m.) : The mole 's a creature . . she digs i'th'dirt 



/. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. A. The Substantive. Genders. 259 

(A BOOK FOR BOYS &c. 1686. p. 26.), as mule (Anglosaxon 
mul, m., French mule, f.). Deer (Anglosaxon deor, n.) is com- 
monly masculine, but also feminine: Beneath a hill . . A deer 
was wont to feed. She only came when on the cliffs The 
evening moonlight lay (BRYANT). "We have moreover to notice 
with the sexual term, whether in point of fact the genus epi- 
coenum is before as, or one of the natural genders is to be 
defined. 

p) The names of birds not only present, in comparison with the 
last class, as in the Germanic tongues generally, more feininines, 
but the usage of the genus epicoenum fluctuates much between 
both genders. A discrimination of the strong and great and 
the weak and lovely is here scarcely considered, so that usage 
seems to be without any sure support. Even the general names 
bird (Anglosaxon bridd, m.) and fowl (Anglosaxon fugol, m.) 
and those compounded therewith, are sometimes masculine, some- 
times feminine in the genus epicoenum: The bird has sought 
his tree (BRYANT); The mocking-bird . . Shook from his little 
throat such floods of delirious music &c. (LONGFELLOW); As 
the hunter's horn Doth scare the timid stag, or bark of hounds 
The moor-fowl from his mate (ID.) ; and on the otherhand : The 
wild beast from his cavern sprang, The wild bird from her grove 
(WHITTIER); A bird Betrays her nest, by striving to conceal it 
(L. BYRON); Bnt the sea/owl is gone to her nest (CowpER). 
We find both among the larger fowls: eagle (French aigle, m.); 
owl (Anglosaxon ule, f.); raven (Anglosaxon hrafen, m.); hawk 
(Anglosaxon hafuc, m.) ; pelican (French m,) ; stork (Anglosaxon 
store, m.); swan (Anglosaxon svan, m.); as well as among the 
smaller ones: dove (Anglosaxon dufe, f.); lark (Anglosaxon la- 
verce, f.); throstle (Anglosaxon prostle?); thrush (Anglosaxon pry- 
see, m.); sparrow (Anglosaxon spearva, m.); starling, stare (An- 
glosaxon star, m.); cuckoo (French coucou, m.); swallow (An- 
glosaxon svaleve, f.); even nightingale (Anglosaxon nihtegale, f.) 
and others, used masculinely and femininely: The royal eagle 
draws his vig'rous young (THOMSON). Jealous as the eagle Of 
her high aiery (L. BYRON). Mourn not for the owl, nor his 
gloomy plight (BARRY CORNWALL). The moping owl does . . 
complain Of such as . . Molest her ancient solitary reign (GRAY). 
That raven . . Curse on his ill-betiding croak ! (GRAY). A thing 
O'er which the raven flaps her funeral wing (L. BYRON). When 
a hawk hits her prey (HALLIWELL s. v. ruff. cf. SKELTON 1, 157.). 
Ask of the bleeding pelican why she Hath ripp'd her bosom? 
(ID.). The swan . . rows her state with oary feet (MILTON). 
The stock-dove . . cooes oft ceasing from his plaint (THOMSON). 
A dove, sent forth . . to spy Green tree or ground, whereon 
his foot may light (MILTON). To hear the lark begin his flight 
(MILTON). The throstle with his note so true (SHAKSPEARE Mids. 
N. Dr.). The threstyl with her warblyng, The starlyng with 
her brabling (SKELTON 1, 65). And the night-sparrow trills 
her song (BRYANT). The cuckoo returns from her flight (ANON.). 
The swallow . . to build his hanging house Intent (THOMSON) &c. 

17* 



260 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 11. 

Yet a number of names of birds are certainly used chiefly 
masculinely, sometimes not according to their original gender; 
among them the names of larger, but also many smaller birds : 
ostrich (French autruche, f.) ; bittern (French butor, m.) ; vulture 
(Lat. French m.); cormorant (French m.); heron (French m.); 
kite (Anglosaxon cita, m.); rook (Anglosaxon roc, m.}-,jay (French 
geai, m.); parrot (French perroquet, m.); oriole (French 
aureole, f.) : The oriole should build and tell His love-tale close 
beside my cell (BRYANT); martlet, martinet (French martelet, 
martinet, m.); redbreast, robin redbreast, robing finch, bullfinch 
(Anglosaxon fine, m.) and others ; grouse (Cymric grugos, heath ; 
grug-iar = grouse, heathcock) : The grouse that wears A sable 
ruff around his mottled neck (BRYANT). 

The boundary is here hard to determine. As feminines we 
find: partridge (French perdrix, f.); philomel (Latin French f.); 
turtle (Anglosaxon turtle, f.) and many others, especially small 
birds: The white -winged plover wheels her sounding flight 
(THOMSON). Far from her nest the lapwing cries away (SnAK- 
SPEARE Com. of Err.). The mauys with her whystele (French 
mauvis, m.) (SKELTON 1, 64.). The wren that dips her bill in 
water (Anglosaxon vrenna, m.) (BRYANT), and many more, even 
the fabulous phoenix (Latin m.) has been feminine from the most 
ancient time. 

y) The names of fish, of which in general only a few, and those 
mostly the larger ones, have to be considered, incline towards 
the masculine gender, as the general word fish (Anglosaxon 
fisc, m.) may pass for masculine, although it is also used femi- 
ninely: To see the fish Cut with her golden oars the silver 
stream (SHAKSPEARE Much Ado ab. Noth). So too in other 
Germanic tongues the larger and better known are mostly of 
the masculine gender; in English they are termed by far the 
most frequently neutrals (it). For instance, we find eel (An- 
glosaxon sel, m.); pike (from the Anglosaxon pic = acicula, com- 
pare French brochet, a spit, m.); pearch, perch (Latin perca, f., 
French perche, f., but Anglosaxon bears, m.); trout (French 
truite, f., Anglosaxon truht, f., tructa); salmon (French saumon, 
m., Latin salmo, m.); shark (Latin carcharus, Greek xap/apta;) 
and some more. 

<?) With regard to the names of low kinds of beasts, which are 
wont to be defined as worms, insects and the like, the manner 
of regarding them as a genus epicoenum is still more undecided, 
and sexlessness frequent. Thus, for instance, worm (Anglosaxon 
vurm, vyrm, m.) appears sometimes as a masculine, sometimes 
feminine: The glow-worm lights his gem (THOMSON). Thou 
dost teach the coral-worm To lay his mighty reefs (BRYANT). 
Why ev'n the worm at last disdains her shattered cell (L. BY- 



RON) ; like the bee, bee (Anglosaxon beo, f.) : The bee . . loads 
yellow thighs For thee (BRYANT). The bee with honied 
thigh, That at her flowery work doth sing (MILTON); and the 



butterfly (Anglosaxon buttorfleoge, f.): The idle butterfly Should 
rest him there (BRYANT); the emmet, ant (emmet, Anglosaxon 



/. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. 1. Substantive. Genders. 261 

semete, f.) and others. Yet others prefer the masculine gender 
originally belonging to them, as beetle (Anglosaxon betel, m.); 
spider (spinner); cricket (French criquet, m.); insect (French 
m.); mosquito (Spanish m.); and even primitive feminines like 
wasp (Anglosaxon vaps, vesp, f.); fly (Anglosaxon fleoge, f.); 
snail (Anglosaxon snsegel, f.); of Crustacea shell-fish remains 
masculine, as lobster (Anglosaxon loppestre, f.); oyster (French 
huitre, f.) and others are becoming. 

2) Other concrete names of things, which, alongside of their neuter 
conception, appear in the masculine or the feminine gender, can 
hardly be comprised under general points of view. It is fre- 
quently arbitrary, and the occurrence of one gender alone is 
hard to guarantee, but the original gender is often retained. 
) The names of the world, the heavenly bodies, the earth, and 
the elements of its surface, are often masculine or feminine. 
Chaos (Greek-Latin n., French m.) is of two genders; world 
(Anglosaxon veorold, f.); nature (French f.); universe (French 
m.) are feminine. Heaven (Anglosaxon heofon, m.) is sometimes 
masculine, sometimes feminine, of the names of stars star (An- 
glosaxon steorra, m.) remained commonly masculine, although 
not without exception: Now the bright morning-star . . leads 
with her The flowery May (MILTON) ; as also comet (Greek La- 
tin m., French f.); feminine on the other hand planet (French 
f.). For son and moon see above p. 248. 

The earth, earth (Anglosaxon eordfe, f.) remained feminine, 
as expressions for its surface remained or became, as plain 
(French plaine, f.); vale, valley (French f.); soil (French sol, 
seuil, m.); so too land and island (Anglosaxon land, n.): Never 
shall the land forget How gushed the life-blood of her brave 
(BRYANT). He arose To raise a language, and his land reclaim 
From the dull yoke of her barbaric foes (L. BYRON). God bless 
the seabeat island I And grant . . That charity and freedom 
dwell . . upon her shore (WHITTIER); Old-English has treated 
land also as masculine (ROB. OF GLOUCESTER 1, 1.). Country 
also remains feminine (Old -French contreie, f.), as republic 
Latin French f.) and nation (French f.), to which state (Latin 
French m.) is joined: There you saved the state; then live to 
save her still (L. BYRON). Conformably to these the proper 
names of quarters of the world and countries, as, Europe, 
Afric, Italy, Egypt, Albion, Russia, Poland, France, Spain &c. 
are likewise feminine. The terms for towns are also feminine, 
as, city (Old-French cite, f.); capital (French f.); to which castel 
(French m.) is assimilated: And Belgium's capital had gather'd 
then Her Beauty and her Chivalry (L. BYRON) and thence also 
their proper names: Our late-burnt London, in apparel new, 
Shook off her ashes (WALLER f 1687). Delphi, when her prie- 
stess sung &c. (L. BYRON). I lived and toil'd a soldier and 
a servant Of Venice and her people (ID.). Here Ehrenbreitstein 
with her shatter'd wall (ID.). Names of heights are mascu- 
line, as, mountain (French f.); hill (Anglosaxon m.); peak (French 
pic, m.), although proper names of mountains are often feminine 



262 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II. 

as Aetna, Jura, Ardennes : And still his honied wealth Hymettus 
yields (L. BYRON). Vesuvius . . whose fount of fire, Outgush- 
ing, drowned the cities on his steeps (BRYANT). Kearsage Lif- 
ting his Titan forehead to the sun (WHITTIER). On the other 
hand: And Jura answers, through her misty shroud, Back to 
the joyous Alps, who call to her aloud (L. BYRON). And Ar- 
dennes waves above them her green leaves (ID.). The desert is 
masculine (French m.), and the meadow (Anglosaxon meadu, 
m.); on the other hand the beach (?) is usually feminine. 

The sea (Anglosaxon sse, m. and f.) has remained of two 
genders, hence perhaps ocean (Greek Latin French m.), although 
frequently masculine, is also used femininely, and even deep 
(Anglosaxon deope, f. mare profundum), mostly feminine, also 
masculinely: When at thy call, Uprises the great deep and 
throws himself Upon the Continent (BRYANT). Hence single 
seas are sometimes masculine, sometimes feminine: Again the 
Aegean . . Lulls his chafed breast from elemental war (L. BY- 
RON), and: The spouseless Adriatic mourns her lord (ID.) The 
lake (Anglosaxon lacu, ?, Modern-Highdutch die lache) is femi- 
nine, as well as the wave (Anglosaxon vseg, m., compare woge, 
f.); the drop (Anglosaxon clropa, m.) masculine: Like a drop 
of water . . Who . . confounds himself (SIIAKSPEARE Com. of 
Err.), as well as, the/ood (Anglosaxon flod, n. = flumen). Thus 
too the river (French f.) is apprehended masculinely: The swel- 
ling river, into his green gulfs . . Takes the redundant glory 
(BRYANT), like the bay (French baie, f.): Where his willing 
waves yon bright blue bay Sends up (ID.) and proper names 
of rivers likewise mostly pass as masculine: Thames (Anglo- 
saxon Temese, f.), the most loved of all the Ocean's sons By 
his old sire, to his embraces runs (JoriN DENHAM f 1668). Nor 
Ouse on his bosom their image receives (COWPER). Mid the 
dark rocks that watch his bed Glitters the mighty Hudson 
spread (BRYANT). Dark Guadiana rolls his power along In sul- 
len billows (L. BYRON). Where the quick Shone has cleft his 
way (ID.). Yet Lethe (MILTON), the English river Isis, the 
Brenta (BYRON) and others are also found used femininely. 

Localities of another sort are the grave (Anglosaxon graf, 
n.), which has become feminine, as hell (Anglosaxon hell, f.) 
has remained, while Tartarus has retained its masculine gender, 
/s) Light, air, wind and appearances in the atmosphere are per- 
sonified rhetorically : light, twilight (Auglosaxon leoht, lyht, n.), 
have become feminine, dawn has continued so (Old-norse dagan 
f.). The ray (Old -French rais, m.) remains masculine, and 
the fire becomes so too, (Anglosaxon fyr, n.): Alone the fire 
. . Gathers his annual harvest here (BRYANT). Air (French 
m.) has become feminine; likewise the cloud (Anglosaxon clud, 
m. = rupes) and welkin (Anglosaxon volcen, n.): By welkin and 
her stars (SHAKSPEARE Merry Wives). On the other hand the 
terms for winds have remained masculine: wind (Anglosaxon 
vind, m.); storm (Anglosaxon m.): With thee on high the storm 
has made his airy seat (BRYANT); zephyr (Latin French m.): 



/. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. I. Substantive. Genders. 263 

The zephyr stoops to freshen his wings (ID.); tornado (Spanish 
m.): Till the strong tornado broke his way Through the gray 
giants of the sylvan wild (ID.), as also gale (Old-norse gola, f.) 
is found masculine. The name of the quarter of heaven put 
in the place of the wind, north (Anglosaxon norfr, m.); east 
(Anglosaxon m.), often retains its gender: And the loud north 
again shall buffet the vexed forest in his rage (BRYANT); but not 
without exception: When the recreant north has forgotten her 
trust (WHITTIER). Thunder (Anglosaxon punor, m.) remains 
masculine. 

y) Plants and minerals often remain true to their original gender. 
The names of trees, as tree (Anglosaxon treov, n.) even fluctuate. 
"We find in the masculine oak (Anglosaxon ac, f.), elm (Anglo- 
saxon m.) and elmtree, sumach, pine (Anglosaxon pinn, ?), tulip, 
tuliptree (French tulipier, m.); but compare: The tuliptree . . 
Opened . . her multitude of golden chalices (BRYANT); also al- 
ley (French allee, f.) is masculine, whereas wood (Anglosaxon 
vudu, m.) commonly appears as feminine. Other plants, espe- 
cially flowering ones, mostly remain feminine, or pass into this 
gender. Here belong ivy (Anglosaxon ing, m.), which however 
is also found in the masculine : A dainty plant is the ivy green 
. . of right choice food are his meals [DICKENS], vine (Anglo- 
saxon vin , n.) , grape (French f.) , which also stands for the 
plant; eglantine (French f.), viburnum (Latin n.): The viburnum 
, . to the sun holds up Her circlet of green berries (BRYANT); 
spice-bush (Medieval-Latin buscus, m.): The spice-bush lifts her 
leafy lances (ID.); liverleaf (Anglosaxon leaf, n.); The liverleaf 
put forth her sister blooms (ID.); mistletoe (Anglosaxon mistelta, 
f.), rose, primrose (French rose, f.), lily (Anglosaxon lilje, f.), 
which, however, is also masculine; lotus (Greek Latin m. and 
f,): The lotus lifted her golden crown (LONGFELLOW); cowslip 
(Anglosaxon lippa, m.), gentian [/lower] (Latin f.) &c. Among 
the metals we find silver (Anglosaxon silfor, n.) left in the 
feminine; among the precious stones ruby (French rubis, m.), 
sapphire (French saphir, m.) in the masculine. Even dust (An- 
glosaxon n.), is so met with. 

rf) Among the members of the animal body the hand (Anglosaxon 
f.) remains feminine, whereas the eye (Anglosaxon eage, n.): 
Dark night that from the eye his function takes (SHAKSPEARE); 
as well as the nose (Anglosaxon nasu, f.): Whenever the nose 
put his spectacles on (COWPER), are used as masculines. The 
heart (Anglosaxon heorte, f.) is, mostly in a figurative sense, 
of two genders. The lap (Anglosaxon lappa, m.), strictly used 
of the clothing, is feminine: The flowery lap of some vigorous 
valley spread her store (MILTON). 

*) Human works and tools are seldom considered. Of edifices 
dome is masculine (French m.), tower fluctuates (French tour f., 
Anglosaxon torr, m.). The church, mostly in a transferred sense 
(Anglosaxon cyrice, f.) remains feminine. Hammer (Anglosaxon 
hamor, m.), and sword (Anglosaxon sveord, n.) are treated as 



264 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Form. Part 1. Sect. 11. 

masculines in poetry; the needle (Anglosaxon nsedl, f.), pin 
(Anglosaxon pinn, ? = stylus) remains feminine. The bottle 
(French bouteille, f.) is masculine in Shakspeare Temp. 2, 2. 

f) Among fabulous beings sphinx (Greek Latin f.) has remained 
feminine, nightmare (Anglosaxon maru, m.) has become so. 
Fantom, phantom is, like the corresponding French word, mas- 
culine. 

3) Time and definite spaces of time for the most part persevere 
in their original gender. Time (Anglosaxon tima, m.) is com- 
monly, although not universally, masculine; likewise year (An- 
glosaxon gear, n.), and day (Anglosaxon dag, m.). Of the Seasons 
summer (Anglosaxon sumor, m.), winter (Anglosaxon vinter, n.), 
automn (French automne, m. and f.) appear frequently, although 
not always, masculine; compare: Who joys the mother Autumn's 
bed to crown, And bids old Winter lay her honour down? 
(YoiiNG.). Summer sheds for me her beams (MONTGOMERY); 
whereas spring (Anglosaxon m., = fons) is usually taken as femi- 
nine: When I . . saw . . the Spring Come forth her work of 
gladness to contrive (L. BYRON). Among the months, April, 
October and others remain masculine; May, on the other hand, 
is found in the feminine : May with her cap crowned with roses 
(LONGFELLOW). The times of the day mostly follow the old 
gender: morning, after the feminine evening (Anglosaxon sefnung, 
i., on the other hand aefen, m.), as morn (Anglosaxoii morgen, 
m.): Morn . . Lifts up her purple wing (LONGFELLOW). The 
meek-ey'd Morn . . mother of dews (MILTON), night (Anglosaxon 
neaht, f.), midnight and hour (Old-French houre, f.) are feminine. 

4) The wide domain of those abstract substantives, which do not 
represent the corporeal, if they themselves denote processes in 
outward nature, the expressions for states, feelings, affections, 
activities and essences, which fall under mental intuition, offer 
peculiar phenomena. At one time the feminine gender prepon- 
derates in the treatment of them as sexual beings; at another, 
the influence of the original gender operates with them, espe- 
cially so far as it is characterised by perceptible terminations; 
thirdly, the Romance, hence, the Latin determination of gender 
is of preponderant influence in Modern-English, perhaps under 
the operation of classic studies, whereas more latitude prevails 
in Old-English. But even in Modern-English strict consistency is 
not to be found. 

r<) If, in the first place, we consider abstract terms according to 
their sensuous terminations, the Romance stand in the first 
rank as a foundation for the genders, whereas Germanic termi- 
nations operate less universally. 

1) Abstract terms in y (ry, ty, sy, ory &c.), corresponding to 
French feminines in ie, e, oire &c., are used chiefly in the 
feminine, as: astronomy, melancholy, modesty, poesy, 
fancy, folly, philosophy, jealousy, sympathy, har- 
mony; misery, luxury, penury, poetry, flattery, sla- 
very, chivalry; impiety, necessity, liberty, piety, 



1. The Parts of Speech. A. The Aoun. I. Substantive. Genders. 265 

pity, plenty, prosperity, beauty, vanity, duty, so- 
ciety, cruelty, charity, chastity, humility; me- 
mory, victory, glory, history &c , also mercy (Old-French 
mercit, mercis f.). 

Exceptionally words of this sort pass over into the mascu- 
line, as, industry, poverty, folly, tyranny, drudgery, jealousy, 
conspiracy, knavery, hospitality &c., mostly, certainly, when the 
image of the rough, untender or of masculine gravity inheres 
in the word: All is the gift of Industry . . Pensive Winter, 
cheer'd by him, Sits at the social fire (THOMSON). Here Folly 
still his votaries inthralls (L. BYRON). Tyranny himself, Thy 
enemy (BRYANT). But Jealousy has fled; his bars, his bolts 
. . Have pass'd to darkness (L. BYRON). Knavery cannot . . 
hide himself in such reverence (SHAKSPEARE Much Ado ab. N.). 
Open-eyed conspiracy his time doth take (ID. Temp.). In that 
mansion used to be freehearted Hospitality His great fires up 
the chimney roared (LONGFELLOW). This is often the case in 
Old-English: Theologie Whan he this tale herde (Piious PLOUGH- 
MAN p. 35.); even in Skelton: If liberte sholde lepe and renne 
where he lyst (I. 230.). Fansy with his fonde consayte (= con- 
ceit?) (I. 247.). Thus Young calls eternity the father of time: 
Eternity his Sire (Night 2.). 

Abstract terms in ion (tiori), on remain likewise inclined to 
the feminine gender of their French termination (Lat. ion-em) : 
opinion, oblivion, religion, decision, oppression, 
passion, compassion, imagination, inspiration, in- 
quisition, ambition, affection, presumption, fiction, 
dissimulation, devotion, desolation, sedition, super- 
stition, caution, consideration, corruption, creation; 
fashion (Old -French faceon, fachon = factio), reason, 
treason (Old-F'rench traison = traditio) &c. 

Substantives of this class are rarely used in the masculine 
also, as, passion, contemplation, action and some others: In his 
lair Fix'd Passion holds his breath (L. BYRON). 

Abstract terms in ice (French ice, Latin itid) also remain 
feminine, as avarice, justice, injustice; although Old- 
English also occasionally treats thuse as masculine: Coveitise 
(Old-French coveitise, convoitise, Latin, as if cupiditia) . . caste 
how he myghte Overcome (PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 432.). Com- 
pare also: Largesse is he that all prynces doth auaunce (SKEL- 
TON I. 234.). 

"Words in ic (French ique, f.) are likewise used femininely, 
as magic, music, rhetoric &c. Yet logic commonly appears 
in the masculine. 

Words in ance and ence (French the same, Latin antia, en- 
tia) likewise retain regularly the feminine gender: ignorance, 
repentance, temperance, impertinence, impudence, 
innocence, existence, penitence, pestilence, pa- 
tience, prudence, benevolence, science &c.; to which 
silence (Latin silentium) is added: Silence and Darkness, 
solemn sister s\ (YoiNG N. 1.). 



266 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms, Part I. Sect II. 

Yet romance, prudence, vengeance, providence, 
conscience and some others are also sometimes found 
used in the masculine: This sir Prudence (SHAKSPEARE 
Temp.). Young Romance raised his dreamy eyes (WHITTIER). 
And then comes repentance, and with his bad legs falls (SHAK- 
SPEARE Much Ado ab. Noth.). 

Abstract terms in or, our retain in part the masculine gender 
corresponding to the Latin, as error, terror, horror, ho- 
nour, labour &c.; yet labour is also found feminine, and 
thus commonly, following their French gender, languor, 
splendor, and others. 

Also those in ude (Latin udo) and ure (Latin ura) commonly 
preserve the feminine gender, as lassitude, rectitude, for- 
titude, servitude &c. scripture (as a concrete term), sculp- 
ture &c. To the words in ure is also joined future (Latin 
futurum): The cheerful future . . with all her promises and 
smiles (BRYANT); as well as pleasure (French plaisir), whereas 
leisure (French loisir) is found masculine: Leisure, That in 
trim gardens takes his pleasure (MILTON). 

Abstract terras in ment (French m.), few of which occur 
determined as to gender, chiefly follow the masculine gender: 
contentment, atonement, astonishment &c.; but they 
also pass over into the feminine: Therefore . . descended the 
Prince of Atonement . . aud she stands now . . and battles 
with Sin (LONGFELLOW). 

2) Also among the more sensuous Anglosaxon derivative termina- 
tions some shew themselves effective. 

Abstract substantives in ing (Anglosaxon ung, ing, f.) are 
used in the feminine, as: understanding, learning, feel- 
ing and some others: Why should feeling ever speak When 
thou (Music) canst breathe her soul so well (Tn. MOORE). 

Still more frequently occur substantives in ness (Anglosaxon 
ness, niss, nyss &c., f.) as feminines, as madness, lewdness, 
wilderness (concrete), darkness, sickness, conscious- 
ness, gentleness, cheerfulness, happiness &c. yet they 
partly oscillate. Compare: Where brooding darkness spreads 
his jealous wings (MILTON) on the other hand: Silence and 
Darkness, solemn sisters (YOUNG). Old-English: Falsnesse is 
fayn of hire (sc. Mede), For he woot hire riche (PiERS PLOUGH- 
MAN p. 32.). 

The combination of the neuter with the feminine is striking 
in: Not happiness itself makes good her name (YOUNG N. 
Th. 1.). 

The few words in dom (Anglosaxon dom, m.) and hood 
(Anglosaxon had, m.) betray their original gender: Princely 
wisdom, then, Dejects his watchful eye (THOMSON) Where 
manhood, on the field of death, Strikes for his freedom (WHIT- 
TIER). Yet freedom (perhaps on account of its affinity of 
meaning with liberty) prefers the feminine gender: Thus Free- 
dom now so seldom wakes, The only throb she gives Is . . To 
show that still she lives (TH. MOORE). Where Freedom weeps 



/. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. 1. Substantive. Gmders. 267 

her children's fall (WHITTIER); so too in Byron and others. 
Also wisdom is feminine: Wisdom, . . What is she, but the 
means of Happiness? (YOUNG). The termination ship (Anglo- 
saxon scipe, m.) so rarely of determinate gender, becomes 
feminine in friendship: This carries Friendship to her noon- 
tide point (YOUNG). 

Substantives ending in the derived fh (Anglosaxon ft), many 
whereof point to Anglosaxon feminines, and wherein the deri- 
vation is still sensible, have retained pretty decidedly the 
feminine gender, as wealth, health, truth, sloth, youth; 
to which is also added the Romance faith: When wanton 
wealth her mightiest deeds had done (L. BYRON). Sloth, drew 
her pillow o'er her head (WHITTIER). Ere youth had lost her 
face (L. BYRON). Faith, she herself from on high is descended 
(LONGFELLOW). With a correct feeling the usage of the tongue 
separates death (Anglosaxon deafr, in.) from the above words, 
and uses it mostly in the masculine, as Milton, Young, Byron, 
Longfellow &c., although it is sometimes taken as feminine; 
compare : The painful family of Death more hideous than their 
queen (GRAY). It is remarkable that the older language often 
deviates with regard to those feminines: Truthe is therinne . 
he is fader of feith (PIERS PLOUPHM. p. 15.). Sleuthe . . An 
hard assaut he made (p. 438.). Feith . . he fleigh aside (p. 351.). 
Welthe . . wolde bere hymselfe to boJde (SKELTON I. 229.). 
Sloth, as a concrete substantive, is masculine. 
p) Abstract terms, which either have no derivative termination, 
of in which it is no longer felt as such by linguistic conscious- 
ness, or, finally, those whose derivative termination has no 
definite gender, are still frequently used in poetry as masculine 
or feminine. Many masculines and neuters pass over into the 
feminine gender, a few feminines, on the contrary, are mascu- 
line. Words of all three original genders are here and there 
fluctuating. We cite examples, having regard to their original 
gender, without respect to the distinctions of notion. 
1) Anglosaxon masculines appear masculine: hunger, thirst, 
sleep, dream (Anglosaxon dream, m., gaudium), anger (An- 
glosaxon only an g-niss), fear, lust (Anglosaxon lust, m.; lyst, 
f.), laughter, pride, the original neuter murder and the 
undefineable in gender want (Old-norse vanta, deesse); like- 
wise the Romance masculines: order, danger, character, 
power, use, vice, commerce, spirit, sport (Old-French 
deport, m.), despair (compare French desespoir). Examples: 
Sleep give thee all his rest (SHAKSPEARE Mids. N. Dr.). And 
let some strange mysterious dream Wave at his wings an airy 
stream &c. (MILTON). Next Anger rushed, his eyes on fire 
(COLLINS). First Fear, his hand, his skill to try, Amid the 
chords bewildered laid (ir>.). Laughter, holding both his sides 
(MILTON). Pride brandishes the favours he confers (YOUNG). 
Wither'd murder, Alarum'd by his sentinel, the wolf (SHAK- 
SPEARE Macb.). Power at thee has launched his bolts (BRYANT). 
Grey-bearded Use . . Leaned on his staff and wept (WHITTIER). 



268 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part L Sect. II. 

Son of Eternity . . the Spirit Tugs at his chains (LONGFELLOW). 
And Sport leapt up and seized his beechen spear (COLLINS). 
With woeful measures wan Despair . . his grief beguiled (ID.). 

Yet even here transitions into the feminine gender are found, 
and we find, for instance: pride, fear, murder, power, vice, 
commerce, spirit, despair often used in the feminine: Which 
. . makes weariness forget his toil And fear her danger (L. 
BYRON). But here, where Murder breathed her bloody steam 
(ID ). Daughter of Jove, relentless Power (GRAY). Within 
Avails Power dwelt amidst her passions (L. BYRON). Jbftce 
that digs her own voluptuous tomb (ID.). When the trembling 
spirit wings her flyght (ROGERS). Despair extends her raven 
wing (THOMSON). 

Among the original feminines, which become masculine, are 
the Anglosaxon heat, love (perhaps not without the influence 
of the personification of love) care, war, the Romance fraud. 
Instances: Tyrant Heat . . his burning influence darts On man 
&c. (THOMSON). Love has no gift so grateful as his wings 
(L. BYRON). Ere War uprose in his volcanic rage (L. BYRON). 
And War shall lay his pomp away (BRYANT). Fraud from his 
secret chambers fled (WHITTIER). 

Here and their we find the feminine gender, as, for instance, 
of war. 

2) A number of Anglosaxon feminines commonly remain feminine, 
as, mind (Anglosaxon n. and f., Old-norse f.), law, rest, sin, 
sorrow, soul and especially Romance ones, as, revenge, 
rage, peace, pain, prayer, fame, form, fortune, mis- 
fortune, virtue, trade (?), disease (Old-French desaise), 
joy, concord, discord, quiet (Old -French quiete) and 
others. The transition into the masculine gender is here a 
rarer exception, although it occurs. Compare: The mighty 
Mind) that son of Heav'n (YOUNG). The eternal mind Who 
veils his glory with the elements (BRYANT); as often in the 
even in Anglosaxon double-gendered mind. Revenge impatient 
rose . . He threw his blood-stained sword in thunder down 
(COLLINS) Last came Joy's ecstatic trial: He . . First to the 
lively pipe his hand addressed (ID.). 

Some Anglosaxon neuters pass over into the feminine gender, 
as, evil, life, wit, as well as some which might belong to 
the masculine or neuter grammatical genus, as, thought, 
wrong, and the masculine will, guilt, knowledge (Old- 
norse kunnleiki, in.), hope, slumber and slaughter (?). 
Still more numerous are the Romance masculines: art, ex- 
ploit, repose, pardon, praise, fate, delight, sense, 
strife, carnage, crime, habit &c. The adjectives used 
as substantives ideal, ridicule, also words like havoc, 
scorn and others. Instances: Then well may Life Put on 
her plume (YOUNG). Hail, memory, hail! . . Thought and her 
shadowy brood thy call obey (ROGERS). The mark where 
wrong Aim'd with her poison'd arrows (L. BYRON). The ocean 
has his chart, the stars their map, And knowledge spreads 



/. The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. IL The Adjective. The Declension. 269 

them on her ample lap (ID.). Hope . . Does what she can 
(LONGFELLOW). Pardon, clad like a mother, gave you her 
hand to kiss (ID.). Praise . . with her soft plume (YOUNG). 
Accuse . . not thy fate she may redeem thee still (L. BY- 
RON). God hath yoked to guilt Her pale tormentor misery 
(BRYANT"). And Havoc loathes so much the waste of time, 
She scarce had left an uncommitted crime (L. BYRON). 

The masculine gender appears to be here rare; compare: 
Life mocks the idle hate Of his arch-enemy Death (BRYANT). 
Old-English: Hope cam . . Ac whan he hadde sighte of that 
segge (=man) (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 351.) 



2. The Adjective. 

The adjective, or word of quality, which expresses the quality 
inherent in an object, solely in reposing upon a substantives into the 
notion of which the quality is to be taken up, is for this reason both 
thought in unity with its substantive as regards sex, and shares its 
changing relations in the sentence. In the languages phonetically 
more complete it has therefore terminations of gender, and also marks 
of case, to express its unity with the substantive. Anglosaxon distin- 
guished more or less distinctly three genders of the adjective, with 
which the participle, as a verbal adjective, is also to be reckoned. 
Old-French distinguished, at least partly, two genders by the termi- 
nation. Anglosaxon distinguished a strong and a weak declension 
of adjectives, whose cases certainly often coincided in point of form, 
the comparative following however the weak declension only. Old- 
French still distinguished in part the nominative of the singular and 
of the plural from the oblique cases of the adjective. Modern-En- 
glish has completely abandoned the distinction of gender, number 
and case by terminations, with adjectives not used substantively. 

If the nature or quality which the adjective expresses is attri- 
buted absolutely to an object, the word of quality, as positive, stands 
in its fundamental form. If, however, that quality is attributed to 
one or several objects, by way of comparison, in a greater measure 
than to one or several objects placed over against them, this greater 
measure is expressed by the comparative of the word of quality, in 
which case two spheres only of comparison are proposed, whether 
the objects compared in quality belong to the same or to different 
classes of things. If, finally, a quality common to all objects coming 
under review is ascribed to one or to several of them in the greatest 
measure, the adjective expresses this highest measure by the super- 
lative. The comparative and the superlative need therefore a dif- 
ferent form from the positive. The Anglosaxon distinguished them 
by Suffixes, like the Latin; French, which lost the Latin suffixes 
down to a few traces, distinguished them by the prefixed adverbs 
plus, le plus. English combined both modes.' 



270 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forma. Part 1. Sect. II. 



Tho Declension of Adjectives 

In Modern-Englisch the adjective, as such, appears always in 
the same form: a virtuous man; a virtuous woman; virtuous men &c. 
They rather look like vagabond gipsies, or stout beggars, than regular 
troops (LADY MONTAGUE). Thus the adjective has become unknow- 
able by its form. To this is to be ascribed the misunderstanding, by 
which substantives, which often appear in a loose connection before 
others as words of determination, are frequently cited at the same 
time as adjectives in dictionaries, as, gold, silver, stone &c., al- 
though it is a matter of course that substantives, in their effect as 
words of determination, may express the same import as the adjec- 
tive combined with the substantive. In iron (Anglosaxon subst. and 
adject, isern, iren) the substantive certainly coincides in form with 
the adjective. 

Anglosaxon has bequeathed hardly a trace of its case termina- 
tions even to Old-English. Here belongs, for instance: Dame, have 
you godne dai! (DAME SIRIZ p. 7.). The Anglosaxon strong form 
m. god, f. god (u), n. god has in the accus. sing. masc. godne. 
To the weak form m. -a, f. -e, n. -e, gen &c. -an might i'th' olden 
time (SHAKSPEARE Macb. 3, 4.) be referred, since there is no Anglo- 
saxon aid en, but only aid, so that olden had developed itself out 
of the cases. On the contrary an e, which seems to occur more 
frequently with the feminine than with the masculine, has been pre- 
served more obstinately in the adjective used in the plural, so that 
we can see therein a mark of distinction of the two numbers. Com- 
pare: God corn . . wateres he hap eke gode (Roe. OF GLOUCESTER 
I. 1.); pe strengeste me (=men) (I. 111.); lawes he made ry^tuollere 
and strongore pan er were (I. 266.). A sotil thing the sotile craftes 
(PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 294. 297.). In raggede clothes (p. 204.). Povere 
men to fede (p. 273.). Of avarouse chapmen (p. 300.). 4 princi- 
pally cytees (MAUND'EV. p. 27.). Many perilouse passages (IB.). Many 
goude hylles and fayre (p. 127.). Into Cristene mennes handes (p. 104.). 
This comes out especially, when adjectives are used as substantives: 
Of alle manere of men, The meene and the riche (PIERS PLOUGHM. 
p. 2.). Amonges povere and riche (p. 274. 278.). Whan thise wik- 
kede wenten out (p. 22.). Oon of Godes chosene (p. 209.). We may 
certainly consider this e as a remnant of the inflective termination, 
which in the plural of the weak declension was -an, in the strong 
-e, -e, -u. 

Adjectives are in English, as in other tongues, also used as sub- 
stantives. It is indebted for many adjectives used as substantives 
even to the Anglosaxon, still more to the French. Yet on the whole, 
among adjectives used as substantives only a small number assumes 
also the form of inflection of the substantive. 

a) To the adjectives used as substantives which adopt these inflec- 
tive forms belong mostly Romance, fewer Germanic words. Here 
belong : 

) those, which become personal names for a people, as Ionian, 
Italian, Dorian, Spartan, German, Roman, Euro- 



J. The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. 11 The Adjective. The Declension. 271 

pean <&c. They are commonly already Romance or Latin 
substantives. Words like Scot, Greek &c., although partly 
occurring as adjectives, do not belong here as Anglosaxon sub- 
stantives: Scott as (plur. tantum), Grec. Even Swiss is a 
substantive. 

Such as end in a sibilant or a hissing letter (also ese) do 
not assume the plural s: the Irish, the English, the French, 
the Dutch, the Portuguese, the Chinese, the Bengalese; 
on the other hand Tunguses. 

Words ending in sh and ch do not occur otherwise than 
generalized with the article the, or universally negatived by 
no (the Dutch; no Dutch). 

Otherwise determined, or used predicatively, man in the 
singular, men in the plural is annexed to them: an Irish- 
man, these Englishmen, two Frenchmen; they are En- 
lishmen. 

) Names of persons, denoting the members of a sect or party : 
Christian, Presbyterian, Lutheran, Stoic, Cynic, Ja- 
cobin &c. They have also mostly been taken from the Ro- 
mance or Latin, as forms already used as substantives. 

?) Names of persons of another sort are: impertinent, in- 
curable, ignorant, ancient, modern, mortal, immor- 
tal, native, noble, saint, sage, criminal &c.; which are 
joined by a few Germanic ones, as, heathen, (Anglosaxon 
hsefren, adj.), black, white. Latin comparatives also, as 
inferior, superior, senior, junior, to which the Anglo- 
saxon elder, better are added, and which we often meet 
with in combination with my: my inferiors, my betters &c.; 
but also otherwise : The juniors of their number (L. BYRON). 
The elders of his own tribe (W. SCOTT). If many of these 
words are found chiefly in the plural, the use of the singular 
is not thereby excluded , which dictionaries therefore do 
not hesitate to cite also as a substantive. But some are of 
course limited to the plural, as commons, infernals and 
others. 

<?) Concrete and abstract names of things likewise occur in the 
form of adjectives used as substantives, the latter indeed very 
commonly in the plural, like the Latin neuters of adjectives: 
eatables, drinkables, combustibles, materials, mer- 
curials, pentecostals, vitals, substantials, valuables, 
movables, woolens, as the plural often stands with a par- 
ticular meaning alongside of the singular: green, greens; 
white, whites; sweet, sweets = home-made wines, mo- 
lasses &c. Of abstract nouns belong here the names of 
sciences, as mathematics &c. (see p. 230.); universal s: 
Universals have no real substance (LONGFELLOW); dialectically 
dismals = melancholy feelings and others. Lexicography 
has to bestow a particular notice upon words belonging here, 
which withdraws them from grammatical rules. 
b) The great number of adjectives, especially of the Anglosaxon 
origin, as well as the participial forms, does not share the in- 



272 Doctrine of the Word, The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II. 

flective capacity of the above named. Anglosaxon declines them 
in its own manner; the usage of the Old-English we have above 
observed. English has at least refused them the plural termi- 
nation. 

) Adjectives of this sort used as substantives seldom appear in 
the singular as names of persons, as is often the case in Old- 
English: The poore is but feeble (PIERS PLOUGIIM. p. 287.). 
The poore is ay prest To plese the riche (IB.). In Modern- 
English the positive sometimes, but especially the superlative, 
is found thus used: None but the brave deserves the fair 
(DRYDEN). And Work of wonders far the greatest, that thy 
dearest far might bleed (YOUNG N. Th.). The great First- 
Last (ID.). 

In the plural this is common, and even where the adjective 
used substantively does not appear as the subject of a plural 
verb, we mostly have to take it as a plural: The poor of the 
parish, who were ranged on benches in the aisles (W. IRVING). 
Yet there is one, And he amongst the foremost in his power 
(Rows). ye deadl (Yoimo). There will a worse come in 
his place (SHAKSPEARE). Yet for the foulest of the foul He 
dies, Most joy'd, for the redeemed from deepest guilt (ID.). 
Thy songs were made for the pure and free (TH. MOORE). 
Upon the combination of the adjective with one see further 
below. 

/?) Even in the. sense of the Latin neuter the adjective used as 
a substantive is employed in the singular: This my hand will 
rather The multitudinous seas incarnadine Making the green 
one red (SHAKSPEARE). Expose the vain of life (YOUNG). The 
fathomless of thought divine (ID.). Nor that the worst (Io.). 
Ambition makes my little less, Embitt'ring the possessed (ID.) 
The adjective used substantively, incapable of the plural 
formation with s, may however, assume the s of the genitive, 
both in names of persons and in the neuter, although this 
does not frequently happen. See p. 235. With the otherwise 
uninflected comparative and superlative this could hardly be 
the case. 



The Comparison of the Adjective. 

The denoting of the comparison of the adjective, that is, the 
formation of the comparative and the superlative, happens in two 
modes, the one answering to the Anglosaxon, the other to the Romance 
mode. The one is effected through derivational terminations, the other 
by the combination of the adverbs more and most with the positive, 
a) The derivational terminations of the comparative and superla- 
tive are er and est, which are joined to the positive: great, 
greater, greatest. They correspond to the Anglosaxon termi- 
nations ir (commonly er) and or for the comparative, ist (est) 
and ost for the superlative, whose e and 6 however before the r 
in the terminations -ra, -re, -re almost always, often also in the 



1. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. II. Adjective. The Comparison. 273 

superlative, was thrown off: heard: heardra, heardre, heardre; 
durus: durior, durius; lang: lengra &c.; lougus: longior 
&c.; on the other hand hefig: hefigera &c.; gravis: gravior 
&c.; halig: haligosta &c.; sanctus: sanctissimus &c.; strang: 
strengsta &c.; durus: durissimus &c. 

Old-English still preserves remnants of the termination or, ost 
alongside of er, est: po pis kyng Leir eldore was (Ron. OF GLOU- 
CESTER I. 32.). pe stalwordore (191.). Lawes he made ry3tuollere 
and strengore (266.). po was he & al hys gladdore (358.). pys 
lond nede mot pe pouerore be (II 370). & so pe feblore were 
(372.). pe jongost Cordeille (I. 29.). pe eldoste (105.). pe wy- 
sost kyng (266.). The forms in o, alongside of which those in e 
were of course constantly in use, were nevertheless soon completely 
lost. Instead of the termination est, yst is also found: The man- 
fullyste man (PERCY Rel. p. 3. II.). 

With the English forms of comparison the vowel of the stem 
remains unchanged: long, longer, longest. The Anglosaxon 
here frequently let the modification of the vowel, known in High- 
dutch as the Umlaut, and in Sanscrit as the guna, enter: strang 
(strong): strengra, strangosta, strengsta; lang: lengra, 
lengesta, lengsta; aid, eald: yldra; yldesta. 

Old-English preserved traces of this for a long time: strong, 
stronger strengere (MAUNDEV. p. 278.); strengore (RoB. OF 
GLOUCESTER 1.266.); strongest (ID. 15.); strengeste (111.); thus 
also we find lang, lenger, lengest, lengost, and others. Con- 
nected with this is the shortening of long vowels of the positive, 
which is not justified through the Anglosaxon, as swete: swet- 
ter, swettest (Anglosaxon svet, svetra, svetesta); depe: dep- 
per, deppest (Anglosaxon deop); grete: gretter, grettest 
(Anglosaxon great); wide: widder, widdest (Anglosaxon vid); 
forms which we frequently meet in Piers Ploughman, Maunde- 
ville, Chaucer and others. 

Modern-English has in the forms: old: elder, eldest, as well 
as in better, best (pointing to a positive with a, Anglosaxon 
betera, betsta), traces of the ancient vowel modification. 

The changes which the English positive undergoes in the forms 
of comparison, are essentially of graphical nature. Words ending 
in a mute e lose it before er and est: polite, politer, poli- 
test. This is also the case in adjectives ending in le with a 
consonant preceding: able, abler, ablest. The same happens 
if a vowel is followed by an e: true, truer, truest. If an ad- 
jective ends in y with a consonant preceding it, y transmutes 
itself into i: happy, happier,' happiest; not so in gay, 
gayer, gayest. -- The simple consonant doubles itself after 
a short vowel of the accented syllable: big, bigger, biggest; 
hot, hotter, hottest. The same takes place also with / in 
an unaccented syllable: cruel, crueller, cruellest (however 
with an elided e before / only one /appears: cruel' st racks and 
torments [OrwAY]); cheerful, cheerfuller, cheerfullest. 

The Anglosaxon forms of comparison were early transferred to 
Romance stems, and Old-English took no offence at the lenght 

Matzner, eugl. Gr. I. 18 



274 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II. 

of the forms: pe noblest bacheler (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 30.). 
feblore (II. 372.). pouerore (370.). Are no men avarouser than 
hii (PIERS PLOUGHMAN p. 26.). The marveillouseste metels [Dream] 
(p. 155.). Awntrouseste (plus avantoureux) (MoRTE ARTHURK in 
HALLIWELL s. v.). 

Modern-English also transfers these forms to Romance stems, 
but, both in Anglosaxon and in Romance adjectives, has restricted 
the use of them more and more from euphonic reasons, although, 
even in prose no agreement obtains in the employment of them. 
Modern- Grammarians allow the terminations of comparison to 
h e following classes of adjectives: 
) to monosyllabic adjectives: poor, poorer, poorest; sweefc, 

sweeter, sweetest; wise, wiser, wisest. 
/s) to disyllabic ones, whose last syllable has the accent: gen- 
teel, genteeler, genteelest; severe, severer, severest. 
y) to disyllabic ones, ending with the glib syllable formed by 
le with an initial consonant preceding it: able, abler, ab- 
lest. 

<?) to disyllabic ones, ending in y with a consonant preceding it : 
worthy, worthier, worthiest; lovely, lovelier, love- 
liest. Many of these adjectives are, by reason of their notion, 
not easily susceptible of comparison, especially those with the 
derivational termination y (Anglosaxon ?</), sofar as they refer 
to materials, as balmy, skinny, woody, earthy &c. 
We however permit those terminations also to other adjec- 
tives whose forms of comparison cause no ill sound, which 
certainly furnishes only an indefinite standard. But when JOHN- 
SON completely excludes the participial terminations ing and ed, 
the terminations ive, id, ent, ain, al, ate, ous, as well as those 
in ful, less and some, which have properly arisen through composi- 
tion, from this mode of comparison, he manifestly goes too far. 

As regards the participial forms, the comparison of adjectives in 
ing is confined to the Old-English fittingest (CHAUCER A. F. 551.); 
and rarely appears with the moderns : the lastingst wine (HowELL 
sec. XVII.); a cunninger animal (GOLDSMITH Vie. of W.); but is 
not uncommonly in the mouth of the people. See DICKENS Master 
Humphrey Clock 3, 73. Fiedler's Wissenschaftliche Grammatik 
der englischen Sprache 1. p. 246. The comparison of those in 
ed is familiar to Old-English : Bettre and blesseder (PiERS PLOUGH- 
MAN p. 217.). The contree is the cur seder (p. 421.); and has 
not become foreign to Modern - English : The damned 1 st body 
(SHAKSPEARE Meas. for Meas.). The wickedest caitiff (from Anglo- 
saxon viccjan = veneficiis uti) (IB.). Matter, the ivicked'st offspring 
of thy race (JOHN WILMOT f 1680). The wretched 1 st of the'race 
of man (from the Anglosaxon vreccan, persequi) (OTWAY); and 
so with the people: tireder (HALLIWELL s. v.) &c. 

Of others of the above cited adjective terminations may serve 
as Modern-English examples: The solidest bodies (W. IRVING), 
compare: The soueraynst things (SKELTON I. 38). Nothing cer- 
tainer (SHAKSPEARE Much Ado &c.); those compounded with some 
and ful: The best and wholesom'st spirits of the night (SHAKSPEARE 



/. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. II. Adjective. The Comparison. 275 

Meas. for Meas.). The handsomest and genteelest footman (FIEL- 
DING). The unhopefullest husband that I know (SHAKSPEARE Much 
Ado &c.). The beautifullest race of people upon earth (SHERIDAN). 
I yearn'd to know which one was faithfullest Of all this camp 
includes (COLERIDGE). And be this peal its awfullest and last 
sound (L. BYRON). The cellar's a cheer/utter place than the cell 
(LONGFELLOW). In Old-English all such forms are used without 
hesitancy. 

Others also of the twosyllabled adjectives not named above 
frequently form their degrees of comparison by derivational ter- 
minations; thus adjectives in ow, el, il, er, ant, t (ct), st, even 
threesyllabled ones in er-y: In a narrower sphere (L. BYRON). 
And hollower grew The deep-worn path (BRYANT). Cruel 'st racks 
(OTWAY). The cruellest mortification (GOLDSMITH). Their people's 
civiller (BUTLER) ; especially frequent in er : Bitterer remembrances 
L. BYRON). In its tenderer hour (ID.). The proper'st observa- 
tions (BUTLER). The properest means (GOLDSMITH). The sobe- 
rest constitutions (FIELDING). With bitterest reproaches (CONGREVE). 
'twixt bitterest foemen (L. BYRON). The tend'rest eloquence (Rows). 
The cleverest man (LEWES). A pleasanter tune (CAMPBELL). 
The pleasanfst angling (SHAKSPEARE Much Ado &c.). One of 
the pleasantest figures in German literature (LEWES). Silence is 
the per/ectest herald of joy (SHAKSPEARE Much Ado &c.). Full 
of reptiles, not less loathsome, though Their sting is honester (L. 
BYRON). - - To find there is a slipperier step or two (ID). 

The elision of the e in the superlative termination est is not 
rare in verse. 

It. will be understood with this mode of comparison that it is 
now here absolutely necessary, but frequently yields to the second 
mode (see b.). 

Among the anomalous forms of comparison Modern -English 
reckons : 
) those diverging in the vowel: 

old; elder, eldest (Anglosaxon eald, aid; yldra, yldesta) 
on account of the otherwise extinct vowel-modification. Beside 
these forms stand the regular older, oldest. The Old-En- 
glish has eldore, eldoste; eldere, eldeste; yet even early the 
unmodified derivation is used: The oldest lady of hem alle 
spak (CHAUCER 914.). 

With the various forms in themselves of the same meaning dif- 
ferences in usage are connected, which, however are not decisively 
fixed. Elder, eldest commonly form an opposition to younger and 
newer, but do not include the notion of old as of stricken in 
years: Nothing! thou elder brother ev'en to Shade (JOHN WILMOT). 
I have . . a son . . some years elder than this (SHAKSPEARE). In 
the elder days of Art (LONGFELLOW). The faded fancies of an elder 
world (ID.). My eldest daughter (GOLDSMITH), whereas older, oldest 
frequently has in itself the meaning of age, of the no longer fresh, 
new, therefore also occasionally that of maturity: I did not know 
you. You look older (LONGFELLOW). He was the oldest monk of 
all (ID.). One of the oldest of Prince John's followers (W. SCOTT). 
With all the oldest and ablest critics (LONGFELLOW). The oldest as 

18* 



276 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 11. 

well as the newest wine (ID.). But that this boundary is oversteped, 
is proved by such passages as: Their brother . . proved that she 
was two years older (BURNEY). The eldest, some five years older 

(BULWER). 

late, latter, last, alongside of later, latest (Anglosaxon 
lat, latra, sup. latemesta; latost is only an adverbial form) of 
which the latter forms may be regarded as the regular ones, 
whereas in the former the vowel lengthened in English appears 
sharpened again. Compare above the shortened Old-English 
forms of comparison. 

Even these are distinguished by usage, although likewise not with 
decision; latter, last, stand analogously to the forms former, first, 
whereas later, latest, signify degrees in time merely, the former 
importing more the ordinal succession, the latter more the time 
opposed to the early. Both may certainly, especially in the super- 
lative, be readily interchanged with each other: The latter end of 
his commonwealth forgets the beginning (SHAKSP. Temp.). I atn the 
last that will last keep his oath (SHAKSP. Lnve's L. L.). Rienzi! 
last of Romans (L. BYRON). The first, last, sole reward of so much 
love! (ID.). The felon's latest breath Absolves the innocent man 
who bears his crime (BRYANT). As my first glance Of love and 
wonder was for thee, then take My latest look (L. BYRON). Then 
turn we to her latest tribune's name (ID.). 

/?) Forms of comparison which agree in meaning with a positive 
of a different stem, while themselves having no formally cor- 
responding positive: 

good, better, best (Anglosaxon god betera, betra, 
betesta, betsta). 

The comparative form existing in Old-English bot, bette (Anglo- 
saxon bett, bet) is an adverb. 

evil, ill, bad, worse, worst, Old-English werse ; werste, 
werreste (Anglosaxon yfel, Old-norse illr -- vyrsa, vyrsesta, 
virresta; bad, which is regarded as an English positive, dia- 
lectically = sick, ill, perhaps belongs to the Anglosaxon bid- 
dan, humi prosterni, whence bedd, lectus, and bedling, bad- 
ling, effeminatus. Compare Dieffenbach's Worterbuch I. p. 282.). 

In Old-English bad also forms degrees of comparison: to the bad- 
der ende (CHAUCER 10538). Old-English has in a striking manner 
a comparative werre, worre and war: Of thilke werre In whiche 
none wot who hath the werre (GowER in HALLIWELL s. v.). The 
world is much war than it woont (SPENSER). Even Old-Scottish 
and dialectical in North-England, Lancashire and Scotland is war. 
These forms correspond to that in use as a positive in Anglosaxon 
veorr, veor, but which, according to the Old-norse comparative verri, 
Danish vaerre, is itself originally a comparative. In the collateral 
form worser a gemination of the comparative termination is con- 
tained; compare the Old-Highdutch wirsiro. It is often found in 
Shakspeare, Dryden and in dialects, and corresponds to the super- 
lative vyrsesta, Old-Highduteh wirsist. The grammar of the seven- 
teenth century cites it as regular along with worse; at present it 
is noted as a barbarism. 

much, (mickle), more, most, Old-English mechel, mekil, 
michel, mochel, muchel more, mest, most (Anglosaxon mi- 



1. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. II. Adjective. The Comparison. 277 

eel, mycel, mucel mara, msera, msesta; in English we also 
regard many, Anglosaxon maneg, multus, as a positive). 

The form mickle, in use in Shakspeare as still in the North of 
England, Old-Scotch mekil, mikel, now rnuckle, niickle, has early 
the abbreviated moche, muche, which also corresponds to the An- 
glosaxon adverb micele, alongside of it. The meaning magnus in 
relation to extension in space is still proper to the Old-English: 
Inde the more (MAUNDEV. p. 50.). He is not mecheles more than 
an egle (p. 48.). But the meaning multus soon preponderates. 

The form mo, moo, moe, also ma, as well as Scottish, formerly 
also used adjectively along with more, is the Anglosaxon adver- 
bial form ma alongside of mare. It is early found frequently in 
the plural or before substantives in the plural: Of him camen mo 
generaciouns than of the othere (MAUNDEV. p. 222.); as well as later: 
Many mo unto the nombre of ten thousande and moo (were slayne) 
(CAXTON). Hence the grammarian Alexander Gil at the beginning 
of the seventeenth century puts the forms of comparison: much, 
more, most; many, mo, most together, as corresponding to 
each other. See Mommsen's Romeo and Juliet p. 12. The age 
after Spencer and Shakspeare gradually abandons this form. 

little, less, lesser; least, Old-English lite! lasse, 
las, lesse; leeste, thereafter also lest, Anglosaxoii lytel, litel 
lassa, lasta. 

In Old-English the positive lite, lyte, is also found, as still in 
Scottish and North-English, Anglosaxon lyt adverb and adjective; 
also Hie, Danish lille, occurs still in Modern-English, as well as iu 
northern dialects (HALLIWELL s. v.). The comparative lesser with 
a geminated comparative termination is censured by grammarians, 
but has become indigenous; it is chiefly limited to the meaning 
smaller: The more my prayer, the lesser is my grace (SHAK- 
SPEARE Mids. N. Dr.). It is the lesser blot (ID. Two G. of Ver.). 
'The lesser lights', as opposed to the moon (DRAYTON). Things of 
lesser dignity (L. BYRON). That less coincides with the adverbial 
comparative, as least with the superlative (Anglosaxon las, last), 
is a matter of course. Lesser is striking as an adverb in Shaks- 
peare. See adverb. The adjective occurs at present as well as 
formerly. Old English: Babyloyne the lesse (MAUNDEV. p. 42.). A 
lasse fowel (PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 243.); Modern-English: How to name 
the bigger light and how the less That burn by day and night 
(SHAKSPEARE Temp.). Dialects, besides the form lesser have 
an other comparative lesserer and the superlatives lessest and les- 
serest, for instance in Norfolk. Dialects also form regular degrees 
of comparison from little: littler, littlest (compare Dialect, of Craven. 
Lond. 1828. s. vv.) Shakspeare has littlest: Where love is great, 
the littlest doubts are fear (HAMLET 3. 2.). In Old -English the 
degrees of comparison are also expressed by rnin minnist (Old- 
norse minni = rninri, minor). TOWNELEY MYST. ^ 

. . further, furthest (Anglosaxon comparative furcTra, major, 
along with the adverb furo^or, ulterius), allied with the adverb 
forth, Anglosaxon forcF, are forms to which the degrees of 
comparison belonging to the Anglosaxon adverb feorr, English 
far procul, perhaps on account of the nearly allied meaning, 
are assimilated (Anglosaxon fyrre, feorrest), which in Old- 
English sound as fer ferre, ferrere ferrest and there cor- 



278 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II. 

respond to the dere (dear) derre, derrere derrest. For 
furthermost see further below. 

Compare : Let us not leave them time for further council (L. BY- 
RON). 'This the furthest hour of Assyria's years (ID.). Farther is 
erroneously deemed a collateral form of further. These occur in 
their nature also as adverbs, but are likewise adjectives : From the 
farthest steep of India (SHAKSPEARE Mids. N. Dr.). 

y) Here belongs also the positive arising from a comparative form, 
with the degrees of comparison developed out of it. 

near, nearer, nearest, beside which next still stands 
as a superlative, Old-English nere, narre; narrest, beside 
which the adverb mostly sounds ner, nar; whereas the other 
forms also stand adverbially (DIALECT OF CRAVEN II. 3.); 
Anglosaxon adject, comp. neara, nyra, superl. nyhsta, nexta. 

These forms belong to the Anglosaxon neah near, nyr, ner 
neahst, next, whence the originally adverbial nigh comes, to 
which a comparative nigher (SMART Diet. s. v.) and a superlative 
nighest is given (compare nighest-about = nearest way in northern 
dialects). The Old-English nigh nerre, nere next corresponds 
in form to the Old-English high, hie, hey herre hexte, An- 
glosaxon heah heahra, hearra hehsta, as nigh nigher 
nighest to the Modern-English high higher highest, for which 
Old-English presents also heire heiste. 

<f) Finally the superlatives in most, Old- English m-est, m-yst, 
are to be reckoned here, which originally correspond to the 
Anglosaxon ones in (e)m-est. which point to a positive (e)ma, 
which itself had a superlative character. In this superlative 
even in Anglosaxon the termination mast, most is certainly 
found along with mest. Anglosaxon medema, medemra, me- 
demost, medemast mediocris; Gothic innuma Anglosaxon 
innemest; Anglosaxon forma formest, formest, fyrmest; An- 
glosaxon hinduma, hindema - - Gothic hindumists; Gothic 
aftuma Anglosaxon aftemest, aftemost. 

The termination mest has been in English gradually con- 
founded with the adverb most, Anglosaxon msest. It was ap- 
pended to comparative adjective forms, often of the same sound 
as adverbs and prepositions, and containing a determination 
of space (compare innermost), and therefore to the correspond- 
ing adverbs positives were further annexed (compare high- 
most), and by reckon of Anglosaxon forms, like suflmest (south- 
most), which points to a positive suftema, also put to nouns 
(compare topmost). In that was seen the particle, otherwise 
prefixed to the positive, as the periphrasis of the superlative, 
and the corresponding comparative in more was even formed 
(compare the English adverb furthermore, Old-English forther- 
more). Here belong the following, which occasionally offer 
double forms for the same meaning. 

foremost, the comparative to which former is still in use, 
Old-English also the positive: forme former (compare 
formerwarde = vanguard. WEBER) formest, foremest; 



1. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. 11. Adjective. The Comparison. 279 

Anglosaxon forma comparative is wanting formes ta, fyr- 
mesta, primus. 

Old-English: Adam oure forme father (CHAUCER Tale of Melib.); 
still in Skelton: his forme foote (forefoot) (I. 385.)- Adam oure 
foremest fader (MAUNDEV. p. 303.); and still in Skelton: That wonte 
was to be formyst (I. 230.). The allied in sense first, primus, be- 
longs to the Anglosaxon fyrra fyrrest, fyrst, Old-norse fyrri 
fyrstr, prior, primus, which corresponds in sound with the Anglo- 
saxon fyrre feorrest, fyrrest, from feor, English far, yet related 
to the Anglosaxon forma, belongs to for, Old-norse fyri. First 
and formest are often put together even in Old -English (PIERS 
PLOUGHM. p. 403.). 

hindmost and Undermost (Anglosaxon Mndema, hinduma, ul- 
timus; compare hind-veard, posterus; Gothic hindumists; hin- 
der is in the Anglosaxon an adverb and preposition, in English 
an adjective). 

Old-English also formed the superlative hinderest, like innerest, 
overest, upperest, utterest. 

inmost and innermost (Gothic innuma Anglosaxon inne- 
mesta; with it is found the Anglosaxon comparative innera and 
superlative innosta). In English inner is in use as an adjec- 
tive. 

outmost and outermost (Anglosaxon utemest, to which the 
adjective comparative utera, uttra belongs in meaning. The 
adverb ut forms utor - - utemost, utemest). The adjective 
outer still belongs to the English. 

utmost and uttermost (Anglosaxon ytemesta, with which the 
positive yte and the comparative ytra agree); the adjective 
utter continues. 

utmost is distinguished in usage from outmost in part by the 
former's being more appropriated to the determination of degree, 
the latter to the determination of space as such. 

upmost^ uppermost and overmost (Anglosaxon is up, uppe only 
an adverb, sursum; it borrowed its forms of comparison from 
ufa, supra; ufor, yfemest. As an adjective the superlative 
ufemesta, yfemesta along with the comparative ufora, ufera 
was usual). In English the comparative upper is in use as 
an adjective, over essentially as an adverb and preposition; 
compare the Old-English overest alongside of upperest, see 
above. Upmost is rare. 

endmost (Anglosaxon is endemest [endemes?], to which ende- 
mestness = extremitas as a substantive belongs, an adverb; it 
is hardly a compound from ende-maest). 

In Old-English a comparative form ender, endir, is found: 
this ender dai = lately. See Halliwell s. v., to which endermost. 
dialectically = undermost, is still in use. 

midmost and middlemost, Anglosaxon medemosta, see above, 
lies at the root of the former form; compare also the adjective 
mid, me'd; the second leans upon the adjective middel 
midlesta. 



280 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. 11. 

aftermost (Anglosaxon aftemesta, aftemosta, to which aftera 
as a positive, afterra as a comparative occur). 

undermost (Anglosaxon under is a preposition; in English 
under preserves essentially the nature of a preposition and 
an adverb). 

nethermost, in Scottish dialects nethmist, nedmist (Anglosaxon 
nio^emesta, along with the comparative nicFera. neodera, whence 
the English adjective nether). 

lowermost, as the superlative of low lower along with 
lowest, without any Anglosaxon precedent, from the Old-norse 
lag, locus depressus, compare lagreistr, humilis, English dialec- 
tical loff, loffer. 

hithermost (Anglosaxon hider, hue, adverb; a comparative 
hiderer is cited). In English hither is also employed adject- 
tively. A form thithermost over against it (Anglosaxon pider, 
illuc) seems not to have been formed by the older language. 

furthermost, is a collateral form of furthest (see above) beside 
which the adverb furthermore still stands as a comparative. 

The adverbial comparative, resting upon a misunderstanding of 
most, is already old: Yit i-peynted was a litel forthermore. How 
Atthalaunce huntyd the wilde bore (CHAUCER 2071.)- Chaucer has 
Backirmore: Belle Dame sans Mercy 85. Dialectically we have bet- 
termer, bettermest, uppermer, nighermer, lowermer, innermore and 
many more. 

highmost, Shakspeare has from high instead of highest; dia- 
lectic in Yorkshire. 

southmost (Anglosaxon suftmest, like vestmest); westmost is 
also found in Rob. of Gloucester 1. 220. On the other hand 
in English westernmost, northernmost, also southernmost are formed 
out of the corresponding adjectives (Anglosaxon adj. vestern, 
norcJern, suthern). 

topmost (Anglosaxon top); weathermost = furthest to wind- 
ward; sternmost = farthest astern, and more dialectically, are 
formed out of substantives. 

b) The periphrastic formation of the degrees of comparison is that 
in which more and most with the positive serve to represent the 
comparative and the superlative: frugal, more frugal, most 
frugal. A sharp boundary is not to be drawn between the use 
of derivative forms and the periphrastic formation, although mo- 
nosyllabic adjectives commonly prefer derivative terminations. 
Even with monosyllabic adjectives however the periphrastic com- 
parison is frequent: Ingratitude, more strong than traitors arms 
(SFIAKSPEARE Jul. C.). The silver swans her hapless fate bemoan 
In notes more sad than when they sing their own (POPE). There 
shall lie welcome thee . . With smiles more sweet Than when at 
first he took thee by the hand (BRYANT). By accident most 
strange (SHAKSPEARE Temp.). Most poor matters (IB.). 0, most 
dear mistress! (IB.). To their most great and growing region 
(L. BYRON). c Tis but to feel that one most dear Grows needful 



L The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. II. Adjective. The Comparison. 281 

to the heart (TOWNSEND). The Majesty of the Most High Shall 
overshadow thee (LONGFELLOW). With participles the periphrasis 
is naturally preferred : His heart . . more bent to raise the wretched 
than to rise (GOLDSMITH). Most damned Angelo! (SHAKSPEARE 
Meas. for Meas.). 

If one object is not compared with the other with regard to 
equality, but rather one quality with the other, more in general 
appears: Our authors make a doubt Whether he were more wise 
or stout (BUTLER); yet even here the other mode of comparison, 
especially before than, takes place: Your company is fa irer than 
honest (SIIAKSPEARE Meas. for Meas.). 

The periphrastic comparison is very old in English and runs 
parallel with the other without visible distinction: Of fayrost 
fourme & maners, & mest gentyl & fre (Roe. OF GLOUCESTER II. 
420.). Man is hym moost lik and: And made man likkest (PiERS 
PLOUGHMAN p. 161.). Griffoun hathe the body more gret and 
is more strong thanne 8 lyouns . .; and more gret and strongere, 
than an 100 egles (MAUNDEV. p. 269.). Compare also: Upon a 
lowly asse more white then snow; Yet she much ivhiter (SPENSER 
p. 10. I.). 

As with forms of comparison by derivative terminations a double 
comparison occurs, a reduplication of the comparison by the com- 
bination of more and most with a derived comparative and 
superlative form takes place. Modern grammarians reject it. It 
is very old and is frequently inoffensive in the written language 
down to the seventeenth century: That lond is meche more hot- 
^re- than it is here (MAUNDEV. p. 29.). Another sege more lowere 
p. 217.). The most faires damyselles (p. 280.). Moost clennest 
flessh of briddes (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 276.). I was more wr other 
(SKELTON I. 146.). The yonge man is more folyssher (p. 200.). 
He is more vahappyer (p. 20.); very common in Shakspeare: To 
some more fitter place (Meas. for Meas.). Instruments of some 
mare mightier member (IB.). I am more better than Prospero 
(Temp.). His more braver daughter (IB.). More fairer than fair 
(Love's L. L.). The most unkindest cut of all (Jul. C.). The 
calmest and 'most stillest night (Henr. iv.). The longest night . . 
and the most heaviest (Two Gentl. of Ver.) &c. The most straightest 
sect of our religion (ACTS of the Ap. 26, 5.). The aim of the 
reduplication was, as ever, strengthening. Ben Jonson deemed 
such geminations to be English Atticisms. The warning of Mo- 
dern-English grammarians against expressions of this sort proves 
that they are still frequently in use in writing, although not in 
literature, as they still abound in dialects. 

To the comparison effected by more, most we may oppose 
the reduction to a lower and lowest degree by Jess, least: Of 
feelings fierier far but less severe (L. BYRON). Some less majestic, 
less beloved head (ir>.). The tree of deepest root is found Least 
willing still to quit the ground (MRS. THRALE). On loftiest and 
least sheltered rocks (L. BYRON). 

A strengthening of the comparative is brought about by ad- 
verbs and adverbial determinations, as much, greatly, incomparably, 



282 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. H. 

yet, still, far, by far, a great deal &c. : Your hair has grown 
much grayer (LONGFELLOW). England is greatly larger than Scot- 
land (W. SCOTT). A living death And buried; but 0, yet more 
miserable (MILTON). With arm stitt lustier (L. BYRON). Of feel- 
ings fierier far (ID.). There are maidens in Scotland more lovely 
by far (W. SCOTT) &c. Even the superlative is strengthened 
adverbially: A self-mastery of the very highest kind (LEWES). Epa- 
minondas was by far the most accomplished of the Thebaus (MUR- 
RAY) &c. 

The formerly widely diffused strengthening of the superlative 
by composition with alder, aller, which is still met with in 
Shakspeare in alderliefest (see above p. 176), has been aban- 
doned. The same sense is effected, by annexing the positive with 
a plural substantive, or even used as a substantive with of, to 
the superlative, whereby, as by alder, the whole sphere of ho- 
mogeneous objects is denoted. In poets this is not rare: Love- 
liest of lovely things are they, On earth, that soonest pass away 
(BRYANT). The bravest of the brave (L. BYRON). Well doth the 
Spanish hind the difference know 'Twixt him and Lusian slave 
the lowest of the low (ID.). Old-English: Fairest of fair e, o lady 
myn Venus (CHAUCER 2223.). An other strengthening is the com- 
bination of the superlative with the positive: My dearest-dear 
Victorian (LONGFELLOW). 

Many adjectives are, from their meaning, incapable of degrees 
of comparison. Here belong all those, whose intensity is not 
capable of a more or a less, especially those expressing definite 
relations of time, space and number, as yearly, square, 
second, or referring to material, possession or descent as woo- 
den, paternal, French, as well as those, which by themselves 
express the highest measure of the notion or negative determi- 
nations, as infinite, eternal, immense, consummate, om- 
nipotent, boundless &c. Yet here an abstract rule does not 
suffice. The superlative, especially, of many words of this sort, 
in spite of the censure of grammarians, is used to strengthen the 
meaning conveyed by the positive, and even comparatives are 
not wanting which seem to mock the literal conception. Com- 
pare: A purpler beverage (L. BYRON). Once bloody mortals 
and now bloodier idols (ID.). . . Lest the dead under the sod, 
In the land of strangers, should be lonely ! Ah me ! I think I am 
lonelier here! (LONGFELLOW). My chief est entertainment (SHE- 
RIDAN). The grave shall bear the chief est prize away (L. BYRON), 
The perfectest herald of joy (SHAKSPEARE Much Ado &c.). Hail! 
divinest Melancholy! (MILTON). You divinest powers (OTWAY). 
I am the falsest, veriest slave (ID.). I'm the veriest fool (LONG- 
FELLOW). When deeds are wrought Which well might shame 
extremest hell (WHITTIER). I live and die unheard with a most 
voiceless thought (L. BYRON). No discord in the three But the 
most perfect harmony (LONGFELLOW); and in a descending scale 
of comparison: The Roman friend of Rome's least mortal mind 
(ID.). Nothing is more frequent than the employment of chief est, 
extremest, which the narrowmindedness of grammarians rejects, 



L The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. HI. The Numeral. 283 

who rather have to comprehend the mode of viewing things, repre- 
sented by the living language, than to fix limits to it. 

The Modern-English adjective cheap, at the comparison of which 
no one is now offended, is properly a substantive (Anglosaxon ceap, 
pecus, pretium, negotium) and was originally compounded with great, 
good, like bon marche; wherefore no comparison appeared in the 
preceding adjective. Old-English: Thei ben there grettere cheep (MAUN- 
DEV. p. 49.). Clothes . . ben gretter chep there (p. 233.). He made 
of hem bettre cheep (p. 83.). Compare also good-cheap in Halliwell 
s. v. Chief is indeed originally a substantive too, standing, however, 
in a direct relation with another substantive. 



3) The Numeral. 

Next in order to the adjective comes the numeral, so far as it 
gains, as a determination of magnitude, characterizing objects under 
the point of view of their unity or multiplicity, the nature of a 
qualifying word, and stands like the latter in formal relation to the 
substantive. 

English has adjective cardinal numerals, ordinal numerals 
and numerals of multiplication. They are, almost without excep- 
tion, of Anglosaxon origin. 

a) The cardinal number serves to express Unity and the number 
of units. In their older of succession they present themselves in 
the following manner: 

1. one, Anglosaxon an, Old-English one, oone, on, o, ane, a 
&c. 2. two, Anglosaxon tvegen, tva, Old- English twey, tway, 
tweie, tweine, two. 3. three, Anglosaxon pri, preo, Old-English 
pre. 4. four, Anglosaxon feover, Old-English foure. 5. five, An- 
glosaxon fif, Old-English five. 6. six, Anglosaxon six, Old-English 
sixe, syxe. 7. seven, Anglosaxou seofon, Old-English seven. 8. 
eight, Anglosaxon eahta, Old-English ei^te, &$, aughte. 9. nine, 
Anglosaxon nigon, Old-English nyne, nine. 10. ten, Anglosaxon 
ten, tin, tyn = tehon, Old-English tene. 11. eleve, Anglosaxon end- 
lif, dative endlifum, endleofon, endlefen, Old-English endleue, el- 
lene, endleuene. 12. twelve, Anglosaxon tvelf, Old-English tuelue, 
twolf, twelf. 13. thirteen, Anglosaxon preotyne, Old-English prot- 
tene, thretene. 14. fourteen, Anglosaxon feovertyne, Old-English 
fowrtene, also fourte (WEBER). 15. fifteen, Anglosaxon fiftyne, 
Old-English fiftene. 16. sixteen, Anglosaxon sixtyne, Old-English 
sixtene. 17. seventeen, Anglosaxon seofontyne, Old English seven- 
tene. 18. eighteen, Anglosaxon eahtatyne, Old-English eigtetene, 
ayttene. 19. nineteen, Anglosaxon nigontyne, Old-English nyen- 
tene. 20. twenty. Anglosaxon tventig, Old-English tuenty, tuenti. 
21. &c. twenty-one, -two, -three &c. 30. thirty, Anglosaxon pritig, 
prittig, Old-English pritty. 40. forty, Anglosaxon feovertig, Old- 
English fowertie, fourty. 50. fifty, Anglosaxon fiftig, Old-English 
fifty. 60. sixty, Anglosaxon sixtig, Old-English sixty. 70. seventy, 
Anglosaxon seofontig, Old-English seventy. 80. eighty, Anglosaxon 
eahtatig, Old-English eijtety. 90. ninety, Anglosaxon nigontig, 
Old-English ninty. 100. (a, one) hundred, Anglosaxon hundred, 



284 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. IL 

hundrid = centuria, is a substantive. The cardinal number was 
teontig and hund, Old-English hondred, hondrith. 1000. (a, one) 
thousand, Anglosaxon pusend, Old-Engl.pousaud, pousant, thousend. 

The higher numbers million, Old-English the same, billion^ tril- 
lion &c. are borrowed from the French. 

Compound numbers stand either in the additive relation, as 
twenty-two, or in the multiplicative relation, as ten thousand. 

In the additive relation the smaller number commonly stands 
after the greater, whereas in the mnltiplicative the multiplier 
stands before the multiplicand : twelve thousand twelve hun- 
dred and twelve. The tens standing after thousands or hun- 
dreds with their units or even units alone are connected by and: 
three hundred and sixty-five; eight thousand and fourty &c. The 
tens with the following units are commonly connected by a hyphen: 
sixty- five, yet this is also omitted. 

In the additive relation the units may also come before the tens, 
in which case and is put betwixt both; here too hyphens either 
stand or are absent: They have each of them received one-and- 
twenty shillings (G. FARQUHAR). But six -and -fifty pounds (J. 
VANBRUGH) Four and forty men of war . . were assembled in 
the harbour (MACAULAY). If a greater number precedes the then, 
this is not permitted. That manner is also commonly limited to 
the numbers up to fifty inclusive. In Anglosaxon it was usual 
with all tens, also after a preceding greater number: tva and 
hundseofontig (=72) (Luc. 10, 1. 17.); nigon and hundnigontig 
(= 99). Ceorles vergild is cc and vi and LX pryrnsa (= 266 
Threepenny piece). 

The Anglosaxon numbers teonting, enlufontig, tvelftig are 
like huud (centumj, which was also superfluously united with 
the numbers from seofontig twelftig, have been abandoned; 
yet the hundreds have not merely been numbered up to 900: 
twelve thousand twelve hundred, and twelve, especially in the 
numbers of years. In Old-English even twenty hundred, and 
the like are found. Compare: Of fifteen hondrith . . Went away 
but fifti and thre; Of twenty hondrith . . But even five and fifti 
(PERCY Rel. p. 4. I.). 

In the calculation of percentage cent stands for 100: five per 
mtf = five in the hundred. 

is expressed by cipher, cypher, zero, also by nought. 

The numeration by scores (score, Anglosaxon scor, incisura, 
numerus vicenarius), which was familiar to the Celts, and is still 
in use in a limited measure in French (compare quatre-vingts, 
six-vingts &c.), as well as in Danish (compare tresindstyve ab- 
breviated from tres = 3 x 20 &c.) is still in usual, has established 
itself since early times alongside of the common method of nume- 
ration, although now in narrower bounds. Old-English: Four 
hundred &c. four score (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 139.). Syxe score 
paces (PERCY Rel. p. 46.). Twenty score paces (IB.). The sheriffe 
with seven score men Fast after him is gone (p. 22 ). The gere 
of oure lord a thousand thre hundred foure score and five (TRE- 
YISA). Modern-English: They reign'd the monarchs of a score of 






/. The Parts of Speech, A. The Noun. HI. The Numerals. 285 

miles (H. WALPOLE). JSinescore and seventeen pounds (SiiAK- 
SPEARE Meas. for M.). Sixty of my fourscore years (L. BYRON). 
An old man of threescore (LONGFELLOW). Score was to the old 
archers the expression for twenty yards; it now signifies in western 
dialects twenty pounds else, generally the stairs. In Old-English 
we even find twenty multiplied: In the date of oure Drighte . . 
A thousand and thre hundred Twies twenty and ten (PiERS 
PLOUGHM. p. 262.). 

Two definite or already known objects are comprehended by 
both; Anglosaxon m. begen, f. and n. ba (bu in compounds), 
Old-norse m. bafrir, f. badar, n. baedi, compare Gothic bajops; 
Old-English bey, beye along with bothe (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER), 
also boo, bo; compare, from section the 15 th : Into the dyche they 
falleth bo, in two Mss. in Halliwell p. XXVI.; also beie and be- 
then (IB. s. vv.): Old-English still used the genitive (Anglosaxon 
bega, begea, begra): poru her beyre red (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER 
I. 262.); which there after adopted the form botheres: Hir botheres 
myghte (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 340.). Hir botheres right (p. 371.), 
along with bother (HALLIWELL s. v.). The Anglosaxon compound 
butvu, butu = both two, often appears in Old-English as bothe 
two: We han the deth deserved bothe tuo (CHAUCER 1718). Sche 
saugh hem bothe two (4298.). With bothe rnyn yen tuo (10259). 
So too in Shakspeare: Neither of either; I remit both twain (Lo- 
VE'S L. L. 5, 2.). 

In Anglosaxon the numbers 1 4, 10 12, as well as the 
round tens tventig &c. in part, and the substantives hundrid, 
pusend were capable of inllection. 

In English one as an indefinite pronoun is capable of the geni- 
tive inflection one's and of the plural formation ones. (Seethe 
Pronoun). 

Alongside of two we still find of old forms twain (Anglosaxon 
tvegen nom. and ace.): We tweyne (SKELTON 1.42.). Did he not 
send you twain (SHAKSPEARE Love's L. L. 5, 2.). You seek it 
of the twain of least respect and interest in Venice (L. BYRON). 
Let there be No farther strife nor enmity Between us twain 
(LONGFELLOW); and so often in twain alongside of in two, Old- 
English a two = entzwei: What hinders me from cleaving you in 
twain? (L. BYRON). It is king Herod's only son That ye have 
cleft in twain (LONGF.); on the other hand: Bruce cleft his head 
in two with his sword (W. SCOTT). He may not hew his love 
a two (CHAUCER Rom. of the R. p. 251.). Thus too Old-English 
used a tre, a seuene &c. with divisions (into two &c. parts). 
Compare Rob. of Gloucester I. 23. 213. 

The remaining numerals, considered as proper adjectives, are 
capable of inflection only when used as substantives. This may 
happen if they are considered as names of figures, or abstractedly 
as the expression of quantities. Of figures are used: the two, 
the six, a two, three eights &c. As terms for definite quan- 
tities in an abstract manner, as, unit, five, ten &c., when the 
image of the figure may sometimes lie at the root, compare : I al- 
ways took three threes for nine SHAKSPEARE Love's L. L. 5, 2.). 



286 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II. 

The first place is for the units, the second for the tens, the third 
for hundreds (CKOSSLEY). The number, used substantively, may 
also be referred to objects or persons, as in to go on all fours ; 
fives: a play with a ball, in which three fives, or fifteen, are 
counted to a game (WEBSTER). A thirty dozen moons with bor- 
rowed sheen About the world have times twelve thirties been 
(SiiAKSPEARE Hamlet); also distributively : The ascent had been 
long and toilsome; for even the foot had to climb by twos and 
threes (MACAULAY). 

The numerals used as substantive hundred, thousand, mil- 
lion, billion &c. have in the singular one or the a (= one) 
weakened down to an article, before them; the former, if the 
singular is to be made prominent and emphatic, perhaps also in 
an implied or express antithesis, which moreover happens in the 
numbers of years at present, even without this reason (not so in 
Old-English, see above p. 276) ; the latter, if this is not the case. 
Millions &c. however, seldom come under the former case. Com- 
pare : The statutes continued to be published in the same language, 
for above one hundred and twenty years (TYRWHIT ed. Chaucer 
p. XXII.). The number was not less than one hundred thousand 
men (W. SCOTT). They sent, therefore, one thousand men-at-arms 
(ID.); on the other hand: About a hundred years after (MACAULAY). 
I have a thousand things to do (Tn. HOLCROFT). At about a 
hundred and sixty yards distance (FIELDING). The singulars: 
hundred, thousand &c., stand without a preceding determina- 
tion of this sort, if the definite article or possessive and demon- 
strative pronouns precede: Where is the thousand marks, I gave 
thee, villain? (SHAKSPEARE Com. of Err.). You saw me . . Ap- 
parent sovereign of our hundred islands (L. BYRON). Only one 
of all his hundred descendants (LONGFELLOW). These hundred 
years (GOLDSMITH). Yet the article is also sometimes wanting: 
When thousand worlds are round (POPE). 

If more than a hundred or a thousand is involved, hundred 
and thousand do not assume the plural termination, but have from 
the oldest times passed as indeclinable, where standing adjectively, 
with or without a succeding number in a direct relation to deter- 
minate objects, which is the case wherever the cardinal stands 
in the place of the ordinal number, as in the numbers of years: 
Three hundred years. An extent of three thousand miles. An army 
of sixty thousand men (MACAULAY). By many thousand men (W. 
SCOTT). Yet in this life Lie hid more thousand deaths (SHAKSP. 
Meas. for Meas.), So even in Old-English: pre honored men 
(RoB. OF GLOUCESTER II. 476.). With fifteen hondrith archares 
bold (PERCY Rel. p. 2. I.). In ei$te thousend ger (WRIGHT Popul. 
Treat, p. 134 ). Ten hundrid thousand stories tellen I can (CHAU- 
CER 10114.). They may, however, when used substantively, 
assume the s of the plural, in which case they are either followed 
by no substantive, or by one standing to it in the relation of the 
periphratic genitive with of: What is the amount of a thousand 
thousands? = Tausender (CROSSLEY). These poor ignorant wretches, 
some hundreds in number (MACAULAY). The poor, blind slave . . 



7. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. III. The Numeral 287 

Expired and thousands perished in the fall (LONGFELLOW). The 
hall not far from hence, which bears on high Hundreds of doges 
(L. BYRON). All the offenders, hundreds of thousands in number 
(MACAULAY). He had then deceived himself . . into the belief 
that the English . . were eager to rise in arms by tens of thou- 
sands to welcome him (ID.). Thus even in Old-English Hundreihez 
fulle many (MORTE ARTHURE in HALLIWELL s. v. herbergage). 
Gret multitude of peple, well ordeyned . . be thousandes, be hun- 
dredes and be tenthes (MAUNDEV. p. 232.). Million, billion 
&c. are always substantives, which therefore had always to be 
followed by another substantive in the genitive relation, as in: 
Millions of spiritual creatures (MILTON). If, however, the millions 
&c. are followed by still smaller numbers, the former never operate 
upon a following substantive. Compare: Europe contains 2,793,000 
square mites, and 227,000,000 of inhabitants (GROSSLEY). If the 
million &c. is followed by a fraction of it, it again comes in of: 
A million and a half of bricks (ID.). 

In the discussion of the substantive, we made mention of com- 
pound substantives, which, like twelvemonth, twelvepence, 
as terms for a multitude, have a plural character. This substan- 
tive formation stands in close connection with another phenomenon, 
which is now to be discussed. The apprehension of any arbitrary 
number of objects as a totality and unity is very familiar to Old- 
English, with which especially an, a precedes, as the expression 
of the unity: A 2 myle from Betheleem (MAUNDEV. p. 74.). A 
fyve dayes or sixe (PIERS PLOUGHMAN p. 314.). The desertes 
duren wel a 13 journey es (MAUNDEV. p. 63.). A twenty bokes, 
clothed in black or red (CHAUCER 296., rightly, according to 
Tyrwhitt, without A according to Wright). A sixty fedme (MAUN- 
DEV. p. 71.). Sum tyme an 200, and sum tyme mo (p. 191.). 
So pat per corn out of an wode An six pousend of Brutons 
(RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 2J1.). This form of expression, upon 
which also a few alongside of few rests (see the pronoun) has 
been partly preserved in Modern-English: A tedious twelve years 
FLETCHER'S Poems p. 140.). This three months (DAVENPORT in 
Dodsley 0. P. XI. 299.). Thay ware not so hack this seven yeere 
(Mariage of Wit and Wisdome 1579.). A' has been a vile thief ^ 
this seven year SHAKSPEARE Much Ado &c.) where me may take * '' 
year to be the old plural. We have . . most biting laws . . 
Which for this fourteen years we have let sleep (Meas. for Meas.). 
Here also belong: Go with me To bless this twain, that they may 
prosperous be (Temp. 4, 1.). Though my letter may lie upon 
my hands this two months (LADY MONTAGUE). In these cases we 
must not think of the old plural form this instead of these (see 
below). Thus Byron nses the plural all as singular: All are gone 
forth, and of that all how few perhaps return. 

Fractions are ordinarily expressed by a cardinal number as 
numerator and an ordinal number as denominator; and if the 
numerator is more than one, the denominator adopts the termi- 
nation of the plural, receives half as its denominator. We 
frequently find numerator and denominator united by a hyphen: 



288 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I Sect. II. 

What is one half of 30? What is one sixth of 30? If 24 be four 
fifths., what is one fifth? 1 4 Vo or four hundred and twenty-five 
thousandths (CROSSLEY). When we speak of one fraction without 
an antithesis, there stands instead of one also the unaccented a 
or the article the: What is a fifth of the sixth of 30? What is 
the half 'of a fifteenth of 30? (ID.)- Half also stands without an 
article: Multiply a half-penny by a half-penny, that is half by 
naif (ID.). Thus in common life we say half past six in 
counting the hours For \ a quarter also comes in, especially 
with the determination of time and space: aquarterofa hundred, 
of an hour, of a year, of a mile, of a pound. The denominator 
expressed by the ordinal number is, properly, always an adjec- 
tive used as a substantive: the fifth = the fifth part. Half 
also appears as a genuine adjective (Anglosaxon healf, half s. and 
adj.): half a dozen &c. The Anglosaxon forms ofrer, healf, 
priddehealf, sixtehealf &c , in which the adjective halves the 
highest figure of the total number, as in anderthalb &c., are 
usual in Old-English: Thritty winter and thriddehalf yer (HARRO- 
WING OF HELL p. 15.). Yet a half was even then added to 
the total number: A fote and a half long (MAUNDEV. p. 10.), as 
now: A brick and a half; one and a half. 

b) The ordinal numeral expresses adjectively the order or succes- 
sion of the objects in space, in time, or, metaphorically, in an 
ethical sphere, as determined by number. 

With the exception of the first two numbers, Anglosaxon formed 
the ordinal numbers from the cardinal numbers by annexing the 
terminations da, ta, but mostly ofra, whereby a syncope of the 
final n took place. Old-English still has in part the syncopized 
forms, and also sometimes preserves t alongside of th; Modern- 
English equally suffixes ih to the cardinal numbers, with the 
exception of the three first. In the compound ordinal numbers 
th is only added to the last constituent, whereas the preceding 
cardinal numbers remain unchanged. 

1. first, primus, Anglosaxon fyrsta, also seresta, beside these 
forma and formesta, fyrmesta, see above p. 270, Old -English 
firste, furste. 2. second, secundus, Anglosaxon offer = other, Old- 
French secont (d, s, z), Old-English oper and secunde. 3. third, 
tertius, Anglosaxon pridda, Old-English pridde, thrydde. 4. fourth, 
quartus, Anglosaxon feorda, Old-English ferpe, verthe, fowrthe. 
5. fifth, Anglosaxon fifta, Old-English vifte, fyfpe. 6. sixth, sextus, 
Anglosaxon sixta, Old- English sixte, sixpe, sexte. 7. seventh, 
Septimus, Anglosaxon seofocJa, Old-English seuethe and even sene 
(RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 9.), yet also seventhe. 8. eighth, octavus, 
Anglosaxon eahtofra, Old-English ei3tethe, eghte, also aughtene, 
aughtende, eightetene (CHAUCER 4425. Wright). 9. ninth, nonus, 
Anglosaxon nigocTa, Old-English nithe, nynthe. 10. tenth, decimus, 
Anglosaxon teofta, teo*a, Old-English tethe, tenthe. Tithe still oc- 
curs as tenth part. 11. eleventh, undecimus, Anglosaxon eudlyfta, 
Old-English endlefte, endlefpe, eleventhe. 12. twelfth, duodecimus, 
Anglosaxon tvelfta, Old-English tvelfthe. 13. thirteenth, decimus 



I. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. III. The Numerals. 289 

tertius, Anglosaxon preotteocTa, Old-English thretethe, thretenethe. 
14. fourteenth, decimus quartus, Anglosaxon feoverteofra, Old-En- 
glish fowrtethe. 15. fifteenth, decimus quintus, Anglosaxon fifteofra, 
Old-English fyftethe. 16. sixteenth, decimus sextus, Anglosaxon 
sixteofra (Old -English sixtethe). 17. seventeenth, decimus septi- 
mus, Anglosaxon seofonteofra (Old-English seventethe). 18. eigh- 
teenth, decimus octavus, Anglosaxon eahtateofra (Old-English eigh- 
tetethe). 19. nineteenth, decimus nonus, Anglosaxon nigonteoda 
(Old-English nintethe). 20. twentieth, vigesirnus, Anglosaxon tven- 
tugo5*a, Old -English twentipe. 21. 22 sq. twenty-first, twenty- 
second, twenty-third &c. 

The tens from 3090: thirtieth, fortieth, fiftieth, sixtieth, 
seventieth, eightieth, ninetieth, Anglosaxon prittigoda (pritigoda), 
feovertigoda &c., Old-English prittipe, fourtithe &c. need no more 
particular discussion; but the hund prefixed to the ordinal 
numbers from 70 upwards in Anglosaxon, has never, it seems, 
been usual in English*). 

Anglosaxou for 100 the ordinal number teontigofra, tentieth, 
hund, hundred, pusend offer no numeral forms of this sort. 

English offers for 100. hundredth, 1000. thousandth, 1,000,000. 
millionth &c. ; hence 300. three hundredth, but with another number 
after it, 120. hundred and twentieth, 20,010. twenty thousand and 
tenth. 

In ordinal numbers, as* well as in cardinal numbers, the unit 
sometimes comes before the ten: We came the five-and-twentieth 
to Mohatch (LADY MONTAGUE). Mr. Joseph Andrews was now in 
the one-and-twentieth year of his age (FIELDING). Were I still in 
my five-and-twentieth spring (L. BYRON). Old-English: Inpo/owr 
& twentipe ser (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 23.) and so too in An- 
glosaxon. In the reverse position, however, the ten and the unit 
were inflected. See Rask Gramm. ed. Thorpe p. 65. That way 
seems to be limited to the scores. 

The transfer of the termination th to the scores, as in that cited 
by lexicographers fourscorth, octogesimus. 

The ordinal number may, in the appositive relation, assume the 
s of the genitive: Henry the second's progress (GOLDSMITH). 
Alongside of the Romance second, which took the place of other, 
which continues to exist as alter, alius, prime is also in use, 
mosly only in an ethical sense: My prime request, which I do 
last pronounce (SIIAKSPEARE Temp.). 

Instead of the ordinal numbers we find in Modern- as well as 
in Old-English, the cardinal numbers as numbers of years : In the 
year one thousand and sixty-six (W. SCOTT). In Old-English 
we also find the formes confounded : the threttene artycul, the 
fowrtene artycul, the fyftene articul articulus XII1 US XIII U8 
articulus quindecimus (HALLIWELL Early Hist, of Freemas. p. 21.). 
In Chaucer 4424. one manuscript has: It was the eighte and twenty 
day Of April. The ten parte = tenth (TOWNELEY MYST. p. 7.). 



*) I have not found the numerals in parentheses, but formed them by 
analogy. 

Matzner, engl. Gr. I. 1<) 



290 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Parti. Sect. II. 

c) The multiplicative numeral, called in another respect the nume- 
ral of relation, which states how many whole parts an object 
contains and how often the same magnitude is repeated in a whole 
(see Matzner's French Grammar, p. 162.), are formed in English 
by annexing the syllable fold, as in Anglosaxon by -feald, -plex, 
Highdutch fait, faltig (belonging to the Auglosaxon fealdan, pli- 
care) to the cardinal number: twofold, threefold, tenfold, 
a hundredfold, a thousandfold &c., Anglosaxon tyifeald, 
prifeald, tynfeald, with which manifold, Anglosaxon manegfeald, 
multiplex is associated. The Anglosaxon anfeald (onefold) simple, 
has been abandoned, as well as felafeald, multiplex (compare the 
Old-English: by felefold fatter. (PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 243.). In- 
stead of the former single and simple come in, Lat. singulus 
and simplex, simplus, blended in the French simple. Other Ro- 
mance forms are in use in a small number alongside of the Ger- 
manic ones, as double, triple and treble (Modern-French triple, 
Old-French treble), quadruple, quintuple, sextuple, sep- 
tuple, octuple, decuple, centuple. Those going beyond 
sextuple are very rarely employed. 

Numerals ef division (distributiva) were not possessed by the An- 
glosaxon; Old-French employed the Latin singuli, bini, terni &c. in 
another sense, and made up for them in meaning- by juxtapositions, 
as doi et doi, similarly to the Anglosaxon: fif and fif. Old-English: 
Thei gon 2 and 2 togodre (MAUNDEV, p. 234.). A compagnie of ladies 
twey and twey (CHAUCER); and so still: two and two, yet also: by 
twos a nd threes; by tens of thousands (MACAULAY). 



The Pronoun. 

The pronoun, which represents a noun in the sentence, or, more 
correctly, has the nature of a noun, and has thence its name, is, by 
its value and idea, distinguished from a mere sign for a substantive 
or adjective, although it partly serves to avoid the repetition of the 
same noun. 

In their form and descent the English pronouns rest upon the 
Anglosaxon ; the Old-French, which introduced a few indefinite pro- 
nouns, was here of little influence. 

In their meaning the pronouns are divided into several classes: 
A. the personal, with the possessive derived from them, B the de- 
monstrative, C. the interrogatory, D. the relative, E. the indefi- 
nite pronoun. 

A. The Personal Pronoun: 

It has forms for the so-called three persons: the person speaking, 
the person spoken to and the person spoken of, not sharing in the 
conversation, and, generally, the subject spoken of. The second per- 
son, and even the first, can be used of the personified thing. The 
personal pronoun becomes reflective, or referring backwards, if it 
appears as the object in a sentence, in which the notion of activity 
is imagined as reacting upon the subject, the active person or thing, 
itself. For the pronoun used reflectively English has in part streng- 






L The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. IV. Pronoun. A. Personal Pronoun. 291 

thened pronominal forms, which we shall not consider till after the 
discussion of the possessive pronouns proceeding immediately from 
the personal ones, since they partly repose upon the latter, 
a) The three persons of the personal pronoun, in the narrower sense, 
or the fundamental forms for the possessive and the reflective 
pronoun, are undistinguished in gender in the first and the second 
person, but in the singular of the third person are of three gen- 
ders, as in Anglosaxon. They form a plural of the first person, 
in which the speaker comprehends himself with others; the second, 
in which he comprehends several persons spoken to; and the 
third, in which he comprehends several objects spoken about. It 
is throughout without distinction of gender in form. The Anglo- 
Saxon dual of the first and second person has been abandoned. 

The plural of the third person is in Modern-English no longer 
formed from the Auglosaxon he, heo, hit, which is still the 
standard for the singular, but from another demonstrative pronoun 
se (pe), seo (peo), pat, whereas Old-English long preserved the 
genuine plural. 

The genitive of the singular and of the plural comes, as such, 
no longer under review, but has coalesced with the possessive 
pronoun. Old-English still presents some decided genitive forms. 
We exhibit the genitive forms with the rest. 



First Person. 

Sing. Nom. I, ego, Angl. ic, Old-Engl. ic, ich, iche, I 

Gen. mine, mei, Angl. min, Old-Engl. min, mine 

Dat. and Ace. me, mihi, me, Angl. Dat. me, Ace. me'c, me, Old- 
Engl. me, mee 

Plur. Nom. we, nos, Angl. ve, Old-Engl. we, wee 

Gen. our, nostri, nostrum, Angl. user, ure, Old-Engl. oure 

Dat. and Ace. us, nobis, nos, Angl. Pat. us, Ace. usic, us, Old- 
Engl. us 

Second Person. 

Sing. Nom. ihou, tu, Angl. pu, Old-Engl. thou, thow 

Gen. thine, tui, Angl. pin, Old-Engl. thin, thine 

Dat. and Ace. ihee, tibi, te, Angl. Dat. pe, Ace. pec, pe, Old- 
Engl. the, thee 

Plur. Nom. ye, you, vos, Angl. ge, Old-Engl. ye, yee 

Gen. your, vestri, vestrum, Angl. eover, Old-Engl. youre 

Dat. and Ace. you, vos, Angl. Dat. eov, Ace. eovic, eov, Old- 
~}ngl. you 



19* 



202 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. IL 

Third Person. 



Singular. 



masc. 



fern. 



neutr. 



Norn. he, is, Angl. he, 
Old-Engl. he, hee 

Gen. his, ejus, Angl. his, 
Old-Engl. his 

Dat. and Ace. him, ei, eum, Angl. 
Dat. him (heom), 
Ace. hine 


she, ea, Angl. heo, 
Old -English heo 
(hoe), scho, she 
her, ejus, Anglos, 
hire (heore), Old- 
Engl. hire, here 
her, ei, earn, Angl. 
Dat. hire (heore), 
Ace. hi, hig. 


it, id, Angl. hit, 
Old-Engl. hit, hyt, 
it 
its, ejus, Angl. his, 
Old-Engl. his 

it, ei, id, Angl. Dat. 
him (heorn), Ace. 
hit, Old -English 
him, hit, hyt. 



hire, hir, here, Angl. 
hira, (heora) 
hem, Angl. Dat. him 
(heoni), Ace. hie (hig,hi) 



Plural. 

masc. fern, neutr. 
Norn. they, ii, eae, ea, Angl. pa, Old-Engl. heo, hei, hii, hi, Angl. 

hie, hig, hi (f. heo) 
Gen. their, eorum, earum, eorum, 

Anglo, para, (psera) 

Dat. and Ace. them, iis, eos, eas, ea, Angl. 
Dat. pam, (psem), Ace. pa 

The Old-English also had the forms thai, they, thei thare, 
theire thaym, yet in the oblique case it a long time preferred 
hire, hem. See the demonstrative pronoun. Upon she see above 
p. 173. Moreover the Saxon Chronicle 1140 has scse = ea. For 
the dative and accusative of pronouns the form of the dative has 
in general early remained the standard, although both partly coin- 
cided even in Anglosaxon. 

In Modern-English the case common to the dative and the ac- 
cusative with the particles of and to is employed as the substitute 
for the genitive and the dative: of me, to me; of thee, to 
thee; of him, to him; of her, to her; of it, to it; of us, 
to us; of you, to you; of them, to them. In the dative rela- 
tion this happens where its distinction from the accusative appears 
needful. The denoting of the cases by of and to is also very old 



with the pronoun: In the spyt of me (PERCY Rel. p. 2. IL). Thanne 

" " [WRIGHT Popul. Treat, p. 13 
you (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 8.). Many of hem (MAUNDEV. p. 13.). 



ne seo we no3t of hire (WRIGHT Popul. Treat, p. 133.). Som of 



Yt worp an other Troie to pe (Roe. OF GLOUCESTER I. 15.). Then 
begynnys to grufe to us mery chere (TOWNELEY MYST. p. 32.). 
Instances of the genuine genitive form are, on the other hand, 
found; for example, in Piers Ploughman; hir neither (p. 67.); hir 
eyther (p. 212. 446.); hir noon (= none) (p. 237.); hir oon for- 
dooth hir oother (p. 373.). 

In the first- person we find ich late: Ichyll (I will) (SKELTON 
I. 95.). Ich am (102.). The oblique case mee with she e, thee, 



1. The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. IV. Pronoun. A. Personal Pronouns. 293 

wee, yee is still cited by the grammarian Wallis as a regular 
form; in the seventeenth century, however, the enclitic forms 
mostly appear with e: me, she &c. Mommsen Romeo and Juliet 
p. 30. The plural has been long in use instead of the singular 
as a plural of majesty: Duke: Our old and faithful friend, we are 
glad to see you (SHAKSPEARE Meas. for Meas.). Sometimes us 
has been shortened into ': I'll bring thee to the present business 
which now's upon's (SHAKSPEARE Temp,). Let's not quarrel 

(OTWAY). 

The second person is usual in the singular as the address 
among quakers, in poetry in regard to persons and personified 
objects, as well as in prayer as an address to God. It has also 
not gone out of use as an expression for familiarity and affection, 
even mixed with the plural: Thou say'st I preach, Lorenzo! 
(YOUNG N. Th. 2, 62.). Lord my God, Thou art very great 
(Ps. 104, 1.). holy Night! from thee I learn to bear What man 
has borne before (LONGFELLOW). And thou, too, whosoe'er thou 
art, That readest this brief psalin (ID.). Sophia, can I then ruin 
theel (FIELDING T. J.). But it also becomes an expression of 
depreciation and contempt: Damnation seize thee, fool, blockhead! 
(ID.). Even John Wallis says: Singular! vero numero si quis 
alium compellet, vel dedignantis illud esse solet, vel familiariter 
blandientis (p. 92.). Now the plural serves in general as an ad- 
dress without regard to station and relationship, like the singular 
in Old-English. The plural, however, is also early found, as it 
seems, as an expression of courtesy: And ye, sir clerk, lat be 
your schamfastnesse (CHAUCER 842.). Even in the address to Venus 
in Chaucer the plural stands mingled with the singular: And if 
ye wol nat so, my lady sweete, Than pray I the . . Gif me my 
love, thou blisful lady dere (2256.). 

The nominative (also vocative) of the plural ye has in Modern- 
English yielded to you. John Wallis still cites yee as the nomi- 
native, but in the polite address lets you alone pass. Alexander 
Gill gives, as the nominative and vocative ye and you, as the 
accusative, you. You was in the first case used only emphatically, 
as especially in Spenser. In common life, as well as in poetry 
ye still continues alongside of you : And you, the brightest of the 
stars above, Ye saints . . Be witness (Rows). Were you, ye fair, 
but cautious whom ye trust (ID.). Descend, ye Nine! descend and 
sing (POPE). Ye may no more contend (LONGFELLOW). In po- 
pular speech y has been sometimes cast out: Lookee friend! (FiEL- 
DING), Lookf e d'ye see = look ye ! do you see ? Ye also some- 
times appears with an elided e before vowels: Y'are always false 
or silly (Ox WAY). 

In literature even the interchange of the oblique case you with 
ye is widely diffused: A south-west blow on yel (SHAKSPEARE 
Temp.). Vain pomp and glory of the world, I hate ye (ID.). 
Heav'n guard ye all! (OxwAY). The knaves . . laugh at ye (ID.). 
Faith, I'll fit ye (Rows). This hour I throw ye off (CONGREVE). 
I know ye all (I. HUGHES). Hold your tongues, both of ye, says 
the mole (RICHARDSON). I fear ye not, I know ye (L. BYRON). 



294 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II. 

But where of ye, oh tempests! is the gaol? (ID.). I seek ye vainly 
(BRYANT). Bethink ye, before ye make answer (LONGFELLOW). 
For other confusions of cases see below. 

The third person he, which sometimes appears before a con- 
sonsonant shortened into h': Although he had much wit, //'was 
very shy of using it ( BUTLER Hudibr.), is often confounded with 
a (') by the older dramatists, as well as dialectically by the un- 
educated: Who e'er a 1 was, ' show'd a mounting mind (SnAK- 
SPEARE Love's L. L. 4. 1.). Let him take no delight nor no 
penance; but ' must fast three days a week (IB. 1. 2.); and often: 
A troublesome old blade . . but a' keeps as good wines . . as any 
in the whole country (GOLDSMITH). This a even serves for all 
genders he, she, it, as, for instance, in Herefordshire, as well 
as ou in Gloucestershire; a is also used for they in Shropshire. 

A shortening of they into th' is not unknown to the more easy 
style: And till th' were storm'd and beaten out, Ne'er left the 
fortified redoubt (BUTLER). 

In Modern-English we frequently find 'em instead of them in 
poetry as well as in common life: He has lost his fellows, And 
strays about to find "em (SHAKSP. Temp.). Go you, and give ''em 
welcome and reception (OTWAY). Ere long I mean to meet 'em 
face to face (Rows). ,,The sceptre and the golden wreath of 
royalty Seem hung within my reach." Then take ""em to you 
And wear ''em long and worthily (ID.). Summon 'm, Assemble 
'em: I will come forth and shew Myself among "em (Tn. SOUTHERN). 
This em is widely diffused dialectically and answers to the old 
hem (not them), which still lives in the Western dialects, where 
it is also confounded with he and him. 

In Old-English the dative form it: him, and the accusative 
form hit, it were usual, yet both were frequently made equal to 
each other in usage: It receyvethe into him 40 othere ryvers 
(MAUNDEV. p. 7.). To don it (Dat.) worschipe and reverence 
(p. 165.). An interchange of he with it is also found: And alle 
be it so, that it (the tree, Anglosaxon n.) be drye, natheles 3it 
he berethe gret vertue (ID. p. 69.). Dialectically even now he 
appears for it in all cases. 

The confusion of the oblique case of pronouns and the nomi- 
native, specimens of which in the literary language have already 
been cited, is widely diffused in the popular dialects. Thus I is 
used instead of me, he instead of him, she instead of her &c. 
and conversely, for instance, in Yorkshire, Hampshire, Gloucester- 
shire, Warwickshire, Worcestershire, Herefordshire &c. This con- 
fusion is also to be met with in the written language. The em- 
ployment of the oblique case for the nominative is analogous to 
the French manner of employing moi, toi, lui as nominatives, and 
is old: Lord, y-worshiped be the (PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 181.). This 
mostly happens where the pronoun does not proclitically precede 
its verb, and, generally, where a particular emphasis seems to 
rest upon the pronoun: Nor thee nor them, thrice noble Tambur- 
laine, Shall want my heart to be with gladness fill'd (MARLOWE I, 
p. 30.). Scotland and thee did each other live (DRYDEN). We 



/. The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. IV. Pronoun. A. Personal Pronouns. 295 

shall shortly see which is the fittest objeet of scorn you or me 
(GOLDSMITH). Better than him, I am before, knows me (SHAK- 
SPEARE As You like it 1 , 1 .). I would not be thee, nuncle (KiNG 
L. 1, 4.). The converse case is more striking in the written lan- 
guage. Passages of this sort, as well as of the former, in Spen- 
cer and Shakspeare, have been expunged by critics; but even the 
later confusion is not to be wholly denied, in which we of course 
disregard those cases in which the adjectives are used substanti- 
vely. One instance is the above mentioned form ye (see p. 284.). 
and: That I kiss aught but he (SHAKSP. Cymb. 2. 3.). You have 
seen Cassio and she together (Oxn. 4, 2.), where Collier has her; 
Earth up hath swallowed all my hopes but she (RoM. AND JUL. 
1, 2.), where Mommsen regards the words ,all my hopes but she' 
as blended into one single uninflected substantive, to which I could 
not assent. She as an accusative is found, even in the fourteenth 
century, in Adam Davie. See Mommsen's Romeo and Juliet 
p. 26. Delius's Shakspeare Lexicon p. XIX. Compare also the 
striking passage: And the we, Following the signs, woo'd but the 
sign of she (SHAKSP. Love's L. L. 5, 2.). 

b) The possessive pronoun presents itself in two different forms, 
one standing attributively in immediate connection with, and be- 
fore the substantive, the other outside of this connection. Both 
(with the exception of its) are derived from the Anglosaxon geni- 
tive. They are, in Modern-English, incapable of inflection; case 
prepositions, as well as other prepositions, stand before the attri- 
butive pronoun and its substantive, as well as before the uncon- 
nected pronoun, which can also be used substantively. In the 
third person, three genders of the singular are distinguished. 

Connected possessive pronouns are: 

) those proceeding from the singular: 

my (mine), Anglosaxon min, Old-English min, mine, my, mi. 
thy (thine), Anglosaxon pin, Old-English thin, tbine, thy, thi. 
m. his, Anglosaxon his (but also possessive sin), Old-En gl. his. 
f. her, Anglosaxon hire, Old-English hir, her, hire, here, 
n. its, Anglosaxon his, Old-English his. 

/?) those proceeding from the plural: 
our, Anglosaxon user (ure), our, oure. 
your, Anglosaxon eover, Old-English your, youre. 
their, Anglosaxon para (psera), Old-English hir, her, hire, here, 
heore (Anglosaxon hira) and their, theire &c. 

Unconnected, corresponding to those: 

mine thine his, hers, its -- ours yours theirs. 
In the Anglosaxon his (English his), hire (English her) and 
hira as well as para (English their, Old-English hire &c.) were 
in use only as genitives. The adjective sin, suus, not ejus, 
could hardly be found in Old-English. The Anglosaxon also, from 
the dual of the first two persons formed the possessives uncer 
and incer (Greek vMi'iin^s and affonrsnos^ which have not passed 
into English. 



29 G Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II. 

My^ thy are abbreviations from mine, thyne, forms of the pro- 
noun mostly appearing proclitically. Old-English fluctuated at 
first between min, thin and mi, thi, where they stand before 
the substantive: myn soule and my lif (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I, 30.). 
pi sostren and pyn sustren (IB. 31.). Yet the usage speedily 
establishes itself of bringing in the fuller form before vowels and 
#, and of casting off the n before other consonants: Thin highe 
pride (MAUNDEV. p. 18.). Do of thin hosen and thi schon (p. 59.). 
Rys up, my wif, my love, my lady fre (CHAUCER 10012.). With 
thin eyghen columbine (10015.). Thow hast me wounded in myn 
hert (10019.)- Myn owne name (1558.). In Modern -English 
before vowels and a mute h, mine and thine are still often used, 
although Shakspeare, for instance, as well as moderns, have still 
sometimes the full forms before an aspirated #, as well as before 
a consonant y, like the Old-English: Give every man thine ear, 
but few thy voice (SHAKSPEARE Haml.). Without the . . true 
avouch Of mine own eyes (IB.). See Delius's Shaksp. Lex. 
p. XIX. Thy glorious day is o'er, but not thine years of shame 
(L. BYRON). My chiefest joy Is to contribute to thine every wish 
(ID.). Look, then, into thine heart (LONGFELLOW). And tears 
came to mine eye (ID.). The strength of thine own arm (ID.). 
Grammarians reprove this usage, widely diffused, especially in 
poetry. 

If the possessive s derived from the first and second person stand 
attributively after their substantive, they have the fuller form, as 
in Old-English. Old-English: Brother myn (CHAUCER 9365.). Gri- 
silde myn (8927.). Arcita, cosyn myn (1283.); in moderns: I say 
that ye be seruauntys myne (SKELTON I. 231.). You brother mine 
(SHAKSPEARE Temp. 5, 1.). 

His was in Old-English the possessive pronoun referred to the 
third person of the masculine and neuter gender. Its (often also 
spelt it's, as her's, our's and your's was formerly frequently 
written) referred to the neuter, occurring at first also without an 
s as it, ith, and which was still unknown to Spenser, was formed 
in Shakspeare's age, in whom it rarely occurs. The grammarian 
Alexander Gil does not cite it; John Wallis, on the other hand, 
calls it the possessive of it. See Mommsen's Romeo and Juliet 
p. 22. It rarely occurs as an unconnected pronoun. 

The connection of the possessive pronoun of the third person 
(his) with a substantive, especially a proper name, in the genitive, 
to which the inflection is then usually wanting, is peculiar: In 
characters as red as Mars his heart (SHAKSP. Troil. and Cr. 5, 2.). 
An if my brother had my shape, And I had his, Sir liobert his 
(KiNG JOHN 1. ed. Collier). Vincentio his son (TAMING of the 
Shr. 1,1. where Collier has Vincentio's). The duke his gallies 
(TWELFTH N. 3, 3. in Collier The county's g.). For Jesus Christ 
his sake (English Liturgy). In: Here repose Angelo's, Alfieri's 
bones, and his The starry Galileo (L. BYRON) the position is 
reversed. Strange to say, in the seventeenth century, as some 
English grammarians do even now, the s of the genitive was de- 
rived from this, which has still its analogy in Lowdutch: Yatter 



I. The Parts of Speech. A. Nouns. IV. Pronoun. A. Personal Pronouns. 297 

sin hiis; mutter er dok; den sm garen (ejus hortus) &c. Although 
the subjoined pronoun in this case makes the inflection of the 
substantive superfluous, it is originally nothing else than a pleo- 
nastic repetition of the substantive notion by the pronoun, which 
is especially familiar to Old -English in the personal pronoun: 
He Tityus; lie Moyses &c. (CHAUCER). And there Sir Gawaine 
Tie her wed (PERCY Rel. p. 201. I.). The tanner he tooke his 
good cow-hide (IB. 111. II.). And slough him Oliphernus (CHAU- 
CER 9242.). And made him Mardoche . . euhaunced for to be 
(9247.). That ilke weddyng merye Of his Philologie and he (him 
Tyrwh.) Mercuric (9608.). 

The Old-English used particularly hire, here as the possessive 
for the third person of the plural: They holden here grete con- 
seilles (MAUNDEV. p. 16.).; yet the pronoun now in use is also 
found: Thare provand (TOWNELEY MYST. p. 9.). With alle thare 
entent (p. 22.). 

The joining of the s in the unconnected pronouns hers, its, 
ours, yours, theirs, which is wanting in mine and thine, 
manifestly arose from the s of the genitive, and has been trans- 
ferred from the genuine genitive his not only to it, but also to 
the others, even Anglosaxon possessives and the genitives her, 
their. Mine and thine might have been protected from the 
joining on of the s by the attributive forms my, thy having been 
early, with few exceptions, separated in usage from those standing 
alone, mine, thine. The image of a syntactical genitive relation 
perceptible in an s was, moreover, with the disconnected forms, 
close, and was perhaps connected the recollection of the primitive 
genitive forms, which certainly lacked s in Anglosaxon. The s 
is found early even in Old-English, although not constantly: The 
dyversitee that is betwene oure feythe and theires (MAUNDEV. p. 20.); 
on the other hand: Noght aftir oure lawe, but aftir here (p. 80.). 
This gold is nought oures (4201.). Horn to myn hous, or ellis 
unto y oures (14200.). He was, pardy, an old felaw of youres 
(14087.). "Whether it be likir oure professioun Or heris that swyrn- 
men in possessioun (CHAUCER 7508.); on the other hand: I wol 
be your in all that ever I may (16716.). Whan ye been his all 
hole, as he is your (ID. Troil. and Cr. II. 587.). So still later: 
I am all yours (SK ELTON I. 204.). I ani your in every pointe 
(IB. 49.). The forms, hisn, hern, ourn, yourn are dialectical. 

The substantive use of the unconnected pronouns in the plural, 
as a term for persons, without reference to a preceding substan- 
tive (mei, tui, sui, nostri, vostri) is in use in Old-, as well as in 
Modern-English: Old-English: pat where Brut and his (ROB. OF 
GLOUCESTER I. 21.). To pe & to alle pyne (p. 15.). In the spyte 
of thyne and of the (PERCY Rel. p. 3. I.). : Modern-English In a 
few hours The tempest may break out which overwhelms thee 
And thine and mine (L. BYRON). The deadliest foe of all our 
race, And hateful unto me and mine (LONGFELLOW). 

Anglosaxon declined the possessive pronouns and distinguished 
in part the genders and numbers by their terminations. Old -En- 
glish offers, except for my, thy, forms with and without e at the 



298 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. II. 

end, which however belong for the greatest part both to the sin- 
gular and to the plural and to the different genders. Traces are 
nevertheless to be found that the forms in e, which seein to belong 
to the feminine oftener than to the masculine in the singular, 
belong especially to the plural. This is decidedly the case in 
Piers Ploughman with regard to the forms his and hise, the 
latter of which as a plural formed after another word, belongs 
adjectively and substantively to the plural. Compare: Hise wordes, 
hise eris, hise bulles (p. 5.). Hise goodes (p. 288.). To God . . 
And so to hise seintes (p. 289.). For hym and for alle hise (suos) 
(p. 261.). Compare also passages like the following: As a mayde 
. . Hire moder forsaketh, Hir fader and alle hire frendes (p. 289.); 
whereas hir, eorum, earum = French leur, remains unchanged: 
Hir wittes (p. 297.). Hir robes (p. 309.).' Thus also min, thin 
commonly stand alongside of my, thy in the singular and plural, 
yet mine, thine seem used particularly in the plural: pine fon 
bep in ech half (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER 1. 114.). Al pat ssal come 
by pyne day (= Anglosaxon dagum) & by myne nogt (p. 291.). 

'. sometimes appears as the abbreviation of his and even V of 
our: How fares the king and \<? followers? (SIIAKSPEARE Temp.). 
There's not a hair on 's head (Two Gentlem.). By V lakin! 
(Temp. 3, 3.). 

c) The reflective pronoun was originally naught else but the perso- 
nal one in a particular syntactical relation. Although even in An- 
glosaxon the pronoun strengthened by silf, sylf, ipse, which is 
not merely reflective, likewise occurred in a reflective relation, 
this was far from being deemed necessary. 

Thus in Old-English also the un strengthened forms were com- 
monly employed at the same time reflectively: Heo garkeden hem 
(they made themselves ready) (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 15.). Hii 
armed hem (II. 405.). Sche turned hire toward him (MAUNDEV. 
p. 24.). Some men hasten hem and peynen hem (p. 58.). And 7 
wole erely schappe me therfore (CHAUCER 811.). And thanne 
schalfcw nought repente the (9360.). And spedith you faste (9801.). 
A cook thei hadde with hem (381.). Modern -English has not 
abandoned this usage in poetry, and has often preserved it even 
in prose, especially if the reflective pronoun depends upon a pre- 
position: There will she hide her (SHAKSPEARE Much Ado. &c.). 
Signor Antonio commends him to you (Merch. of Ven.); and so: 
/ do repent me; prepare thee\ haste thee; two such opposed foes 
encamp them &c. (ID.). To their salute he bends him slightly 
(L. BYRON). And sportive dolphins bend them through the spray 
(ID.). They sate them down beside the stream (SOUTFIEY). Here 
will we rest us (LONGFELLOW). He looks about him with doubt- 
ful face (ID.). The captive yields him to the dream of freedom 
(BRYANT). He speeds him toward the olive grove (ID.). - - The 
young prince promised to take upon him the obligations &c. (W. 
SCOTT). My uncle stopped here for a minute to look about him 

(DlCKENS). f 

The strengthened forms of the personal pronoun, which are 
employed reflectively, especially in prose, have arisen from forms 



1. The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. IV. Pronoun. A. Plural Pronouns. 299 

of personal pronouns with self appended. They of course occur 
unreflectively also, as is always the case in the nominative, partly, 
appositively, as in: 'Tis he himself I (RowE). The townhall itself 
. . was in imminent peril (MACAULAY); partly without a preceding 
pronoun or substantive: Myself will decide it (WEBSTER). I ain 
myself; but call me what you please (Tn. SOUTHERN). May male- 
dictions fall and blast Thyself and lineage! (LONGFELLOW). They 
form plural forms and are capable of the periphrastic case forma- 
tion by of and to, as well as of the construction with other pre- 
positions. 

The strengthened personal pronouns, appearing only in one form 
at once, and whose origin is not quite cleared up, are the fol- 
lowing: 

Singular: 1. Person myself. "2. Person thyself. 

Plural: (ourself) ourselves. (yourself) yourselves. 

Singular: 3. Person m. himself. f. herself. n. itself. 
Plural: themselves, Old-En gl. hemself, hemselven. 

In Anglosaxon silf, sylf, self, seolf was only an adjective, which 
used to be associated with the personal pronoun in the same case 
and number to strengthen it: ic silf, he selfa, his silfes, me sil- 
fum &c , in which strong mingle with weak forms of the silf. 
According to Rask ed. Thorpe p. 54. in the Anglosaxon nominative 
the dative of the personal pronoun is sometimes found prefixed 
to the silf: pu pe self &c., according to Grimm 4, 360. in the 
gen. S. f. the possessive pronoun sometimes instead of the per- 
sonal pronoun: minre selfre. Grimm in another place explains 
the forms myself, thyself, ourselves, yourselves, them- 
selves as genitive forms, when also the s in ourselves, your- 
selves, at present passing as the sign of the plural, answering 
to the s in ours, yours, would be to be regarded as that of 
the genitive, and only it remain standing as the nominative, him, 
them as primitive datives, whereas in her, the genitive and 
dative are confounded. The confusion of cases might cause the 
genitive forms at first dependent to be thereafter used indepen- 
dent by, and the oblique cases him, them to find a farther sup- 
port in the Old-French lui ineisme &c., as well as it to be pre- 
served in distinction to him. However, since in Anglosaxon, as 
well as in Old-Highdutch, the interchange of the genitive of the 

Ssrsonal pronoun with the possessive pronoun occurs, and in 
Id-English the distinction of a genitive from the possessive, allied 
in form, in the pronoun standing before a noun, early disappeared, 
so that the possessive alone was seen, the invasion of the posses- 
sive in those forms might, not wholly without reason, be asserted, 
to which the opinion that self was regarded as a substantive is 
nowise requisite. I find, however, in Old-English, hardly even in 
the latest times, an s in ours, yours analogous to the s in our- 
selves, yourselves, themselves, as Old-English always offers self, 
selve and selven; that s, as a real sign of the plural, seems to 
belong to a modern period. A peculiar analogy to self is afforded 
by one in Old-English, in alike sense: Walkyng myn one (= my- 
self, alone) (PIERS PLOUGIIM. p. 154.). That oon doth, alle dooth, 



300 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part L Sect. 1L 

And ech dooth bi his one\ for which later stands by himselfe 
(p. 341.). I mine on (CHAUCER Dr. 1019.). - - For themselves 
northern dialects have theirsels, in analogy to ourselves &c. Com- 
pare: They had gret desyre to prove their selfes (FKOYSSAUT'S 
CRONYCLE). Self passes in English primarily as an adjective, ipse, 
idem: In the selce place (CHAUCER 11706.). In that selve moment 
(2586.). Thy selve neyghebour (4535.); and so stilt with the 
moderns (see Hilperts Dictionary s. v.), also in composition with 
same: The self-same thing (SHAKSPEAKE Love's L. L. 1, 2.). Thou 
by the self-same means I learned, inay'st learn it (H. WALPOLE). 

In Old-English the compounds of self, selve, selveu with 
pronouns are commonly so employed that the import of a sub- 
stantive is manifestly not attributed to the self: At po last he 
was hym self yslawe (Roe. OF GLOUCESTER I. 19.). Righte as 
him self seyde (MAUNDEV. p. 97.). Why I suffre or noght suffre 
Thiself hast noght to doone (PIERS PLOUGIIM. p. 224.). He moste 
himselven hyde (CHAUCER 1479.). I wot my selve best (9334.). 
Scho bad me dereliche drawe, and drynke to Inrselfene (MoRTE 
ARTHURE in HALLIWELL s. v. dereliche)^ 

Yet we cannot disguise that, even early, self is also regarded 
as a substantive: Myself hath ben the whippe (CHAUCER 5757.). 
Who so . . thurgh arghnesse his owne self forgetith (HOCCLEVE 
P. p. 56.); and this is the case down to the latest time. Attri- 
butive determinations frequently precede the self, when the pro- 
noun always stands in the form of the possessive: Euin My verie 
oune selfe it was (JACK JUGLER). To thine own self be true 
(SHAKSP. Harnl ). The miuistery . . hurried thence me and thy 
crying self (Temp.). Their proper selves (IB.). The substance of 
your perfect self (Two Gentlem. &c.). To our gross selves (Meas. 
for Meas.). What I show, thyself may freely on thyself bestow 
(DRYDEN). My very self was yours (OTWAY). The truth . . Which 
here to this my other self I vow (Rows). He feels of all his 
former self possest (L. BYRON). The construction of self with the 
genitive is not rare. It is also used as a substantive without any 
more particular determination: Orpheus' self may heave his head 
(MILTON). 'Tis Phoebus' self (THOMSON). Agis, who saw Even 
Spartas" 1 self to servile avarice sunk (ID.). Till Glory 1 s self is 
twilight (L.BYRON). Self is an eloquent advocate (MACKLIN). A 
truth, which . . purifies from self (L. BYRON). Then, all forgetful 
of self, she wandered into the village (LONGFELLOW). 

The 6 1 in ourselves, yourselves &c. as a sign of the plural, 
is by subsequent writers, and even in Modern-English, found to 
be absent where a plural comes in question: Let vs not apply 
our selfe therto (SKELTON I. 205.). County ng themselfe clerkes 
(207.). Learning is but an adjunct to our self, And where we are, 
our learning likewise is (SHAKSPEARE Love's L. L. 4, 3.). In 
modern times ourself, yourself frequently appear instead of 
the plural forms, where one (especially an exalted) person speaks 
in the plural of himself, or the pronoun is referred to a one per- 
son addressed as you: We create, in absence of ourself, Our 
uncle York lord governor of England (SHAKSPEARE Rich. II.). 



/. The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. IV. Pronoun. A. Plural Pronouns. 301 

We have saved ourself that trouble (says the writer) (FIELDING). 
You, my Prince, yourself a soldier will redress him (L. BYRON). 
You have made yourself to me a father (Ox WAY). Yet this is 
departed from with regard to ourselves. 

To the indefinite pronoun, not referring to definite persons, one's 
self is substituted, in which the substantive character attributed 
to the self explains the genitive: Out of love to one's self, one 
must speak better of a friend than an enemy (FIELDING). 

B. The demonstrative pronoun points to the object as a sen- 
suous one, present in space and time, then, in a wider sense, to the 
object already named and known. So far as it points to an object 
just about to be spoken of, it has been called pointing forwards 
and determinative. 

The demonstrative pronouns of Modern-English are this, that 
and yon (yond, yonder), the two former of which have a plural form, 
the latter remains unchanged in the plural. They stand both attri- 
butively and absolutely. Yon, which occurs but seldom and mostly 
only in poets, hardly ever appears except attributively. None of them 
having any case forms, the case prepositions of and to serve to make 
up for these. 

Singular: this, hie, haec, hoc, Anglosaxon m Nom. pes, f. peos, n. 

pis, Old-English this. 
Plural: these, Anglosaxon m. f. n. nom. and accus. 

pas, yet even in Anglosaxon pis stands 

as the nominative of all genders of 

the singular and plural; Old-English 

this, thise, these. 
Singular: that, ille, ilia, illud, Anglosaxon m. nom. se (pe), f. seo 

(peo), n. that, Old-English that. 
Plural; those, (Angl. pas) Anglosaxon m. f. n. nom. and accus. 

pa, Old-English thai, thei, especially 

tho, but also those. 

Plural- ' I ^ on '> y n d-> yonder, Anglosaxou only adverb geond, jand, 

ille, ilia, illud illuc, Gothic adverb jaind, jaindre, 

= txu, pronoun jains, jaina, jainata, 

Old-norse hinn, hin, hitt; Old-Engl. 

yonne, yond, yonder. 

This and these seem forms subsequently dissimilate'd, both having 
the Anglosaxon pis for their foundation, since in Old-English they 
both have the same sound or are only distinguished by an e sub- 
joined in the plural, pis is commonly the plural in Robert of 
Gloucester, and it is found even in the sixteenth century: Take this 
our thankes (SKELTON I. 194.). Fye on this dyce (45.). This nonnes 
(241.). This freers (IB.). Alongside of it thise is early in use: 
Alle thise floodes (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 24.) in Piers Ploughman, Chau- 
cer and so on. These is the later form, formerly theise also was 
found: of theise 4 (MAUNDEV. p. 136.); theose is likewise cited. 
These occurs dialectically for the singular. 

That is the neuter in the singular of that pronoun which in 



302 Doctrine of the Word, The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II. 

thei, them has assumed the place of the personal pronoun of the 
third person in the plural. The plural those, which is referred to 
that, has developed itself from the Anglosaxon plural pas belonging 
to this, while Old-English had also the genuine plural form tho: 
po twei children (Rou. OF GLOUCESTER I. 110.). In the dust and 
in the powder of tho hilles (MAUNDEV. p. 17.). Thou schalt be wed- 
ded unto oon of tho, That have for the so moche care and wo (CiiAU- 
CER 2353.); still in Skelton: All tho that were on my partye (I. 202.); 
on the other hand even those: Of those that welle has wroght (Tow- 
NEL, MYST. p. 22.). 

The pronoun this is, like se, seo, pat even in Auglosaxon, 
often weakened into an article in Old-English. See the article. In 
Modern-English this and that (the latter along with its relative 
signification) maintain their demonstrative character, and in opposition 
this is applied to the nearer, that to the more remote abject: What 
conscience dictates to be done, or warns me not to do, This teach 
me more than hell to shun, That more than heaven pursue (POPE); 
then they enter into the opposition generally without this reflection: 
The clangorous hammer in the tongue, This way, that way beaten 
and swung (LONGFELLOW), Where they stand alone, the employment 
of them is more confided to the conception of individuals; yet the 
immediately present is naturally mostly denoted by this, as the 
reference to the temporal present especially demands this: This day, 
be bread and peace my lot (POPE); when spaces of time also are 
considered, which comprehend also the immediate present or extend 
up to it: They told me . . that, without some traditional shrugs, 
which had been on the stage these hundred years, I could never pretend 
to please (GOLDSMITH). 

As a pronoun pointing forwards and referred to a relative cor- 
relative that, those, alone are used, alongside of which he, she 
and they with their cases appear in the sense of the Highdutch 
derjenige. In Old-English tho and the personal hii (plural) belong 
also to this class. Old-English readily used the plural substantively 
together with a substantive determination (with of) of persons: Hii 
of Denemarch flowe sone (Roe. OF GLOUCESTER II. 378.). Frarn hem 
of Denemarche (I. 295.). It was told us of hem of the contree (MAUN- 
DEV. p. 298.). Whan thei of the contree herden it (p. 293.); in Shak- 
speare: They in France, of the best rank (HAMLET). 

Dialects still frequently substitute them for those. 

Yon, yond, yonder, the Highdutch jener, seems to incline in form 
chiefly to the Anglosaxon and Gothic pronoun ; the pronoun was wan- 
ting in Anglosaxon as well as in Old-Saxon. All Modern-English 
forms are found in the more ancient language: My trouth is plight 
to yonne Skottish knyght (PERCY Rel. p. 8. I.). $om song kuyghte 
(HALLIWELL s. v.). Tone man (PERCEVAL 1266.). Into yond hole 
fayu wold I crepe (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 15.). Take yond ploghe (p. 18.). 
Yond man (198.). Seest thou not Yonder hall, Ellen? (PERCY Rel. 
p. 210. I.). The Old-Scottish has also yon, yond, they are also 
cited in English dictionaries in the seventeenth century (Engl. Diet. 
1691.). The moderns often write yon', as if d or even der were 
cast off, whereas yon is certainly the genuine pronominal form, and 



L The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. IV. Pronoun. B^emonstrat. Pronouns. 303 

most frequently use yon and yonder: Tho' by yon Heav'n I love 
thee (Rows). By yon great ruling planet of the night! (OTWAY). 
View yon" vale of palms (J. HUGHES). Yon flow'ry arbours, yonder 
alleys green (MILTON). Nigh yon mountain (POPE). Yonder angry 
clouds Are big with spouting fires (H. WALPOLE). 1 will alight at 
yonder spring (LONGFELLOW). Used substantively it stands in the 
popular: What's yon? 

Thilke, thilk, Anglosaxon pylic, pylc (i. e. py-lic), talis, was used 
in Old-English in verse and prose for talis, is (qui), hie: Hors and 
Hengist . . Come to Kent pil/ce tyme (Roo. OF GLOUCESTER I. 111.). 
And dryve a3eyn ouer pe se pilke pat he nolde (124.). At thilke 
tyme (CHAUCER 3542). Al goth thilke weye (3035.). Thilke juge is 
wys, that soone understondeth a matier (Tale of Melib. p. 328. Wright). 
The long abandoned pronoun has been preserved as thilk in Glou- 
cestershire, in other dialects as thec, thick, thuck = that. 
Alongside of it ilke, ilk., .Anglosaxon ylc (i. e. y-lic), idem, which is 
to be distinguished from ilk = each, was in use, commonly with this, 
that before it, as in the Anglosaxon seylca, pat y lea: This like 
worthi knight (CHAUCER G4.). That ilk man which that now hath 
the (5600.). But tel me this ilke How I may save my soule (PiERS 
PLOUGHM. p. 20.). 

Their place is occupied in Modern-English by such, talis, un- 
changed in the plural, Anglosaxon svelic, svilc, svylc (Gothic svaleiks), 
Old-English swylke, swiche, also selke (DAME SIRIZ p. 5. 9.); slike 
(HALLIWELL s. v.), and syke: Herde ye euer syke another? (SKELTON 
I. 260.), which answers to the Highdutch: solcher, derjenige, 
and the same, idem, likewise standing in the singular and plural, 
which is wanting in Anglosaxon in which only the adverb: same, 
item, pariter, saman, simul, and sam- in composition = Latin con 
occurs, and whence the Old-English sam, same, in same, sarnen, sa- 
myn = together is derived: Alle sam (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 27.). Trus 
sam, pack together (IB. 28.). The pronoun corresponds to the Old- 
norse sami, sama, sama, in the strong form samr, som, samt, Gothic 
sama, samo, samo, 6 <:.-'ro,, with an article before it, as in English. 
It is strengthened by the self, very prefixed: the self same, the 
very same &c.; and, like the Old-English ilke has also the pronoun 
that before it: That same Biron I'il torture ere i go (SHAKSP. Love's 
L. L. 5, 2.). What lady is that same? (2, 1.). Those same precious 
metals of the history of which he can so learnedly descant (BULWER). 
The older language has also this same: This same is he that slo 
his brother (TowNEL. MYST. p. 18.). The ancient pronominal form 
samyne is remarkable: That samyne shalle bend Unto us (TowNEL. 
MYST. p. 94.). \ 
C. The Interrogative Pronoun. 

The interrogative pronoun refers to an object or its quality, 
which is to be determined in another sentence, the answer. The 
interrogative pronoun accordingly points to an object, a person or 
thing, which is to be given by the answer, and is then used sub- 
stantively, or disconnectedly; or, it has reference to the quality of 
an object, which is to be contained in the answer. The pronoun 
stands in a direct as well as in an indirect question. The pronouns 



304 Doctrine of the W^d. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 11. 

considered here are who, what, whether and which. Only wh'o 
has preserved case forms, what and which make up by of and to 
for the lost case forms; the obsolete whether no longer forms any 
cases. 

Plural forms are not distinguished from singular forms, so far 
as these pronouns are used in the plural. 

Singular and Plural: Nom. who, quis? Anglosaxon hva, Old- 

Engl. wha, who, Old- 
Scottish wha, quha 

Gen. whose (of whom), Anglosaxon hvas, Old- 
En gl. whas, whos. 

Dat. (to) whom Anglos, hvam (hvam) 

Ace. whom Anglos, hvoue (hvane), 

Old-E n gl . wham , whom 

Sing, and Plur.: Nom. what, quid? and qualis? qui? Angl. hvat, Old- 

Engl. what 

Gen. of what Anglosaxon hvas 

Dat. to what Anglos, hvam 

(hvain) 
Ace. what Anglos, hvat 

Sing, and Plur.: Nom. which, quis, quid? properly qualis, quale? 
Anglosaxon hvylic, hvylc, hvilc, Old-English whilk, 
whiche. Genitive of which. Dative to which. Ace. 
which. 

Singular: Nom. and Ace. whether, uter, utra, utrum? Anglos, hvafrer, 
Old-English wether, wheder. 

Who asks after persons; its old genitive corresponds only to the 
possessive genitive relation: Whose shall Monimia be? -- No matter 
whose (OTWAY). Whose is the crime, but the false satrap's? (L. BY- 
RON). The Anglosaxon Instrumental, which was common to hva and 
the neuter hvat, hvy, hve, hu, has transformed itself into the 
adverbial why? and how? The form of the dative has, as with 
other pronouns, become that of the oblique cases. 

What, properly the neuter of who, still stands disconnected as 
a neuter; it then asks after the What of the thing and the nature 
of the thing: Whafs the matter? What is it, my dear? (DICKENS). 
What are you doing? (WEBST.). Yet this disconnected what also asks 
* er the quality of persons: What are you? as in Old-Fnglish and 
Anglosaxon: What is this womman, quod I, So worthili atired? 
(PiERS PLOUHGM. p. 29.). But what they were, nothing yit he woot 
(CHAUCER 1705.). Anglosaxoii: Hvat is pes? Quis est hie? (MATTIL 
4, 41 ). And thus this neutral what passes from the predicative 
into the attributive relation and stands as an adjective with substan- 
tives, as qualis, qui? in the plural as well as in the singular: I know 
what book that is (WEBST ). What cause withholds you then to mourn 
for him? (SFIAKSPEARE J. C.). On the tendency of the same work, 
what three people will agree? (BULWER). Whereas hvat in Anglo- 
Saxon has only a genitive after it, Old-English even makes that transi- 
tion: What man . . schuld of his wepynge stinte? (CriArcER 2, p. 324. 



1. The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. IV. Pronoun. C. Interrog. Pronouns. 305 

Wright). The union of what with an a added, often in an emotional 
question, in use as in Highdutch for centuries, rests upon the same 
process : What a fair lady ! and beside her What a handsome, grace- 
ful, noble rider! (LONGFELLOW). Even Old-English has which a: 
Either asked oother . . Which a light and a leme Lay bifore helle 
(PiERS PLOUGHMAN p. 376.)- The fur inserted in was fiir ein in 
Highdutch, to be pointed out in Germany since the sixteenth century, 
is so also in English: What is he for a vicar? what is he for a lad? 
(HALLIWELL v. for), even in Palsgrave. For here expresses originally 
the determination of a purpose, which touches on the idea of equality; 
united with the what, which asks after the quality of the thing, it 
makes up the question for the notion of a sort: What is he, for a 
vicar? What, in his purpose as a vicar, is he? For what as an 
indefinite pronoun see below: somewhat. 

Which even in its Anglosaxon fundamental form, unites with the 
meaning qualis? the meaning quis?: Hvylc is mm modor ? (MARC. 3, 
33) = Who is my mother? and the French quel? and lequel? It 
asks partly after the quality of an object, partly after the object which 
is to be determined among several with regard to its outward 
existence, and stands, both connectedly and disconnectedly, both for 
persons and things: Which woman was it? Which is the house? 
(WEBST.). Which is the villain? . . Which of these is he? (SHAKSP. 
Much Ado &c.). Butler consented to perform the salute without 
marking for which of the two princes it was intended (MACAULAY). 
The spring, the summer, The childing autumn, angry winter, change 
Their wonted liveries; and the 'mazed world, By their increase, now 
knows not which is which (SHAKSP. Mids. N Dr. 2, 1.). With the 
last passage compare the Old-English: Sche wiste nat who was who 
(CHAUCER 4299.); and below: whether. 

Whether = which of two, which is equivalent to the conjunction 
utrum, an, as well as in Anglosaxon, stood in Anglosaxon both con- 
nectedly and disconnectedly, and, as being of three genders, referred to 
persons and things. It is now obsolete; the translation of the bible, 
presents it: Whether of them twain did the will of his father (MATTH. 
21. 31.). Whether is greater, the gift or the altar? (23, 19.). Shew 
whether of these two thou hast chosen (ACTS 1, 24.). The popular 
language has: I can not tell whether is whether "I cannot distinguish 
the one from the other." 

D. The Relative Pronoun. 

The relative pronoun points to a preceding or supposed sub- 
stantive notion. It is adapted to avoid the repetition of a preceding 
substantive, and, at the same time, undertakes the connecting of 
sentences. 

We discriminate adjective and substantive pronouns of this class. 
Both sorts of pronouns have no peculiar forms, but are originally 
interrogative pronouns, or a demonstrative pronoun, whose inflection 
has been already glanced at. 

The adjective ones, pointing back to a substantive notion, are 
the interrogative which and the demonstrative that; to these the ori- 
ginally substantive interrogative who has associated itself. Who and 

Matzner , engl. Gr. T. 20 



306 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 11. 

what are substantive ones, for which, in their reference to a presup- 
posed person or thing, a relative pronoun might be substituted. That, 
as originally neuter, therefore also of a substantive nature, betrays 
also here and there this twofold character. Moreover, relative sen- 
tences often border hard on indirect interrogative sentences, whereby 
many peculiar applications of pronouns originally interrogative are 
to be explained. 

In Anglosaxon a relative pronoun was wholly wanting. To 
express the relation backwards it either used the indeclinable particle 
pe, alone or in conjunction with the demonstrative se, seo, pat, to which 
it was suffixed, as it was prefixed to the pronoun he, heo, hit. 

Which is by its nature adapted to be referred to names both 
of persons and of things, and thus it was used in reference to both 
in Old -English, in which moreover that primarily prevailed as a 
relative pronoun: She whiche salle bere a chylde (TOWNEL. MYST. 
p. 67.). A preest . . which was so pleasant (CHAUCER 16482. Tyrwh.). 
It was commonly accompanied by the article the, perhaps occasioned 
by the Old-French liquels: That lond . . the whiche is the same 
lond &c. (MAUNDEV. p. 33.). The lond of Judee in the whiche is 
Jerusalem (p. 8.). Fro the sentence of this tretys lite After the 
which this litil tale I write (CHAUCER 15371.); so too in modern 
times: Of God the whych is permanent (SKELTON I. 199.). I could 
point a way, the which pursuing You shall . . give the realm much 
worthy cause to thank you (RowE). This is your brothers impudent 
doctrine; for the which I have banished him &c. (MACKLIN). 'Twas 
a foolish quest The which to gain and keep, he sacrificed all rest 
(L. BYRON). This mode of expression is, on the whole, obsolete. 

Even with a particle that after it, which was also frequently 
given in addition to other relatives and conjunctions in Old-English, 
which came in: A doughter which that called was Sophie (CHAUCER 
II. p. 323. Wright). Thy frend, which that thou hast lorn (p. 325.); 
this even late: Theis yatis . . which that ye beholde (SKELTON I. 
384.). The more particular discussion of this particle, which, in the 
dependent sentence, often appears superfluous, belongs to syntax. 

Which is at present referred almost exclusively to things and 
irrational beings; to persons only so far as they, like children, may 
also be denoted by the neuter it. In the language of the Bible, as 
in the Lords prayer (Our father which art in Heaven), in Shakspeare 
and here and there afterwards the reference to persons takes place. 
In adjective conjunction with a repeated substantive, we find, however, 
no scruple: This man, which man, which very man &c. (SMART). 
Such repetition of a preceding substantive is familiar to Old-English : 
In Ebron ben alle the sepultures . . the whiche sepultures the Sarazines 
kepen fulle curiously (MAUNBEV. p. 66.). Upon certain points and 
cas: Amonges the which points &c. (CHAUCER 2973. Tyrwh.). It also 
takes place in Modern-English where the name of a kind takes the 
place of a proper name : She took the opportunity of the coach which 
was yoing to Bath] for which place she set out &c. (FIELDING); and 
so forth. As a neuter it is also referred to preceding sentences or 
limbs of sentences: The man was said to be innocent, which he was 
not (WEBST.). We are bound to obey all the Divine commands, which 



1. The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. IV. Pronoun. D. Relative Pronouns. 3Q7 

we cannot do without Divine aid (ID.). In such case a substantive, 
comprehending the contents of a preceding sentence or limb of a 
sentence as the subject of the reference, is also frequently given to 
the relative: Douglas was then ordained to be put into the abbey of 
Lindores, to which sentence he submitted calmly (W. SCOTT). 

That from the earliest times has been, as a relative pronoun, 
referred to persons as well as things. Old-English : He that wil pup- 
plische ony thing (MAUNDEV. p. 2.). Seynt Elyne, that was modre 
to Constantyn (p. 12.). Thise werkmen That werchen and waken 
(PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 361.). For the life that thay leyd (TowNEL. 
MYST. p. 30.). Modern -English: Are ye not he, that frights the 
maidens of the villagery (SHAKSP. Mids. N. Dr.). Wake, wake! all 
ye that sleep! (LONGFELLOW)." The songs and fables that are come 
from father to son (ADDISON). 

Since that is originally a neuter, is might be also employed 
substantively for what. Old-English: po he hadde pat he wolde 
(RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 166.). I wille not tyne that I have -wroght 
(TowNEL. MYST. p. 72.). Tak thou thi part, and that men wil the 
gyven (CHAUCER 7113.). Modern-English: Stand, Sir, and throw us 
that you have about you (SHAKSP. Two Gentlem. &c.). Do that is 
righteous, (SMART). This usage is obsolete. 

The particle that is also found redundantly added to this pro- 
noun. Old-English: Fro the lond of Galilee, of that that I have spoke 
(MAUNDEV. p. 122.). Thus perhaps is also explained the turn of 
Shakspeare : That that I did, I was set on to do't by Sir Toby (Tw. 
Night). 

Who, although of substantive nature, is chiefly used in Modern- 
English as a relative pronoun in relation to substantives or substan- 
tive pronouns. It is natural that this masculine and feminine pro- 
noun, originally referred to persons, with its cases, remains, as a 
relative, restricted to persons and personified objects alone. But that 
the genitive whose is referred both to persons and things is no less 
justified, the Anglosaxon hvas belonging to all three genders : Harold, 
who had succeeded Edward the Confessor (W. SCOTT). Many gal- 
lant knights, who were not his subjects (ID.). He who escapes from 
death (FIELDING). Plenty who was his first counsellor (ADDISON). 
Thy brown groves whose shadow the dismissed bachelor loves 
(SHAKSP. Temp.). 

Where the masculine and feminine who, whom are referred to 
collectives, the reference to persons, which the collective name in- 
cludes in itself, forms the standard, whereas, in another regard, another 
relative may also come in: The multitude, who are more attracted 
by the external . . sources of interest (BULWER). 

Who is seldom employed as a relative in Old-English: This 
clerk, whos rethorique swete Enlumynd al Ytail of philosophic (CHAU- 
CER 7908.). More frequent is the who used substantively: Who hath 
no wyf, he is no cokewold (CHAUCER 3154.); where the following 
he does not quite degrade the who to a correlative; this emphatic, 
repeating he is certainly rarely wanting. The particle that is also 
annexed to the who: Who that janglis any more He must blaw my 
blak hoille bore (TowNEL. MYST. p. 8.). A remnant of this substan- 

20* 



308 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. 11. 

tive who is the, as who would say, still is use, French coinme qui 
dirait. Compare Old-English: The name as yet of her Amonges the 
people, as who sayth, halowed is (CHAUCER Troil. and Cr. III. 268.), 
and often. 

But in Old-English the adverb so is more common with the 
substantive who: whoso, also whose, quicunque, whereby the gene- 
ralization of the notion is indicated, corresponding to the Anglosaxon 
sva hva sva, to which a neuter what so, Anglosaxon sva hvat sva, 
quodcunque, stood opposed, in which Old -English cast off the 
preceding sva, as the correlative of the succeeding hva, hvat. To 
this was added sva hvylc sva (whichso), quicunque: Who so dothe, 
put them in hold (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 67.). Who so wole my jug- 
gement withseie (CHAUCER 807.). Let him say to me What so him 
list (6872.) &c. Modern -English has whosoever, whatsoever, which- 
soever; whoever, whathever, whichever, which are employed analogously 
to the who, what, which. The forms with a simple so are now 
rarer. 

What stands in the first instance as a substantive pronoun : This 
is what I wanted (MURRAY), Do what you will (WEBST.). All the 
time that he had appeared so indifferent to what was going on 
(DICKENS). Yet it also stands adjectively, like the interrogative what, 
if the substantive of the principal sentence has been attracted into 
the dependent sentence: The entertainer provides what fare he pleases 
(FIELDING). 

Where it is used alone with reference to a preceding substantive, 
it regularly corresponds not to the which, but at the same time 
takes the place of a demonstrative correlative : All fevers, except what 
are called nervous (MURRAY), for which those which might stand. 
To this substitution it is adapted by its primitive substantive nature. 
Solitary interchanges of what with that or which certainly occur. 
The details belong to syntax. Old-English also often adds the particle 
that to the what: Every man crieth and clatereth what that him 
liketh (CHAUCER II. p. 332. Wright). 

E. The Indefinite Pronoun. 

The class of indefinite pronouns, whose notional limitation it is 
hard to define, comprises words which are employed partly adjectively, 
partly substantively, but mostly in both modes. They denote objects 
and qualities in the most general and indefinite manner, mostly ac- 
cording to quantity, which, however appears neither as a definite 
unity or multiplicity, nor as a totality measured by a fixed nume- 
rical magnitude. So far as they refer to number generally they are 
also called indeterminate numerals. They are also partly of negative 
nature, with the meaning of the sublation of a determination of 
quantity, as; none, neither, nought. By their origin they belong 
primarily to the Anglosaxon, a few are taken from the Old-French. 
They are partly simple, partly compound. Some belong originally 
to other classes of nouns, as one, divers, several &c., and are 
weakened in their meaning. As for their declination, one, other, 
either and neither, and even others, may assume the s of the geni- 



/. The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. IV. Pronoun. E. Indefinite Pronouns. 309 

tive: one and other are also capable of forming the plurals ones, 
others. 

1. one, Anglosaxon an, properly the numeral, is used substantively; 
its use as an indeterminate pronoun is of great extent only in 
Modern -English. Anglosaxon certainly weakened an down to 
aliquis, quidam, but more in the sense of the present article, 
and used an an substantively in the meaning of nnus alter. 
Old-English likewise often opposed that oon and that othur 
to each other. Compare CHAUCER 1015. Unus quisque, unus 
ex multis was in Anglosaxon mostly denoted by man (home). 
The Plural ones, as in: And voices of the loved ones gone before 
(BRYANT) is wanting in Anglosaxon; but a plural is found in the 
Old-English: Herkneth, felaws, we thre ben al oones (CHAUCER 
14111.); but on the other hand there stands: Bothe in oon armes 
(CHAUCER 1014.); where Old-French would have put unes armes. 

2. none, no, Anglosaxon nan, nsen = ne an, non unus, Old-English 
non, none, no, substantively and adjectively even in Anglosaxon 
as well as in English, is the same in the plural as in the sin- 
gular: None there, said he, are welcome (WALPOLE). At present 
none stands substantively or adjectively without a substantive 
after it: None but the brave deserves the fair (DRYDEN). None 
of their productions are extant (BLAIR); also none other: Achieving 
what none other can (LONGFELLOW). Other hope had she none 
(LONGFELLOW). And save his good broad-sword, he weapon had 
none (W. SCOTT). On the other hand no stands attributively with 
a substantive after it: She had no bonnet on her head (DICKENS). 
Old-English also put non, none attributively before words begin- 
ning with a vowel or an h, else commonly no: Sche dothe non 
harm to no man (MAUNDEV. p. 23.). They have non houses 
(p. 63.). I am non other than thou seest now (p. 25.); yet also 
none so foule synfulle men (p. 62.). None erthly thing (TowNEL. 
MYST. p. 66.). None excusing (p. 78.); so even in Skelton: None 
excesse; none other shyfte; but no faute (I. 272.). 

No one is pleonastic, in which one appears twice, unless we 
would take no for the Anglosaxon na, no, nunquam. Of the com- 
pounds nobody, nothing, the latter is the elder: I herd no thing, 
lord, but goode (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 69.). What is better than a 
good woman? A 7 o thing (CHAUCER II. p. 336. Wright). For body 
the Old-English frequently had wight and persone: Ther is no 
wight that hath soverein bounte, save God alone (^CHAUCER II. 
p. 333.). Bywreye nought youre conseil to no persone (IB. p. 338.). 
Wight is the Anglosaxon viht f, creatura, and is also found in 
the neuter nought (naviht). Body, denoting the person, occurs 
moreover often in another union, as my body. Compare the Old- 
French mon cors. 

3. aught, ought and naught, nought, Anglosaxon a- viht, auht, aht and 
na-viht, naught, naht, Old-English aught, auht, oght, ought and 
naught, noght &c., which we are now advised to spell aught 
and nought (to distinguish them from the verbal form ought), 
have been preserved down to the most modern times, and also 
take a (neuter) adjective after them: But should ought impious or 



310 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 12. 

impure Take friendships name, reject and shun it (T. H. BAYLY). 
Naught else have we to give (LONGFELLOW), like something, noth- 
ing: Our ancestors hand achieved nothing considerable by land 
against foreign enemies (MACAULAY). 

4. some, Anglosaxon sum, aliquis, quidam, Old-English sum, sorn, is 
used adjectively and substantively, although the latter only in the 
plural, whereas in the singular the prose is denoted by some 
one &c.: Some one comes! (LONGFELLOW). In the Anglosaxon 
on the other hand the singular was also used, especially in the 
reduplication sum sum for alius alius, alius alter. More- 
over it remains unchanged in the singular and plural: some bread; 
some people; some persons (WEBST.). Some other give me thanks 
(SHAKSPEARE Com. of Err. 4, 3.). Some slight advantages (MA- 
CAULAY). Some of these moves were hazardous (ID.). Some thought 
that Dunkirk, some that Ypres was his object (ID.). The Old- 
English discriminates, as especially Piers Ploughman, the plural 
somnie from the singular som. Some is also united with car- 
dinal numbers, in order to denote the number as inexact, like the 
Latin aliqui: w Have you long sojourn'd there?" Some sixteen 
months (SHAKSP. Two Gentlem. &c.). Is he within some ten or 
twenty leagues Or fifty? (WALPOLE). Some five hours hence . . 
we may meet &c. (J. HUGHES). So even the Anglosaxon sume 
ten gear, circiter decem annos. Familiar combinations of some 
are some one (see above), somebody, something, and in the latter 
sense also somewhat. Som thing is also familiar to the Old- 
English (see 2.); and som what also occurs: Ther nys no crea- 
ture so good, that him ne wantith som what of the perfeccioun 
of God (CHAUCER II. p. 333.). The Modern -English somewhat 
still contains the hva, hvat, aliquis, aliquid, appearing in Anglo- 
Saxon as an indeterminate pronoun, which in Old-English, occurs 
only in the neuter: But wite ye what? (CHAUCER 10305.). Ne 
elles what = nor any thing else (ID. House of Fame 3, 651.); 
Anglosaxon elles hvat. The what = partly, used now as well 
as in Old-English adverbially is the accusative of this neuter. 

5. enough, enow, Anglosaxon genoh, adject, and adverb, Old-English 
ynough, ynow, enow &c., dialectically frequently enow, is used 
adjectively and substantively as well as adverbially. The collateral 
form enow, contrary to the nature of the thing and the older 
linguistic usage, has, strange to say, passed among grammarians 
for the plural of enough, and authors have frequently conformed 
to this arbitrary distinction. Still stranger is the assumption that 
enow does not stand after a substantive: Have I not cares enow, 
and pangs enow (L. BYRON). We' re enough already (ID.). Enough 
of danger (W. SCOTT). Enough, alas! in humble homes remain, 
To meditate 'gainst friends the secret blow (L. BYRON). 

6. few, Anglosaxon feave, Plural of fea, paucus, Old-English fewe. 
The article often placed before the few is explained like the a 
standing before cardinal numbers (see p. 278.). His wants were 
few (L. BYRON). There are but few that can do that (GOLD- 
SMITH). He . . was sent thence to Huy, where he passed a few 






1. The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. IV. Pronoun. E. Indeterminate Pronouns. 311 

days in luxurious repose (MACAULAY). Compare the Old-English: 
A fewe of youre frendes (CHAUCER II. p. 340.). Dialectically few 
is often treated as a singular: a few broth, a few pottage &c. ; 
else it is hardly referred to the singular, as perhaps in: While 
yet our race was few (BRYANT). 

The Old-English fele, Anglosaxon fela, indecl., multus, opposed 
to fewe (By dayes fele [CHAUCER 8793.]. Of fele colours [PiERS 
PLOUGHM. p. 222.]), is replaced by many: Few, few shall part 
where many meet (CAMPBELL). 

7. any = ullus, Anglosaxon anig, senig, from an, Old-English ony, 
any, eny, is, as in Anglosaxon, an adjective, but is sometimes used 
substantively: Who is here so vile . . ? If any, speak (SHAKSP. 
J. C.). It is a like both in the singular and the plural: Hath 
Page any brains! hath he any eyes? hath he any thinking? 
(SHAKSP. M. Wives). Such a collection . . as you will scarcely 
find in any ten cabinets in Europe (LADY MONTAGUE). Old- 
English has preserved many traces of a plural form : Anye rentes : 
anye riche frendes (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 305.). The person is 
readily denoted by any one (I did not speak any one that day 
(LONGFELLOW) and anybody] Old-English any wight (CHAUCER II. 
p. 338.); eny persone (IB.); whereas the notion of a thing is ex- 
pressed by any thing. 

8. many, Anglosaxon maneg, moneg, multus, Old-English many, mony, 
used substantively of persons in the plural, as in Anglosaxon. In 
the singular it assumes a before substantives : many a flower, many 
a day &c.; referred to persons also a one: many a one (M\ 
CULLOCH p. 138.); compare many an oon (JACK JUGL. p. 9.). 
Many one in the 3, 2. Psalm is construed collectively with the 
plural of the verb. This many one was also referred to sub- 
stantives of things: Tel us a tale, for thou canst many oon (CHAU- 
CER 13734.). Ensamples many oon (13850.), if it followed the 
substantive. The substantive a many, now commonly a great 
many, is the Anglosaxon substantive menigeo, menigo. The plural 
stands adjectively and substantively: many long cruel, and bloody 
wars (W. SCOTT). Few shall part where many meet (CAMPBELL). 
In Old-English the e of the plural (Anglosaxon manege) still often 
comes out: Manye bokes (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 199.). So manye 
maistres (p. 321.). Ther seighen it manye (p. 337.); although 
also: many longe yeres (p. 312.). A genitive is also formed there- 
from: That book in many^s eyes does share the glory, That in 
gold clasps locks in thy golden story (SHAKSP. Rom. and JuL). 
The opinion according to which many is taken to be the plural 
of much and more passes as the comparative of many, is devoid 
of etymological foundation. 

9. each, every single one of a total number, Anglosaxon selc (= a-lic), 
quisque, unusquisque, Old-English ilk, eche, ich, stands both con- 
nected and disconnected, and is by its nature singular. It always 
has a distributive relation to a preceding or succeeding substan- 
tive or pronoun, where it does not attributively precede its sub- 
stantive: Only eight thousand copies were printed, much less 



312 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. II. 

than one to each parish in the kingdom (MACAULAY). And isles 
and whirlpools in the stream appear Each after each (BRYANT). 
Come, good people, all and each (LONGFELLOW). Three different 
nations, who where enemies to each other (W. SCOTT).. Of per- 
sons and things we still use each one: There are two angels, that 
attend unseen Each one of us (LONGFELLOW). The pages of thy 
book I read, And as I closed each one, My heart, responding, 
ever said "Servant of God! well done!" (ID.). In Old-English 
echoon, ichon, ilkon, ilkane, ilka (= ilk a) is very common; ilkan 
is still in use in Yorkshire and Northumberland, elcone in Cum- 
berland. The fuller forms stand absolutely before persons or after 
a substantive of a thing, the weakened ones ich a, ilk a before 
substantives: each a persone (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 298.); ilk a 
stede (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 68.). 

10. every, a compound of each, which is generalized in an indeter- 
minate manner by ever, unknown to Anglosaxon (= aefre, aefer 
selc), Old-English everilk, everich, is now mostly used attri- 
butively: Every Colonel, every Lieutenant Colonel, was killed or 
severely wounded (MACAULAY). Rarely, and that mostly in the 
legal style, it stands disconnectedly, with of after it: all and every 
of them; every of the clauses. In Old-English, where it is referred 
to one of many, as also of two, which is still the case at present, 
it also stands absolutely of persons: That every schuld an hundred 
knightes bryng (CHAUCER 2098.). Everich in otheres hond his 
trouthe laith (6986.). The person is commonly periphrased by 
every one, every body, the neuter notion by every thing; 
to Old-English everich on, every chone, every wight, every thing 
are familiar. Modern-English has also the union every each = 
every other, alternate (HALLIWELL s. v.). 

11. either, each of two, and one of two, even every, the second of which 
meanings, contrary to the very usage of the language itself, is main- 
tained in modern times as the sole correct one, Anglosaxon segfrer 
= seghvafrer, that is, a-ge-hvafrer, alongside of ahvhafrer, uterque 
and alteruter, unusquisque, Old-English either, aither, ather (Old- 
Scottish, North-English), stands attributively and disconnectedly. 
With the meaning uterque, which is very common in Old-English, 
it not rarely stands in Modern-English also: The king of Israel 
and Jehosaphat sat either of them on his throne (2 CHRON. 18, 9.). 
Either of these distinguished officers (Catinat and Boufflers) would 
have been a successor worthy of Luxemburg (MACAULAY). On 
either side of him there shot up . . houses (DICKENS). Old-English: 
Enemyes and frendes Love his eyther oother (PiERS PLOUGHM. 
p. 212). Either is otheres joie (p. 343.). Of course the mean- 
ings uterque and alteruter often border on each other, the latter 
whereof needs no exemplification. The Old-English genitive in 
s (es) is also found in Modern-English: They are both in eithers 
powers (SiiAKSP. Temp.); compare the Old-English: Till eitheres 
(utriusque) wille wexeth keene (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 267.). The 
relation to several, with the meaning of each (of any multitude) 
instances of which are given in Wagner's Grammar, published by 
Herrig p. 293., may be justified out of the Anglosaxon. 



/. The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. IV. Pronoun. E. Determinate Pronouns. 313 

12. neither, Anglosaxon nahvafFer, nafter, ueuter, Old-English neither, 
nather &c., is, analogously to either, employed connectedly and 
disconnectedly: On neither side was there a wish to bring the 
question of right to issue (MACAULAY). They're both of nature 
mild . . Neither has any thing he calls his own (OTWAY). 

13. other, alius and alter, Anglosaxon offer, alius, alter and secundus, 
Old-norse annar, Gothic anpar, Old-Highdutch andar, Old-English 
other, alongside whereof andyr, ender, endir (HALLIWELL s. v.), 
stands both connectedly and disconnectedly, may have the articles a 
(an) and the before it, an.d, when used substantively, assumes the 
.9 of the genitive and of the plural: Some are happy while others 
are miserable (MURRAY). Old-English inflects it, but has the e 
in the plural a long time: Either is otheres joie (PIERS PLOUGHM. 
p. 343.). Ac per bep to fore alle opere pre (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER 
I. 2.). Be the Cristene or othere (MAUNDEV. p. 74.). The plural 
subsequently stands without s: Whan other are glad Than is he 
sad (SKELTON I. 79.). Some other give me thanks (SHAKSP. Com. 
of Err. 4, 3 ); thus in the union some other some (Acr. XVII. 
18 ). Compare DIALECT. OF CRAVEN s. v. Where one of two 
is opposed to the other in reciprocal activity, we find one another, 
where one of two or several is denoted, each other has its 
place : The parson and the stranger shook one another very lovingly 
by the hand (FIELDING). The reader may perhaps wonder, that 
so fond a pair should . . never converse with one another (ID.). 
Two blackbirds answered each other from opposite sides (GOLD- 
SMITH). Three different nations, who were enemies to each other 
(W. SCOTT). The meaning of the other as a second of the same 
sort still has place: We need another Hildebrand (LONGFELLOW). 
Here was a Caesar; When comes such another? (SHAKSP. Jul. 
Caes.) Old-English often swiche another; syke another (SKELTON 
I. 260.). Thus also the next in succession is determined as a 
second: Four happy days bring in Another moon (SHAKSP. Mids. 
N. Dr.). You have been deeply wrong'd, and now shall be Nobly 
avenged before another night (L. BYRON); and on the other hand 
the recently passed is denoted by other: the other day, com- 
pare the French 1'autre jour. In the connection other than it 
corresponds to the French autre que, different from. 

14. such, Anglosaxon svylc, talis, Old -English swich, swylk, suilk, 
selk, slik &c., also for idem, (see p. 294.), stands attributively, 
predicatively and substantively, and has, as an adjective, also a 
after it: Such was the general &c. (MACAULAY). Such curiosity 
William could not endure (ID.). Cutts was the only man who 
appeared to consider such an expedition as a party of pleasure 
(ID.). The plural is the same as the singular; Old-English has 
the plural in e: Selke (DAME SIRIZ p. 5.). They are not swylke 
als they seme (Ms. in HALLIWELL s. v.). By alle swiche preestes 
(PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 220.). Swiche wise wordes (p. 19.). The 
connection such a one is frequent, in Modern-English often equi- 
valent to the French un tel, tel et tel, whereby we indicate the 
person whose more particular description we cannot or will not 



314 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect IL 

state, as such a is united with substantives in like manner: . . 
that on such a day the assembly shall be at their house, in honour 
of the feast of the count or countess such a one (LADY MONTAGUE). 
Compare the Old-English: Such an on as is of gode maneres 
(MAUNDEV. p. 287.). 

15. all, Anglosaxon eall, eal, al, omnis, totus, Old-English al, all, is 
unchangeable in Modern-English: All Europe was looking anxiously 
towards the Low Countries (MACAULAY). All parties concurred 
in the illusion (MURRAY). All was dark and gloomy (DICKENS). 
Miss Arabella Wilmot was allowed by all, except my two daugh- 
ters, to be completely pretty (GOLDSMITH); and may even have 
the definite article as well as demonstrative pronouns after it: 
All the time that he had appeared so indifferent &c. (DICKENS). 
The moon . . shed her light on all the objects around (ID.). 
Glancing at all these things &c. (ID.). This was also the case in 
Old-English as well as in Anglosaxon: Alle the dayes of pore 
men be wikke (CHAUCER 4538.). Anglosaxon: Ealle pa ping 
(GEN. 1, 31.). The Old-English long declined: singular al, all, 
plural nom. ace. dat. alle, gen. alre, aller (alder): To fore alle 
opere pre (Roe. OF GLOUCESTER I. 2.). pat is aller mon worst 
(p. 15.). Oure aller fader (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 342.). Your aller 
heed (head) (p. 424.). Hence also the forms alderliefest, al- 
derlast &c. see p. 185. The e of the plural is certainly often 
cast off. 

16. else is often cited in English dictionaries as a pronoun with the 
meaning other, one besides. It is in fact originally the geni- 
tive of the Anglosaxon el, ele, alius, which, however, mostly 
occurs in compounds, and whose genitive elles stands as an ad- 
verb (aliter); Old-English: elles, ells, els (even in Skelton). 
It is therefore to be taken adverbially: Bastards and else (SHAKSP. 
K. J. 2, 1.). As I have ever shared your kindness in all things 
else (L. BYRON). In Old-English we frequently find elles what, 
nought elles, as in Anglosaxon elles hvat, naviht elles, in which 
the genitive still betrays itself as such. Modern-English: Naught 
else have we to give (LONGFELLOW). 

17. sundry, with the meaning of an indefinite multitude, Anglosaxon 
synderig, singularis, in the plural singuli, Old-English sondry, has 
in the plural several, Old-French several = separe, also used for 
divers, plusieurs, Old-English several, divers, Old-French the same, 
Old-English diverse, and different, Old-French, Old-English the 
same, synonymous adjectives, in which the notion of variety has 
been weakened down to that of separation.*) The Old-English had 
the corresponding ser, sere, seyre, which is still in use in the 
North of England for several, many: Fioures . . of seyre colours 
(TOWNEL. MYST. p. 7.). Of many beestes sere present (p. 47.). 
Romaunces, many and sere (Ms. in HALLIWELL s. v.). It seems 



*) The notion of separation as that of the physical, nearest to the 
sensuous, existing in space and time is the prius, and the notion of variety 
as the metaphysical is the posterius. 



/. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. V. The Article. 315 

to have arisen by contraction out of the Old-French participle 
sevre (compare the substantive sevree = separation). Several 
is also used substantively of persons: I met several on the road, 
to whom I cried out for assistance; but they disregarded my 
entreaties (GOLDSMITH). It is also joined iu the singular with 
every, with the meaning singulus: He gives To every several 
man seventy five drachmas (SHAKSP. J. C.). 

18. certain, in the sense of the Latin certus for quidam, by which 
the existence of the object alone is asserted, but its more parti- 
cular determination not stated or, rather, disregarded, passed early 
from the Old-French into the English: I am invited, Sir, to certain 
merchants (SHAKSP. Com. of Err.). Compare the Old-English: 
Or paide som certegn (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 268.). In Old-English 
it was even used substantively as a neuter (aliquid): Beseching 
him to lene him a certain of gold (CHAUCER 16492. Tyrwh.). 

5. The Article. 

The name article is given to the the, weakened from the Anglo- 
saxon demonstrative pronoun se (pe), seo (peo), pat, and to the an, 
a, likewise weakened from the Anglosaxon numeral an. They prima- 
rily serve to single out for the imagination one single object or 
several objects from the totality of objects of the same name. The 
former, as the definite article, separates them from their total sphere, 
as sensuous, or already known and present in intuition; the second, 
the indefinite article, presents one object to the imagination, but 
which may be any one from the total sphere of those bearing the 
same name, without distinction. The transfer of both articles to the 
total sphere of objects bearing the same name has to be more parti- 
cularly discussed in the Syntax. Both are to be regarded as words 
unaccented, or, rather proclitic in speech. 

a) The definite article the proceeds from the Anglosaxon collateral 
form of se, the pe. It has abandoned the forms for the different 
genders, numbers and cases, and takes the case-prepositions of 
and to before it, whereby the syntactic relation of its substantive 
is denoted. 

Old-English still has distinct traces of the se, sed, pat, used as 
an article even in Anglosaxon: pe emperoures of Rome pat foste 
and wonne Engelond, and pat lond nome (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 
3.) (Anglosaxon pat land, ace. n.). pen toun nome (II. 409.). 
(Anglosaxon pone tun, ace. m.). A3e pen op (p. 443.). pen castel 
nome (p. 451.). Asayle pen false kyng (p. 453.). Atten ende 
= at pen ende (409 and often) (Anglos, at pam ende, dat. m.). 

The ancient language early employed the neuter that for all 
genders: From pat on se to pat oper (Roe OF GLOUCESTER I. 98.) 
(se, Anglosaxon sse, mare, is m. and f.). On that other side of 
the strete (MATJNDEV. p. 90.) (Anglosaxon side, f.). And eek that 
lusty sesoun of that May Made every wight to ben in such ples- 
aunce &c. (CHAUCER 2486.). 

The t before other, apparently arising from the article the, 



316 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II. 

is remarkable, which in Modern-English is often separated from 
it by an apostrophe: And when he put a hand but in The one, 
or t'other magazine (BUTLER). Your ladyship should except, says 
t'other (GOLDSMITH). I saw Mother day the gala for count Altheim 
(LADY MONTAGUE). We might regard it as equivalent to the th, 
which even in Old-English appears before vowels instead of the 
article: Thanne is thother half durk and thother is al ligt (WRIGHT 
Pop. Treatis. p. 134.). Yet in Old-English before this tother, 
beside which also a tone, tane (to, ta) stands, we commonly 
find the article itself, which we could hardly take to be put twice: 
The tone of us schall dye (PERCY Rel. p. 7. II.). Athe tother syde 
(p. 4, I.). On the ta part or on the tothyr (Treaty of 1384. in 
LINDSAY ed. Chalmers s. v. ta). And the tother hond he lifteth 
(MAUNDEV. p. 9.). The tother "2 festes (p. 232.). The tothere ne 
ben not so grete (p. 52.). A fole the tone, and a fole the tother 
(SKELTON I. 260.). The tone agayng the tother (I. 313.). Naught 
justifies us in believing this t inserted from phonetic reasons. I 
should rather explain it out of the t of the that used as an article, 
which in Old-English so frequently stood before one and other: 
And rerde tuo nonneryes, Worwel pat one was, And Ambresbury 
pet oper (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 291.). There is a gret weye 
from that on to that othre (MAUNDEV. p. 63.). Compare also the 
instances cited above. Thus there would here be the same sepa- 
ration of the consonant of a preceding word, which we elsewhere 
occasionally meet with in Old-English, for instance, in atte nale 
for atten ale and the like. In modern times this origin has 
been forgotten and the t regarded as an article. Tone and to- 
ther are still popular in the North of England and South of 
Scotland. 

The instrumental of pe, py, pe, in. and n., having become 
unrecognizable, has been preserved in the form the, as in Anglo- 
saxon, before the comparative in the meaning of eo (eo-eo instead 
of quo-eo) : So much the rather then, celestial light, Shine inward 
(MILTON). The more I hate, the more he follows me (SHAKSP. 
Mids. N. Dr.). I love not Man the less, but Nature more (L. BY- 
RON). Even Old-English readily uses it in reduplication: pe lenger, 
pe more (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 110.). 

The e of the article in poetry, as well as in rapid speech ge- 
nerally, often suffers syncope, not only before vowels, but even 
before cousonants, as in Old-English : My Lord, ^'expected guests 
are just arriv'd? (OTWAY). When, or how, shall I prevent or 
stop ///approaching danger (CONCRETE). T^'industrious bees 
neglect their golden store (POPE). In th? olden time Some sacri- 
fices ask'd a single victim (L. BYRON). Oh! that kind dagger 
. . drench' d in my blood to ttflailt (OTWAY). Tth 'very minute 
when her virtue nods (ID.). Who merit, ought indeed to rise iW- 
world (ID.). 

Old-English poetry often uses the more emphatic this, where 
the article would be quite sufficient; compare, for instance Chau- 
cer: Duk Theseus . . This duk (1696. 1706.). This worthy duk 
(1744.). This Theseus, this duk, this worthy knight . . He festeth 



1. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. V. The Article. 317 

hem (2192.). It stands particularly readily before proper names: 
This Arcite and this Palamon ben mette (1638.), where the an- 
cient language even employed the unaccented article: At last the 
Duglas and the Perse met (PERCY Rel. p. 3. II.). 
b) The indefinite article an, a, Anglosaxon an, unus, Old-English 
an, on, a, o &c. existing only in the singular, according to the 
precepts of grammarians, stands, in its abbreviated form a, before 
all words beginning with a consonant sound. Among these are 
of course also reckoned those beginning with the semiconsonants 
w and y, as well as accented syllables beginning with an h which 
is not mute, and words beginning with u, eu, ew, an aspirate 
sounding before these words, as well as one and once, since to 
these a labial (w) is prefixed: a man, a tree, a heathen, a unit, 
such a one, a oneness &c. The fuller form an stands before all 
vowels (which are not heard with an initial consonant), before 
words beginning with a mute h, as well as before words begin- 
ning with an aspirated h, when the syllable beginning with h is 
followed by the accented syllable: an inn, an umpire, an hour, 
an heir, an harangue, an historical subject &c. 

Usage is however not quite in harmony with this precept, since 
we often find an used even before aspirated vowels and before 
an aspirate h in the accented syllable: An useless waste of life 
(MACAULAY). An eunuch (CONGREVE). An unanimous resolution 
(GOLDSMITH). I'd rather be an unit of an united and imperial 
,,Ten a (L. BYRON); an hero &c. 

Old-English early adopted the custom of retaining, an, on before 
vowels and h, and of setting, on the other hand, a, o before other 
consonants, and that even where not the unaccented article, but 
the numeral came in. Robert of Gloucester often has an before 
consonants: So pat per com of an wode . . an six pousend of 
Brutons (I. 211.); and thus too subsequent writers, yet compare: 
There scholde be but o masse sayd at on awtier, upon o day 
(MAUNDEV. p. 19.). Hyre lord and sche be of a blode. Thre 
persones in a Godhede (Ms. in HALLIWELL s. v.). 

From this assimilation of the proper numeral to the article, 
with regard to form, is to be explained the still frequent use of 
the article, where the numeral one, especially with the meaning 
one and the same, seems to be required: For a day or two I've 
lodg'd her privately (OTWAY). Halloo, said my uncle, falling back 
a step or two (DICKENS); and this is common in similar combi- 
nations. Compare: With a charme or twayne (SKELTON 1, 57.). 
We are both of an age (FIELDING). Then the poor woman would 
sometimes tell the 'Squire, that she thought him and Olivia extre- 
mely of a size (GOLDSMITH). 

In union with other an is -now treated as the ingredient of a 
compound: In less than another year we had another daughter 
(GOLDSMITH). 

The indefinite article is capable of no change of form; of and 
to, serving as substitutes for the case-inflection, come before it: 
They made a bet of a new hat (DICKENS). These attentions . . 
were directed to a young lady (ID.). 



318 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II. 



B) The Verb. 

The verb, or time-word, is that part of speech which predicates 
of a subject an activity falling in the sphere of time. But every 
phenomenal mode of the subject, which is predicated of it, is to be 
regarded as an activity of the subject, whether spoken of as its 
action, its passion or its condition, since it belongs to the succes- 
sive moments of time, therefore can only be apprehended as a move- 
ment and a becoming. The division and separation of the sphere of 
time into spaces of time from the most general points of view 
produces the tenses, or time forms, of the verb. 

Sorts of the Verb, and their interchange. 

"With reference to their grammatical relation inside of speech, 
verbs are divided into various sorts, a decision which is partly go- 
verned by the relation to an object, partly by that to the subject of 
the sentence. 

a) "With regard to the relation to objective determinations of the 
sentences, verbs are divided into transitive verbs, denoting an 
activity directed outwards, and intransitive verbs, expressing an 
activity concluded within itself. 

1) Transitive verbs are accordingly those verbs which denote an 
activity directed to an object as its goal, whether the object is 
produced by the activity itself or is determined thereby as a being 
existing independently. 

Transitive verbs are distinguished into those which are such in 
the narrower and those which are such in the wider sense. The 
former are those whose object undergoes the effect of the activity 
immediately, and therefore stands in the accusative with the active 
of the verb : Hamilton murdered the old man in cold blood (MAC- 
AULAY). The latter are those whose activity requires an object 
participating mediately, which therefore stands to the verb in the 
relation of another case (the genitive or dative): If solitude suc- 
ceed to grief. Release from pain is slight relief (BYRON). 

English frequently effaces the distinction of both sorts, especially 
since the dative and the accusative, as in Lowdutch, are frequently 
not distinguished from each other in form, and the original reference 
of the verb to its object vanishes from the consciousness of the 
language. 

The transitive verb becomes reflective, if it has its subject for 
its object; it then receives a personal pronoun for its object: He 
hid himself (WEBST.). Here will we rest us (LONGFELLOW). They 
defended themselves against the Saxons (W. SCOTT). Reflective 
verbs, in the narrower sense, which can have only a personal 

Sronoun for their object, are now hardly known to Modern-English. 
Id-English had a multitude of impersonal reflective verbal forms, 
whereof methinks, meseems are obsolete remains, along with 
which it irks me, it lists him, and the like remain in use. Old- 






/. The Parts of Speech and their Inflective Forms. B. The Verb. 319 

English: Et this whan the hungreth(iERS PLOUGHM.P. 276.). Methur- 
steth yit (p. 391.). That I makede man It me forthynketh, =poentiet 
me (p. 167.). Lene hem whan hem nedeth (p. 185.). More rare 
even in Old-English are personal verbs of feeling or of affection 
in the reflective construction: I drede me (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 164.). 
I repent me (SKELTON I. 304.); the latter whereof is still in use 
in Modern-English: She will repent her of all past offences (FIEL- 
DING). 

The notion of the activity appears as reciprocal, when mutuality 
of an activity, as the action of a subject upon an object and reac- 
tion of this object upon that subject, is denoted. This happens 
in English by the junction of one another and each other to the 
transitive verb: If we love one another, Nothing, in truth, can 
harm us (LONGFELLOW). They . . broke their spears without 
doing each other further injury (W. SCOTT). The kings obliging 
themselves to assist each other against all the rest of the world 
&c. (ID.). 

Transitive verbs, with the exception of the reflective ones, ap- 
pear in a twofold shape: that of the active and that of the 
passive. 

The active is the verbal form whereby the grammatical subject 
is represented as exercising the activity: The assassins pulled 
off her clothes (MACAULAY). The active form also belongs to 
intransitive verbs. The passive lets the grammatical subject ap- 
pear as undergoing the activity: They were roused from sleep 
by faithful servants (MACAULAY). The two kingdoms were divided 
from each other (W. SCOTT). As you were told before (ID.). He 
was succeeded by his son (ID.). 

The freedom in forming the passive is far greater in English than 
in other tongues. Passives are formed not only from transitive verbs 
in the narrower and wider sense, but also from verbs in themselves 
intransitive, which are construed in the corresponding active form 
by prepositions with adverbial (objective) determinations: Starhed was 
soon disposed of (W. SCOTT). The Highlands and Islands were parti- 
cularly attended to (ID.). Had he not been called on to fill the station 
of a monarch . . he might . . have been regarded as an honest and 
humane prince (ID.). An old manor-house, and an old family of this 
kind, are rarely to be met with at the present day (W. IRVING). 

2) Intransitive verbs are all those which denote an activity not 
directed to an object, and which therefore appears as concluded 
in itself: That evening the great minister died (MACAULAY). The 
punishment of some of the guilty began very early (ID.). By slow 
degrees the whole truth came out (ID.). They are also called neuters. 
Verbs may be termed, according to their import, frequentative 
or iterative, diminutive, inchoative and desiderative. They 
belong to the class of transitives or of intransitives, notwithstanding 
such further notional determinations. 

The specified sorts of the verb are however not distinguished 
from each other in such a manner as not to be capable of pas- 
sing into or changing places with one another. The question 
whether a verb is originally transitive or intransitive in English, 



320 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. 11. 

is frequently not to be answered. Only by a recourse to the 
tongues out of which English grew can this be in many cases 
decided, while in others the more or less frequent or the older 
use of a verb as transitive or intransitive may turn the scale where 
forms and derivative terminations afford but little clew. No other 
tongue avails itself, to the same extent as the English, of the 
liberty of interchanging notions of activities. 

An interchange of this sort is certainly known to most tongues, 
although not to the like extent. It rests on the one hand on the 
possibility that the activity which needs a completing object may 
also in fact be conceived by itself or abstractedly, which is ever the 
case when no definite object is added; but, on the other hand, 
the activity concluded in itself, so far as it has any result at all, or 
so far as it is imagined in contact with objects, may be regarded as 
the activity producing that result or acting immediately upon those 
objects. A wider limit will of course be conceded to poetry and the 
naive speech of common life than to the strictly measured prose. 
Yet even prose has possessed itself in a wider compass of these inter- 
changes, when warranted by the living speech, and thereby has often 
rendered the original nature of the verb imperceptible. 

Some of the demonstrable interchanges of the sorts of verbs 
may here be mentioned by way of example. 

1. ct) The transitive active becomes intransitive, when no appro- 
priate object is given to it, although this cannot, of course, 
be absent from the activity: About, seek, fire, killl (SHAKSP. 
J. C.). Instances of this sort are to be met with everywhere. 

/3) The transitive active becomes intransitive, where the acti- 
vity could have no other object than the subject itself; 
wherefore this is also regarded as a transition into the reflec- 
tive meaning. In Highdutch verbs like nahen, niichten, stiir- 
zen, fiirchten, miinden, and the like, which run parallel to 
sich nahen, and the like, form an analogy to this usage. In 
English reflective formations likewise sometimes run parallel 
to these intransitives, although they have been more restricted 
in later times: Yeomen . . were induced to enlist (MACAULAY). 
When the troops had retired, the Macdonalds crept out of the 
caverns of Glencoe (ID.). She could not refrain from crying 
out &c. (FIELDING). I will prove in the end more faithful than 
any of them (W. SCOTT). Russell meanwhile was preparing 
for an attack (MACAULAY). Two large brooks which unite to 
form the river Tile (W. SCOTT). He stole away to England 
(MACAULAY). The warlike inhabitants . . gathered fast to 
Surrey's standard (W. SCOTT). Mark you he keeps aloof from 
all the revels (L. BYRON). Instances of this sort are also very 
frequent. If they can be interchanged with the reflective 
construction, we must not attribute to them quite the same 
mode of apprehension. The identity of the objective value 
does not decide grammatically the identity of the apprehension. 
These verbs are to be conceived as such whose reference to 
outward independent objects is hindered by the context, and 
therefore must be deemed to be concluded within the subject. 



/. The Parts of Speech. B. The Verb. Its Sorts. 321 

Single verbs, which may be referred here, as in: I shame 
To wear a heart so white (SHAKSP. Macb.) have remained 
true to their origin, the Anglosaxon scamjan, erubescere, being 
intransitive, and not having received the common transitive 
meaning till later. 

7) Different from the usage just mentioned is the employment 
of the transitive active as intransitive, when an activity seems 
imputed to the subject, whose object it rather is. A trans- 
mutation of the active into the passive being here sometimes, 
though by no means universally, possible, this has been con- 
ceived as a transition into the passive meaning: What a deli- 
cious fragrance springs From the deep flagon, while it fills 
(LONGFELLOW). I published some tracts . . which, as they 
never sold, I have the consolation of thinking were read only 
by the happy Few (GOLDSMITH). If the cakes at tea ate 
short and crisp, they were made by Olivia (ID.). A godly, 
thorough Reformation, Which always must be carried on, And 
still be doing never done (BUTLER;. While any favourite air 
is singing (SHERIDAN). While this ballad was reading, So- 
phia seemed to mix an air of tenderness with her approbation 
(GOLDSMITH). While a treaty of union . . was negotiating (RO- 
BERTSON). A great experiment was making (MACAULAY). For 
you I've a draught that long has been brewing (LONGFELLOW). 
The periphrastic verbal forms with the participle in ing have 
especially been thus employed from olden times. The use of 
these verbs is to be explained by the subject's being considered 
the mediate author of the activity of which itself is the ob- 
ject. Thus the transitive-active borders partly on the reflec- 
tive, partly on the passive and on the factitive meaning. 
Compare above : it fills = it fills itself, il filled, makes 
itself filled. 

2. &) The intransitive verb receives the character of the transitive 
active, if the result of the activity is made its object. Thus 
the verb is often put to a substantive of the same stern, de- 
noting the activity in the abstract form : Ye all live loathsome, 
sneaking, servile lives (OrwAY). He had rather die a thousand 
deaths (FIELDING). To let them die the death (L. BYRON). 
How many old men . . sank down and slept their last sleep 
in the snow (MACAULAY); as happened early with intransitive 
and transitive verbs. Old-English: He aschede po pat same 
asking (Ros. OF GLOUCESTER I. 30.); po kyng sende ys sonde 
(156.). Suiche domes to deme (II. 562.). Yet objects of an- 
other sort than products of the activity may also be considered : 
In every tear that 1 do weep (SHAKSP. Love's L. L. 4, 3.). 
Groves whose rich trees wept odorous gums (MILTON). What 
he lived was more beautiful than what he wrote (LEWES). 
The realm itself . . yawns dungeons at each step for thee and 
me (L. BYRON). n Tliou didst not say so." But thou lookedst 
it (ID.). Does the prophet doubt, To whom the very stars 
shine victory? (ID.) 

Matzner, engl. Gr. I. 21 



322 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II. 

|3) or the activity is referred to an object independent of it, 
which it touches or upon which it mediately acts, and which 
is only considered as that immediately aimed at or hit by 
the activity: To sit a horse (WEBST.). Thou day! That slowly 
waltfst the watersl March March on (L. BYRON). Thou 
shalt make mighty engines swim the sea (BRYANT). There's 
not a ship that sails the ocean (LONGFELLOW). We . .fought 
the powers Sent by your emperor to raise our siege (OTWAY). 
Fight the ship as long as she can swim (MACAULAY). While 
thou foughtst and foughtst the Christian cause (J. HUGHES); 
when, as in the last instances, the sort of reference to the 
object may be different, 

7) or the notion of the activity is taken as factitive in its 
reference to an object, that is, as effecting the activity ori- 
ginally contained in the verb : I have travelled my uncle Toby 
. . in a chariot and four (STERNE). During twenty six hours 
he rained shells and redhot bullets on the city (MACAULAY). 
Even at the base of Pompey's statua, Which all the while 
ran blood, great Caesar fell (SHAKSP. J. C.). Men, who . . 
have danced their babes Upon their knees (L. BYRON). Many 
verbs, originally intransitive, are thus treated, as, to issue, to 
lean (Anglosaxon hlinjan), to prosper &c. Here belongs also 
the case in which an intransitive verb is at the same time 
conceived as effecting a predicative determination of the object: 
I have walked my clothes dry (BULWER). 

&) Allied to the usage last mentioned is the transition of the 
intransitive active into the reflective form by the addition 
of a personal pronoun: Good Margaret, run thee to the parlour 
(SHAKSP. Much Ado &c.). Hie thee home (SMART), Anglosaxon 
hycgan, studere. Fare thee well, and think of death (J. HU- 
GHES). Sit thee down (SHAKSP.). Go flee thee away into the 
land of Judah (BIBLE). They sate them down beside the 
stream (SOUTHEY). These and similar turns, still employed, 
chiefly in the imperative, are censured by modern gramma- 
rians. They are familiar to Old-English: This knave goth 
him up ful sturdily (CHAUCER 3434.). Expressions like : Here 
will we rest us (LONGFELLOW); Old-English: Where oure Lady 
rested hire (MAUNDEV.p.71.), are originally regular; Anglosaxon 
He hine reste (ExOD. 31, 17.), as well as the Old-English: 
He went him home. The Old-English: haste thee has been 
formed after the Old-French se haster. 

b) With regard to the subject of the sentence we distinguish per- 
sonal and impersonal verbs. 

1) Personal verbs are those referred to a determinate person or 
thing as their subject: The revolution had been accomplished (MA- 
CAULAY). What is your illness? n lt has no name" (LoNG- 

FELLOW). 

2) We call impersonal those having no determinate subject. Their 
subject, not decidedly present in imagination, is indicated by the 
neuter ft, and they stand only in the third person singular. 



1. The Parts of Speech. R. The Verb. Its Sorts. 323 

cc) Those verbs are impersonal in the narrowest sense, which can 
occur only in sentences without a subject definitely imagined. 
Here belong some of those which denote effects in the domain 
of nature, to which we abscribe no clearly conceived subject, as 
in: it rains, it lightens, it thunders, it hails, it snows, it freezes, 
it thaws, it blows &c. Old-English: Now it schyneth, now it 
reyneth faste (CHAUCER 1537.). They are however at the same 
time partly personal. Hence all verbs are in a wider sense 
impersonal which, although in themselves used personally, are 
referred to activities whose subject is unclear to the imagination, 
or, although demonstrable, is yet for the moment unclear or 
indifferent to the speaker. Here also are found verbs with a 
predicative completion: It is very cold (SHAKSP. Haml.). How 
dark it grows (LONGFELLOW). It is growing dark (ID.). The 
limit of the linguistic usage is hard to specify. There manifestly 
belong here sentences like: How fares it with the holy monks 
of Hirschau? (LONGFELLOW.) Is it come to this? (SMART.) Thus 
it was now in England (MACAULAY). Reflective verbs used im- 
personally, with which even the subject it may be wanting, and 
which are not at the same time referred to a logical subject in 
the sentence or clause, as in the Old-English me hungreth, me 
thursteth, are unknown to Modern-English; since expressions 
like methinks, meseems relate to such a subject. In sentences 
like woe is me! compare the Old-English: Wo worth! Ever 
worthe thaym wo! (TOWNEL. MYST. p, 270.), woe (Anglosaxon 
vava, va, miseria) is, properly, the subject. 

/3) We must distinguish from impersonal sentences of the sort 
specified sentences, similar in form, in which the grammatical 
subject it points to a logical subject contained in the sentence 
or clause. The logical subject is in this case frequently an in- 
finitive or a dependent sentence: It is hard to go, but harder 
to stay (LONGFELLOW). It was an aged man who spoke (ID.). 
It was observed that two important classes took little or no part 
in the festivities (MACAULAY). It belongs to syntax to discuss 
this more particularly. 



The Forms of the English Verb in general. 

The various relations which the verb receives inside the sentence, 
are expressed by its various forms, the conjugations. English is poor 
in simple forms of this sort, frequently availing itself of so called 
auxiliary verbs, to express periphrastically the syntactical relations 
expressed, in tongues richer in forms, by the verbal stem and its 
termination. Many of these forms are at the same time susceptible 
of various relations, and therefore in themselves unclear, so that they 
only become completely intelligible in the entire context of the sen- 
tence. 

The English conjugations rest upon the Anglosaxon ; the influence 
of the Old-French upon the passive formation could hardly be pointed 
out, although the auxiliary verb veorcFan, has been abandoned. 

21* 



324 Doctrine, of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II. 

a) As to the sorts of the verb, even the Anglosaxon had no longer 
a passive form, properly so called, as little as a form for the me- 
dium (or reflective). It possessed only the expressed active form. 
The Anglosaxon passive was formed by the assistance of the verbs 
vesan and veorfran with the participle of the preterite; English 
used the auxiliary verb to be, of several stems, and mixed with 
forms of the verb vesan and its participles: I am loved; I was 
loved. Old-English also employed for a long time the verb worthen, 
worthe: His lif and his soule worthe ishend (DAME SIRIZ p. 7.). 
Chastite withouten charite Worth cheyned in helle (PiEiis PLOUGHM. 
p. 26.). No creature . . Withouten cristendom worth saved (p. 244.). 
Ysaved worstow (p. 420.); as this verb also remained in use: What 
shalle worthe on me! (TowNEL. MYST. p. 226. 263.) even in Chau- 
cer and others. 

The employment of all sterns of the auxiliary verb, now be in 
the infinitive, mixed with the verb vesan, was natural: Sey, that 
theise stones be made loves, ut lapides isti fiant panes (MAUNDEV. 
p. 98.). Thei brennen his body . . to that entent, that he suffre 
no peyne in erthe, to ben eten.of wormes (p. 170.). That hathe 
ben preved (p. 100.). 

b) The tenses of the verb specify the sphere of time into which the 
activity falls. All activity belongs in fact either to the present or 
to the past; but it can also be imagined as happening in the 
future. But both the present and the past have their before and 
after, therefore ever a past in the rear and a future before them. 

There arise therefore two series of the tenses of speech, one 
whereof makes the standing point of the speaker the centre, as 
the present, the other takes a fact of the past as the centre. 

The first series we may call the tenses of the present; the others, 
those of the past. 

English has, according to the precedent of Anglosaxon, only two 
simple tenses, a present and a preterite: love, loved; swim, 
swam. These form the centres of the other compound presents and 
preterites. Compound present tenses have present forms ; compound 
preterites, on the other hand, preterites of auxiliary verbs alongside 
of the participle or infinitive, with which they together express 
periphrastically the absent simple tenses. 

The auxiliary verbs which come under review are : to have, shall, 
will and, in intransitive verbs rarely: to be. 

The tenses of the present are: the present: love; the perfect: 
have loved; the first future: shall (will) love; the second future: 
shall (will) have loved. 

The tenses of the past are: the preterite: loved; the plusquam- 
perfectum: had loved; the imperfect of the future, also the first 
conditional: should (would) love; the plusquamperfectum of the 
future, also second conditional: should (would) have loved. Both 
conditionals are commonly apprehended as conjunctives. The nature 
of these forms has to be more particularly discussed in the Syntax. 

As to the formation of the periphrastic forms, the verb habban, 
habban (to have) was employed with the participle periphrastically, 
even in Anglosaxon, like as habere in Latin in habeo perspec- 



1. The Parts of Speech. A. The Verb. Forms of the Verbs. 325 

turn &c. Old-English early used to have with transitive and in- 
transitive verbs: I have dwelled, habitavi (MAUNDEV. p. 110.). Where 



has thou thus long be? (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 25.). He hathe . . and 
alle weye hathe had (MAUNDEV p. 296.). 3if here 
ben dronken, he hadde not yleye with hem (p. 102.). 



alle weye hathe had (MAUNDEV p. 296.). jif here fadre had not 

(P- " " ! 
The anomalous seal, sceal (shall) with the infinitive was also 



used to form the future periphrastically, though not without the 
recollection of its original meaning, namely of an ethical necessity 
(debeo), which has not quite vanished, even in English. The An- 
glosaxon villan (will) is not yet found used periphrastically, but 
in English early took the place of scall, of course not without 
reference to the notion of an inclination, tendency, and then of 
aptness and appropriateness. In Old-English shal is early universal 
as a periphrasis : That ne shal nevere be That I shal don selk falsete 
(DAME SIKIZ p. 5.). That I have thoght I shalle fulfille (TOWNEL. 
MYST. p. 1.). What art thou that thus telly s afore that shalle be? 
(p. 24.). And whan he felte wel, that he scholde dye (MAUNDEV. 
p. 228.). But will is also found early: As me (men) dep jet, and 
euer more wole (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 24.). jiff the erthe were 
made moyst and weet . . it wolde never berefruyt (MAUNDEV. p. 100.). 
The distinction of the periphrasis in shall or will, when shall is 
mostly restricted to the first person, is unknown to Old-English, 
in which the use of shall generally preponderates. Even in Shak- 
speare's age this distinction is less universal. See Mommsen's Rom. 
and Juliet p. 1109. The details belong to Syntax. We shall speak 
of further periphrastic forms below. 

With regard to the employment of the verb to have, we must 
observe that the active of all transitive and reflective verbs is con- 
jugated with to have. With intransitives, on the contrary, to be 
is also frequently found employed: The third day 's come and gone 
(L. BYRON). When the sun is set (MILTON). She can not be fled 
far (L. BYRON). This is founded upon an Anglosaxon precedent. 
Some grammarians wholly reject this formation, others declare both 
forms to be indifferent. Linguistic usage annexes syntactic differences 
to each, which belong to Syntax. 

c) The modes, which serve to express the subjective relation of the 
speaker to the predicate in thought and will, are: the indicative, 
which lays down the predicate objectively; the conjunctive, which 
expresses it reflectively, and the imperative, which represents it 
as an expression of will. Modern-English, besides the indicative, 
has also a form of the imperative, coinciding certainly with others. 
The forms of the conjunctive, except in the present of verbs, have 
become almost totally unrecognizable, or those of the indicative 
have taken their place, so that even the existence of a conjunctive 
is denied. Old-English frequently drew a distinction betwixt in- 
dicative and conjunctive forms, as Modern-English still sometimes 
does. 

d) The distinction of the three personal forms of the singular and 
plural in the verb, which was frequently effaced in Anglosaxon, i& 
still more so in Modern-English, where the plural has completely 
cast off its inflective forms. The accession of the personal pronouns 
to distinguish the speaker or speakers, the person or persons 



326 Doctrine of the Word. - The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II. 

spoken to and the person or persons spoken of is frequently 
governed thereby. 

e) The middle forms of the verb are those forms which border on 
the one hand on the substantive; (the infinitive and the gerund) 
on the other, on the adjective (participles). 

The infinitive names the activity abstractly, without predicating 
it immediately of any determinate subject, while it distinguishes it 
according to the reference to present or past time : to love, to have 
loved. It has almost entirely lost its characteristic terminations. 

The gerund, likewise expressing the distinction of time, leans 
upon the participial form of the present, but has preserved the 
substantive meaning, originally belonging to this form, more than 
the French gerund in ant (-ndum), which likewise coincided with 
the participle of the present ant (-nteni): loving having loved. 

The participles, or adjective verbal forms, are that of the pre- 
sent: loving, and that of the perfect: loved. 

How far these forms diverge from the Anglosaxon will be pointed 
out below. 

The weak and the strong conjugation. 

Like all Germanic tongues, Anglosaxon distinguished a weak 
and a strong conjugation, the latter whereof, the old, or the primi- 
tive, was in English more and more supplanted by the weak one, 
which is now usually opposed to the strong one as the regular to 
the irregular. 

Both Auglosaxon conjugations are essentially distinguished by 
the weak one's forming its preterite by appending the suffix de (Con- 
junct, de) to the verbal stem, which receives ed (d), in the participle 
of the perfect; and the strong one's, on the other hand, forming its 
preterite by a change in the fundamental vowel, or a variation of 
the vowel, while the participle of the perfect, which assumes the 
termination en, mostly receives the stem vowel of the present or that 
of the plural of the preterite. 

The Anglosaxon weak conjugation has two different forms, 
according as the vowel i (as e and J), or the vowel o (this however 
only in the preterite and participle of the perfect as d) comes between 
the stem and the suffix. The connecting vowel i commonly falls 
out, if the syllable of the stem is long. Modern- English has preserved 
the connecting vowel e in the termination of the preterite ed, the ,;' 
still appears in the infinitive termination y. Old-English has the 
latter in other forms and also still shews the connecting vowel o of 
the second conjugation in the preterite. 

The inflective terminations of the weak and of the strong Anglo- 
saxon verb are, apart from the connecting vowels, alike in the in- 
dicative, conjunctive, imperative and participle of the present, as well 
as in the infinitive. 

The following table places the Anglosaxon simple conjugations 
beside the Old- and the Modern-English, by which the progressive 
blunting and partial abandonment of suffixes will appear. The other 
forms of the weak and of the strong conjugation in Anglosaxon and 
English are discussed in detail further on. 



327 



Weak Conjugation. 


Anglosaxon la. 


Ib. 


n - 


Old-English. 


Present Indicative. 


S. 1. ner-j-e 


hsel-e luf-ig-e 


hel-e 


2. ner-est 


hsel-est 


luf-ast 


hel-est (es) 


3. ner-eff 


hsel-ed" 


luf-afr 


hel-eth 


PI. 1. ner-j-adr 


hsel-ao*' 


luf-j-ad" |hel-eth 


2. ner-j-afr 


hsel-afr 


luf-j-adT (or hel-en and 


3. ner-j-ao** 


hsel-adT 


luf-j-ao** j hel-e 


Conjunctive. 


S. 1. ner-j-e 


hsel-e I luf-ig-e 


hel-e 


2. ner-j-e 


hsel-e 


luf-ig-e 


hel-e 


3. ner-j-e 


hsel-e 


luf-ig-e 


hel-e 


PL 1. ner-j-an (en) 


hsel-an (en) 


luf-j-an (en) hel-en 


2.' ner-j-an (en) 


hsel-an (en) 


luf-j-an (en) /or hel-e 


3. ner-j-an (en) 


hael-an (en) 


luf-j-an (en) ) 


Preterite Indicative. 


S. 1. ner-e-de 


hl-de 


luf-6-de 


hel-e-de (d) 


2. ner-e-dest 


haal-dest 


luf-6-dest 


hel-e-dest 


3. ner-e-de 


hael-de 


luf-6-de 


hel-e-de (d) 


PL 1. ner-e-don 


haal-don 


luf-6-dun (don) \hel-e-den or 


2. ner-e-dou 


hael-don 


luf-6-dun (don)[hel-e-de, 


. 3. ner-e-don 


hsel-don luf-6-dun (don))hel-e-d 


Conjunctive. 


S. 1. ner-e-de 


hael-de !luf-6-de )hel-e-de (d) 


2. ner-e-de 


hsel-de 


luf-6-de 


3. ner-e-de 


hsel-de 


luf-6-de 


PL 1. ner-e-den (don) 
2. ner-e-den (don) 


hsel-den (don) 
hael-den (don) 


luf-6-den (don)>hel-e-den, or 
luf-6-den (don)jhel-e-de 


3. ner-e-den (don) 


haal-den (don) 


luf-6-den (don) \hel-e-d 


Imperative. 


S. ner-e (ner) 


hsel luf-a hel-e 


PL ner-j-afr 


hsel-adr 


luf-j-a?T 


hel-eth, hel-e 


Participle. 


Pres. ner-j-ende 


hsel-ende 


luf-ig-ende 


hel-ende, -inde, 








-ande, -end and 








-and, hel-ing 


Pret. ner-ed 


lasel-ed 


luf-6-d 


hel-ed 


Infinitive. 


ner-j-an 


hsel-an 


luf-j-an 


hel-en, hel-e 


salvare 


sanare 


amare 


sanare 



328 



Strong Conjugation. 



Modern-English. |j Anglosaxon. 


Old-English. 


Modern-English. 


Present Indicative. 




hea! bind-e bind-e 


bind 


heal-est i bind-est (is) bind-est 


j bind-est 


heal-s j bind-eft (ift) con- bind-eth, ajgo 


bind-s 




tracted bint 


bint 






bind-ad > 




heal 


bind-aft bind-eth or bind- 


bind 


bind-aft 


en and binde-e 




Conjunctive. 




) 


bind-e | bind-e 




heal 


bind-e 


bind-e 


bind 


i 


bind-e 


bind-e 


) 


heal 


bind-an (en) 
bind-an (en) 'bind-en or bind-e 


'bind 


bind-an (en) \ 


) 


Preterite Indicative. 




heal-e-d i band 


band (bond) 


bound 


heal-e-dst 


bund-e 


bond-e 


boun-dst 


heal-e-d i band 


band (bond) 


bound 


!t bund-un (on) 
heal-e-d bund-un (on) 
1 bund-un (on) 


bond-en or bond), 
- -e, bond | bound 


Conjunctive. 




)heal-e-d 


bund-e ) 


! bound 


as in the indi- 


bund-e ^bond-e 


as in the indica- 


'cative 


bund-e 


1 tive 


) 


bund-en (on) \ 


I 


} heal-e-d 


bund-en (on) (bond-en (e) 


bound 


\ 


bund-en (on) ? 


| 


Imperative. 




Wal 1, .^a 

f 1! biud-aft 


bind 
bind-eth 


.bind 


Participles. 




heal-ing | bind-ende 


bind-ende. inde, 


bind-in g 






ande, end, and &c. 




heal-ed bund-en 


bond-en, bond-e, 


bound 


1 


bond (bound) 




Infinitive. 




heal II bindan 


bind-en, e 


bind 


I ligare 









L The Parts of Speech. B. The Verb. Weak and Strong Conjugation. 329 

From the foregoing table it appears that the weak English con- 
jugation attaches itself to the first Anglosaxon one, especially in its 
second form. 

1 Of the connecting vowels i (e, j, ig) has in general been lost 
in English, with the exception of e in the preterite, which some- 
times, even in the preterite, took the place of the #, which also 
interchanged with 6. We might certainly take the English e 
in ed to have been subsequently inserted; but the older full forms 
do not seem to allow this. The connecting vowel i (<?, j, ig), even 
in Anglosaxon, was partly thrown out in verbs with a short syl- 
lable of the stem, upon which anomalous forms of the weak 
English conjugation, which will be discussed below, are founded. 
This connecting vowel nevertheless was not only long pre- 
served in Old-English, but has also, as y and i, penetrated into 
Anglosaxon verbs and tenses to which it did not belong. Thus 
we find y (') preserved for j and ig in the indicative and con- 
junctive of the present; in the indicative in: Ich Tiopye, Anglo- 
saxon hopjan, -ode (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 195.). We louieth; 
3e ne louieth, Anglosaxon lufjan (II. 503.). Hii askyeth, Anglosaxon 
ascjan, -ode (I. 200.); Therinne wonyeth a wight, Anglos, vunjan, 
-ode (PiERs PLOUGHM. p. 18.). The world that wanyeth, Anglo- 
saxon vanjan, -ode (p. 153.); in the conjunctive in: That thou 
hatie, Anglosaxon hatjan, -ode (PiERs PLOUGHM. p. 120.). So 




wonye (Roe. OF GLOUCESTER I. 41.) polye, Anglosaxon poljan 
(IB. '205.). ansuenje (194.). makye, Anglosaxon macjan (II. 404.). 
sparye, Anglosaxon sparjan (IB. 428.) &c. honty, Anglosaxon 
huntjan (I JG.). bapi, Anglosaxon batfjan (IB. 146.). endy, An- 
glosaxon endjan (187.). Where this ?/, i is transferred to the 
preterite and participle perfect, the connecting vowel properly 
appears twice, as y (i) and e at the same time: Tulieden (PiERS 
PLOUGHM. p. 277.). My wit vtanyed, Anglosaxon vanjan, -ode 
(p. 294.). YtiM, Part. Perf. (p. 301.). In analogy to such 
verbs the Old-French verbs in ier were treated and other An- 
glosaxon and French ones assimilated to them. Comp. p. 161. 

The connecting vowel o in the preterite has been here and 
there preserved in Old-English: He ascode (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER 
I. p. 127.), and also transferred to other verbs: robbode (IB. 149.); 
destruiode (3); buryode, Anglosaxon byrigan, byrigde (50.); dyo- 
don (died) (TUNDALE p. 52.). Yet o is early lost 
2. The suffixes of the Anglosaxon have been subjected to various 
changes and interchanges in English. 

In the present the first person singular of the indicative, 
as well as the three persons singular of the conjunctive, 
often offer e, not as a sign of lengthening, but as a remnant of 
the e of inflection; compare axe, putte. walke, telle, sinke, kisse, 
gesse &c , although forms without e are already becoming fami- 
liar. An e is certainly frequently joined to the forms of the 
preterite of strong verbs, where it was absent in Anglosaxon, 



330 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. II. 

us in halpe, stauke, dranke, felle &c., which may be derived 
from the e of the second person sing, indie, and the conjunctive 
forms of the sing, preter., since it must be granted that confu- 
sion early prevailed in this respect. The hnbituatiou to a final 
e> which for a long time was not silent, has caused it to be ap- 
pended to other Old-English verbal suffixes, particularly to ter- 
minations in eth especially of the third person singular, yet also 
of the plifral and of the old imperative in eth; compare above 
p. 325, and for the plural: Aftre arryvethe men (MAUNDEV. p. 54.). 
Men gothe (p. 31.), for the imperative: And witethe wel (IB. p. 95.). 
Makethe pees (p. 234.). To the oldest English language this is 
foreign; yet up to the sixteenth century we find forms of this 
sort: My simithe (seems) (JACK JUGLER p. 11.). In them that 
dothe not me in lete (p. 17.). Dogges dothe barke (SKELTON I. 
241.). Even to the second person in st e is often appended: 
Thow byste (PERCY Rel. p. 6. II.).; frequently with the rejection 
of the t: Thou saysse (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 4.). 

The second person of the singular in the indicative still com- 
monly appears in Old- and Modern -English in the form est: 
grant, grant-est; love, lov-est. With verbs having a mute e 
in the first person, this e, if we impute it to the stem, is thrown 
off; the e in est being rather to be regarded as the characteristic 
vowel of the suffix. The e of inflection is rarely thrown off after 
a vowel, as in dost alongside of doest, mayst alongside of mayest 
(properly a preterito-present) and in the contracted form hast 
(Anglosaxon hafast), as well as in the preterito-present canst 
(Anglosaxon canst). In Old-English we also find forms like seist 
(PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 394.), saist, saiest, sayest beside each other. 
Modern-English gives to verbs in ey, ay the full termination: 
Which here thou viewest, beholdest, surveyest or seest (SHAKSP. 
Love's L. L. 1, 1.). Even as thou sayestl And how my heart 
beats when thou stayestl (LONGFELLOW). The casting out of the 
e especially in poetry, both after a short and a long syllable of 
the stem and ending in a vowel, is however, not uncommon, 
where its rejection is signified by the mark of elision: bring'st, 
stand'st, lov'st, giv'st, com'st, join'st, point'st, bear'st, wear'st, 
sail'st, keep'st, strik'st, deny'st. We also find may'st and even 
can'st. J. Wallis said: In terminationibus est, eth, ed vocalis e, 
fere ad placiturn, per syncopen tollitur. 

Old-English frequently offers the termination es, and alongside 
thereof is, ys, instead of est; it was peculiar to the Northern 
dialects. Is this a remnant of the rare Anglosaxon termination 
is in the strong conjugation, or a mere rejection of the t? Wife, 
come in, Why standes thou here? (CHEST. PLAYS). Thou drown- 
nes myiie herte (MoRTE ARTHURS in Halliwell v. drownne). Thou 
likes thi play (TRUE THOMAS in Halliwell v. lefe-long). Thou 
gettes (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 14.). Lufes thou me? (p. 37.). Heris 
thou (p. 9.). Knowys thou? (p. 273.); and with the e thrown 
out: Thou says (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 271.). Thou gets hurr not 
swa (PERCY Rel. p. 94. L). Thou speks (IB. II.). Scotch has 
also the form of the second person is: Gif that be trew that 



/. The Parts of Speech. B. The Verb. Weak and Strong Conjugations. 331 

thow reporlis (D. LINDSAY 3, 4.). We often find thou united 
enclitically with the second person, so that it remains uncertain, 
whether, in the st which has arisen by assimilation, the t belongs 
to the inflection or to the thou: Herestow not? (CHAUCER 3366.). 
Sestow (PiERs PLOUGHM. p. 307.); as also in the preterite: her- 
destow (WEBER), haddestow ( PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 226.). The 
termination es, ys extends even beyond the seventeenth century: 
Thou sees (SKELTON I. 144). Thou spekys; Thynkys thou (263.). 
Thou has disarmed my soul (CONGREVE 1669=1729.). As in 
the third person s took the place of th, so th often takes the 
place of thiss, especially thou doth, thou hath and the like, in 
Skelton I. 260. 262. The not denoting the second person of 
the indicative by a suffix is very common in Old-English in 
preterito-presents (see below): thou will, wille, wil; thou shall, 
shalle, shal; thou can; thou mote &c., and extends into the six- 
teenth century. It has also been extended to other verbs: I 
trowe, thou knowe not me (SKELTON I. 43.). 

The third person of the singular in the indicative appears in 
the oldest time regular, with the suffix eth, in which also the 
vowel y, i appears: he grauntheth, precheth, asketh, useth, as- 
soileth, helpeth; benymyp, delyueryp (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER), 
techyth (HALLIWELL Hist, of Fr. M. p. 23.), clevyth (HALLIWELL 
v. eleven), approchyth (SKELTON I. 5.), excedyth, (307.), nedith, 
dwellith (JACK JUGLER) &c., when eth and yth often stand along- 
side of each other, and the vowel is cast off after vowels, as in 
doth, goth, and in hath, hep, Anglosaxon haffr. It has been pre- 
served down to the latest times as eth, but has remained only 
in ecclesiastical language, poetry and solemn speech. Es, ys 
early took its place, particularly in Northern and Eastern dia- 
lects. In the Towneley Mysteries, which belong to the more 
Northern dialects, ys, is run parallel to es, as the Scottish, 
which always let the vowel i penetrate instead of e, used is. 
Chaucer, in the Reeves Tale, puts the forms fares, makes, findes, 
bringes, says, has into the mouths of the people of Cambridge. 
The suffix is is found late, as in Skelton, alongside of others, 

In Modern-English the suffix es is added to the stem when 
it ends in a sibilant or a hissing sound: ss, z (22), x, sh, ch; 
also after y, preceded by a consonant, es stands (with the trans- 
formation of the y into i). Further, es appears, if the verb in 
the first person ends in a mute e, where it then remains doubt- 
ful whether the e in es is to be ascribed to the old suffix, which 
however has been elsewhere preserved only for phonetic reasons : 
he bless-es, wish-es, mix-es, tri-es, rag-e-s, lov-e-s &c. Else 
after consonants and vowels only s now in general enters as a 
letter of inflection. After a single o es stands: goes, does; after 
oo s: She woos (SHAKSPEARE Two G. of V.) and so often in L. 
Byron; but also es: The stock-dove . . cooes (THOMSON). The 
verb ba in Shakspeare, now commonly baa, has baes (Mucn ADO 
&c. 3, 3.). 

The preterito-presents can, shall, may, will have assumed no 
es, s, which did not originally belong to them (see below). The 



332 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. 11. 

verb to will, cupere, with its regular inflection, is not the pre- 
terito-preseut verb, but answers to the Anglosaxon villjan, -ode, 
-del. The preterito-present dare fluctuates (Anglosaxon 3. pers. 
dearr). The collateral form to dare, is inflected regularly and 
always has dares; but the justified dare has also been preserved 
from the older form along with dares: Old-English: No man 
dar eutren in to it (MAUNDEV p. 273. bis). She dare not . . 
shryuen be (THE PARDONER AND THE FREEE 1533. p. 47.). Here 
is none that dare well other truste (SKELTON I. 38.); and so in 
Shakspeare: The duke dare No more stretch this finger of mine, 
than he Dare rack his own (MEAS. FOR MEAS.). I know, thou 
dar'st But this thing dare not (TEMP.). Who dare tell her so? 
(MUCH ADO) &c. 

More striking is the rejection of the suffix in need alongside 
of needs, the former of which usually occurs intransitively, the 
latter transitively, although needs stands intransitively, like the 
Old-English needeth (CHAUCER 3599. 4159.). The rejection be- 
longs, it seems, to a later period of Old-English. Compare : What 
nede all this be spoken? (SKELTON I. 111.). What nede all this 
waste? (249.) often in Shakspeare and subsequent writers: What 
need a man care for a stock? (Two GENTLEM. OF V.). Why, 
she has not writ to me. What need she, when she has made 
you write to yourself? (IB.) What need the bridge much broader 
than the flood? (Mucn ADO &c.) One need only read (POPE). 
He need not go (Wi.BST.). To fly from, need not be to hate 
mankind (L. BYRON). With impersonal verbs the rejection is 
not rare in Old-English, thus especially in: me thynk, me thynke 
(TOWNEL. MYST. p. 271. 275. 277. SKELTON I. 39. 255. &c.). 
It also occurs with other verbs, for instance: God take (MAUNDEV. 
p. 295.). He dred hym (PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 270.); where, 
however, dred might be the contracted form for drat. 

In Old-English in the third person, the vowel of the suffix 
often suffers syncope, if the verbal stem ends in t or d or even 
s, and then offers t instead of th : sit or sitt (sitteth), smit (smi- 
teth), list, lust (listeth, lusteth), rest (resteth), bint (bindeth, 
compare above the Anglosaxon bint), fint (findeth), stant, stont 
(standeth), bit (biddeth), rit (rideth), bitit (bitideth), holt (holdeth), 
rist (riseth). Of these forms list has passed over into the modern 
language: Go to bed when she list, rise when she list (SiiAK- 
SPEARE Merry Wives). 

The three persons of the plural in the indicat. present ap- 
pear in the oldest language as eth, rarely oth or uth: Ase and 
we vorleteth oure yelderes (Pater Nost. in the Kentish dialect, 
according to Ellis)! We bep ybore (ROB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 111. 
[even in PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 44.]). We honourep Venus (RoB. 
OF GLOUCESTER I. 112.). Alle that beoth of huerte trewe . . 
herkneth (PERCY Rel. p. 91. I. sec. XIV.). Ye . . that precheth 
(CHAUCER Rom. of the R. p. 248. Tyrwh.). pe yle of Man pat 
me (men) clepup (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 2.). pe stones stondep 
. . and oper liggep (IB. 7.). pre wondres per bep in Engolond 
(IB.). Lettred men it knoweth (PIERS PLOUGH M. p. 23.). These 



/. The Farts of Speech. B. The Verb. Weak and Strong Conjugations. 333 

forms extend into and beyond the sixteenth century, particularly 
in the third person: Your clokes smelleth musty (SKELTON I. 250.). 
Her eyen . . Causeth inyne hert to lepe (IB. b2.). Such tunges 
. . hath made great diuision (134.). Ith, instead of eth is here 
seldom met with. But afterwards we find es and is, ys along 
with eth, particularly in the North, where these forms quite 
coincide with the third person singular: We er richer men than 
he, and mor gode haves (PERCY Rel. p. 93. II.). Ye . . beggys 
(SKELTON I. 20.). happy be ye, beastes wild, That here your 
pasture takes (PERCY Rel. p. 106. II. sec. XVI.). Now alle wym- 
men that has your wytte (Ms. in Halliwell v. myculle) ; Scottish: 
Ye . . cryis (S. DAY. LINDSAY 3. p. 16.). Sum takis thair gait 
to Gabriell (IB. p. 7.). Prelatis, quhilkis hes of thame the cure 
(IB.). The employment especially of the third person of the 
plural extends deep into the seventeenth century, particularly 
with Northern writers: Now rebels more prevails with words 
Than drawgoons does with guns and swords; and: Yea, those that 
were the greatest rogues, Follows them over hills and bogues 
(CLELAND'S Poems 1697. p. 30.). These considerations may serve 
to explain many apparent singulars in Shakspeare, which edi- 
tors have in part tacitly transformed into plurals, partly tried to 
explain artificially : All his successors) gone before him, hath done 
't (MERRY Wiv. 1, 1.). Words to the heat of deeds to cold 
breath gives (OxH. 2, 1.) and others. S. Mommsen Romeo and 
Juliet p. 26. Delius Shakspeare Lexicon p. XVII. 

The plural suffix en, which belonged to the conjunctive, ap- 
pears early in the indicative as well as the conjunctive. The 
confusion of en and eth is shewn, for instance, in: If ye loven 
leelly, And lene the povere, Swich good . . Goodliche parteth 
(PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 25.); where the genuine conjunctive, the 
rejection of inflection, and at the same time the indicative form 
instead of the conjunctive stand; and thus we find en (from 
which e is cast out after vowels) countless times alongside of eth 
also in the indicative in all three persons : We seen it wel (PiERS 
PLOUGHM. p. 18.). Ye men that ben murye (p. 13.). Whan ye 
wenden hennes (p. 25.). In glotonye . . Go thei to bedde And 
risen with ribaudie (p. 3.). Alle that helpen the innocent And 
holden with the rightfulle, Withouten mede doth hem good, And 
the truthe helpeth &c. (p. 57.). On the other hand the rejection 
of the inflective termination gains great extension even in the 
fourteenth century. The termination en disappears earlier from 
the conjunctive and indicative than the termination eth from the 
latter. In Lancashire the termination en is preserved, although 
it is commonly mute, as it is still in use in Gloucestershire and 
other counties. 

The preterite of the weak conjugation appeared in the forms 
of the indicative and conjunctive, which ended in e-de, e-de 
(p-de), with the full termination ede(ode): folwede, fondede, jug- 
gede &c.; ascode, robbode (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER); but the final 
e was soon very frequently absent, even along with forms having 
it. e was kept longer in the forms which suffered syncope, 



334 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 11. 

whose connecting vowel was thrown out, and of which we shall 
speak hereafter: saide, paide, laide, herde, made, hadde &c. ? 
along with which however said, paid, laid &c. also here and, 
there appear. In the fifteenth century the final e gradually dis- 
appears. In Modern-English it has been abandoned. Along with 
ed, id, yd also freqently shew themselves. The manteynid me in 
my pride (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 7.). I storyd my cofers (SKELTON 
I. 3.). I amendid Douer (IB.). Ye armyd you (8.). I folowid 
him (JACK JUGL. p. 15.); particularly in Northern dialects, where 
et and it (the latter also in Scotch, as in the perfect participle) 
also occurs: Robin that dinet with me (Ms. in Halliwell s. v.); 
Scotch: Quhen he belevit thay war brynt (S. DAY. LINDSAY 3, 
p. 10.). In a few cases e before d (and t) in Modern-English, 
as in Old -English, suffered syncope. See below. In poetry,, 
however, this e is frequently thrown out, but its place is then 
supplied, both after consonants and vowels, by the mark of eli- 
sion: ask'd, wing'd, reach'd, seem'd, guess'd, cross'd. trimm'd, 
fann'd, flow'd, delay'd &c. 

In the second person singular of the indicative of the weak 
conjugation Old-English joins edest to the verbal stem: folwedest, 
fondedest, ravishedest, assentedest &c , when those forms in which 
e before d suffers syncope preserve est : herdest, haddest, cridest, 
dweltest, broughtest. The syncope of e before st is rare, as in hadst 
and others. In Modern-English it has become the law, although the 
rejected e is still often supplied by a mark of elision, as was 
taught by grammarians in the seventeenth century. Hence would'st, 
should'st, told'st, did'st are often found alongside of wouldst &c. 
The transfer of this suffix of the weak conjugation to the strong 
one belongs to the later Old-English. The oldest language here 
regularly gives an e to the second person singular in the prete- 
rite, as well as to the three persons of the singular of the con- 
junctive : pou slowe, drowe; bede (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 133.). 
Thow gete . . and breke . . and sete . . and eggedest (PiERS 
PLOUGHM. p. 386.). Thou crewe (SKELTON I. 44.). Thou, sawe 
(299.). Where gatte thou that mangey curre? (263.). E is rarely 
cast off: Thou saw me not (PERCY Rel. p. 8. I., [compare IB. 
p. 94. I.]). In Modern -English poets still sometimes use the 
strong form without (e)st: Thou, who didst call the Furies from 
the abyss, And round Orestes bade them howl and hiss (L. BY- 
RON). In the fourteenth century we here and there meet the 
transfer of the suffix est to strong verbs: Ful wrongfully bygon- 
nest thow (CHAUCER 12370.); which subsequently became universal. 
The e is sometimes preserved after vowels in Modern-English, 
as in knewest, but commonly suffers syncope and has its place 
supplied by the mark of elision: began'st, saw'st. The suffix 
has thus penetrated into the conjunctive both of strong and 
weak verbs. We find it even in the Romaunt of the Rose: For 
certes, though thou haddest it sworne &c. (p. 257. ed. Tyrwh.). 
Yet even in Modern-English the conjunctive form without est 
has been preserved, against which modern grammarians however, 
express themselves. See Murray p. 201. 



L The Parts of Speech. B. The Verb. Weak and Strong Conjugations. 335 

Conversely, even in Old-English we find an influence of the 
second person of the strong form upon the weak conjugation, 
which likewise often cast off the suffix est: Thou maide bothe 
nyght and day (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 20.). This did thou (IB.). 
Thou had (p. 270.). I thank the, Lord, . . that wold vowch 
sayf &c. (p. 24.). Thou wisted nat right now (CHAUCER 1158. 
Tyrwh., where Wright, contrary to the metre, gives wosf): Why 
nad (= ne had) thou put the capil in the lathe? (4086. Wright). 
Thou answered (ROM. OF THE ROSE p. 225. II.). The olde name 
. . that thou had had (SKELTON I. p. 242.). What thou sayd 
yester nyght (p. 42.). Thus the preterito-presents especially are 
often put without the suffix. This usage is also sometimes found 
in Modern-English: Detested as thou art and ought to be (POPE). 
There thou . . once formed thy Paradise (L. BYRON). 

Verbs which appear to have suffered syncope in the preterite, 
like cast, burst, assume edst in the preterite, that is to say, they 
pass into the regular form. They are, however, often found used 
in the second person without this suffix, for which the avoiding 
of the missound is quoted as the reason. 

The plural forms of the indicative and conjunctive of the pre- 
terite, which in Anglosaxon end in edon, odun (on) and eden 
(also edon) and in the strong conjugation in un (on), mostly offer 
in Old-English the forms eden, rarely oden (in the contracted 
forms den, ten) and en, alongside whereof also edon and on, rarely 
suffixes with yn occur: woneden, filleden, weyeden, hateden, re- 
fuseden, consenteden, carrieden &c.; hadden, maden, criden, lai- 
den, lepten (from leap) &c.; clomben, ronnen, gonnen, eten 
&c. ; destruiodon, robboden, dyodon (= died, see HALLIWELL s. v.), 
clepton, clombon, eton &c.; daltyn (= dealt, see HALLIWELL s. 
v.). Yet we very early find the rejection of the n alongside of 
the fuller forms, as in ROB. OF GLOUCESTER: buryode, destruiode, 
worrede, were, nome, wonne, overcome &c. Forms with en quite 
cast off, in particular in the suffix eden, often stand promiscuously 
with fuller ones, as in Piers Ploughman and Chaucer &c. The 
complete casting off of the inflective termination en was soon 
the result. The transfer of it to the singular, often met with in 
Maundeville, is peculiar: As longe as the cros myghten laste 
(p. 10.). Whan on overcomen, he scholde he crowned (p. 11.). 
Compare p. 35. 63. 77. &c. 

The Imperative is in Modern-English confined to one form, 
that of the singular in Old-English. The plural form in eth was 
long preserved: Armep you faste (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 18.). 
And witethe wel (MAUNDEV. p. 42.). And undre stondethe &c. 
(p. 51.). Now herkneth (CHAUCER 3138.). Avyseth you (3185.). 
Sitteth alle stille, and herkneth to me (PERCY Rel. p. 90. I.). 
The plural is also used in courteously addressing one person: 
Cometh ner . . my lady . . And ye, sir clerk, let (contracted from 
letteth) be your shamfastnesse, Ne studieth nat (CHAUCER 841.). 
Northern dialects have also s for th: Drawes on (TOWNEL. MYST. 
p. 8.). Herkyns alle (p. 49.). The form commonly referred to 
the singular is however, sometimes found for the plural before 



336 Doctrine of the Word. The Doctrine of Forms. Part L Sect 11. 

the end of the fourteenth century: Takethe a lytille bawme . . 
and touche it to the fuyr (MATNDEV. p. 51.). For the first per- 
son plural the conjunctive with we often stands, as now: Make 
we here 3 dwellyng places ( = faciamus) (MAUNXXEV. p. 114.). 
Cometh with me . . And holde we us there And crije we (PiERS 
PLOUGIIM. p. 4*29.). Make we to him an help (CiiAiCER II. p. 335. 
Wright). Modern-English: Then go we near her (SnAKSP. Much. 
Ado &c.)