AN ENGLISH GRAMMAR:
METHODICAL, ANALYTICAL, AND HISTORICAL.
WITH A TREATISE ON THE ORTHOGRAPHY, PROSODY, INFLECTIONS
AND SYNTAX OF THE ENGLISH TONGUE;
AND NUMEROUS AUTHORITIES CITED IN ORDER OF HISTORICAL
DE VELOPMENT.
BY PROFESSOK MAETZNER,
OF BERLIN.
TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN, WITH THE SANCTION OF THE AUTHOR,
? BY CLAIR JAMES GRECE, LL.B.,
FELLOW OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY.
IN THREE VOLUMES.— VOL. I.
•
LONDON:
JOHN MUEEAY, ALBEMAKLE STEE|ET.
1874.
\\o)
PREFACE
BY THE TRANSLATOR.
hile the lexicographical department of the English
tongue has been cultivated, and further productions are awaited,
the grammatical has been almost completely neglected. The
works of this class have not striven after a higher aim than
the constitution of certain arbitrary formulas for the attainment
of a superficial propriety in the use of the stores of the language ;
formulae tried by which the greatest lights of English literature
would, almost without exception, stand condemned, while a scien-
tific foundation for the formulae and rules has hardly been
attempted. English grammar has, in fact, under the hands of
native grammarians, barely emerged from the region of dogmatism.
From this observation the work of Dr. JLatham must be excepted,
yet the purport of that work is rather archeological than gram-
matical ; and the learned author probably never contemplated that
his work would be resorted to for the elucidation of a doubtful
construction or idiom.
While Englishmen have thus been content to leave the usage
of their own tongue, so far as its more delicate grammatical features
are concerned, blind, instinctive and unconscious, the nation in
which erudition and scientific philology are, as it were, indigenous,
having already subjected the classical tongues to an exhaustive
scientific treatment, as well lexicographically as grammatically,
IV Preface.
has undertaken the scientific treatment of the grammar of the
English tongue. That the grammar of the tongue should have
been approached by Germans from that purely scientific point of
view, from which natives have not hitherto regarded it, will not
surprise us when we consider the relations of German to the
classical tongues of antiquity and to our own vernacular. The
German is the living classical tongue. While the modern tongues
of the West of Europe are constructed out of the debris of Latin,
as English is from the debris of Romance and of a decayed and
decapitated Germanic idiom, the modern Highdutch, or German,
exhibits, even more than the classical tongues themselves, a syste-
matic orderly development from indigenous materials. The growth
and development of language, which, to a Frenchman or an English-
man lie external and remote, are, to a German, ready to hand ; and,
as the cloudless nights of the plains of Shinar prompted the
ancient Chaldeans to study the motions of the heavenly host, the
purely indigenous structure of their native speech has suggested
to the Germans the investigation of the laws of the vocal material
in which thought is deposited and communicated.
Moreover, as each new conquest in the territory of the
Unknown would be fleeting, but for the invention of terms to
impart stability to each acquisition, the people which pursues with
success an investigation in a fresh field has the prerogative of
creating the appropriate terminology. Such was the prerogative
of the Greeks in Logic and Metaphysics, and, if it be allowed to
term it a prerogative, in Theology. Such, likewise, was the pre-
rogative of the Romans in Law and administration, and such, in
our own age, is that of the Germans in scientific Philology. The
instruments of thought which had been invented and perfected in
subjecting the classical tongues to analysis stood ready to be
applied upon the English. To a foreigner, moreover, the language
presents itself denuded of the debasing usages of life, as a homely
landscape, beheld from a distant eminence, becomes inviting, so
that common place associations do not obtrude themselves upon
the enquirer and disturb his contemplation in his purely scientific
pursuit.
The Grammar of Professor M a t z n e r is the fruit of researches
Preface. V
and labours, astounding in their extent and completeness, ranging
over the entire history of the English tongue. Previous investi-
gations in the field of Old-French, one of the mightiest tributaries
of Modern-English, had paved the way to similar researches in
the ancient Germanic idioms, and these have been completed by a
thorough study of the standard luminaries of Modern-English
literature, with especial regard to the light they were adapted to
throw upon the grammatical peculiarities of the tongue. Calcu-
lated to supply a void in the linguistic literature of our country,
I have, in order to render it accessible to those of our nation who
are either unacquainted with the language in which the text is
composed or are not sufficient masters of it to read it with facility,
ventured upon a translation. I have become painfully conscious
with the progress of the work how unequal I am to cope with the
difficulties which even a simple translation has presented. The
difficulty has been that a translation from a more powerful into a
feebler vehicle is sometimes unattainable. The coarser lineaments
are capable of reproduction, but the finer traits vanish in the
alembic. This will be generally conceded as regards the rendering
of the artistic productions of a language, but the conception is
prevalent that scientific treatises are capable of being transferred,
without loss, from any one cultivated tongue into any other. The
difference, however, is one of degree only. Even for purely
scientific exposition the members of one cultivated tongue never
precisely cover those of another. That the German inherits, as
its special prerogative, the terms of scientific philology and of
modern metaphysics, the creation of the post-Kantian philosophy,
I have already indicated, and this is precisely the walk to which
the present work belongs. A cumbrous periphrasis has therefore
been in many cases the sole mean of rendering some of the neatest
and most exact expressions of the original. In the Prosody, for
instance, An-laut, In-laut and Aus-laut, with their paronyms, are
frequently recurring. The generic element laut, meaning sound,
is here differentiated with perfect propriety by the prepositions an,
signifying inception, in, signifying inclusion, and aus, signifying
finality : so that the first means the sound at the beginning ; the
second that in the middle; and the latter that at the end of a
VI Preface.
syllable. How poor in meaning, notwithstanding their vocal com-
plexity, are the expressions, I will not call them equivalents, by
which the poverty of our vernacular has constrained me to render
them, is obvious at once. While I am thus sensible of the defects
of my translation, I hope that the circumstance above mentioned
will lenify any hostile criticism which they may provoke.
It is due to the eminent author of the vast monument of industry
and erudition which is now ushered into the British public to
furnish them with a sketch of his biography. Edward Matzner,
the son of a house- painter, was born on the 25th of May 1805 at
Rostock in Mecklenburg. He was a pupil at the gymnasium, or
grammar school, of Greifswald in Prussian Pomerania, where he
began his career as an author by the publication, in 1822, of a
romantic drama in five acts, called Hermann and Thusnelda.
Philology and theology were the subjects of his studies, both at
Greifswald, and afterwards at Heidelberg, but philosophy, or
thought in the most elevated and abstract forms of its activity,
and philology, or the study of the vehicle of thought in its mani-
fold manifestations, presented to his vigorous and enquiring mind
so many more attractions than the theology which had been his
destined career that the latter was gradually abandoned. In 1830
he became a tutor at Yverdun in French Switzerland, but quitted
that post the following year to become the master of a French
gymnasium at Berlin, which, after about another year, he quitted
for a gymnasium at Bromberg in Posen. He was constrained by
ill-health to give up this appointment in 1834, and remained in
private life till 1838, when he accepted the post of director, or
head-master, of a collegiate establishment at Berlin for the higher
education of girls, which he still fills. The duties of his appoint-
ment leave him leisure for the prosecution of his favourite studies
and pursuits. His wife Ida, was sister of Dr. Gustav Eberty, now
Stadtgerichtsrath, or one of the members of the central court of
justice for Berlin, and also one of the members for Berlin in the
Prussian House of Representatives. She died in 1870.
His published works are as follows : —
A Latin Essay upon the Homeric Zeus, 1834.
Licurgi Oratio in Leocatem. Berlin, 1836.
Preface. VII
Aristophanis Orationes XV. Berlin, 1838.
Aphorismen aus Theodor Parow's Nachlass. Berlin, 1837.
Dinarchi Orationes III. Berlin, 1842.
Ueber volksthiimliche Getranke in cultur-historischer Bezie-
hung, in den Verhandlungen der poly tech nischen Gesellschaft.
Berlin, 1857.
Syntax der Neufranzosischen Sprache. Theil I. Berlin, 1843.
Theil II. 1845.
Ueber das Geschworengericht und das Schuldwesen ; in der
Zeitschrift fiir volksthiimliches Becht und nationale Gesetzgebung,
von Gustav Eberty. Halle, 1844.
Franzosische Grammatik, mit besonderer Beriicksichtigung
cles Lateinischen. Berlin, 1856.
Altfranzosische Lieder, berichtigt und erlautert, nebst Glossar.
Berlin, 1853.
Vorwort zu : Aus Stadler's Nachlass. Berlin, 1865.
Eiiglische Grammatik. Theil I. I860.
. Theil II. Berlin, 1865.
Alt-Englisehe Sprachproben. 1869.
Several essays and reviews in Noack's Jahrbiicher fiir specu-
lative Philosophic and in Bergmann's philosophische Monatshefte.
Essays in the philosophical periodical : Der Gedanke ; edited
by Michelet.
He was elected an honorary member of the Philological
Society of London in 1869.
CONTENTS.
Introduction. Page
The English Language 1
First Part. The Doctrine of the Word.
Section the First; Prosody, or, the Doctrine of Sounds.
I. The Word, according to its Ingredients.
The Alphabet 12
The Vowels in General 12
The Pronunciation of the Vowels and Diphthongs in detail . 14
I, Y ! 16
E 23
A 30
0.. 37
U 42
Silence of Vowels 45
Consonants in general 49
The Pronunciation of the Consonants in detail 52
1) The Nasal and the Liquid sounds (m, n, I, r) 52
2) The Lipsounds (p, b, / (ph, gh) v, w, (wh) 54
3) The Tooth-sounds (t. d, th, s, c, z, ch, sh, j, o) 55
4) The Throat-sounds (c, k, q, qu, ch, g, (gh, gu) h, y and x) . . 64
Silence of Consonants 66
Silence of Vowels with Consonants 72
The Syllable, and the Division of Syllables 73
The Word and its Accent 76
A) The Doctrine of the Accent, as Principal Accent . . . . . 77
1) The Accent of the Simple Word 77
2) The Accent of the Compound Word 83
B) Of the Subordinate Accent 92
II. The Elements of the Word according to their Origin.
Origin of the Vowels and Diphthongs.
I (le) 95
Y 99
E (Ee, Ei, Ey, Ea, Eo, Eu, Ew) 100
A (Ai, Ay, Au, Aw) 108
X Contents.
Page
0 (00, Oe, Oi, Oy, Oa, Ou, Ow} 114
V(Ue, Ui, Uy) 124
Origin of the Consonants 1-26
1) The Nasal and the Liquid sounds (7/1, n, I, r) 128
2) The Lipsounds (p, 6, /, ph, w, w) 131
3) The Tooth-sounds (t, d, th, s, z, sh, j) 136
4) The Throat-sounds (k, ek, q, c, cA, g, (gu, gh) h, y, x) . . . 144
Changes of the Primitive Word through its Contraction and Amplification 163
A) Contraction of the Word 163
1) The Falling off of Vowels 164
. 2) The Omission of Consonants 166
3) The Omission of Vowels and Consonants 172
B) Amplification of Words 177
1) Adding on of Vowels 177
2) Adding on of Consonants 181
Assimilation of Consonants 192
Transposition of Sounds, or, Metathesis . 193
Assimilation of Different Words and Double Forms of the same Word . 196
A) Assimilation of Different Words 196
B) Double Forms of the Same Word 213
Second Section. The Doctrine of Forms.
I. The Parts of Speech and their Inflective Forms.
A) The Noun.
1) The Substantive 219
Declension of the Substantive in General 220
The Regular Formation of the Plural 223
The Irregular Formation of the Plural 226
Plural Formation of Compound Substantives 232
Peculiarities in the Use of the Numerals 233
The Formation of the Genitive 242
Peculiarities in the Use of genitive Forms 245
The Gender of Substantives . 248
2) The Adjective . . • 269
The Declension of Adjectives 270
The Comparison of the Adjective 272
3) The Numeral 283
a) The Cardinal Numeral 283
b) The Ordinal Numeral 288
c) The Multiplicative Numeral 290
4) The Pronoun 290
A) The Personal Pronoun 290
B) The Demonstrative Pronoun 301
C) The Interrogative Pronoun 303
D) The Relative Pronoun 305
E) The Indefinite Pronoun 308
5) The Article 315
B) The Verb 318
Sorts of the Verb and their Interchange 318
The Forms of the English Verb in general 323
The Weak and the Strong conjugation 326
Anomalous Verbs of the Weak conjugation 338
The Strong Conjugation 353
Irregular Verbs 376
Compound and Periphrastic tenses 384
C) Particles 386
1) The Adverb 386
Origin and Form of Adverbs . 388
Contents. XI
Page
a) Substantive Adverbs . , 389
b) Adjective Adverbs 391
c) Adverbs of Number 398
d) Pronominal Adverbs 399
e) Prepositional Adverbs 401
f) Negative and Affirmative Particles 406
2) Thr Preposition 408
3) The Conjunction 417
4) The Interjection 425
II. The Formation of Words.
A) Derivation 432
1) Improper Derivation 432
2) Derivation Proper 435
a) Germanic Derivative Terminations 435
b) Romance Derivative Terminations 454
1) Derivative Terminations of Nouns 454
•>) Derivational Suffixes of the Verb 472
A) Verbs derived from Verbs 472
B) Verbs derived from Nouns 473
B) Compounding 474
1) The Compounding of Nouns 477
The Compound Substantive 477
a) Compounding of Two Substantives 477
b) Compounding of an Adjective and a Substantive . . . . . 482
c) Compounding of a Verb and Substantive 483
The Compound adjective 485
a) Compounding of Two Adjectives 485
b) Compounding of a Substantive and an Adjective 486
c) Compounding of a Verb and an Adjective 488
2) The Compounding of the Verb 488
a) Compounding of Two Verbs 488
b) Compounding of a Substantive and a Verb 489
c) Compounding of an Adjective and a Verb 489
3) The Compounding of the Verb and of Nouns with Particles . . 491
a) Compounding with Anglosaxon Particles . . . . . . .491
1) Inseparable Particles 491
2) Separable Particles 494
b) Compounding with Romance Particles 498
1) Inseparable Particles 498
2) Separable Prepositional Particles 500
3) Adverbial Particles 508
INTRODUCTION.
THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE.
A he English language, at present diffused not only over Great
Britain, Ireland and the surrounding islands, but also throughout the
English colonies out of Europe, as well as throughout the common-
wealth of North America, is a peculiar mixed language, formed
within Great Britain. Its most essential constituent, the Anglosaxon,
after the expulsion of the Celtic language, coalesced with Normanfrench
elements, and has established itself as its formative power.
The primitive inhabitants of Great Britain and Ireland were
Celts. Immigrant Belgic populations, which, even before Julius Cae-
sar's time occupied the coasts of Britain, were likewise of Celtic stock,
the most civilized among them being the inhabitants ot Kent. The
Celtic language, peculiar to the whole of western Europe when the
Romans took possession of Britain, is still spoken, as the language
of the people, in Ireland, in the highlands and islands of Scotland,
where subsequent immigrants from Ireland in the third century (Picts
and Scots) displaced the ancient Caledonians from the West onwards;
also in Wales and in the Isle of Man, as well as in French Lower
Brittany. The Celtic literature of the druidical era has perished; a
modern one has arisen only under the influence of foreign culture;
its monuments extend up to the eighth and ninth centuries, but only
in our own age have they become the subject of research. L. Dief-
fenbach and Zeuss, among the Germans, have devoted to it most
comprehensive investigations (Celtica, in two parts. Stuttgart 1839
and Grammatica Celtica. Leipzig 1852. Two parts) while its modern
idioms have been variously explored by English and French scholars.
Even in antiquity a distinction was drawn between the two main
branches of the Celtic tongue, the Gaelic (the same as Gaedelic, with
a mute d) and the British. To the Gaelic branch belong: first, the
present Irish, frequently called Erse; secondly, the Highland-Scotch,
or Erse, commonly called the Gaelic; and. thirdly, the Manx. To
^ Matzner, engl. Gr. I. 1
•
2 Introduction.
the British branch belong: first, the Welsh, or Cymric (Cymraeg)
in Wales; secondly, the CornisH in Cornwall, which died out in the
eightenth century; and, thirdly, the Armorican, (Breizounek,) in
Brittany.
In English, with tjie exception of no inconsiderable number of
proper names of towns, villages, hills, rivers and lakes, Celtic roots
have been but scantily preserved, and of these only a few have been
transmitted through the Anglosaxon. In modern times many Celtic
words have been taken up by the language of the people.
The British Celts were (from Caesar, 60 years before Christ, to
Agricola, 84 years after Christ subdued by the Romans, with the ex-
ception of the mountaineers of Wales and Scotland, who, like their
Irish congeners remained unconquered. Roman-british towns soon
covered the flourishing land, which was traversed by well designed
roads, and peopled partly by Roman colonists, soldiers, and maintained
a brisk intercourse with Rome and her provinces. With the Roman
constitution, Roman laws and the official use of the Latin tongue, Eng-
land even received a tinge of Roman science and learning as well
as eloquence. Here, however, in striking contrast with its influence
in Celtic Gaul, the Latin tongue, although a necessary medium for
intelligence in the towns, struck by no means so deep a root among
the Celtic population as to become permanently influential in the
subsequent formation of the English language. The gradual penetra-
tion of Latin into English begins with the introduction of Christianity
and of its ecclesiastical language, advances with the development of
mediaeval science, and continues to grow with the revival of classical
culture. The linguistic traces of the Roman dominion are preserved
only in names of places (such as those compounded of caster, Chester,
cester and coin, that is, castra, colonia). After nearly five hundred
years possession of the country the Romans recalled their legions to
Italy, then hard pressed by barbarians, and thereupon a fresh foreign
rule began in Britain.
The beginnings of the Anglosaxon dominion are veiled in dark-
ness. Marauding expeditions of German and Scandinavian mariners
to the southern and eastern coasts of Britain began in the third cen-
tury after Christ: the Romans maintained fleets in the ports of Britain
and Gaul against the barbarians; in the South-east strongholds were
founded for the defence of the coast. In the reign of Valentinian,
Theodosius acquires the surname of Saxonicus through his defeat of
German pirates, and, even in the fourth century, the seacoast bears
the name of Littus Saxonicum, which seems to point to its settlement
by Germans. The British towns, in 409, expelled their imperial
officers and drove away marauding Saxons, inhabitants of the northern
coasts of Germany, by force of arms. The prevailing portion of the
population of the South-east seems, even before the subsequent immi-
gration of the Saxons and Jutes, to have been of the Saxon stock.
Modern enquirers, however, are wrong in ascribing the formation of
the Scotch dialect to the contemporaneous invasion of Scotland by
the Picts, as if these were a Scandinavian race from the North.
In various expeditions the Angles, Saxons and Jutes, ostensibly
called in for succour against the Picts and Scots, came about the
The English Language. 3
middle of the fifth century to Britain and, after a prolonged contest,
possessed themselves of the country. The earliest and most numerous
settlers, the Angles, who appeared ^in the North between the Humber
and the wall of Antonine, gave their name to the country (Englaland),
although the Celts are wont even now to denote the English by the
name of Saxons (Cymric, Seison Saeson). The Angles, for a while
the most powerful, subsequently succumbed to the Saxons, of whom
the Westsaxons, in 827, in the reign of Egbert, obtained the sover-
eignty over the whole country, as well as over Wales, while the
less numerous Jutes, who are commonly mentioned as the oldest
settlers in Kent and the Isle of Wight, played no important part
politically. All had come from the northern coast of Germany, from
Friesland to the peninsula of Jutland: their tongue, the Lowdutch,
was spoken by them in various dialects, which, blended in England
more than in their home, still betray their diversity in the popular
dialects of modern English.
At the end of the sixth century we find the Angles spread over
the greatest portion of the country. In the South of Scotland, between
the Tweed and the Frith of Forth, where King Edwin in 620 built
Edinburgh, as likewise in Northumberland (that is, Bernicia) also in
Cumberland, Durham, (the bishopric) Westmoreland, Lancashire and
Yorkshire (that is, DemO they dwelt under the name of Northumbers.
This Northumberland was, from the seventh till the middle of the
eighth century, the chief seat of learning. They bore the name of
Mercians in Cheshire, Derbyshire, Nothinghamshire, (Northmercians)
and south of the Trent in Lincolnshire, Northamptonshire, Rutland-
shire, Huntingdonshire, the northern part of Bedfordshire, Hertford-
shire, Buckinghamshire, Oxfordshire, Gloucestershire, Warwickshire,
Worcestershire, Herefordshire, Staffordshire and Shropshire (South-
mercians). In Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire and the Isle of Ely,
as well as in part of Bedfordshire, they were called East Angles, in
Leicestershire, belonging to Mercia, Middleangles.
The Saxons settled in the South, in Sussex, Essex, Middlesex
and the south of Hertfordshire, as East Saxons; then, in Surrey, Beri;-
shire, Wiltshire, Dorsetshire, Somersetshire, Devonshire and a portion
of Cornwall, as Westsaxons.
Lastly we find the Jutes in Kent, the isle of Wight and a part
of Hampshire.
Masters, for the most part, of the soil, and, unlike the Ro-
mans, inhabitants of the open country, the language of the con-
querors soon penetrated deeply into the life of the people. The Anglo-
saxon language and literature flourished, developing even early cultivated
prose. The best manuscripts in the Anglosaxon language have their
origin in the tenth century; the then predominant dialect, that of
Wessex, maintained itself in this century unadulterated; of the earlier
language we are ignorant, the earlier works having been moulded by
the copyists according to their respective dialects. The decay of the
language begins in the eleventh century, under the influence of the
Normans. Of foreign elements, the Anglosaxon language after the
introduction of Christianity into England in 597, (first into Kent) which
spread rapidly in the seventh century, adopted a number of words,
1*
4 Introduction.
originally taken from the Greek, from the language of the Latin
church. A few more Latin words have been transmitted through the
Anglosaxon, and have remained in the subsequent English.
From 787 the Danes molested the coasts of England. In the
ninth century they possessed thenisel\es of the north, and settled in
Northumberland and Mercia. Alfred the Great, involved, like his
predecessors, in conflict with them, and, for a while, bereft of his
sway at last overcame them, although they afterwards, after fresh
arrivals of their countrymen, again in union with Scots and
Britons, combated the Anglosaxons, until defeated by Athelstan at
Brunaburg. The Danish king Sweno afterwards invades England,
and, from the year 994, is repeatedly bought off with Danegelt. in
order to avenge the murder of the Danes by Ethelred in 1000, he
returns, is reconciled by a fresh atonement, (Mandebod), and dies in
a final attempt to conquer the country, in 1014. His son Canute the
Great conquers it in 1016, makes himself monarch in 1018, and, being
at the same time king of Denmark, he tries to blend both nations into
one. His sons Harold and Hardicanute reign in succession till 1042
over England, when Ethelred's son, Edward the Confessor, again
comes to the throne, and dies in 1065, and whose successor Harold
loses both throne and life in the battle of Hastings against William
the Conqueror in 1066.
The language of these Danes, partly from its very nature, was
impotent to exercise a transforming influence upon the Anglosaxon
tongue, and moreover, such an influence upon the Anglosaxon was,
on the part of the decidedly less cultivated Danes, scarcely possible.
Even Canute's laws were issued, not in the Danish, but in the Anglo-
saxon language, and they disclose but few traces of the Norse tongue.
Solitary Old-norse words are still to be met with in English and have
therefore overpassed the limits of a dialect. But it was erroneous
to call, as was formerly done, the speech of the country occupied by
the Angles, the Saxon-danish dialect. The memory of the Danish
era has been preserved in such vigour that, in Northamptonshire
even at the present day, the peasants call every coin found in the
earth Dane's money. In the investigation of words, a recourse to the
Old-norse idiom is, further of great importance, where the Lowdutch
dialects afford no clew.
With the commencement of the Norman rule, in 1066, the period
of the violent repression of the refractory Anglosaxon nation, often
provoked to open resistance, the Anglosaxon tongue disappeared from
literature and from the laws. The French language and customs of
the Normans were, even previously, not unknown to the court and to
the upper circles of Anglosaxon life, for, during the Danish sway, the
Princes, Lords and Clergy had fled to the Normans of the continent,
who were superior to themselves in civilization. Normans had been
trained at tbe Anglosaxon court and entrusted with offices : that their
influence was disrelished by the people was the occasion of the
king's being compelled, in 1052, to banish them. But, after the con-
quest by William, the estates of the saxon magnates, as well as the
archbishoprics, bishoprics and abbeys, soon passed into the hands of
Normans. Royal ordinances were now issued in the French tongue,
justice was administered in it, and it became the language of
The English Language. 5
instruction in the schools. The English youth of rank went to France,
frequenting especially the university of Paris, in order to acquire its
language, science and manners. Even in England French poetry
flourished; here, where William the Conqueror's daughter Adela,
countess of JBlois, herself practised poetry, sojourned the epic poets
Richard Wace of Jersey, (died in 1184 in England) Benedict of St.
Maure, Gueiner or Gamier of Picardy, (in England in 11^2), the di-
dactic writers Philip of Than, (Thaun) from the neighbourhood of
Caen, (in England in the 12th century) Geoffrey Gay mar, (12th century)
Turold. Even Mary of France, (12th and 13th centuries) lived mostly
in England. Along with French writers flourished besides numerous
Latin authors, Latin being the language of the Church, of the schools
and of learning generally; and in that tongue documents ef every
kind as well royal ordinances were also in part composed.
The neglect of the Anglosaxon tongue, which even exchanged
its letters for the Norman characters, on the part of the upper
ranks contributed essentially to its corruption by the French, so
that the descendants of the Anglosaxons, as early as the thirteenth
century, were hardly able to read their old writers. The common
people, however, clung with tenacity to their tongue, which however
could not resist the invasion of French words, and, being without
a firm support in any popular written language, became more and more
fluctuating in its forms, and, particularly, more and more mutilated
in its grammatical inflections.
Meanwhile the Anglosaxon element of the Scotch idiom was
being reinforced at the time of the conquest of England by numerous
Anglosaxon refugees, who retired ' thither from the cruelty of William,
and at their head was Edgar Atheling, whose sister King Malcolm
the Third had married. But, even here the French penetrated. A
number of Norman barons, disaffected towards their king, emigrated
to Scotland, receiving land and vassals from the Scottish king. In
the twelfth and thirteenth centuries French was likewise in Scotland
the language of the court; the speech of the people, on the contrary,
maintained itself freer from contact with it. The Scotch dialect,
which by its poets, as Barbour, (died in 1395) Dunbar (died about
1520) Lindsay and others, is certainly not wrongly called the English
language, generally avoided French elements far more than did the
English dialect, although a dirge on the death of Alexander the Third
(in 1285) in not free from French ingredients.
In spite of the preponderance of the Norman-french language
over the despised and degraded Anglosaxon, it was destined for the
latter so far to overpower the former that in a certain peculiar mix-
ture of both the Anglosaxon essentially determined the character of
this new tongue. To this result political relations especially contributed.
An important share is assuredly due to the spirit of the Anglosaxon
constitution and to the free communities, which resisted victoriously
both Danish rudeness and Norman chivalry, and shewed themselves
effective in the development of the House of Commons, where,
even in the reign of the first Edward, the English language began
to strive with the French for the mastery, although Magna Charta
was not translated into the language of the people till 1259. The
6 Introduction.
loosening of the connection of England with France through the loss
of Normandy in 1 203, and its total severance in the reign of Edward
the Second, were also of importance to the language, as was also the
struggle with France, with which ceased the education of Norman
youth in France. The revival of the ancient schools, and the reno-
vated institutions at Oxford and Cambridge, under the name of uni-
versities, contributed, at least mediately, to pave the way to a
national culture. Even the mysteries, hitherto Latin, appear from,
and perhaps even before Edward the Third (1327 — 77) in the language
of the English people. The knowledge of French becomes lost, even
among the educated, with striking rapidity. The enmity towards the
French nation seemed to bring about a contempt for their language,
so that in Chaucer's age (died 1400) French, was no longer spoken
with purity by the upper ranks, which at this very time ceased to be
the language of instruction. Under these circumstances, in 1362,
appeared Edward the Third's order, drawn up in the French language,
that all suits pending in the kings courts should be pleaded in Eng-
lish, although recorded in French, whereas the pleadings theretofore
had been debated in the French tongue, and the records drawn up in
Latin or French. In the House of Lords French was certainly spoken
till 1483, for statutes were issued in French till then.
The language which now began to take the place of the French
is to be regarded as a full grown language, the English. Its forma-
tion is preceded by a period of transition, that of the Half- Saxon
(in the 12th century) which is expressed in literature by the extensive
writings of Layamon and Orme (whence the name Ormulum.). The
language is already called English (Ice patt pis Ennglissh hafe sett
(compare Ormulum in Thorpe Annal. Angl. sax. p. 174). It has
already taken up and assimilated many French words, perceptibly
altered the former spelling and treated the alliteration with neglect.
The declination exhibits the mixture of the single form with the
strong and weak Anglosaxon form. The plural begins, with the
abandonment of the distinctions of gender and declination, to adopt
the plural in s. The forms of the pronoun still resist the complete
obliteration of their terminations. In the adjective we often perceive
the confounding of the strong and the weak form, but frequently also
the strong and the weak form stunted. In the verb, along with the
termination of the plural of the present indicative ad, ed, the termi-
nation en already shews itself; the prefix ge in the perfect participle
of the strong verbs appears commonly in the form ?/, ?', and the n
of the infinitive, and the participle of the strong verbs is frequently
dropped. The weakening of the unaccented and especially of the final
vowels of all parts of speech and, generally, the shortening of words
is observable even in the Halfsaxon.
The English language, in the stricter sense, begins in the thir-
teenth century. Its further and more or less constant development is
nowhere abruptly broken, but in long spaces of time wide differences
become manifest; wherefore we have to divide the period of the Old
English and that of the New English from each other, the boundary
being generally coincident with the commencement of modern culture.
Under the name Old English we comprehend the linguistic period
The English Language. 7
from the thirteenth century to the age of Elizabeth (1558). If, within
this space of time we would distinguish an Old-English period (1250 —
1350) and a Middle English (1350 — 155-S). we must consider on the,
other hand that, in point of fact, no epoch of change in the forms of
the English language occurred in the middle of the fourteenth century,
although the age of Edward the Third gave a new impulse to English
literature. Those who wish to specify sharp distinctions in the forms of
the language of these periods are justly in perplexity. No new
principle of formation enters into the language, no one dialect is
raised decidedly into a literary standard, it being currently said of
the language, even by Chaucer: Ther is so great diversite in English
and in writing of our tong p. 332 Tyrwh., with which Trevisa also
agrees in his translation of Higden's Polychronicon (1387). And, if
the formation and renovation of the English tongue is still ascribed,
as it was by Skelton, to the poets Gower, and to Chaucer, the unsur-
passed during two centuries, (compare Skelton I. 75 and 377), this
refers to the syntactic and stylistic aspect of the tongue more than
to its forms and their mutations Moreover we shall, in the exposition
of the Old-english forms, have the authors of the thirteenth and four-
teenth centuries especially in our eye, who. in regard to the Anglo-
saxon vocabulary and to the strong verbal forms still preserved, are,
of course, richer than subsequent ones; in which respect Skelton might
say that Gower's English was in his age obsolete; as also generally
that, at the end of the Old English period, the linguistic revolution
was so accelerated that Caxton could say, in 1490, that the language
was then very different from that in use at the time of his birth
in 1412.
The Modern English language, further developed under the in-
fluences of the art of printing, of newly reviving science and of the
Reformation, and, from the sixteenth century, methodically cultivated,
is, however, separated from the Old English by no sharp line of
demarcation. Spencer and Shakespeare, who, in part consciously,
affect archaisms, stand on the confines and at the same time reach
back beyond them. Yet the language now gradually gains more and
more in orthographical and grammatical consistency, although the
golden age of Elizabeth is not at the same time the age of classical
correctness of the language, chiefly because the study of the ancient
languages operated immediately more upon the form than upon the
substance of the literature. Nevertheless this study soon contributed
to fix also the English prosody, which, in Old English, was fluctuating.
Although the spelling has continued in certain particulars uncertain
and complicated even to the present day, the settlement of the ortho-
graphy, prosody and grammar since the beginning of the seventeenth
century is an essential mark of distinction between the Old English
and the Modern English. Herewith is associated the securing of
a literary idiom, to which contributed not so much the translations
from the classical languages and from the Italian, as the translation
of the Bible, composed by order of James the First, (1607—11) still
the authorized one, and not only an excellent work for its own age,
but, even for the present, a model of classical language. The home
of the present literary dialect is moreover universally shifted to the
8 Introduction.
ancient confines of the Angles and West Saxons. Some place it in
the dialect of Northamptonshire (Thorn. Sternberg); others, in that
of Leicestershire (Guest); yet the same freedom from provincialisms
is also attributed to the dialects of Bedfordshire and Herefordshire.
The language of the educated is at present every where under the
influence of the literary language, and it is a matter of course that
the living speech of the inhabitants, of the capital is regarded as the
standard for cultivated intercourse, even in regard to pronunciation.
Although not unimportant, the invasion of numerous Latin words
in the sixteenth century is of only subordinate moment in determining
the character of the language. Many of these, called "inkhorn words"
by the purists of the time, have been preserved. Not more important
is the subsequent naturalization of Latin and Greek words through
Milton, (1608 — 74) and the extension of the domain of French words
in English, much that was repugnant having been rejected in more
modern times, and English being especially adapted, from the blunt-
ing of its terminations, to assimilate foreign words of all kinds. A
more essential distinction between Modern English and Old English
is the loss of German words, particularly of strong forms. Even in
the sixteenth century Puttenham (Art of English poetry, 1 598) warns
his readers against old grandsire words and phrases, and dictionaries
down to the present time progressively expel obsolete matter from
the language of the day. Moreover, Lexicography itself, (which began
towards the end of the fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth cen-
tury, at first as English-Latin Lexicography, and in the interest of
the acquisition of foreign languages, as of Latin, Greek and the
modern tongues, but from the seventeenth and especially the eigth-
teenth century strove to collect a vocabulary of the English language,
with a regard, at the same time, to the pronunciation,) has essential
merits as to the correctness of the written and spoken language. A
final distinction between Modern and Old -English is the manifold
stylistic cultivation of the language in all departments of poetry and
prose, whereas Old-English, particularly in prose narrative, lagged
D 1 the endeavour for correctness and variety.
As principal constituents of the English language in regard to
its material are to be specified the words of Anglosaxon and Norman-
french origin, with which are associated modern words borrowed from the
Latin, Greek and Romance, andafew Germanic and even extra— European
tongues. In spite of the lessening of the Anglosaxon and the growth
of foreign elements, the Anglosaxon is still regarded as the main stock
of English. According to some, of 38,000 words regarded as genuine
English, the number of Anglosaxon in the English of the present day
amounts to about 23,000, or nearly 5/8. According to Chambers, there
are 53,000 English words, of which 3,820 are primitive, amongst which
2513 are common to the English and the Germanic and 1,250 to the
English and the classical tongues. According to Thommerel, the
number of words originally Anglosaxon is 12,000. However it be,
the mixture of ingredients in writings of different kinds is very dif-
ferent, so that in works strictly scientific the number of the Anglo-
saxon is the smallest, whereas in other prose works, as well as in
poetry and in common life in general, the Anglosaxon prevail, although
The English Language. 9
even here the cosmopolitan intercourse of modern times affords increased
access to foreign ingredients.
With regard to linguistic forms Anglosaxon has operated along
with French, yet in a greatly preponderant measure. English owes
to Anglosaxon the remnants of inflective terminations in the noun, the
verb and the pronoun, likewise its articles, its numerals, its chief
store of particles in words of relation and in conjunctions, also the
comparative and superlative forms of the adjective, and its adverbial
formation. The Anglosaxon has bequeathed the facility of compounding
words, and a considerable number of forms of derivation, and lastly
has chiefly determined the formation of its periods. The influence
of French shews itself first in regard to sounds: to it is perhaps to be
ascribed the silence of the / before other consonants, like, /, v, k, m;
as also the partial silence of the h and gh. It has also, perhaps,
accelerated ' the silence of the final e, which in Chaucer is still often
sounded. The introduction of the sibilant sound of c = s is also due
to the influence of French, likewise the diffusion of the letters z and
v instead of the original /. It may also have cooperated in consigning
to the Anglosaxon s almost exclusively the formation of the plural.
It has further conveyed to English a number of forms of terminations,
which have given the language a fresh mobility, as they are often
joined on to Germanic roots. Of no slight import is the influence of
French upon the collocation of English words, whereby a freedom,
not possessed by the German, is produced.
The blending of the Germanic with the Romance imparts to En-
glish in general a richness of expression for all shades of thought,
possessed by no other modern language. Its Germanic prosody makes
English more adapted for poetical forms than French, to which,
however, it owes in part the diffusion of rhyme instead of alliteration,
although rhyme was not quite foreign to Anglosaxon. With the bold-
ness and force of Germanic speech English unites the flexibility and
polish of the Romance languages, and only the stunting of the words
and the poverty in inflections, which frequently cause a monosyl-
labic barking, obstruct occasionally the artistic cultivation of the
language.
The English language, in the wider sense, is primarily divided
into English, in the narrower sense, and Scotch,
a. English, even in the olden time split up into many dialects, most
of them appearing also in literature, has, even now, numerous po-
pular dialects, the investigation of which, in regard to sound, to
the grammar and to the vocabulary is important both for the
history of the language and for philology. Collections have, in
modern times in particular, begun to be made of their vocabulary,
so rich in what has been abandoned by the modern language.
Although Anglosaxon, judged by its manuscripts, did not possess
numerous dialects, almost every English county has preserved its
own dialect, sometimes even divided into several shades. These
popular dialects are distinguished from each other and from the
literary language; firstly and chiefly, by their vocalization; secondly,
by the transmutation of many consonants; thirdly, by the rejection
and transposition of consonants; by the preservation, not only
10 Introduction.
of Old-germanic, but also Old-frencli words; fifthly, by the
preservation of Germanic strong flexional forms, as well as by the
interchange of strong and weak forms. Halliwell, in his collection
of archaic and provincial words, has exhibited 51,027 forms of words,
and numerous comparisons of words of various dialects are gradually
ottering more and more support to research.
The present popular dialects are divided, as they were by
Verstegan (in his Restitution in 1(134) into three groups; the
Western, the Southern and the Northern. In the fourteenth cen-
tury Halliwell fancies there were a Southern, a Middle and a Nor-
thern Group, of which the Southern at present remains only in
the West.
The Western group is most sharply expressed in the counties
of Dorset, apart of Somerset, Devon and Cornwall; less so in Wilt-
shire, Berkshire and Oxfordshire, and in Gloucestershire, the present
dialect whereof is still similar to that of old Robert of Gloucester.
Apart from their peculiar vocabulary, these dialects are seemingly
characterized by the lengthening of the vowels, the broadening of
the diphthongs, the softening of s into z and / into v, as also by
suppressed pronunciation without the full opening of the mouth.
The so called Southern dialects may be divided into three branches.
One begins with Kent, wherewith is allied Sussex, Surrey and
Hampshire on the one hand, and Essex on the other, so that the
dialects pass partly into the Western and partly into the East-an-
glian. The East-anglian form the second branch, which shews itself
most decidedly in Norfolk and Suffolk, but to which also Cambridge-
shire and Huntingdonshire, and, as cognate, Leicestershire and Rut-
landshire are attached. These dialects are thin and have something
of singsong, whence the Suffolk "whining", and form a sharp contrast
to the full-toned northern dialects. The midland dialects are to be
regarded as the third branch, as, that of Herefordshire, Warwick-
shire and Northamptonshire, also at present that of Nottingham-
shire, where the northern dialect was formerly native. They form
the transition to the northern dialects.
The Northern group, which we may call the Northumbrian, ex-
hibits itself most decidedly in the dialects of Northumberland, Dur-
ham and the North Riding of Yorkshire, and in Cumberland and
Westmoreland. Broad, full-toned, guttural and passing into the Scottish,
it is hardest in Northumberland and most monotonous in Durham.
In Lincolnshire, where a northern dialect is divided from a southern
one by the river Witham, the latter resembles the Eastanglian. The
dialect of Lancashire recedes in the West from that of Yorkshire,
but, like this, favours the a sound instead of o and ou9 and puts the
o sound in the place ot ea and <M, and hardens the final g and d
into k and t. These dialects, the most remote from the literary En-
glish, have enjoyed the most especial lexicographic research,
b. The Scotch language, or the speech of the Scottish lowlands,
which has maintained its Germanic character with the greatest
fidelity, is distinguished from the English by a broader vocalization,
especially by the frequent employment of the obscure a instead of
o, of ai instead of oa and o, the preservation of the guttural ch,
The English Language. \ \
English yh, and the more frequent retention of the original g and
k, likewise the frequent rejection of tbe final //, of d after n at the
end of a word, likewise of g in the termination ing. It often ex-
changes the participial termination ed for it, preserves many archaic
forms and is distinguished by the employment of particular deri-
vative terminations, such as the ukie, from ock: The Scotch lan-
guage kept pace with the English as a literary dialect till the six-
teenth century; but from that time the English outstripped it.
Queen Elizabeth no longer understood the Scotch letters of Mary
Stuart in the same age when it seemed to the publisher of Chau-
cer (Speght), in 1602, needful to subjoin a glossary of Chaucer's
obscure words, which had not appeared necessary in the editions
of 1542 and 1561, notwithstanding Spencer's Shepheardes Calendar
in 1579 needed a glossary by reason of its "Chaucerisms". With the
union of the two kingdoms in 1603, the removal of the court to
England and the neglect of the Scotch by the upper ranks, the
language lost its literary dignity and subsided into a mere popular
dialect. It raised itself indeed, particulary with the commence-
ment qf the eighteenth century, (Allan Ramsay born 1686) in po-
pular poetry into a certain finish in a narrow department; without,
however, again acquiring the importance of a language of varied
cultivation. In its stationariness the Scotch, originally very close
to the English, has preserved many materials of speech which
have been abandoned in English. The Scotch has hitherto become
more the subject of lexicographical than of scientific grammatical
research.
The forms of English in the countries which have received it
from its original home are hardly to he considered English dialects
in the strict sense, although there it receives a provincial cast in the
mouth of the people. The English of North America, for instance,
which, like the speech of all colonies, has to keep up its intimate
connection with the mother country chiefly through the language of
books, is gradually diverging in pronunciation. It retains words al-
ready obsolete in England, elevates particular English provincialisms
into expressions of universal currency, assigns new and peculiar
expressions to many old words, and takes up many words from the
American languages. The language of conversation in the colonies
suffers everywhere from similar defects, but the general physiognomy
of the tongue remains the same.
Linguistic varieties, such as the thieves' language of England, the
"flash" or "cant" of thieves and beggars, likewise the mob language of
the populace of great cities, a mixed language of divers dialects and,
partly, of arbitrary formations, wherein words are employed with new
and peculiar meanings, (slang words and phrases) do not come under
review as dialects. The pronunciation of the common people of the
great towns, such as that of the cockney speakers of London, has
also no dialectic nature, properly speaking; like as the perversion of the
vocalization and the guttural tinge to the dentals and to r, except
at the end of a syllable, with the Irishman is to be ascribed to the
influence of the Celtic, which also imparts a particular quality to the
pronunciation of Wales.
] 2 The Doctrine of the Word. Part I.
PART I.
THE DOCTRINE OF THE WORD.
Grammar, or the doctrine of language, treats of the laws of
speech, and, in the first place, of the Word, as its fundamental con-
stituent, with respect to its matter and its form, in prosody, or
the doctrine of sounds, and morphology, or the doctrine of forms,
and then of the combination of words in speech, in syntax, or the
doctrine of the joining of words and sentences.
FIRST SECTION.
PROSODY, OR, THE DOCTRINE OF SOUNDS.
I. THE WORD, ACCORDING TO ITS INGREDIENTS.
THE ALPHABET.
The English alphabet, the totality of its phonetic signs, has,
under the influence of Norman French, instead of the gradually ex-
piring Anglosaxon, become the same as the Romance. It contains at
present the following signs, according to the usual succession:
ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ
abcdefghijklmnopqrst uvwxyz
Their names are expressed by the following english designations:
ai, bee, cee, dee, ee, ef, jee, aitch, i or eye, jay, kay, el, em, en,
o, pee, cue, ar, ess, tee, u or you, vee, double u, eks, wy, zed.
These phonetic signs represent, either singly or combined, as ch, sh,
gh, th, the various sounds of speech; combined letters also serve to
represent simple vocal sounds, as ee, ie, ea, &c. The letters y and
w at the end of a word, serve as consonants, else as vowels, although
w only in conjunction with other vowels.
THE VOWELS IN GENERAL.
The vowel is the simple sound, which, without the cooperation
of the moveable instruments of speech, proceeds out of the larynx
through the more or less enlarged cavity of the mouth. Where two
simple vowel-sounds flow together, there arises a double-sound, or
diphthong1, whose first or second constituent has the preponderance
in pronunciation.
English presents more than any other tongue the striking phe-
nomenon that the simple vowel-sound is represented by more than
one vowel sign ,- diphthongs, on the contrary, by a simple sign ; and
totally different sounds are also often denoted by the same vowel
Part. 1. Sect. I. Phonetics. 13
signs. These contradictions in orthography are partly the result of
adhesion to a written language no longer according with modern pro-
nunciation, partly also of the crossing of the Germanic and the French
orthography, although the Germanic tinge remained of decided in-
fluence even in the French and other constituents of the language,
so that we still find the general phonetic shades of the language in
the Lowdutch and Scandinavian dialects of the present day.
Triphthongs, or three vowels flowing together, are unknown to
English: In such words as buoy, u is either cast out or passes into
the half consonant w.
Such combinations of vowels as ea are falsely called diphthongs
in English and such as eau triphthongs:
English, like Anglosaxon, distinguishes short and long vowels, and
gives even to vowels originally French the full value of the Germanic
length.
In partial illustration of the modern English orthography the
Anglosaxon vocalization may serve, a (a), e (e), i, o, u and y (this
allied to u and falsily confounded with i) serve to represent
short vowel sounds: the diphthongs ea ((ie and eo (io, ie) are to be
regarded as half-lengths. The long vowels are d, ce, e, i, 6, u, y;
diphthongs ed and eo (id) along with which ei, eu, ie, oe and oi
sometimes appear, mostly in Anglian dialects.
Instead of long vowels, reduplications of vowels are also found,
which Old English still frequently shews (for instance Mi = heo, in
Robert of Gloucester) but which Modern English, with the exception
of ee, oo (and even the latter shortened) has abandoned, although
even in Old English the extensions ee^ ea, are frequently denoted by
a simple e. The Old English vocalization also frequently departs
otherwise from the modern English, as will be pointed out below in
the exposition of the origin of the sounds.
Considered phonetically, the decided vocalization of Modern
English is divided into twelve vowels (of which six long ones stand
opposed to six short ones) and four diphthongs.
To these may also be joined, as a final vowel sound, the ob-
scured sound of glibly spoken vowels in the unaccented syllable,
which modern English Phoneticians denote by uh, and which does
not lie on the scale of vowels from i to u, with greater or less en-
largement of the cavity of the mouth, but arises from the mere
opening of the mouth accompanied by the expulsion of a sound. This
sound however nowise corresponds to all obscurations of sound. The
shades of sound arising from the contact of those vowels with con-
sonants are not taken into consideration. Neither are those combi-
nations in which the unaccented e and i before other vowels pass
into the consonant yy and, in union with preceding consonants, produce
a partial sibilant, reckoned among diphthongs. Special and rare com-
binations, especially in foreign words, have also been passed over.
The phonetic system above touched upon, with its notation by
letters, is represented in the following table. The sound is denoted by
letters borrowed from other Germanic tongues.
14
Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part L Sect. I.
Short vowels.
1. i, y rarely ui, ie, ee (been)
Highdutch l
2. e, ea; i and y before r rarely ie,
ai (said) a (ate) Highdutch 8
3. a Highdutch betwixt £ and e
4. 6, ou rarely a (malt)
Swedish a
5. u, o rarely oo (blood)
Highdutch betwixt 6 and o
6. u, oo, ou (could, should)
Highdutch u
Long vowels.
e, ea, ee, i, ie, rarely ei,^ ey, ay,
(in quay) Highdutch I or ie
a, ai, ay, ea, ei, ey rarely e (cf. ere)
Highdutch e, ee
a, au (before n) Highdutch a
a, au, aw, ou, rarely oa (broad)
Lowdutch a, Swedish a
6, oa, oe, oo, ou, ow rarely ew
(sew) Highdutch 6
u, ue, ui, o, oo, ou, ew rarely oe
(shoe) Highdutch u
Diphthongs
i, y, (rarely ei, ey, ai)
Highdutch ai (ei)
on, ow Highdutch au
oi, oy Highdutch 6i
u, ue, ui, ew, eu Highdutch in.
As with the treatment of the primitive vowels in writing, their pro-
nunciation has likewise the most consistency and decision in the ac-
cented syllable, whereas the unaccented syllables, from which that receiv-
ing a subordinate accent forms of course an exception, have suffered
more or less obscuration of vocalization. The difficulty of apprehending
and representing these dimmings explains the diversity in the views
of orthoepists about such sounds and their notation by signs.
THE PRONUNCIATION OF THE VOWELS AND DIPHTHONGS
IN DETAIL.
In the employment of the same simple or combined vowels for
different sounds, as also of different vowels signs for the same sounds,
we annex the discussion of the pronunciation to the series of phonetic
signs i, y, e, a, o, w, by representing, with each of these,
its combinations according to their phonetic value. In the first place
we discuss the sounds in the accented, and then in the unaccented
syllable. With regard to the temporal duration of the sound, we
distinguish long and short syllables in the seat of accent, while, in
the unaccented syllable, length, more or less weakened, may even be
made shortness, and shortness may be suppressed into glib shortness,
apart from the complete silence of the vowel.
With the seat of accent the quantity, and therefore also the pho-
netic tinge of the vowel, stand in the most intimate connection; but,
along with these, the final sound of the syllable in general cooperates
Parti. Sect. L The Word, according to its elements. 15
essentially in the determination of its quantity. The subordinate
accent commonly operates analogously to the chief accent.
The close syllable, that is, the syllable ending in a consonant,
with a simple vowel, presents itself in every seat of accent as pre-
dominantly shortness, and the same is true of the unaccented syl-
lable. But the syllable with a final consonant, followed by a mute e
(organic or unorganic) is in general long, which however is only in
a limited measure true of the unaccented syllable. The exceptions
are chiefly syllables with a final / and r, more rarely m and n.
The open syllable on the contrary, that is, the syllable ending
with a vowel, is long in words in which the accent falls on the ul-
timate or sole syllable (perispomena), as well as in those that have
the accent on the penultimate (properispomena) ; whereas the ante-
penultimate accented syllables give words with a short accented syl-
lable (proparoxy tones). In this last position w, however, forms an
exception; as do e, a and o in the case when the succeding final
consonant is followed by a double vowel (in derivative syllables)
whose first is an i or e (as ian, ial, iaous, ean, eous, eor, &c.) mostly
remain long also in the antepenultimate syllable, whereas this is not
the case with i. Since, in the double syllables indicated, e and i
have the inclination to blend as semi consonants with the following
vowel, words of this sort are mostly to be regarded as properispomena.
"What is true of the vowel of the antepenultimate has also application
to any syllable situate still further back, when it receives the accent.
Another series of exceptions is formed by those penultimate open
syllables (mostly with «, e, a) which remain short.
In all accented syllables the vowel preceding another vowel is
wont to be long. This lengthening usually remains in the unaccented
syllable also; but, in a syllable originally unaccented, a vowel before
another vowel is short.
Conformably with these general views, a change in the quantity
of the vowel frequently shews itself in derivations, in which the ac-
cented syllable remaining open is encumbered with final syllables:
compare hero — heroine, condign — condignity, profane —
profanity, austere — austerity, tyrant — tyranny, abdo-
men — abdominal, foreknow — foreknowledge; as also when
the accent is pushed forwards or backwards from the original long syl-
lable, the length often shortens: compare inspire — inspiration,
disciple — discipline, admire — admirable.
Yet a fixed principle is not carried out here.
The apprehension of the short vowel as the vowel of the close
syllable has led to the phonetic peculiarity that, where the open syl-
lable is sharpened, or short, the pronunciation draws the initial con-
sonant of the following syllable immediately on to the vowel (Attraction)
and, as it were doubles it, like as writing also after a short vowel
frequently doubled consonants originally single (compare waggon with
wagon- Anglosax: vagen; addice Anglosax: adesse; matter French
matiere) and in derivations from oxytones the single consonant is
doubled: wit — witty; begin — beginner; abet — abettor-, on which
account orthoepists, to denote the division of syllables for pronunciation,
16 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part. 1. Sect. I.
put the accentual mark for shortness after what is, properly speaking,
an initial consonant: compare sat' in.
I, Y. These two phonetic signs, though often of very different
origin, are essentially shared between the sounds of the Highdutch l
(seldom I) and the Highdutch diphthong ai or ei, as the Old- and
Middle Highdutch long i is often represented as ei in modern High-
dutch.
A) In the accented syllable i answers to
1. the short i
a) in the close syllable: thin, fringe, shrill, filch, milk,
mist, did, fit, stinking, industry, incapacity.*)
Except «. here the accented syllables pronounced as the diph-
thongs, ei with silent gh (in #A, ght,): nigh, thigh, tigh, high;
blight, plight, fight, fright, Wight &c.; with silent g (in
ign): malign, condign, sign, assign; with silent c (in cfy:
indict; with mute s in isle, island, and viscount, mostly
with their derivatives, in which the consonant remains mute and
the accent does not advance. Compare on the other hand c o n -
dignity, malignant, assignation, assignee, of which
only the last retains the silent g notwithstanding the entrance
of the i, as in sevennight, which is pronounced sennit:
further, in roots with a final nd, like bind, find, blind, krind
&c., to which is added nt pint, and those with Id: mild child,
wild, in whose derivatives however i appears instead of i:
compare wilderness, children and the compound kindred. Ac-
cording to Smart childe is sounded with a short i, according to
others with i. Here also an exception is formed by wind =
ventus, with its derivatives, as distinguished from wind (with
i) with its derivatives, from which however windlass deviates,
and also rescind, together with all derived from the Latin scin-
dere. Gild and guild, build, in which u is not sounded, have
also a short i:
ei is lastly heard in climb and Christ, yet not in the deri
vatives from Christ, as christen, Christian &c. and not
even in the compound Christmas (pronounced crismas).
£. Another exception also is formed by the syllable ir with a
consonant after it, unless a second r, as in mirror, immediately
follows it. In this syllable i passes over into the more obscure
sound of 6 like e and borders therefore on the sound u before r.
The reason lies in the final guttural letter. Here belong sir,
fir, chirp, gird, girt, skirt, mirth, birch, girl, fi-rni.
Some pretend to find the sound in bird, first, flirt, thirst deeper and
more obscure. Even educated Londoners moreover pronounce the i
in the most familiar words, as sir, bird, dirt &c. as sur, burd, durt
&c. Before double r the sound remains, even in derivatives, asstirres
&c.; and in squirrel it is commonly heard. In Sirrah some
In words in which a principal and a subordinate accent are to be observed
we denote the principal accent by ", the subordinate by ', the latter only if
the vowel upon which the subordinate accent falls has not a mark of quantity.
2. The Word according to its elements. — The vowels — i. \J
denote it also by ar or er or iir. Even in the open syllable of
sirup, it is pronounced in common life ti, as in sii rrup.
y. In some foreign words in and il in the close syllables are pro-
nounced like the Highdutch I, ie ; chagrin, chequin, zechin
(the latter also with the accented first syllable) chop in (likewise
sometimes accented on the first syllable) bom basin, palan-
quin, capuchin, alguazil. (Others accent the first or second
syllable) brasil or brazil, also invalid (substantive, as distin-
guished from the adjective invalid, weak). It is also pronounced
thus in fa mi lie, on the otherhand spadille, regularly. By
some glacis is also referred to this rule.
b) In an open syllable the sound i appears, if the accented syl-
lable is the antepenultimate or a prior one and the following
one begins with a consonant: participate, diminutive,
civilize; — filial, niveous, opinion, exhibition; — in-
clinatory, criminatory, libertinism, familiarize; line-
ation, ministerial.
Except some words in which i is pronounced like the diphthong
•ei, as primary, binary, quinary, irony, nitency, pri-
vacy (according to some with i) annihilate; also derivatives,
as migratory; here belong also of course compounds, as
isingglass, icicle (which, in spite of the mute e must pass
for three syllables) and the compounds of micro-, as micro-
cosm, microscope, microscopical &c.
2) It corresponds to the diphthong (ai) ei
a) in every accented open syllable followed by a vowel; iodine,
bias, dial, client, diet, brier, hierarch, diadem, va-
riety, prosodiacal, ^Egyptiacum, Leviathan, pria-
pism; — scientifical, pioneer, violation, hierarchical
&c.; therefore also in those i falling under the subordinate accent
from verbs in y: versifier, justifiable, prophesier &c.,
also in every syllable formed by the vowel alone: idol, iris,
irony; except italy and image (from the root im: compare
the Latin i mi tor).
b) likewise in the penultimate open syllable followed by an ini-
tial consonant: bifid, diver, crisis, spider.
tt. Exceptions from this rule, in which a short i enters, are pretty
numerous, as in the rest of the vowels except u. They regard
mostly words originally Romance or Latin, without our having
been able to detect the principle of adhering everywhere to
the original quantity. Yet we readily observe that in most
of the exceptional cases the root syllable is followed by an i
or e derivative termination (perhaps also another root); the
obscurer vowels a, o, u, ou &c. are far more seldom met with
at the ends of words.
Thus words in y are found here: lily, stithy, (compare
stith), city, pi'ty, privy; especially adjectives in id: nitid,
liquid, livid, rigid, frigid, vivid, insipid, timid;
Compounds as trifid, quadrifid &c.; nouns in ic: civic,
critic, empiric; also compounds in fie, as prolific, pacific
Matzner, engl. Or. I. 2
18 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. 1.
&c.; verbs and adjectives in ish: minish, diminish, finish,
british, dimish, compare dim; on the other hand irish;
in it: sigil, civil; Nouns and verbs in it: digit, spirit,
limit, visit, illicit, elicit, exhibit, inhibit , prohibit,
explicit, implicit, solicit; Participles in en: risen, dri-
ven, riven, shriven, thriven (true to the Anglosaxon i),
also linen; on the other hand i = ei in the verb dizen; words
in el: chisel, shrivel, snivel, swivel; and er: liver,
river, primer, hither, shiver, wither, consider, de-
liver; in et: civet, trivet, privet, rivet. To which are
added various other endings of words, as in britain, minim,
and the compound prithee.
Terminations with obscure vowels are here far more rare,
as ar in vicar; age in visage, spinage; ate in frigate;
and in brigand, riband; old in ribald; ard in lizard,
vizard, wizard; in or and our in liquor, visor, rigour,
vigour; in ot in bigot, spigot; in ure in figure; in ute
in minute (on the contrary minute adjective), tribute,
attribute, contribute, distribute and in single words
as ptisan, the compound litharge, bishop, citrul, tri-
bune, continue, sinew, widow.
/?. Some foreign words retain in the penultimate the sound of the
Highdutch 1, ie, becafico (according to some with ei), Cza-
rina, capivi, serpigo (according to some with ei), vertigo
(according to some with ei). China = porcelain is pronounced
chanee.
c) It is a diphthong in those accented syllables ending in a con-
sonant in pronunciation, which are followed by an organic or
unorganic mute e: ice, ire, rise, prime, prize, bite,
bribe, fine, vile, dike, tithe, stride, knife &c.; so also
in isle (with silent s).
«. Except give and live, in which i sounds i.
/*• A second exception is formed by foreign words, in which it
is pronounced like the Highdutch 1, ie; they are mostly words
in ique, ine, ice and ise: pique, antique, oblique; cri-
tique, unique; — machine, magazine, marine, ultra-
marine, transmarine, mandarine, routine, fascine,
festucine, tabourine, tambourine, terrin e, tontine,
trephine, haberdine, colbertine, gabardine, chiop-
pine (Shakspeare) ; — police, caprice, chemise, che-
vaux de frise, frize, moreover gris and verdigris,
fatigue and intrigue, imbecile and some others, wherein
a varying pronunciation and spelling prevails, as in Kash-
mire and Cashmere also Kersey-mere.
B) In the unaccented syllable the appearance of the i as a short
vowel or a diphthong is to be analyzed in general in the following
aspects.
1. a) The short i the most decidedly among the vowels retains its
accented tinge in the unaccented syllable Every unaccented i
is in general short, both in the close and in the open syllable,
unless the syllable ending in a consonant is followed by
/. The Word according to its elements. — The vowels — I. J9
a mute e. It appears less slight in the close syllable: invalid,
irregular, historian, ministerial; more slight in the open
one: divide, perfidy, daintily, flexibility, although
even here attraction prevails in some measure.
The i- sound is however dimmed like other vowels before a
single r, an unaccented final ir as well as yr, er, ar, or, sound-
ing almost exactly like ur, so that words like nadir, satyr,
robber, dollar, author and sulphur have hardly any
distinction in their final sounds.
If another vowel, unless it has a dental before it, follows the
unaccented /, it often becomes hardened, especially after a short
accented syllable, into the halfconsonant y: onion, (speak
onyon), pinion, minion, spaniel, poniard, filial, mi-
liary, million, rarely after a long syllable, as in alien;
yet even here a hardening of the i is approached. The same
phenomenon is also offered by the accented syllable in caviar.
If a dental t, d, s, x = cs, c, z, ch precedes the unaccented
i in this case, the short i becomes commonly a modification of
the dental, which is transformed into a sibilant: militia pro-
nounced milisha, nation, mention, satiate; — soldier pro-
nounced soljer; — persian pronounced persh'an; — social
pronounced sosh'al, conscious pronounced consh'us, noxious
pronounced nockshus; — glazier pronounced glash'er; — fal-
chion pronounced falchun, marchioness pronounced marsho-
ness; yet in many words the i is suffered to sound, especially
as yt as in asian pronounced ash-yan, or even as a vowel, as
in asiatic, pronounced ashiatic If an s or x precedes the t,
the more noble pronunciation requires the hardening of the i
to y: Christian = christyan, question = questyon, mixtion
= mixtyon &c. The popular pronunciation indeed suffers the
£-sound to be heard, but nevertheless transforms y into sh.
b) The i remains short in some derivative terminations, in which
a mute e still follows a consonant; thus constantly in the ter-
minations we, ite: active, native, defensive, opposite,
infinite; and in substantives in ise, ice, as promise, treatise
and apprentice, jaundice, justice &c.; but not in exer-^
else. Likewise in composition with plice and fice: accom-
plice, artifice, edifice, orifice. The derivative termina-
tions ine and ile fluctuate partially with regard to their deriva-
tion. Those supposing the Latin i short, remain mostly: ele-
phantine (elephantinus) , crystalline, coralline, san-
guine (sanguineus); likewise imitations, as cancriue, sac-
charine, lacertine; — fragile (fragilis), fertile, sessile,,
fissile; yet i originally long are also shortened, as in murine,
(murinus), corvine (corvmus), vulpine (vulpmus); — servile-
(servilis), hostile (hostilis), juvenile and others, ^dxereas;
others remain long, (diphthongs) as feline, ferine, porcine,,
bovine; — gentile (gentilis) &c. The verbal termination ize->
remains a diphthong, as in realize, equalize, eternize,
organize, naturalize (wherein ize may be conceived as
falling under the subordinate accent). Endeni'ze forms an
20 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. L
exception, because the termination does not here correspond to
the Greek «£*"'• The verbs in ise are fluctuating; advertise,
exorcise, recognise, have the diphthong, but not those
derived from substantives, as promise. Even in reconcile
i is a diphthong.
In compounds the diphthong of the simple word is, as a rule,
retained, likewise as a compensation for the long i in words
originally Latin and Greek, as regicide, acrospire &c.; in
those compounded of shire the i has however the dimmed sound
of the i: Yorkshire, Wiltshire.
2) The i diphthong as ei without alteration of the accentual tinge :
a) in an open syllable, followed by an accented syllable com-
mencing with a vowel: iambus, Ionic, iota, hiatus, dia-
logism, diameter, miasmal, piacular, viatic, diurnal,
triumphal, Except in foreign Avords, as niello, piaster,
siesta, piazza and such like. This is also the case before
accented syllables commencing witft a consonant, when i makes
a syllable by itself: idea, irascible, ironic, irenical: i
remains short in imagine, imaginary (on account of image,
see above), also in words compounded of in, as inanity (from
the Latin in-anis, compare vanus\ inaugurate, where not i
alone constitutes the syllable.
With respect to the open syllable commencing with con-
sonants before the accented syllable beginning with a con-
sonant the usage fluctuates. Derivative words, whose primitives
had the accent upon that syllable, usually retain the diphthong:
migration from migrate (yet immigration, transmigra-
tion from immigrate &c.) micaceous from mica; libration
from librate; librarian from library; licentiate, licentious
from licence; liquation from liquate; rival! ty from rival;
piratical from pirate; b ib a cio us, compare imbibe, yet imbi-
bition; vibration from vibrate; vitality from vital; vivi-
fic, vivificate, viviparous and others from vive Latin vivus,
although on the other hand vivacity; spinosity from spinous,
spine; citation from cite; gigantic perhaps with a view to
giant (gigas). Yet i is also a diphthong in nigrescent (Lat.
nigresco), nihility (Lat. nihil), tribunal (Lat tribunal), Si-
beria, criterion Greek W^.ioy, and, perhaps with a view to
the Latin, in ditation Lat. ditare. In compound words the pre-
fixes bi (Latin bi), di (Greek and Latin di) tri (Greek and Lat.
tri) have in this position the i diphthong everywhere except in
diploma, with its derivatives, likewise di (= Lat. di from dis):
diduction, divaricate, as also under the subordinate accent.
In other compounds original length remains as a diphthong; thus
in those compounded with &o, Greek f(>oh, pri-m — , primo (Lat.
primus), with chi-r — , chi-ro (Greek #fl?), cli-no (Greek from
xAtVoi), micro (Greek and Lat. micro) and many such, to which
also words like nilometer, rhinoceros, rhizophorous &c.
belong.
b) The final i is a diphthong in Latin terminations of every kind :
/. The Word according to its elements. — The vowels — y. 21
amphiscii, anthropophagi, antiscii, antseci, ascii,
literati, triumviri; lapis lazuli; certiorari; alibi: but
not in Italian words, as banditti, broccoli, vermicelli;
however, in the foreign word rabbi, but which we often hear
pronounced rabbi.
The Compounds of I with other vowels to represent sounds are
ie and ieu (lew) ; in which, however, only the former has taken root
in the language.
A) ie in the accented syllable serves
1. a) to denote the long I of the Highdutch, and therefore often
answers to the English ea and ee: as in mien, piece, priest,
frieze, brief, bier, fiend, field, thief, shield, shriek,
siege, as in cap-a-pie. Where the syllable ends in r the
sound heard in the Lowdutch hier, English here, appears; tier
= row, pierce, fierce, grenadier, gondolier, arque-
busie'r.
By way of exception, the first syllable in giereagle, gierfal-
con, which is also spelt gerfalcon, is pronounced like ger. Com-
pare the Old-English gerfauk, gerfawcon, medieval Latin:
gyrofalco. Some also disregard the i in fierce and tierce.
b) It answers to the diphthong i, ei, in monosyllabic roots: lie,
pie, fie, vie, tie, die, hie and their monosyllabic forms:
dies, tied, as in adjectives: pied = variegated; piedness &c.;
likewise in the forms of nouns and verbs in y: flies from the
substantive fly; tries from the verb try, but not in the second
person present triest, where e sounds by itself = tri-est.
These sound also remains in compounds, even in the unac-
cented syllable: magpie.
2) It has a short sound
a) like i in sieve = siv.
b) like e in friend = frend.
B) In an unaccented syllable ie, with the exception above stated,
answers to the i unaccented: mischief, mischievous and very
frequently in the monosyllabic forms of nouns and verb in y:
cities, dignities, countries; carries, pities, envied, pi-
tied, ablebodied.
Ieu, lew the latter in one word only, belong to French forms.
Both in the accented and the unaccented syllable they answer to
the sound of the diphthong u = iu, so that i almost hardens into a
consonant (=ju): adieu, lieii, view; — camaieu, purlieu.
By way of exception ieu in an unaccented syllable is pronunced
like e with a v (instead of u) in lieutenant = Icvtenant com-
pare Old-English levetennante; likewise like e in messieurs
= mesyerz. We also hear leftenant, leftenant and even
lutenant as well as meschiirz pronounced.
Y, in Old-English, often standing instead of i at the beginning
of a word, now in the middle of a word in words mostly Greek,
rarely persisting as the final sound of the root in inflection or com-
position, but commonly transmuted into i, shares the phonetic rela-
tions of i.
22 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. I.
A) in the accented syllable it answers to:
1) the short i
a) in the close syllable: nymph, lymph, lynx, pyni, sylph,
system, gypsy, hyssop, mysticism.
By way of exception y before a simple r passes over into the
dimmed sound, like ir Myrmidon, myrtle, also in myrrh,
although before two r's belonging to different syllables the genuine
£-sound remains: Pyrrho.
b) in an open antepenultimate or prior syllable before an initial
consonant of the following: pyramid, hypocrite, tyranny;
- myriad, lydian, — hypochondriast, typographical
(on the other hand typography from type).
By way of exception the original diphthong ei is heard under
the subordinate accent in hymenean, hymeneal from hymen.
In compounds this is natural, as well as in those beginning
with hypo and hyper, hypercritical, hypostatical, as weU
as in those compounced of hydro, cyclo <fcc., hydrophobia,
cyclopaedia <fcc., chylifaction from chyle &c.
2) On the other hand it is a diphthong with the sound (ai) ei:
a) in every accented open syllable followed by a vowel: flying,
crying, dryad, myopy, hyacinth, hyades, hyaloid;
hyacinthine; as also in the syllables belonging to the stem
and ending in y: my, thy, by, fly, dry, sly, sky, cry,
apply, espy, deny, descry, defy.
By way of exception my and by, when they lean proclitically
on a subsequent noun, are pronunced like me, be, and thy
undergoes the same in popular Speech. In composition, more-
over, the absence ot accent does not destroy the sanedei of the
stem as in outcry, kilndry.
b) in the open penultimate followed by an initial consonant: cy-
press, tyrant.
Exceptions, in which instead of ei the sound of i enters, are
even here to be found in words ending in ic, «7, ish &c.; in ic:
lyric, physic, typic, chymic; in ^7: Sybil; in ist: chy-
mist; inge: syringe. In panegyric, panegyrist, yr sounds
like er.
c. in the syllable ending with a consonant followed by an organic
or inorganic mute e: lyre, rhyme, pyre, scythe, gyve,
type, thyme, chyle, chyme.
B) In the unaccented syllable y has
1) in general in the close and the open syllable the same sound as
the unaccented i: synonymy, Egypt, physician, analysis,
ycleped, dynamical. The sound is dimmed in the final syl-
lable yr, like ir: satyr, martyr, martyrdom.
2) It is a diphthong however (ei):
a) in the open syllable before the accented syllable beginning with
a vowel: hyena, myology, hyemal (by some pronounced
hyemal). With regard to the open syllable, beginning with a con-
sonant, before the accented syllable beginning with a consonant,
/. The Word according to its elements. — The vowels — e. 23
the maintenance of the diphthong of the stem is true, as it is
of i: lyceum, tyrannic, tyrannical, chylaceous, hyda-
tides (plural, from the sing: hydatis), gyration (from gyre)
in typography (from type) and other compounds. So also
in those compounded with hypo and hyper, as hypostasis,
hypotenuse &c., hyperbole &c. and those with hydro-, hydr-
andhygro: hydropic, hydraulic <fcc., hygrology &c, mostly
technical expressions.
b) in some verbal terminations, as well as in their inflectional
forms: occupy, prophesy, occupying. The verbal endings
fy and ply are properly stems (-ficare, -plicare) justify, mul-
tiply &c. and are in the same predicament as other compounds:
see above.
Of combinations of the vowel y ye alone exists : it is a diph-
thong in ei: bye, rye.
E has partly the power of e, partly of i.
A) In the accented syllable it has
1) the sound of the short e
a) in the close syllable: men, neb, fetch, left, ell, help,
chess, pence, defence, present, expensive.
«) an exception is here again formed by the syllable closed by
r (even with another consonant following), in which the gut-
tural dims the e, so that it appears to have the power of 6,
although the pronunciation of the vulgar Londoner, who says
miircy instead of mercy, is false: her, deter, fern, herd,
fervid.
Even here the influence of the guttural is softened, when it
is followed by a second (dental) r: interrogate; yet not when
rr concludes the stem err.
/9) In some syllables ending in r, e assumes the a-sound (er = ar) :
clerk, sergeant; formerly in many others, as merchant
compare Old-Engl. marchandye; Berkeley compare Old-Engl.
Barcssyre Derby and others, and thus still, provincially, for
example in Leicestershire: marcy, desarve &. and with the
vulgar Londoner sarvant beside survant. So in other provinces
e becomes a before other consonants also; for example, in War-
wickshire: laft, fatch, batty -left, fetch, betty.
y) The short z-sound but rarely appears, as in England, english
cf. Inglond also sec. XVI Jb. Halliwell I. p. 469 II., pretty,
chemistry (pronounced kimistry) and clef (whero some say
clef); yes is also often pronounced yis: compare Old-Engl. jis
(G-owER) yis (PIERS PLOUGHMAN); retch sounds just like
reach.
b) in an Open syllable, ,when the succeeding one begins with a
consonant and that accented syllable is the antepenult or prior
one; yet no double vowel, the former of which is i or e, must
follow the consonant which follows the accented syllable: ne-
bula, legacy, lechery, betony, beverage, devilish, ge-
neral, generous, genesis, several, hesitate, heresy;
- cemetery, necessary; — cementation, generation.
24 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1.
This also appears where the prefixes de and r have the prin-
cipal or subordinate accent: derogate, delegate, deliquate,
reference, relevant; declaration, detonation.
The chief exceptions are words derived from stems with e, in
which e sounds like e. that is to say l, as: legalize, behe-
moth, cenatory, plenary, schematism, schematist (on
account of "/»?»'<) and others; and some among those compounded
of de and re, when there syllables fall under the subordinate
accent, where the 8-sound else appears: decompose, decom-
pound c. der., dehortation, deterration, detestation;
with re this case appears, where it has the more pregnant sense
of again: repossess, reproduce, resalute &c. Exceptions
such as vehement, vehicle Lat. vehemens, vehiculum
perhaps have the i sound because h does not completely remove
the hiatus, compare above annihilate (from Lat. nihil). In
composition with pr eter e under the subordinate accent remains
a long I: pretermit, yet short under the principal accent in
preterit; likewise in derivation, aspreterition. Pre also, Lat.
prae, remains I under the main accent in precept, and com-
monly also under the subordinate accent in presuppose, pre-
surmi'se, preconceive, preconception and others. Excep-
tions of another sort are bedlery (beadlery) and many more.
2) the sound of the long I, ie
a) in the accented open syllable followed by a vowel: deism,
deist, deity, real, realize, theatre, leo, leonine,
theory, deodand; also in re under the subordinate accent:
readorn, reabsorb; and in the accented syllable formed by
a single vowel: eon, even, evil, evening, edict, equable,
equalize, equinox &c.; elasticity, eructation, erep-
tation; as well as in monosyllabic words ending in e: be, he,
me, we, the.
By way of exce'tion the e of this sort is shortened, especially
in the antepenultimate accented syllables and maintains the e-
sound; as emulate, emanate, egotize, egotist and even
egoist, as well as under the subordinate accent: erubescent;
also in the penultimate: ever, epode, ephod.
Among the abovenamed monosyllabic words the proclitic
article sounds ie only when spoken emphatically; else, before
vowels tin; before consonants the, as glib shortness: and gener-
ally, these words, proclitically or enclitically, often lose some
portion of their quantity.
b) in the o en penultimate followed by an initial consonant: le-
gist, Peter, fever, feline, cedar.
Exceptions again are here formed by many words in which e
appears, especially before a derivative syllable, or terminations
containing i ore; in//: l«'vy, bovy, replevy, very, techy;
in id: fetid, tepid, intrepid, gelid; in ic: polemic,
energetic, spheric, generic and others; in ish: relish,
Rhenish, replenish, splenish. perish, blemish, Fle-
misch; in //. ?/<», (?//): peril, beryl, devil, sterile, de-
/. The Word according to its elements. — The vowels — «?. 25
bile; in in: resin; in it: merit, inherit, credit, decre-
pit, debit; in ice: crevice, Venice; in en: 1 even (other-
wise leaven), eleven, seven, heben; in el: level, rebel,
revel, bevel, dishevel, shekel; in er: nether, never,
leper, alleger (from allege), sever, assever, clever, to-
gether, whether; in et: genet, tenet; in ent: clement,
present; also anomalous words, as sheriff, Zephyr, relict,
premiss; — levee, prebend, desert, treble.
Words ending in obscure vowels are here also rarer; in al:
medal, metal, petal; in age: presage; in ace: menace,
preface; in ate: prelate, legate, senate; in ant: pedant,
tenant, lieutenant; in on: melon, lemon, felon, heron;
in or: tenor, and a few other, as seraph, herald; — He-
rod, method, venom, envelop, second, record; —
cherub, deluge, refuge, prelude, refuse, tenure, sphe-
rule, gerund; — nephew, memoir.
c) in the accented syllable ending in a consonant, and followed by
an organic or unorganic mute e: eve, glebe, theme, these,
Crete, here, severe.
Except a few words in r, in which e receives the sound of the
English a = e, much as in the Highdutch Ehre (dimmed by the
guttural r): ere, where, there compare Old-Engl. ar (are),
ware, pare (Roe. OF .GLOUCESTER). Thus too the English-
man pronounces the French commere. In were e is shortened.
d) in the accented syllable (under the subordinate accent also),
when followed by a double vowel sound, the former of which
is i ore: species, aperient, aurelia, comedian, abbre-
viate, allegiance, period, senior, region, genius,
previus, egregious, premium, supersedeas, mezereon,
meteor; under the subordinate accent: geniality, devia-
tion, mediation, mediocrity, periodic, meteorology.
Exceptions are rare, as especial, discretion, precious.
B. In the unaccented syllavle, e, where not silent, (see the silence of
the vowels) is always shortened into the power of i. This tinge comes
out more distinctly in the open syllable before the accent, likewise
at the end of the word, if e is audible at all, and in these po-
sitions is distinguished by a lengthening, which however is insigni-
ficant, because the attraction is weakened: depart, sedate, re-
pose, elaborate, economy, event, and at the end of latinized
Greek words: Phebe, Penelope, epitome, recipe, apocope,
simile, posse, also in puisne (sometimes spelt puny). It is
strictly long in the latinized Greek termination es: ambages,
antipodes. The i-sound comes out less decidedly in an originally
close syllable: restlessness, poef, cove£, helmed, quarreZ,
barren, linen; more distinctly in the termination es after a sib-
ilant: boxes, faces, ashes, he debases.
In the syllable er it is equal to the dimmed ?>, ur: perturb,
persuade, number, partaker, even in emperor (compare
Old-Engl. pepfr = pepper, aftwr, hongwr, longer), softened by
the subsequent consonant: commerce. It is to be observed that
26 Doctrine of the Word. - Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I.
the final bre, tre, ere, gre are exactly equal to the unaccented ber,
ter, cer, ger, as they were often spelt in the older English and still
sometimes are; and that final sounds such as payer, player,
slayer are hardly to be distinguished from those in care, fair.
Lastly we must also remark the influence of the nasal n (in ent,
ence) on the obscurer tinge of the unaccented e (approaching the
English ii): prudent, agent, amendment, ornament, decence,
excellence.
Of combinations of e with other vowels, to represent vowel (and
diphthongal) sounds, ee, ei, ey, ea, eau, eo, eu and ew are to be
cited.
ee is chiefly found
A) in the accented syllable, and serves there
almost solely to represent the long 1, ie, equal to the English e:
needle, bleed, free, feeling, careen, career, debtee,
bargainee.
In Beelzebub both e's are to be pronounced; it sounds Beelzebub
or Beelzebub. In e'er instead of ever and ne'er instead of never
e'er is pronounced like ere in there.
By way of exception ee appears shortened into i in been (Old-
Engl. ben) and in common life in threepenny, threepence
(=thripenny, -ence); we also pronounce breeches (from sing,
breech) like britches: compare Old-Engl. brych (Ron. OF GLOU-
CESTER).
B) In the unaccented syllable ee is shortened like the unaccented e
of the power of e: coffee, committee, levee (according to some
levee); in jubilee we use to leave to ee the long sound.
ei and ey, whereof the former belongs chiefly, though not exclu-
sively, to the end of stems and to some derivative terminations, are
equivalent in their phonetic relations, and are divided into the e-, the
i- and ei- sounds.
A) In the accented syllable ei has
1) commonly the sound of the long e or the English a and ai:
eight, neigh, neighbour, vein, deign, obeisance. Before
r it receives the dimmed sound as in there: their, theirs,
heir, heiress.
2) sometimes that of the long I, ie, Engl. e: ceil, ceiling, seize,
seizin, seine, seignior, re-per-de-con-ceive, deceit,
conceit, receipt, inveigle, leizure, and in propernames as
Leigh, Leith, Keil, Keith, Keighley, Keightley &c. In
Pleiads the pronunciation divides ple-yads.
3) still more unusual is the diphthong sound ei, like the English i
in height (from high), sleight, heigh-ho! In either and
neither too some think to* hear the diphthong ei.
By way of exception we pronounce ei as a short 6, English e
in heifer and in nonpareil.
B) In the unaccented syllable it answers to the short i: foreign,
sovereign, forfeit, surfeit, counterfeit.
ey has
A) in the accented syllable
/. The Word according to its elements. — The vowels — e. 27
1) usually the sound of the longer trey, grey, they, hey! obey,
convey, Heytsbury; before r with a dimmed vowel, as in
there: eyre, eyry, on the other hand, also spelt serie, is pro-
nouuced with I.
2) as a long I in key, ley (for which also lea stands).
3) as ei diphthong in eye, eyliad (pronounced il-yad) and eyas.
B) In the unaccented syllable ey answers to the shorty, i: alley,
barley, chimney, causey, Turkey, Sidney.
ea makes sometimes the e-sound, sometimes the i-sound pre-
dominant. Linguistic usage does not divide shortness and length
by fixed etymological or orthoepical principles.
A) In the accented syllable ea represents
1) frequently the sound of the short e (English e):
a) mostly in a close syllat le, and especially when ea is followed
in position by more than one consonant: breast, abreast,
health, stealth, wealth, breadth, realm; in verbal forms :
dreamt, leant, meant, dealt, leapt (otherwise spelt leaped)
and in cleanse; in the compounds cleanly c. deriv.; in the
compound breakfast also ea has been shortened; the same
takes place in treadle from tread. The derivatives of seam
remain unshortened, although sempster is spelt along with
seamster.
If in this case r stands immediately after ea & is dimmed
like e before r: earn, learn, yearn, earnest, earl, pearl,
early, heard, earth, dearth, hearse, rehearse, search,
research.
Except beard, with I. ea in position before r rarely passes into
the sound a (a), which fluctuates between length and shortness
in hearken, heart and hearth (by some pronounced herth).
But even in some words ending in a simple consonant, with
their inflectional forms and derivatives and in compounds ea is
short S. They mostly end in d, t and th, and one in f : lead,
read (from read), ready, bread, dead, dread, tread,
thread, stead, spread, head; threat, sweat; death,
breath; deaf; consequently also in 1 e a d e n , ready, deaden,
threaden, threaten; deafen, dreader; in ahead, behead,
instead, bestead, already, steadfast &c. but not in
breathe &c.
b. in the open syllable we find ea short in heavy; leaven,
heaven; leather, feather, weather, treachery; peasant,
pheasant, pleasant; meadow; weapon; endeavour;
zealot; measure, pleasure, treasure.
2) Moreover ea represents a long vowel both in the open and the
close syllable, and that the long I (Engl. e): lea, pea, plea,
flea, sea, each, peak, league, sheath, peace, beast, ap-
pear, hear, beaver, creature &c.
By way of exception ea has in a few words the sound of e
(Engl. a): great, break, steak; before r it sounds in this case
like e in there: pear, bear, tear (= to rend), swear. Dia-
lectically the sound e is often used for ea; thus in War-
wickshire sea sounds like say, meat like mait.
28 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. 1.
B) In the unaccented syllable ea, as representing a single vowel
sound, is rare. It is then equivalent to the unaccented e or y with
the power of i: guinea pronounced ghinny; Anglesea sounds
like Anglesey, which is also written; longer in colleague. Ea
is found elsewhere as an original double syllable, in which, however
e is often hardened into y consonant, and then enters into combi-
nation with the consonant, or ensures the dental sound to a gut-
tural: pageant, vengeance, ocean (pronounced osh'an). In com-
pounds the e-sound remains: bedstead.
eau sounds
A) in the accented syllable like along 6: beau, bureau; yet like u
(ill) in beauty.
B) in the unaccented syllable it loses little of its quantity as o:
flambeaw. portmanteaw.
eo, like the last combination, seldom employed to represent a
sound, is
A) in the accented syllable:
1) to be pronounced like a long 1 in people, Theobald.
2) like a long o in: yeoman, yeomanry, where some pronounce
it like e, others like u: compare Old-Engl. 3eman,yeman. In
George e only serves to denote the softening of the original gut-
tural; else eo forms two vowel sounds as in geotic.
3) eo is pronounced like iu in feod, with its derivatives, which is
also spelt feud. Galleon sounds according to some galoon,
usually gal-le-on.
4) it is pronounced like a short e in feoff and its derivatives feot-
fer, feoffment &c., leopard, jeorpardy and jeofail (=jef-
fail).
B) It does not occur in an unaccented syllable; where eon seems
to be the final sound, e serves to indicate the softening of an ori-
ginal guttural: truncheon, scutcheon, widgeon, dungeon,
habergeon.
eu and ew are essentially equivalent to each other,
eu is
A) in the accented syllable, equivalent to u (iu): Europe, feud,
deuce; the i-sound weak in itself, as it passes over into the y-
sound, becomes unobservable after r (rh): rheumatism.
B) In the unaccented syllable -eur is pronounced like -yur in gran-
dewr; by some like jiir.
ew sounds
A) in the accented syllable like u (iu): ewry, ewer, new, few,
dew, Tewksbury; also with a following mute e: ewe. The
i-sound is here also unabservable after r: brew, drew, crew,
shrewd ; almost so after 1 : lewd, Lewis ; as well as after an initial
j: Jew, jewel.
By way of exception the long 6 is denoted byew: sew, shew,
strew now commonly spelt with ow. Sewer = a drain is pro-
nounced like soor or soer, and even shor.
/. The Word according to its elements. — The vowels — e. 29
B) In the unaccented syllable the sound iu loses something of its
quantity: nephew, curfew; after r, i here totally vanishes: he-
brew, yet not with 1: curlew.
A fluctuates in its phonetic relations and its quantity in many ways,
not merely under the influence of the open or close syllable, but also
of the final consonant. It denotes the sound of a and e, receives a
sound lying between a and e, even that of 0, and even ranges some-
times in the unaccented syllable into i.
A) In the accented syllable a has
1) the short sound, coming near to the Highdutch a, if we bring
this a shade nearer to a.
a) in general in the close accented syllable: am, add, map,
pack, fact, scratch, aspect, sadness, daffodil. Syllables
in which a consonant follows n, f and s have a feeble inclination
to lengthen it, as in plant, command, craft, grass, grasp
&c., in which formerly the vowel sound was broadened, which
is no longer done.
Exceptions are here dependent on initial and final consonants
«) The short vowel answers to the short «, English d or shortened
English aw, when preceded by u or w, and not followed by
a simple r or /: quab, quash, quantum, quantity,
quandary, squab, squash, squat, squad, wan, wand,
wamble, wash, was, wanton, swan; before rr and II in
quarrel, quarry, warrey, warrior, wallow, wallop,
wallet; also before dr, which here makes position in an
originally open syllable: quadrat, squadron, quadrature.
Of those beginning with wh what and whap (also spelt
whop) belong here.
Quaf and quag c. der., waft, waggon, wag remain true
to the rule.
Of other words chap, pi. chaps, and the verb to chap
(also pronounced chap) follow the exception, in contradistinc-
tion to the other chap (= cheapener and chapman), yacht
(pronounced yot) and scallop (pronounced scollop); in com-
mon life also slabber; according to some also jalap instead
of jalap
£) Under the influence of a following r and 1 this a (a) becomes
long:
1. where qu, w, wh precede the a, which is followed by an r
or r together with another consonant: quart, quarter,
war, ward, wart, wharf.
2. In stems ending in //, with their derivatives and compounds,
even where these lose an 1: all, ball, fall, will, install,
appal, withal; — calling, appalment; -- also, al-
ways, walrus and in the foreign word Bengal.
Where a simple stem is not found in English the word in
//follows the rule: tallow, pallet, ballast &c., gallic and
many more.
3. where / stands in a syllable long by^ position before the den-
tals d and t: alder, alderman, Alderney, bald, bal-
30 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. L
dric, balderdash, faldage, faldstool, scald, chal-
dron, caldron, Kirkaldy; - altar, alter, Alton,
palter paltry, Baltic, Baltimore, falter, waltron,
waltz, halt, halter, exalt, basalt; -- salt and malt
on the contrary are often pronounced with a short a. Foreign
words, such as baldachin, basuiltes &c. retain regularly
the short a.
The sound of the long «, is rare in another position, as
with x in halse (to embrace) palsy, palsgrave, balsam,
false, falchion, and on account of the collision with s in
pronunciation, also in Salisbury pronounced salzbery; more
rare with a labial letter, as in Walpole, Talbot, Albany,
according to some also in palfrey and halberd, where,
however, a is pre ferred. Walnut has likewise a long a.
4. Lastly a long d also prevails where I is silent before a gut-
tural, c or k: balk, walk, talk, stalk, chalk, calk,
malkin (otherwise spelt mawkin, maukin), falcon; so also
before s in halse (otherwise spelt hawse) and halser.
y) A has the sound of the long Highdutch a in a close syllable :
1. in words in th: lath, bath, path. Wrath is shortened
by some; scath, on the other hand mostly pronounced with
a short a.
2. in words in which I is silent before m, / and v: alms, al-
moner, almond, palmer, balm, calm, malmsey, half,
calf, salve, halve, calves. In halm and shalm (other-
wise spelt shawm) it is pronounced like a long d: in alma-
nac it is shortened according to the rale; the compounds
halfpenny, halfpence sound like hapenny &c. with a
long e, according to some happenny &c.
J) In the accented syllables ending in r or r together with another
consonant following, and generally in position before other
consonants (except in the cases specified under « and t-j 1.) a is
lengthened and broadened by the guttural, although many deem
syllables of this sort short: bar, star, car, arm, art,
regard, carp, marble, marches, sarcasm, charcoal,
barbarism. Where r is doubled in derivatives this vowel
sound remains: starry, charry, tarry; so also in parri-
cide; but in general the rule otherwise general comes into
operation with rr: arrow, marry, tarry, parrot, sarra-
cine. — In char and in scarce a is pronounced like a
long e.
f) A receives the sound of the long e (Engl. a) in position be-
fore n and dental g: mange, strange, mangy, danger,
manger (but not in angelic with an advancing accent); so
too in words in aste with their derivatives, where the influence
of the mute e takes effect after the double consonant: paste,
chaste, haste; pastry, pasty, hasty, chasten, hasten
(in the two last with the silent t) but not in chastity,
chastize. In some words the a-sound appears before mb:
chamber, chamberlain, cambric, Cambridge; ambs-
ace: before nc in ancient; likewise before ss in bass.
/. The Word according to its elements. — The vowels — a. 31
b) The short a also stands in the open antepenultimate or prior
syllable, if the following one begins with a consonant, not, however,
followed by two vowels the former whereof is i or e : lateral,
radical, bazanite, family, fatuous; gatherable, com-
parative, lapidary; laterally; lapidarian, lateritious,
cameralistic. This also appears where a constitutes origi-
nally a syllable by itself: amorous, amicable, animal,
apennine, aperture, adeling, anagram.
The exceptions are mostly words derived from English stems
with long «, such as: capable, capableness, ableness,
placable, sanable, savoury, statary, babery &c.
2. A has the sound of the long e:
a) in the accented open syllable followed by one vowel: laical,
laity, caolin, pharisaical, Archelaus; the case is rare,
where a, by itself constituting a syllable, represents a long e
under the principal or subordinate accent: aer, aorist, acorn,
amen; in derivatives from long syllables, as apish, knavish-
ness, ably; very unusual in the antepenultimate and farther
back, as in acrasy, abecedarian.
b) In the open penultimate followed ay an initial consonant: la-
bour, lady, navy, patron, basis, vary, creator, sca-
brous, — meditative.
«) Here again is found a considerable string of exceptions, where
a short a again occurs, mostly before derivative syllables with
i or e: before terminations in id: arid, avid, acid, rapid,
rabid, valid, invalid, vapid, placid, tabid, calid; in
ic: magic, panic, barbaric, fabric, tragic; in ish: lavish,
ravish, parish, banish, famish, vanish, Spanish; in
«/, He: cavil, agile, facile, fragile; in it, ite: habit, in-
habit, granite; in m, ine: matin, latin, ravin, bavin,
sapin, savin or sabine, satin, spavin, cabin; imagine,
examine, rapine, famine; in ice, ise: amice, malice,
matrice, anise; in en: raven in contradistinction to raven
(a bird); in el: enamel, ravel, panel, travel, javel,
chapel, camel, gravel; in et, ette: planet, valet, tablet,
claret; palette; in ern: tavern, cavern; in ent: talent,
patent; and singular cases, as zany, tarif, tanist, ca-
lends, lather, adept, traverse, traject &c.
Words in age have obscurer vowels: adage, manage,
mismanage, disparage, ravage, damage, savage; in
a£, ate: carat; agate, palate; in ass, ace: palace; ma-
trass, harass; in ant and ance: pageant; balance, va-
lance; in ard: hazard, hagard; in on: baron, flagon,
talon, canon; in om: atom, fathom; in or, our-, manor,
valour, clamour; in ue: value, statue and a few others,
as lazar, damask, platane, salad, scarab, anarch;
shadow; carol, fagot, havock; alum, larum or ala-
rum, gamut, stature, statute, also shamois. Satire
and satyr are likewise mostly shortened; but Satan is mostly
pronounced with a long a.
32 Doctrine of the Word. - Phonetics. Part. I. Sect. L
p. A answers to the short e in any, many; compare Old-Engl.
eny (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER); likewise in Thames (with mute
e) pronounced temz Old-Engl. Teinese.
; . The sound of the long a (a) is given to water, Waterford
and Raleigh.
c) in the syllable ending with a consonant, and followed by an
organic or unorganic mute e: ape, mace, lane, rage, date,
tame, collate. Ifr precedes the mute e, the guttural tinges
the a, so that it approaches nearer to the Highdutch a: mare,
share, bare, care.
Except have, bade, in which a is a short.
In ate (also spelt eat) it sounds like e (et).
In are, from to be, a sounds like a german a.
d) in the accented syllable, if followed by a double vowel, the
former whereof is i or e: apiary, asian, naiad (pronounced
nayad), bacchanalian, barbarian, acacia, emaciate,
reputation, occasion, various, spacious, sagacious,
radius, epithalamium, sanies, sapience, patient; ga-
lea, subterraneous, illaqueate, nectareous, aque-
ous &c.
Here, however, we find many exceptions; a is shortened into a,
especially before io, where no dental precedes: companion,
battalion, tatterdemalion, clarion, chariot, galiot;
but also else: gladiate, retaliate, valiant, spaniel, ga-
seous, agio &c.; even gymnasium.
Also occasionally in further derivation even an a is shortened
in such a case, as in national, nationalize (from nation),
rational, rationalist (from ratio).
B) In the unaccented syllable the vowel a becomes obscured, through
the more glib utterance, into a sound of the power of o, approach-
ing the English u spoken glibly; thus in an open syllable before
initial consonants: alone, aback, adamant, miracle; as well
as where it is the final sound: Africa, alpha, drama; and this
is the predicament of the proclitic article a in a book; less so in
a close syllable, in which the sound is nearer that of a: accept,
pliiraZ, capita/, adamant, almanac; in compounds, as High-
lands, Holland. This sound is more obscure before a final r:
dollar, liar, polar, partake, mustard, outward.
A remains nearer the long e in quantity and colour before vowels:
Ionian, aorta, aerial, chaotic, archaism; likewise in the
final ade aud ate (this latter, however, only in the verbal termina-
tion): comrade, operate; in words like renegade, operative
a falls even under the subordinate accent.
In the terminations age and ate (as a termination of nouns) the
e-sound inclines towards the clearer i: peerage, village, pa-
tronage, baronage; obstinate, fortunate, illiterate; also
in the terminations ace and ase: palace (compare Old-Engl.
paleis), solace, purchase.
The sound of the short a (Eugl. o) is also maintained in the
unaccented syllable of all words beginning with quadr-, as qua-
dratic &c.
1. The Word according to its elements. — The vowels — a. 33
The long a (a) remains in the prefix dl: although, already,
almighty; and is heard in jackal, of course also in catcall, as
a compound.
As compounds of a with vowels to represent simple sounds, aa,
ae, ai, ay, ao, au and aw occur, of which aa and ao have hardly
found admission.
Aa seldom occurs as one syllable, although the two syllables
easily coalesce into one.
A) In the accented syllable aa appears
1) with the sound e, almost the same as in Aaron, in which this
sound only arises through the confluence of a &; in Baal, Gaal,
La ad an and others these syllables are more decidedly separated.
2) On the other hand aa occurs in modern foreign names with the
sound of the long a (a), for example, in Aar, bazaar, Saar-
bruck, Saal, Saale; similarly, ma'am (= madam) is popu-
larly contracted into one sound. The English verb baa is per-
haps the only English word with a.
3) aa sounds like a long (a) in Aalborg.
B) In the unaccented syllable the two a's blend in such words as
Isaac, Balsam, Canaan into one a, which is somewhat shortened
in quantity.
Ae appears in foreign words mostly in the form se, particularly
in Greek and Latin words.
A) In the accented open syllable
1) 0e has usually
«) the sound of the long I (ie) : aegis, paean, daemon, Caesar,
JElia, ^Eacus, jEanteum (conformably with the rules for e).
Here appears in proparoxytones the sound of the short 8:
Daedalus and others; so too under the subordinate accent:
aestivation, ^Enobarbus, aerugineous; yet not without
exception, since even here a long I appears, as, for instance,
in JBgipan, jEgineta and others. Occasionally e is written
instead of ae, especially where it is short, as in estival,
estivation; but also for ae long, as in Egypt.
/S) in syllables long by position ae has the sound of the short e :
J^tna, aestivation.
2) ae written separate has on the other hand
«) the sound of the long e (Engl. a) in such names as Maes,
and in Gael, gaelic (properly Ga-el, but commonly pronounced
= </«/); also aeriform, aeronaut are spoken with a silent e.
£) short e occurs in a syllable long by position, as in Maastricht
(pronounced mestrikt).
B) In the unaccented syllable ce appears as 1 (ie), analogously to
e, mostly in an open syllable immediately before the accented
syllable: ^Ethusa, phenomenon, caesura; but also in its origi-
nal position, for instance in aesthetic. — In Michael the two
syllables a-el are usually blended into one; in Michaelmass a
is to be regarded as totally neglected.
Matzner, engl. Gr. I. 3
34 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part L Sect. J.
Ai and ay are related to each other like ei and ey, so that ay
commonly appears at the end of stems or derivatives, ai at the
beginning and in the middle.
A has
A) in the accented syllable
1) regularly the sound of the long e (Engl. a): aim, aid, pain,
pail, faith, tail, maiden, bailiwick, obtain. Before r
the sound becomes deeper, as in pair, fair, chaire, glaire,
laird.
In aisle, ai is spoken like i.
Occasionally in the close syllable ai receives the sound of the
short a: plaid, raillery; according to some also in plaintiff,
commonly pronounced plaintiff.
In some words it sounds e: wainscot (pronounced wen scot),
said, saith and says from to say, compare Old-Engl. sede,
ysed; waistcoat also is pronounced in common life wescoat.
Orthoepists almost unanimously give the pronounciation of ai in
against, some even in again, as that of e. Compare Old-Engl.
a^en, ayenst.
B) In the unaccented syllable ai standing alone before the accented
syllable is e long: aizoum, likewise in the close syllable main-
tkin (according to some like a) and in the middle of an open
syllable: battailous (according to some like battalous in Milton).
In the unaccented final syllable ai is mostly shortened into the
power of i, as in mountain, Britain t fountain, villain, cap-
tain, chaplain, curtain, travaiZ &c. Compare Old-Engl. par-
fit, modern French parfait, Old French parfeit, parfit.
Ay passes likewise
A) in the accented syllable
1) for a long e (Engl. a): pay, day, away, delay, player,
playhouse; in the word mayor o is disregarded, so that it
sounds like mare.
Quay, according to Sheridan equal to ka, is generally pro-
nounced like ke (ki); so too in quayage.
It sounds like a short e in says (see above).
In ay=yes, the two vowels are sounded: a-i.
B) In the unaccented syllable the e-sound becomes somewhat
shortened; more observable in common life in the names of the
days of the weeks: Sunday, Monday &c. almost a. Moray is
pronounced like Murre.
Ao serves to represent a vowel only in gaol, gaoler, which
are pronounced and even spelt jail, jailer. Caoutchouc is pro-
nounced like the English coochook (with a long and a short u).
Au and aw are equal in their phonetic relations, so that they
often interchange with each other in writing at the beginning of a
syllable, as they did in former times especially.
Au represents
A) in the accented syllable chiefly
1) the sound of the long a (a): caught, taught, daughter,
laud, sauce, vault, autumn, sausage, autobiography.
7. The Word according to its elements. — The vowels — a. 35
In modern times au before an n is exceptionally pro-
nounced like a long a (a): aunt, taunt, daunt, jaunt,
gaunt, maund, launch, paunch, craunch; laundress,
jaundice, laundrey, saunter, askaunce, Staunton,
Launceton &c Some such words have nevertheless collateral
forms in an and are derived from words in an. Many ortho-
epists give many of these however the «-sound; most give
it to the verb to vaunt in contradistinction to vaunt = van.
Also before gh the same sound is given to the au, in:
draugh (also spelt draff) draughts, laugh (where gh sounds
like /).
So too in some French words the sound of the French au
= 6, is preserved: hautboy, marauder, roquelaure.
In gauge, French jauge, au is pronounced like the English
a (= gage).
2) Short a (Engl. 6) represents au in laurel, laudanum and,
according to some, also in cauliflower.
B) In the unaccented syllable au retains the sound of the long a
(a): austere, authority; in debauchee the unaccented au has
the slightly shortened sound of the long 6. In the compound
hautgout it retains the French pronunciation.
Aw, often interchanging with an initial aw, but never with a
final au in genuinely English words, has always the sound of the
long a (a): draw, hawk, tawny, tawdry, awkward.
0 is analogous to a in receiving, in a higher degree than other
vowels, a particular tinge from the succeding consonant.
A) In the accented syllable the o receives
1) the short sound a (Engl. o), answering to the long a (Engl. aw,
au)
a) in the close syllable: of,' ox, rob, pomp, prompt, font,
song, lodge, crotch, confident, compromise, compo-
sition. Words in jf, ft, ss, st and th, undergo a lengthening
in pronunciation, as off, coffee, often, moss, toss, gloss,
lost, tost, froth, cloth; yet modern orthoepists limit this
lengthening to o before ss, st and th.
«) An exception is made by syllables ending with a single r,
or with r before another consonant, in which the guttural oc-
"casions a lengthening and deepening of the vowel sound: nor,
for, abhor, orb, thorp, short, Lord, north, form,
horse, corpse &c.; former, enormous &c.
We find a more decided prolongation of the vowel in port
(and except important, importunate c. der. everywhere
in the syllable port), fort, sport, ford, sword, forth,
corps, porch, pork, form (= bench), worn, torn, shorn,
horde, force, forge, divorce. Two r's restore the short-
ness: horror, horrent.
£) 0 before r, when the vowel is preceded by w, has the sound
of the short o, Engl. u (which, as a shortening of the long 6,
yet with a shade of the Highdutch 6, is to be regarded as
similar to the inclination of the short a towards the High-
36 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. L
dutch a): worm, word, world, worse, worship, worst,
worth, and even before double r in worry; similarly with
w preceding n in won (from to win, but not won = to dwell)
wonder, and, on account of the prefixing of a w;, not written,
in one, once; compare won = one (CHAUCER) wan and wance
in dialects.
But also in other words o becomes u in pronunciation without
a w's preceding, especially before n and TO, as in ton, son,
in money, monetary even in an open syllable; front, af-
front, monday, month; particularly when the n is followed
by a guttural: monk, monkey, monger, mongrel, mong-
corn, among, amongst, bongrace; also in sponge,
allonge; and when a labial or m follows the TO: lomp,
rhomb, bomb, bombast, bombasin, pommage, pom-
mel, pompion.
Here also occurs a number of words with the prefix con
and com (whereas others retain o): conduit, conjure, con-
stable; compass, company, combat, comfit, comfiture,
comfort, discomfit, discomfort &c.; also comfrey the
name of a plant. The same sound also takes place in attorn,
attorney, as well as in dost and doth (from to do).
y) It receives the sound of the long o before a final tt, before Id,
It: roll, stroll, old, bold, gold, Bolton, soldier, bolt,
colt &c.; rarely before a simple I: patrol, parasol, and
before 1st: bolster, holster; also before a silent /: folk.
6 remains short in 1611, doll; of course also in follow,
hollow.
In a few words in ss, si and th this prolongation likewise
exists: gross, engross; most (of course also in compounds
in the unaccented syllable : utmost &c.), post, host, ghost;
loth (also loath), both, sloth (compare Old-Engl. slowthe
SKELTON ed. DYCE I. p. CVII).
By some quoth is placed here ; yet it is more correctly pro-
nounced with short u\ compare Anglo-Sax: cv a & with short a.
Of other words belong here comb, omber, only and don't,
won't.
<?) o sounds like a short Highdutch u (Engl. oo) in wolf, W61-
ston, Wolstoncraft, Wolsey, Wolverhampton, "Wor-
cester (pronounced wooster) and worsted (by some pro-
nounced woosted with a rejected r) gom (=man).
«) Lastly like a long Highdutch u in whom, womb, tomb.
b) The sound of the short a (o) prevails also in the accented
antepenultimate or prior open syllable, unless the initial con-
sonant of the following is not followed by a double vowel be-
ginning with i or e: ominous, populace, corroborate,
astonishment, curiosity; in compounds: apology, astro-
nomy, biography &c. — depopulation, denomination,
coronation, prosecution.
o is, however, exceptionally a long o not only in derivative
words with light derivative termination, as: cogency, solary,
/. The Word according to its elements. — The vowels — o. 37
votary, votaress, votarist, notable; but also in those
compounded with proto: protocol, protoplast, proto-
type, protomartyr.
In other words it has the sound of the short English u: co-
lander, covenant, sovereign, somerset and somer-
sault, and dromedary.
chorister is pronounced like quirrister.
2) The sound of the long 0:
a) in the accented open syllable followed by a vowel: poet,
poem, poetry, boa, Moab, Moaphernes; as well as where
o makes a syllable of itself: omen, over, oval, ovary, ex-
cept olid, orange; and where it is the final sound: lo! bo!
ho! no, pro, fro, so, go, undergo, also with an h after it:
oh!
From the last case are excepted with the sound u (Engl. oo):
who, do, ado, of course also in doing, and to, which be-
comes essentially shortened proclitically as a preposition, and
also before, the infinitive, and preserves the w-sound more de-
cidedly only before vowels. To, however, sounds to in toward,
towards.
b) in the penultimate open syllable followed by an initial con-
sonant: potent, dotard, colon, cogent.
The exceptions which take place here are not so many as with
the vowels e and a; yet they are split into three sorts:
ft) Words in y have the sound of the short a (a): body, copy;
in id: parotid, florid, solid; mic: apostolic, historic,
tonic; in isfi: monish, admonish, astonish, polish,
abolish, demolish; in He: docile; in it: profit, vomit,
reposit, deposit; inm: robin, rosin; inice,ise: novice,
bodice, promise; in el: model, novel, brothel, hovel,
grovel; in er: proper, hover, choler; in et: prophet,
comet, closet; in est: modest, honest, forest; and anoma-
lous words as Corinth, province, Florence, modern,
problem, process, progress, project, proverb, solemn,
Robert, lozenge.
Much rarer are obscure vowels in the final syllable, age in
forage, homage; al: moral, coral; ule: module, nodule,
globule; and in anomalous words: monad, monarch, gro-
gram; honour, prologue, jocund, column, produce,
product, volume.
/?) Some words have the sound of the English short u: cony
(yet else pronounced cony; the former popularly), money,
honey; stomach, romage (also spelt rummage); borage,
borough, thorough; colour; covey; oven, sloven, co-
vin; cover, recover, covert, plover, govern; colonel
(pronounced curnel); shovel; covet; other, mother, po-
ther, brother, smother, nothing; cozen (also coz), do-
zen; commonly also the compound twopence.
?') o sounds like u (Engl. oo) in bosom and the compound wo-
man, in the plural of which it is like i: women.
38 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. L
c) in the syllable ending in a consonant with a subsequent
mute e: whole, throne, dote, code, slope, globe, those,
gloze; the vowel is dimmed before r: shore.
o sounds exceptionally like a long u (Engl. 00} in Frome
(a town in Somerset), move, prove, behove) (also spelt
behoove), lose, whose and gamboge; — occasionally like
a short English u in: some, come, become; done, none,
one (see above); love, dove, shove, glove, above.
On the contrary it has the sound of the short 6 in gone,
begone &c., shone. Some give to the participle gone the
broader sound; compare the Lowdutch gau.
d) in the accented syllable before the initial consonant followed
by two vowels, whereof the former is ^ or e: quotient, cro-
sier, censorian, ambrosia, ambrosial, colloquial, zo-
diac, opiate, foliage, scholiast, folio, explosion, devo-
tion, emporium; hyperborean, corporeal, petroleum.
Solitary exceptions, as topiary, onion, poniard and a few
others occur even here.
B) In the unaccented syllable o in general is shortened, both in
the open and the close syllable, as also where the close syllable
is followed by a mute e; yet it preserves its accentual tinge in a
higher degree than a, except in final syllables. Here it mostly
passes over, like «, into the dimmer sound, which approaches the
English u.
The sound of o can therefore in general be considered as losing
less of its otherwise determined quantity before the accented syl-
lable; as, for example, where it makes a syllable by itself: omit,
omentum, obey, tobacco; and even in the close syllable: pom-
posity, £>oZlute, demonstration; whereas after the accented
syllable in the interior of the word the sound appears slighter and
weakend in its accentual tinge: harmony, commoner. At the
end, on the other hand, it loses essentially, as in kingdom, me-
thod; Hudson, Houston, Richmond; even where a mute e
would seem to maintain it clearer, for example, in the termination
some: handsome; quarrelsome. Even in compounds, as touch-
stone, limestone, Eddystone, it is dimmed, as in purpose;
and almost as much in peda^ogrwe, dialo^we, demago^we and
the like, wherein the composition is no longer sensible.
Or is also equivalent to the final syllables ir, er, ar: actor,
emperor, error, orator, whereas the final syllable is suffered
to come forth clearer in words recognized as Latin ones, as in
stupor, calor. Thus it happens that, before n in many frequent
words in ton, son and some others, o is to be considered as totally
silent (see below); whereas elsewhere before the nasal a short,
rapid 6 is adhered to, even in this position, as in demon, felon,
unison, horizon, sexton &c.
The combinations in which o is employed to represent vowel
sounds are oo, oe (and «), oi, oy, oa, ou and ow.
Oo serves essentially
A) in the accented syllable ever
/. The Word according to its elements. — The vowels — o. 39
to represent the long U: loo, too, boom, gloom, spoon, tool,
poor, boot, food, roost; loose, choose, ooze, soothe.
Usage has exceptionally favoured «) a shortening of the u into
u in syllables ending with the guttural k, as well as in some
ending with of, and even with I: look, rook, book, brook,
shook, hook, cook and crook; — foot, soot; — wood,
stcTod, hood, good; — wool.
{f) the pronunciation of oo as a long 6 in floor and door, also
in brooch.
y) as a short Engl. ti in blood and flood.
B) In the unaccented syllable oo appears shortened into ii: liveli-
hood, childhood, knighthood.
Oe is to be distinguished from the form ce, united in print,
which points to a Greek-latin origin.
Oe serves
A) in the accented syllable, to denote the long o: roe, foe, toe,
doe, sloe, hoe; o'er (=6ver) is pronounced similarly.
Exceptions are the long sound u (Engl. oo) in c hoe, canoe;
and that of the short English u in does.
B) Even in the unaccented syllable oe, as long o, is little reduced
in its quantity: felloe, aloe; as in the compounds rockdoe,
mistletoe.
(E, on the otherhand, for which an English e is often substituted
in writing is equal
A) in the accented syllable:
1) to the long I (Engl. e) before a vowel, where it constitutes a
syllable of itself, and in an open penultimate, as well as in an
open syllable before an initial consonant, followed by a double
vowel beginning with i or e: CEax, QEonus, (Enea, foetus,
Antceci.
Here it is found exceptionally shortened into e (e) in diar-
rhostic.
2) It is equal to the short & (e) in many words in the accented
antepenultimate or a prior syllable, as in assafostida (compare
Engl. fetid), oecumenical, oeconomics. Yet it remains even
there a long I in less usual words: (Ebalus, QEtylus, even
CEdipus and (Ecumenius.
B) In the unaccented syllable, especially before the accented syl-
lable, it continues similar to the Engl. e in the like case : oedema,
<2£chalia.
The concurrence of ce with a following i and u is found in a
few French words: wi in oeiliad, is denoted in pronunciation by
the diphthong i (ei), according to some by the Engl. e (I), accord-
ing to others even otherwise; ceu in manoeuvre sounds u, but,
among scholars, conformably with the French pronunciation.
Oi and Oy are in the same predicament as ei and ey, ai and ay;
in the accented syllable they are both mostly diphthongs.
40 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I.
Oi
A) is a diphthong in the accented syllable as 6i, yet with greater
preponderance of a deep o, than could be represented by the old
and middle Highdutch oi (cf. Moin = Moenus; froide = freude)
and is therefore not quite equal to the Highdutch eu. oi is com-
parable with the combination of the Engl. aw and e: oil, oint,
moist, voice, adroit, devoid, avoirdupois, foison, hoi-
den.
In French words not yet assimilated, as devoir, escritoir,
scrutoir, reservoir, oir is exceptionally pronounced almost like
the English war. In turkois also turquoise and Iroquois ois
is pronounced like Is (Engl. ez); choir sounds like its other form
quire.
B) In the unaccented syllable oi is found shortened into a slight i,
in tortoise and sham en's or c ham cm (pronounced shammi);
porpoise sounds like porpus and is sometimes spelt so or por-
pess, in avoirdupois oir sounds like a rapid er. Connoisseur
is pronounced like connaissiir.
.Oy
A) is a diphthong as 6i; it belongs essentially to the end of stems:
boy, toy, coy, joy, alloy, joyousness, of course retaining its
sound in compounds, as hautboy (pronounced ho boy), viceroy
and many others.
Oa serves
A) in the accented syllable almost always to represent the long 5:
oak, moan, loaf, poach, boat, boast, coax; a final r tinges
the sound as it does 6: oar, board, coarse.
It has exceptionally the value of the long a (Engl. aw) in
broad, abroad and groat. In the compound oatmeal the
vowel sound is heard in common life shortened into o.
B) In the unaccented syllable oa remains a long o with a slight
loss of quantity: cocoa, bezoar. It is often shortened into in u
in common life in the compound cup bo arc?.
Ou and ow are in general in the same predicament as aw, aw
and eu, ew.
Ou appears
A) in the accented syllable:
1) chiefly as the diphthong au (whereby is to be observed that
many words, ending with gh, ght, I and r with another conso-
nant, belong, with others to the categories following below): out,
ounce, thou, plough, bough, flour, hour, foul, proud,
pouch, doubt, mount, pound, mouthe, grouse, lounge,
doughty.
2) ou represents a long vowel, and that in three modes:
a) partly a long a (English aw) in words ending in ght: ought,
nought, bought, brought, fought, wrought, thought,
methought, sought, besought.
Only drought and bought (= a twist) have au.
b) partly a long 6 (Engl. 0) in syllables ending with a mute gh,
1. The Word according to its elements. — The vowels — o. 41
I and r, mostly with another consonant following: dough,
though, troul (mostly spelt troll), soul, mould, shoulder,
smoulder, poult, poultry, poultice, coulter (also spelt
colter); in those in owr, o is obscured by the guttural: four
(also fourteen), bourn, mourn, court, accourt, cour-
tier, gourd, gourdiness, fourth, course, recourse,
source, resource, tournament, tourney,
c) partly as a long u (Engl. oo) more rarely in Germanic words,
more frequently in French ones which preserve their original
sound: ouphe, ouphen, ouse (also spelt ooze), ousel or
ouzel, bouse, through, you, your, youth, houp(=hoo-
poo, hoopoe), wound (also pronounced with au), shough! —
soup, croup, group, couchee, capouch (also spelt capoch),
cartouch, rouge, gouge, bouge, bougie, accoutre,
gout, surtout, ragout, sous (also in the unaccented final
syllable of rendezvous), agouti, boutefeu, route, fou-
mart, goujeers, troubadour, tour, tourist, amour,
contour, courier, fourbe, and many others; bouillon is
pronounced boolyon.
3) it likewise stands in the place of the three corresponding short
sounds :
a) short a (Engl. o) in a few words in which gh ends with the
sound of k or/ in the stem: gh = k shough, (also spelt shock),
lough (= lake), hough, to hough; gh=f: lough (= pret.
laughed), trough, cough.
b) short Engl, u (between 6 and o), in a few stems ending in
gh and/: rough (= ruff), enough, tough, slough, chough;
and in ng, nk: yoiing, youngster, yoiinker. The same
shortening takes place in many words, mostly of French origin,
particularly before r in position, but also without it, as well as
before pi and bl: adjourn, journal, journey, tourniquet,
gournet (also spelt gurnet) courtesan, courtesy, cour-
teous, bourgeon, scourge; — nourish, flourish, cou-
rage, encourage; — couple, accouple, couplet; —
double, trouble; besides in touch, joust, cousin and
country. — The original diphthongs are also thus shortened
in houswife (pronounced hilzwif, popularly htizzif), as well as
groundsel in familiar speech grunsel, and southern, sou-
therly sounds like siithern, siltherly, southward like suthard,
Southwark like suthark. Generally speaking the original
diphthong often passes over in dialects into u: as in Warwick-
shire pound, found, ground into pun, fun, griin.
c) short u (Engl. oo) in would, should and could.
B) In the unaccented syllable the accentual tinge of the specific
sounds is not often maintained without considerable shortening, as
in the compound pronoun.
The diphthong au, especially, is often shortened into u in names
of places compounded of mouth: Exmow^A, F&lmouth, Wey-
mouth, Sidmouth. t
42 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part L Sect. I.
The long o, which maintains itself in slightly reduced duration,
in thorough, borough, intercourse, becomes essentially
weakened with the augmentation of the word: borow</A-monger,
thoroughness, thorow^A-going &c.
In French words the u-sound is maintained especially before the
accented syllable: Louisa, rowleau, routine, bowquet, \)ou-
tade, fowgade, towpee and toi^pet, cowpee, accowcheur &c.
The sound appears the most slightly in the terminations ous,
ious as a glib u: liiminows, ruinows, famows, joyows, vir-
tuows, -- odious, seriows, studious; in the termination our
arises the dimming peculiar to or: labowr, candowr, saviowr.
Moderns also often substitute or for this syllable.
Ow sounds
A) in the accented syllable
1) usually like the diphthong au: now, bow, bowels, prow,
brow, vow, how, cow; owl, fowl, scowl, lower, (= to
look black), shower, howl, cowl, growl; town, down,
clown, gown; blowze; Powel, Howel &c., powder, co-
ward.
2) a) in other words as a long 6: mow, low, below (from that
derived lower = to bring low), row, bow, blow, flow, tow,
trow, throw, sow, snow, slow, stow, bestow, show (of
course with its derivative shower), crow, grow, glow, know,
and owe. Only in derivatives is a concluding consonant found:
own, flown, glown, growth.
b) the sound of the long u is rare: flowk (=flook) flounder.
3) In a few words ow is equal to a short vowel:
a) it is shortened into 6 in knowledge;
b) into a short u (Engl. oo) in owler.
B) In the unaccented syllable ow is in general a long 6, with but
little loss of quantity: narrow, follow, winnow, hallow, yel-
low, Glasgow. But in bellows and gallows the sound of the
short u is given to ow. With the amplification of the words through
subsequent unaccented syllables there arises a similar glib short-
ness: hollowness, borrower; likewise in compounds, as hol-
low- eyed, Hallowel; but Harrow-gate.
II is divided essentially into sounds with the power of 0 and u
and the diphthong ill.
A) In the accented syllable u has
1) the short sound lying between the Highdutch o and o in the
close syllable : pliim, bun, liill, dull, gull, purr, fiir, but,
btid, such, Dutch, exult, turf, luxury (x = cs), usher (sh
originally sc and ss), buffalo, cultivate, usquebaugh.
Exceptionally, u receives
«) in a series of words mostly in U or I in position, as well as
sh, and a few others the sound of the short u (Engl. oo): pull,
bull, full, pully, pullet, bully, bullion, bullet, bul-
letin, bullace, bullock, fulling-mill, fuller, fiillery,
/. The Word according to its elements. — The vowels — u. 43
fiillage; bulrush, bulwark; pulpit, Fulham; — push,
bush, bushel, cushion, cushat; — besides puss; put
(but not in the substantive piit = clown), butcher, pud-
ding; cuckoo and cucquean.
/?) it sounds like a long u (Engl. oo) in ruth, truth,
y) like the diphthong ill (see below) in impugn, expugn,
oppugn, repugn, propugn (wherein g is silent) and their
inflectional forms and the derivatives iner: oppugner, not
in others, for instance repugnant (with a sounding gut-
tural g).
2) it appears on the other hand as a diphthong iu in such wise
that u receives the greatest weight in utterance, and i therefore,
weakened as a vowel, is in process of being hardened into the
consonant y, and often (like the unaccented i or e before a
second unaccented vowel) uniting with a prior dental, when u
alone is a vowel, for example sure (=shdor). The cases of
this sort are mentioned along with the respective consonants,
a) the diphthong in. belongs to every open syllable under the ac-
cent: unit, pupil, fumy, dubious, cubic; exuberant,
bulimy, funeral, duplicate, cubature, culinary; fusi-
lier, accumulation. The i is totally lost after r and rh:
rumour, prudent, frugal cruel, rhubarb; it appears very
slightly uttered after I: lucid, ludicrous; represented in
writing by Smart: 1'oocid, 1'oodicrous; as well as after i:
jury, as it were j'oory. The pronunciation of cucumber
with the diphthong an instead of iu belongs to the uneducated;
yet the first syllable in biicanier as well asinBuchan, pas-
ses for short. Many also say pumice instead of pumice.
As exceptions in which u in an open syllable represents short
sounds originally foreign to it, the cases are to be considered
in which it
«) sounds as a short i: busy, busily, business compare the
Old-Engl. bisyhed, bysischyppe.
p) as a short e: bury, Bury, burial compare Old-Engl. beriel,
beryd (= buried); dialectically b err in (= funeral),
y) as a short u: sugar (pronounced shoogar).
b) in the syllable ending in a consonant followed by an organic
and unorganic mute e: use, muse, repute, fume, duke,
excuse.
Here too the i of the diphthong falls out after r: rude, ab-
struse; after I and.; the sligther utterance of i takes place, as,
above lute, Luke, June. With a prior y consonant i of course
coalesces likewise with it completely: yule.
B) In the unaccented syllable the short and the diphthong u sepa-
rate. In the syllable closed by a consonant (not followed by e
mute) the short sound u remains to the u, although pronounced
more glibly: pw/monical, cwwctation, pwrloin, cucwmber.
Compounds with the unaccented ful (= full) preserve the sound
of the Highdutch u (Engl. oo): gainfw/, hopeful. It also appears
before the accented syllable in hurx&hl huzz&l huss&r.
44 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. L
The open diphthong syllable retains in general its accentual
tinge with its quantitative weakening, more decidedly before than
after the accented syllable: unanimous, punition; regular,
distributive, constituent. After an r a feeble intonation of i
maintains itself: erudite, ferula, virulent = er'oodite &c. A
mute e maintains the diphthong clearer: voluble, rectitude,
purpure, overture; yet the termination (s)ure after the accented
syllable undergoes the shortening of the close syllable: measwre,
leaswre, treasure; so too in conjure, and similarly in an open
syllable in names of places in bury: Salisbury, Canterbury.
u is reduced even into i in ferrwZe, minute, lettuce in general
intercourse.
Among the compounds of u with other vowels a few, namely ui
uy) and ue serve to represent vowel or diphthongal sounds; in ua
and uo uoi (uoy) the u, as often with ui and ue, is hardened into
a w consonant, or it serves other purposes, as a graphical sign
handed down from other tongues.
TJi is employed
A) In the accented syllable in general to denote the diphthong iu
(= u): suit, pursuit, suitor, suitably &c., nuisance, puisne,
and loses after r, like u, its i: bruit, recruit, fruit, bruise,
cruise; i is weakened after / andj: sluice, juice.
By way of exception it appears instead of the short i in build
c. der. Compare Old-Engl bilder = builder (CHAUCER).
B) In the unaccented syllable it has the sound of the short i: bis-
cuit, circuit, circuit e'er, conduit.
After q, u commonly stands as a Semi-consonant w: quill, quib,
quick, squint, antiquity; except in harlequin, palanquin,
in which qu = k. U has almost the same effect after c (= k) in
cuiss, cuinage, cuirass. This is also the case after g: gui-
niad, distinguish, anguish, extinguish, languish, lan-
guid. After g, u sometimes only serves to indicate the guttural
sound before i: guile, guide, guise, guild, guilt, Guillemot,
guinea, guitar. After s we may regard it almost hardened in
the word suite, properly a French word.
Uy sounds in buy like ei.
Else it serves as a half consonant w after q: obloquy, soli-
loquy.
After g, u is the sign of its guttural sound: Guy, roguy, pla-
guy.
Tie is likewise
A) in the accented syllable at the end a representative of the diph-
thong iu: hue, ciie; the i is lost after r: rue, true; it is weakened
after /: blue, glue, clue.
B) In the unaccented syllable it represents the same diphthongal
final sound slightly shortened: argue, ague, virtue; in issue
s becomes sh through the influence of i before ue. With the am-
plification of the word ue loses the e before another vowel (comp.
/. The Word according to its elements. — The vowels — u. 45
issuer) and passes into the sound of u under similar circumstances.
This also happens when e remains before a consonant: issweless.
After q in the middle of a syllable it commonly represents we:
quench, quest, conquest, question, banquet; so also after
c (== k) in cuerpo, after g: in Guelf, and after s in assuetude,
mansuetude, desuetude. Ue after q and g also often serves
solely to designate the guttural k- and (/-sound as in piquet, co-
quette, conquer, conquerer, checquer, masquerade;
guess, guest, guerdon, guerkin (commonly gherkin). At the
end of a syllable ue is, in such a case mute: oblique, intrigue.
See silence of the vowels.
TJa either lets its u pass into a half consonant w after q, g, s
as in quality, antiquary, guaiacum, guava, assuage, per-
suade, language; or u serves after q and g to denote its guttu-
ral sound as in piquant, quadrille, guarantee, Antigua,
(antegha); guard and its derivatives, also guardian.
TJo after q is equal to WO: quote, quotation, quondam,
quoth &c. quo is like co in liquor.
Uoi and uoy are compounds seldom occurring: uoi is found in
quoif, quoit, also spelt coif, coit; and Iroquois (=k); uoy in
buoy, which is pronounced bwoy and on board ship commonly
boy.
Silence of vowels.
We might reckon also as cases of the silence of vowels, those
in which of two vowels employed to represent a sound, one suffices
to denote the same sound, as in seize (= seze), wealth (= welth)
&c . The silence of vowels in the narrower sense, as we here ap-
prehend it, is the rejection of vowel sounds in pronunciation which
takes place in the unaccented syllable where, in writing, the vowel is
nevertheless retained. It rests in general upon the same linguistic
process by which the rejection of vowels in written language is con-
ditioned. See below.
It is not however to be always taken as a complete extinction
of the vocalization, since the voice here and there retains an almost
evanescent vowel sound between the two consonants and even vowels
•which are to be uttered together, e is in general most subject to
rejection. We consider separately the silence at the beginning, in
the middle, and at the end of the word.
1. At the beginning. The casting off of unaccented vowels is
here usually denoted in writing, so that forms like e seal op and
scallop, escutcheon and scutcheon, estate and state, esquire
and squire, espy and spy and others, appear concurrently. In
other cases writing makes use of the sign of elision ' to indicate
Bowels cast off at the beginning of a word, by which the misunder-
standing often obtains currency, that forms without a prior vowel,
which were the original forms but are now abandoned, had arisen
only by elision: 'bove along with above is the Anglosax bufan, Old-
Engl. bove, as gain in compounds is the Anglosax : preposition gagn
46 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. I.
and not an abbreviation; 'fore along with afore = before, Anglosaxon
foran (fore is still dialectic); 'gainst along with against, 'mong,
'mongst along with among, amongst; 'bout along with about
Anglosaxon but an (bout still dialectic, yet only = without, except,
like but) and others. Many rejections, as in 's instead of is and us,
'£ instead of it, 'm instead of am, 'rt instead of art, 're instead of are,
and many other forms, belong to the glibness of speech ; their vowels,
although retained in writing, may yet fall off in every day speech
or in rapid reading.
2. In the Middle. In the interior of the word i is seldom cast
out in pronunciation; thus in business, Salisbury, Gardiner, in
common life in venison and in the syllables in and il almost uni-
versally in raisins, basin and cousin, devil and evil; but not
in latin, pupil, jerkin and others, in which this pronunciation is
vulgar, i is also not pronounced in careless pronunciation in ordi-
nary (compare ordnance along with ordinance), i is mute before a
vowel in fashion, cushion.
The unaccented e is most frequently cast out in final syllables,
but also outside of the final syllable in Cheltenham (pronounced
Chelt'nam) and together with consonants in Wednesday (pronounced
wenzday), Wednesbury (the pronunciation of wednes has perhaps
arisen out of Metathesis, as we at the commencement sec. XVII also
find wendsday written) and Worcester (pronounced Wooster). In
the final syllable en, e is commonly not audible after a non-liquid
consonant, as, for example in heaven, garden, lessen, loosen,
hasten, strengthen, hearken, yet also in broken, fallen, sto-
len, swollen. On the other hand it sounds in aspen, leven, slo-
ven, hyphen, patten, mittens, marten, sudden, golden,
heathen, denizen, kitchen, ticken, chicken and the like.
In words in el, e sometimes vanishes before /, in the same manner
as in words in le after consonants, as tackle, dazzle, especially in
words in vel and zel: navel, ravel, drivel, snivel, swivel,
shrivel, shovel, grovel, easel, weasel, ousel, crizzel, shekel
and chattel. This silence can here only pass for the exception.
In the inflective syllable ed of verbs e falls oft, exept where a
prior t or d of the stem prevents its expulsion : loved, talked, pla-
ced, fetched, followed, justified (but not in printed, added).
If participles of this form are used as adjectives (from which
damned forms an exception) e remains audible: a learned man, a
cursed thought; likewise in ulterior formations from the participles:
amazedly, forcedly, amazedness, deformedness. Also in
measured delivery, for example, the reading of holy writ, or in
prayers, e is made more prominent.
In the inflexional syllable es of nouns and verbs e is mute, except
when preceded by the dental letters s, x (== cs), z, sh, c, ch, g which
cause a difficulty in the elision: tames, saves, hares, canes (on
the other hand without elision kisses, boxes, mazes, ashes,
races, benches, cages). Greek and Latin words form here an
exception; see above e. e also is rejected in Thames.
In the obsolete inflexion of verbs eth, e was silent even in the
17th century (compare JOB. WALLIS Gr. linguae Angl. ed. 3. Hamb.
/. The Word according to its elements. — Silence of vowels. 47
1672. p. 40), although Shakspeare still frequently treats eth in verse
as a complete syllable.
Before a vowel e is mute in serjeant; likewise where it is em-
ployed to give the dental sound to g before obscure vowels: pageant,
vengeance, George, dungeon, habergeon; or to c in a similar
position: peaceable, serviceable. In some words this is also the
case after the dental ch : luncheon, puncheon, truncheon, scut-
cheon.
The vowel a is seldom rejected between consonants, as in cara-
bine and together with u in victual (pronounced vitt'l). Before
vowels this sometimes happens after i: marriage, carriage, mi-
niature, parliament; also after i in diamond a is not pronounced
in common life. Before o and ou in extraordinary and caout-
chouc (pronounced coochook) it is rejected.
Except in colonel (pronounced curnel) o is scarcely suppressed
otherwise than in the final syllable on-, where it may be considered
as equivalent to an evanescent e, particularly after a prior t and s:
mutton, cotton, Brighton, reason, mason, lesson; yet also
after d in: pardon; and gutturals in: bacon, beckon, reckon.
The vowel u is naught for pronunciation, only when it is added
to the guttural g before clear, and seldom before obscure vowels, as
well as to q (= &). See ui above. Of its silence in victual c. der.
I have spoken above.
Poetry, as well as the language of common life, often expels
uuaccented vowels, which have not been touched upon here. Writing
then commonly applies the mark of Elision ( ' ). Poetry also frequently
superfluously casts out the by itself mute vowel: thus, frequently the
e from ed in the verb, except with a preceding t or d: endu'd,
fum'd, reign'd, revil'd, reviv'd, pleas'd, disgrac'd, pro-
vok'd, fabl'd, plann'd, serv'd, drench'd, lodg'd, confess'd,
ask'd, perplex'd &c. (CowPER Poems Lond. 1828). Even in
Spencers age the drama only rarely used ed as a complete syllable,
whereas lyric poetry offered still more numerous examples. Even
the attributive participle is thus shortened, especially the proparoxy-
tones: His powder' d coat; the feather'd tribes; the scatter'd
grain; his alter'd gait (COWPER); yet also other forms : His arch' d
tail's azure (ID); ye curs'd rulers (Ox WAY); the turban'd Delis;
no high-crown 'd turban (BYRON Bride of Abydos). -The verbal termina-
tion est, except with a prominent sibilant, had, even in the 17th century,
a mute e in poetry, although Spencer frequently uses the complete syl-
lable. It commonly appears with an elided e: speak 'st, look'st,
talk'st, think'st (OwxAY Venice preserved Lond. 1796), stand'st,
seem'st, hold'st (€OWPER); see'st; dar'st, know'st (L. BYRON).
Even the e of the superlative termination is cast out thus with pro-
paroxytones: wicked'st, damned'st, pleasant'st, wholesom'st
(SHAKSPEARE ed. Collier), cruel'st (OTWAY). Lastly, in poetry an
unaccented vowel betwixt consonants is frequently cast out after a
short, and also after a long vowel, especially before r and n. The
following are examples from Cowper:
48 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1.
r: gen'rous, op'ra, lib'ral, diff'rence, ev'ry, rev'rend,
sov'reign, int'rest, flatt'ry, blund'rer; — av'rice;
— mem'ry, am'rous, rhet'ric, vig'rous.
after diphthongs and long vowels: loit'rer; — boun-
d'ry; - iv'ry, hum'rous; — num'rous, scen'ry,
should'ring, dang'rous; -- lab'ring, neighb'ring,
fav'rite, sav'ry.
n: list'ning; - - heav'nly, mulb'rry, reclining, pri-
s'ner.
after diphthongs and long vowels: pois'ning, op'ning,
ev'ning, chast'ning.
This is rarely the case before other consonants, as in en 'my,
ven'son, Abr'ham.
These instances are, properly, proparoxytones, yet other words
also belong here, as heav'n, ev'n; the participles giv'n, ris'n,
fall'n, stol'n. Of scarcely different nature is the substitution of
an e cast out immediately after diphthongs in: bow'r, flow'r, to-
w'r and many more, since this crasis, like those elisions, only im-
parts a graphical fixity to the process which is going on in popular
pronunciation.
Another sort of shortening, particularly of proparoxytones, not
so much by casting out as by the hardening of one unaccented vowel
before another, a process often shared by poetry with the speech ot
common life, must also find a place here.
To metrical licenses namely belongs the disregard of the short
vowels «, e, and even of the diphthong unaccented u (== iu) before a
following vowel, by which especially the compounds of yi, ie, ia, iom,
ea, eo; ui, ua, uo in terminations like ying, ien, ient, ience, ier, iet,
ian, iant, ial, iate, iage, io, ion, ior, iot, ean, eo, eon, eor, uing, uant,
uance, uous and others come into consideration, which in verse may
appear as monosyllabic endings of words. This long known synizesis,
permitted in modern English poetry in the widest extent (See Tycho
Mommsen, Shaksp. Romeo and Juliet. Oldenburg 1859 p. 118) is
based upon this; that i and e (=«) as well as w, in the glibness of
utterance lose the vowel sound, and pass over into the halfvowels y
(j) and w, whereby the dactyl is readily transformed into the trochee.
Cultivated speech has gradually appropriated this transformation, so
natural to popular language more and more in refined intercourse, so
that at present the pronunciation of alien (alyen), brilliant (bril-
yant), dominion (dominyon), as well as the blending of the z-sounds
with preceding dentals (see below) whose hissing sounds at the end
of the sixteenth century still seemed totally strange, and at present
are still often reproved by orthoepists, has become a universal custom
in the speech of educated persons. Synizeses certainly remain in
verse, as: carrying, burying, glorious, meteor, Aethiop,
Mantua, tempestuous and others, whereas in words in iage and
others, as above observed, the synizesis has already transformed itself
into a complete rejection of the second vowel.
3. At the End. The silence at the end of the word concerns
the e, which is, partly; organic, that is to say, the remnant of a
/. The Word according to its elements. — Silence of vowels. 49
primitive final syllabe ending in a vowel or a consonant; or, inorga-
nic, that is to say, without a basis in Etymology. In many words,
especially those ending in le, re after a mute consonant e has arisen
by metathesis from el, er. The organic e has been in many cases
rejected, the inorganic in many cases added: the fluctuation is in this
respect sec. XIY, uncommonly frequent. In modern English e after
a simple or a mute and liquid consonant has been preserved or added,
mostly after the long" vowel, and its part is therefore, though mute,
to serve for a sign of the prolongation of the syllable now ending
with a consonant sound: pane, scene, here, ore, glebe, weave,
grieve, able, idle, trifle, metre; even after a long syllable not
accented: theatre, e even stands after a short vowel, and after a
mute and liquid consonant: ripple, ruffle, rattle, drizzle. It
is rare after two other consonants, as after st: taste; except in un-
assimilated foreign words, as banquette &c. and a few others, as
child e (along with child). After a simple consonant, it sometimes
stands, partly unorganically, after the accented syllable: ate, bade,
have, dove, glove, love, come, one, none; were. It frequently
concludes unaccented derivative syllables: rapine, extensive,
pressure.
For exceptions in Greek and Lat. words, see above, e.
After c and g it serves, either with or without a previous second
consonant, after a long or a short vowel, although arising organically
or by methathesis, to designate the dental sound of those guttu-
rals: piece, siege; prince; hence, sconce, hinge, bilge, ledge,
lodge, bridge; so too after ng and a long syllable: change.
After th it becomes significant of the soft th: breath — breathe.
It stands in union with u after q and g in the French mode:
pique, antique, risque, casque, mosque; fatigue, plague,
catalogue, rogue, harangue, tongue.
This mute e also remains mute, when preserved before conso-
nants in the amplification of the stem through derivation or composi-
tion: crime — crimeful; confine — confineless, confinement;
sole — soleness, solely; arrange — arrangement; lodge —
lodgement; note — notebook. Exceptions are formed by wholly,
awful, and, if we reckon ue here; duly, truly, in which e falls
out. Some also spell judgment, abridgment, acknowledgment
instead of judgement &c. After gutturals, which have become
dental it stands as a mute letter even before obscure vowels: notice
— noticeable; lodge — lodgeable; courage — courageous.
Consonants in General.
The consonant is formed by the action of the moveable organs,
the lips, the tongue and the throat, the breath which renders the
formation of sound possible being modified either through the lips,
on the teeth or in the throat. Thus we distinguish lipsounds,
toothsounds, and throatsounds (Labials, Dentals, Gutturals).
If, in the production of the consonant, the mouth is completely
closed and again opened at any definite place, the consonant is called
Matzner, engl. Gr. I. 4
50
Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1.
explosive, is divided or divisible in its production, and may there-
fore, under certain circumstances, in collision with others, or at the
end of the syllable be shortened by its latter half. If, in the pro-
nunciation of the consonant a mere approximation of the organs takes
place, without an interruption of the vocal breath, the consonant is
fricative, or is audible as friction, and therefore uninterrupted,
or continuous. The liquid consonants, or melting sounds, I and r;
I produced by the partial closure and the slight pressure of the lip
of the tongue, and r produced by vibration, and the tremulous move-
ment of the tongue or the palate (dental and guttural r), partake of
both qualities. The nasals, m and n, belong according to the place
of their origin, to the labial or to the dental letters, and are, in the
mode of their production, at the same time explosive, but, a simul-
taneous opening of the channel of the nose (the nostrils) taking place,
they become nasal. Inasmuch as they can be made to sound contin-
uously they have been reckoned among the liquids. Semivowels,, that
is to say, sounds formed unter the cooperation of the consonantal
organs, while the voice, in commencing to form a vowel, does not
set the glottis in decided vibration, are w and y.
A representation of the phonetic relations of consonants in modern
English in the respects above stated, is contained in the following
table:
Nasals
Li-
quids
Interrupted or
explosive
Uninterrupted or
continuous
Semivocal,
Lipsounds
m
hard
P
soft
b
hard
f, ph, gh
soft
V
W (u) wh
.
Lisping
th
sounds
th
Tooth-
sounds
l
1 r
t
d
Hissing
8, C
sounds
S, Z
Sibilants
ch,sh,s,tj, g, s, z
Throat-
sounds
ng
r
c, k, qu,
eh
g> gh,
gu
h
y W
A compound of the throat and the toothsound is x = cs and gs; its
s may therefore pass into the sibilant.
General Observations.
The representation of sounds by different consonants and com-
binations of consonants rests partly on the mixture of the Anglo-
saxon and the French modes of representation, partly on the retention
of sounds, justified etymologically, but whose pronunciation has changed.
The representation of various sounds by the same sign springs partly
from the same cause, but on the other hand, in part, from the becom-
ing identical of vocal signs originally different.
/. The Word according to its elements. — Consonants. 5J
1) Lipsounds. The introduction of the sound », along side of
w, the latter of which corresponds to the Auglosaxon v (w), is to
be ascribed to the influence of the French. The combination wh is,
properly, a composite sound. It is the inverse of the Anglosaxon
hv, with the retention of the ancient succession of sounds, unless w
is silent (who = hu). On the unwarranted wh, see below, gh as /
is retained etymologically, although phonetically transformed.
2) Among toothsounds the initial dental and the final guttural
r, either with or without other consonants are to be distinguished
(right and her, hard). The hard and the soft th, two lisping-
sounds corresponding to the Anglosaxon p and & (at is were th and
dh) although no longer strictly divided into the initial, the medial and
the final, are both often expressed as in the later English by th, so in Old-
English by p concurrently with th, as in ROB. OF GLOUCESTER pis, per,
pou, Bape, oper, wollep, bep, forp. The s is divided into a hard
and a soft hissing sound (sister and his). The c of the same sound
before clear vowels (certain, cancer) is to be ascribed to the Ro-
mance influence. The Anglosaxon seems not to have known the
sound z, which is also represented by s (frozen, zeal; wisdom,
bosom) as it also rarely employs the sound z instead of &. More-
over z in the middle of Gothic words seems to have been soft, as s
seems everywhere to have been hard. The sibilant ch is frequently
met with in non- Germanic as well as in Anglosaxon words. As
distinguished from sh, t is prefixed to the former, except in modern
French words, s and t are equivalent to the sibilant sh in those
cases where the sound of y hardened into a consonant is developed
out of i or e (also u = iu) and blends with it (mansion = man-
shon, nauseous = naush'ous, nation = nashon, sure =
shure, censure = censhur). To these hard sibilants are opposed
the soft j, g (under French influence) and then s, z, in which y de-
veloped out of clear vowels unites with the dental. The dental d
is placed phonetically before the sibilants j and g. The Anglosaxon
sound j, which we find interchanging with g, ge and ige, answers
only to the English y. In the case specified English orthoepists
denote the sound of s and z by zh, as opposed to sA vision = viz-
hon, pleasure = pleazhur, razure = razhur). In Old-English
the sound sh is often found represented by sch, also by ssh.
3) The nasal ng cited among the throatsounds is the sound in
which n is affected by a guttural, n experiences a similar affection
before gutturals in general (vanquish, anxious). See more par-
ticularly below. The Anglosaxon c-sound for which the k, frequent
in Gothic and Anglosaxon was seldom substituted, is now often re-
presented by k, and the guttural ch, appearing chiefly in non-Ger-
manic words, snares the same sound, to which also the Latin romance
qn (conquer) partly corresponds, beinp, on the other hand, equi-
valent to the Anglosaxon cv (quick). To this hard guttural is op-
rsed the soft g, which at times becomes known as such by a suffixed
or u (gh, gu), while gu (analogous to qu = cv) replaces the com-
bination of gv (distinguish). The h is hardly ever preserved
phonetically save at the commencement of Germanic and non-Ger-
manic words, although it seems in Anglosaxon to have sounded strongest
52 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I.
and to have been partly equivalent to the Highdutch ch, precisely
where in English it has completely disappeared. The Old-English
often employed for g and y the Anglosaxon j, which, strange to say,
is often rendered in modern copies by z.
Among the English consonants ./ can never end a syllable; vy as
well as the dental c and g appear only with a following mute e, g
with ue at the end of a syllable.
The pronunciation of consonants in detail.
1) The nasal and the liquid sounds m, n> /, r.
m at the beginning, in the middle and at the end of a syl-
lable, sounds like the Highdutch m: man, marry, complaint,
ambition, immortal, imitate, claim, form.
The words formerly spelt compt, accompt, comptrol,
comptroller are at present spelt count, account, controll,
controller, and the former, when they occur, pronounced like the
latter. The first two answer to the Latin: computare, Old-French
conter, cunter, in modern French dissimilated into compter and
conter (m becomes n before the dental). The latter come from the
French control e (= contre-role Lat. rotulus).
The final m appears doubled in mumm, wherein only one m
sounds.
n has in general the sound of the Highdutch n : nail, enforce,
enjoy, engine, enmity, hen, hand, finch, discern. InBanf
and Pontefract n is pronounced like m (=bamf, pomfret) as the
latter is also sometimes written.
Before gutturals n assumes in general the sound of the Greek
r or the Gothic g before a guttural (compare Gothic briggan,
paghjan), which we are wont to represent by ng and which we
denote by n*): uncle, ink, monkey, banquet, anguish, conger.
In these cases n is on the one hand tinged with a guttural, but
on the other hand also the guttural becomes audible at the end or
the beginning of a subsequent syllable; compare: in-k, con-ger,
En-gland.
To this, however, exceptions are found. In syllables ending in
ng the guttural n is alone heard, without the aftersound g: sin(g),
lon(g), boilin(g), although dialectically, for example, in the North-
East of England g is sounded after it (kin-g, lon-g). In deriva-
tives from such stems also n alone continues audible: sin(g)in(g),
sin(g)er, win(g)y, youn(g)ster. Yet here again the comparatives
and superlatives from long, strong, young (lon-ger, youn-gest)
form an exception, an anomaly blamed by some orthoepists.
In words whose stem syllable ends in ing, the convenience of
pronunciation often completely extirpates the guttural tinge of the
derivative syllable, so that we hear singin, bringin spoken, a
*) In comparative Grammar this sound is usually denoted by n with a
point over it; for want of this character we have been forced to select n.
/. The Word according to its elements. Pronunciation of the Cowon. fyc. 53
natural bias to dissimilation of syllables, which is nevertheless justly
blamed.
In composition a syllable ending in n undergoes before a guttural
no guttural tinge (compare vanguard; otherwise, where the com-
position no longer comes into consciousness: Lincoln = Lindum
colonia, pronounced Lin-kun). Yet in prefixes ending in n the
exception takes place that they assume the sound n under the prin-
cipal accent: conquer, conquest, congress, congruent, in-
choate, inquinate,- con even under the subordinate accent: con-
coagulate; but in regard to the prefix in there is no consistency
or agreement income, increase, increate, inclavated, inquest
being denoted as the usual pronunciation. In the unaccented syllable
every guttural tinge is removed : congriiity, inclement, unquiet.
This happens even in other unaccented syllables, as in august.
Final n is seldom doubled. (Compare inn) where it sounds
like a single n.
1 has the sound of the Highdutch 1: lamb, plural, blue,
slang, climb, soil, fault, bulk. It sounds after a consonant be-
fore a mute e, as in people, table, trifle; shuttle; see above.
A final double /, which is usual at the end of monosyllablic words,
is not to be distinguished from a simple /: kill, full, all; therefore
in compound words the // of the stem becomes a final single / without
any sacrifice of sound: fulfil, wilful, withal, handful. II also,
in immediate contact with a subsequent consonant, (also with a mute
e between) sounds as a single /: kill'd; as // only sounds as a single
/ before a clear vowel hardened into y: bullion (= boolyon). Even
a strongly aspirated initial double // is like the single /: Llandaff,
Llanelly. (The Celtic sound is represented in English by // or //A).
Moreover // in the middle of words, before vowels sounds at once as
the final sound of the prior and as the initial sound of the sub-
sequent syllable: ally, billow, follow.
/ is exceptionally pronounced like r, this often arises out of an
I: in colonel (pronounced camel) in Spencer also cor on el (cornp.
Span, coronel, French colonel), and in Cashalton (pronounced
cashor'tn).
r is either dental or guttural (see above):
a) dental at the commencement: run, rose; also in combination
with other consonants: pride, bride, fresh, try, draw,
spread, stride, crown, grow. When in the middle of a
word r begins a syllable after a short vowel, it becomes by
attraction at the same time the final sound of the previous syl-
lable, and therefore apparently doubles itself, so that e commences
with a guttural sound and sounds on with the succeeding syl-
lable as a dental: peril (like per-ril), forest, baron. Even
after long vowels, when it begins the following syllable, it has
a guttural influence on that vowel: various, serious, fury.
b) guttural at the end of a syllable even with subsequent consonants :
fir, her, star, cur, murmur; hear, air, door; cobler,
collar, arbor; herb, earth, pearl, lord, hurt, worm,
54 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part L Sect. L
work, turf. This is also naturally the case where r is followed
by a mute e: fire, here, ware, shore, pure; jointure. At
the end, with another preceding consonant, it produces, as it were,
a metathesis of the re and has the guttural sound: theatre,
massacre, sepulchre, = theater, or -tur &c. The same meta-
thesis appears in iren = iurn, apron = apurn, in common life
also in children, hundred and the like.
Uneducated persons let the r entirely disappear in words like
hard, lord. The broad guttural pronunciation of the r, called
burr in the throat, is peculiar to the northern dialects.
Double r in the middle of a word places the guttural and the
dental r beside each other, the former, however, essentially
softened, unless it comes from a stem ending in r, as in starry
of star, on which account the former does not essentially affect
the vowel; at the end, where it is equivalent to a single guttural
r, it is only used exceptionally: err, serr (= serry), purr.
2) The Lipsounds p, b, f, (ph, gh), v, w, (wh).
p sounds in general like the Highdutch p: pity, pebble, pa-
gan, pound, pure, play, prince, up, damp, slept.
In common life p is assimilated to a subsequent b, in cupboard;
in raspberry (pronounced rasberry) we may regard p as completely
rejected on account of the collision of three consonants. Thus too it
is assimilated to the succeeding ph in: Sappho, sapphic, sap-
phire, pronounced Saffo. The softening of the p into b occurs in
pother, which, according to this corrupted pronunciation is also
spelt bother.
b has the sound common to the Germanic tongues at all parts
of the word: baby, blow, broad, bob, gobble, barb.
Double b at the end is only exceptional: in ebb.
f has the sound of the Highdutch f: fancy, fly, friend, muf-
fin, chiefly, after, thief, wife, calf, craft.
Double / at the end of polysyllabic words after a short vowel is
usual with some trifling exceptions, even polysyllables have f: off,
cliff, staff, plaintiff, caitiff, wherein ff sounds like a single /.
In the unique particle of, / sounds like v, but not in composition,
as thereof, whereof &c.
The sound of / is also represented by ph, corresponding to the
Greek 7, which has passed through the Latin and the Romance.
The Anglosaxon seldom has ph (philosoph, pharisee with farisee).
In Old-English /and ph alliterate: .Fare wel PAippe and Faunteltee
(PIERS PLOUGHM.P. 205). In Modern-English they are likewise inter-
changed; gulph and gulf, Guelphs and Guelfs: philosopher,
phosphor, phrase, phlegm.
v appears softened into v in Stephen, Old-French Estevenes,
Hollandish Steven, Old-English Steuene (Roe. OF GLOUCESTER), also
sec. XVI Steuen (JACK JUGLER c. 1562.) and in nephew, Old-
English neuew, the French neveu alongside of the Anglosax. nefa;
some orthoepists demand here the pronunciation of / as /. Thus in
•writing also naphew and navew (Lat. napus, French navet) stand
alongside of each other.
jf. The Word according to its elements. Pronunciation of Conson. fyc. 55
Before th ph transform itself into the sound p (unless it is alto-
gether silent, see below): napAtha, diphthong, ophthalmic.
Moderns demand here in diphthong and others the pronunciation
dif, so inconvenient before the lisping sound th.
gh also sometimes represents the /-sound, yet only after au and
ou and in a short syllable in the words draugh (also spelt draff)
draught (also draft) laugh, laughter; = chough (pronounced
chiif) clough (pronounced cluf), Brough (pronounced bruf), cough
(pronounced cof), enough (eniif), rough (pronounced ruf), slough
(pronounced sliif in the substantive "shakesskin"), tough (pro-
nounced tiif), trough (pronounced trof), chincough (pronounced
chincof), Loiighborough (pronounced luf-biir-o). Usually thus even
in the seventeenth century. Instead of hiccough (= hiccof) hiccup
is also written.
v always has the sound of the Highdutch w or the French v:
vain, valley, velvet, love.
W as a consonant commences (as distinguished from the High-
dutch w) almost like a vowel, and at the same time leans like a
consonant, on the subsequent vowel, so that it may be compared in
some measure with the combination uw. It is never a final consonant
sound, and only tolerates dentals (£, d, s~) as audible consonants be-
fore it: wait, wayward, twice, dwell, swallow (compare qu
= cw).
In combination with h as tuA, the h before it sounds (unless it
is wholly silent) = hw Anglosaxon hv: which, whet, why,
3. The toothsounds t, d, th, s, c, z, ch, sh, j, g.
t has primarily and in general
a) the sound of the Highdutch t, when at the beginning of a word
it toterates only r and w after it, m only in Greek words: tme-
sis; term, take, traitress, twist, tempt, tent, hilt, art,
rapt, drift, mast, text, act, settle; with silent letters be-
fore it: debt, fraught.
Its reduplication at the end is rare: butt, smitt.
b) but it often experiences, like other dentals, an influence through
an unaccented vowel following it, i, e (and the i preceding in
u) when this is followed by another vowel: ie, ia, io and u
(= m)} ea, eo. As in such combinations the i-sound has a decided
bias to harden into a semivowel, so the dental has the tendency
to combine with it, by which a hissing sound, either hard or soft,
may arise. To retain the i in such cases as a y consonant, as
is prescribed by many orthoepists of the more solemn style, of-
fends, in many cases at least, against an universal usage.
It is moreover to be remarked that, before Germanic termina-
tions, such as the comparative i-er, t is maintained pure : migh-
tier, pitiest, and only Romance terminations are considered.
a) t-i appears as a hard sibilant tsch:
«) in conversational language when s or x precedes the t: Chris-
tian, fustian, celestial, question, mixtion; when,
56 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1.
however, the t is \voot to be attracted by the last syllable:
pronounced christ-sh'an, celest-sh'al, kwest-shiin, mixt-simn. The
niore solemn pronunciation is declared to be celest-yal and so
forth, particularly with the termination ian.
/!?) further, where t-i arises from the combination of t with the
terminations eous, une, ure, ual: righteous, fortune,
creature, spiritual, pronounced ri-ch'us, fort-shoon, creet-
sh'oor, spirit-sh'ooal; in the termination uou$ this is rare. The
t is moreover here, as above, attracted after a short vowel or
a close syllable. Here, too, the maintenance of m or yu passes
for the more solemn pronunciation.
b) as a soft sibilant, and thus usually in the Romance derivative
terminations, lent, ia, ial, iate, ion, ious by universal agreement:
patient, militia, partial, satiate, mention, cautious,
pronounced pash'ent, melish'a, parsh'al &c.
In the pronunciation of Latin words like ratio, the i is still
suffered to sound separately: ra-sheo, as well as in words in iate
after a long syllable; satiate pronounced sasheate.
In the cases cited the sibilant of course remains even after
the amplification of the words by other derivative terminations,
as in partiality, rational &c. If, however, the i is accented,
the fusion ceases: satiety, and t sounds like t.
In words in -ier the more solemn style does not permit the
transformation of ti into sh: courtier (court-yer).
d corresponds
a) with its soft sound, in general to the Highdutch initial c/, and,
like £, only tolerates r and w after it at the beginning of a word:
din, do, draw, dwell, bandage, kindred, kind, bold,
drunkard, learned, drudge.
b) it hardens into / in the verbal inflection ed, when e is silent,
and it is preceded by the hard consonants p, k, /, gh (=/), the
sharp hissing sounds «, c and x (= es) or the sibilants ch, sh:
dripped, raked, racked, stuffed, coughed, chased, pas-
sed, placed, perplexed, snatched, lashed. The physio-
logical reason of this pronunciation has produced the phonetic
style of spelling, frequent in Old-English, common in modern
English, yet in modern times of very confined use, such as whipt,
heapt, askt, crost, fixt, punisht, watcht.
c) In the pronunciation of common life </, like 7, with a subsequent
unaccented i, e (also in w as m) hardened into a semivowel,
enters into a combination before a second vowel, which as a
soft sibilant, is denoted by .; (= dg). Walker prescribes this
usage as the rule; others admit it only in the most frequent
words, whereas they pretend to preserve to others the semi-
consonant?/: soldier (sol-jer), insidious, hideous (hid'-zh'us),
grandeur, arduous, verdure &c.; even in educate we hear
du sometimes as dzh. A pure d with a subsequent feebly hardened
i (y) seems almost always to pass for the more correct pronun-
ciation. The transformation of an initial of, before accented vowel
/. The Word according to its elements. Pronunciation of the Conson. fyc. 57
generally, into j is provincial, as in Warwickshire: duke, dead,
deal &c. (=juke, jed <fcc.)
th, a lispingsound, wanting in Highdutch, produced by a brea-
thing forced between the tongue and the teeth, after the tongue has
been laid between the rows of teeth, appears, when the breath is
slightly vocalized, as a hard, when not, as a soft th. Even the
Gothic p may pass for an aspirated d: the Anglosaxon p and & are
the origins of their double tinge.
a) the hard th therefore corresponds to the Anglosaxon /j, Islandic
p and Modern- Greek ,?
«) At the beginning of words thick, thank, theatre, throat,
thwart.
Except the personal pronoun of the second person and the
demonstrative pronouns, together with the forms and particles
derived therefrom, in which th is always soft: thou, thee,
thine, thy, the, this, that, they, them, these, those,
their, then, than, though, thus, there, thither.
In composition the hard sound remains to th: athirst, ath-
wart, bethiimp, bethrall &c.
ft) At the end: filth, sheath, death, mouth, zenith. In
eighth, instead of eightth the t has a twofold function, as
t and as an element of the sound th.
Except those ending with the soft th: beneath, underneath,
booth and smooth adjective and verb, the particles with
also in all its compounds, and verbs which sound like a noun
(for dissimilation), as mouth, wreath and the like, although
these are frequently spelt with a mute e.
Before an inflectional «, th is softened: paths, mouths,
oaths.
y) in the middle of words originally Greek and Latin: Athens,
catholic, orthodox, author, likewise in Lutheran; in
words originally Anglosaxon before and after a consonant:
southly, filthy.
Except words originally Anglosaxon in which th is preceded by
r. In this case th is soft: farthing, farther, farthest,
worthy c. der., northern, burthen (also burden), further,
murther (commonly murder). Also in brethren the soft pro-
nunciation of brother is retained, as -ren is also metathetically
pronounced like ern.
b) The soft th, equal to the Anglosaxon p and the Modern-Greek J
at the beginning of a word, occurs at the beginning and in the
middle of words only exceptionally (see above). But it is always
found in the middle of words not originally Greek or Latin between
vowels: hither, thither, either, neither, together, fea-
ther, father, mother, brother, southern.
In brothel it sounds hard.
c) It sounds as a simple t in Thames, Thomas, thyme; also
with ph at the beginning of a word, when ph is silent: phthisis
(== ti-cis), phthisic (= tiz-zick), phthisical &c.; also in the
58 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I.
middle between s and m: Isthmus, asthma, also after a single
s: Esther, Demosthenes, likewise in Anthony.
t and h are moreover to be divided, as final and initial letters
respectively, in compounds, as: Chatham (chat-ham), With am
and others.
S represents a hard, or sharp, and a soft hissing sound, and be-
comes by means of the following vocalization a hard or soft hissing
sound.
a) is a sharp hissing sound, like the French sharp s or p :
«) at the beginning of all words: sea, system, so, summer,
smart, snail, slash, spade, sway, stab, skim, scar,
school, squab, split, sprig, struggle, scratch.
Except sure, sugar, wherein s sounds like sh (see below).
Also in the compounding of notional words an initial s retains
its sharp sound: seaside, polysyllable, lovesong, mid-
summer, gospel (= god-spel), quicksilver. Therefore also
in Thomson (-son = son), as well as in those compounded of
some = Highdutch sam.
In composition whith particles ending in vowels or con-
sonants the subsequent initial s is in general sharp: asunder,
besiege, foresight, cosecant, parasite, prosecute, in-
side, unseen, obsess.
In cousin, the composition of which (consobrinus), is no
longer perceived, the rule for the middle of a word is observed.
There is uncertainty with some particles : after ab s is soft in
absolve c. der., yet not in absolute c. der. and absolution;
after ob in observe c. der.
This is particularly the case after re, pre and de, after which
an initial s with a vowel following, according to the rule for
the middle of a word, is soft. Yet here logical considerations
have been suffered to prevail in part.
After re s is sharp especially when it adds the meaning
"again" to the stem, when the consciousness of particle and
stem is maintained clear; hence sharp in: reseat, re seize,
resell, resend, resettle, resil, resaKite, resurpri'se,
resurvey &c. On the other hand soft in: resist, residue,
reside, resemble, resent (= to take ill), resolve, re-
sound (=to echo), result, resume &c.
The sharp or the soft s corresponds therefore to notional
differences, as in resound (to sound again) and resound
(= to echo); resign (= to sign again) und resign (= to
give up).
Nevertheless the sharp s has been preserved, where the
meaning "again" is not present: research (French recherche
and rechercher = to inquire, inquiry), resipiscence, re-
source, resupinate. On the other hand the soft s is to be
met with where that meaning is near, in resurrection.
After pre the sharp s appears when the former expresses
decidedly the meaning "before": presignify, presuppose,
presurmi'se, presage and to presage, presentiment,
/. The Word according to its elements. Pronunciation of the Conson. <^c. 59
preservation, on the other hand preside, preserve, pre-
sume, present, presence with the soft s.
After de the initial s is sharp, when a decidedly negative
meaning belongs to it: desiderate to lack, to miss; desic-
cate dry up; desinent extreme, ceasing, ending; desipient
silly, desist leave off, desecrate profane, desiime borrow,
desuetude disuse, desultory unsteady; desiilphurate take
out the brimstone, desynonomize.
Yet a sharp s is found in desidiose, properly, enduring,
sluggish, and desudation, properly, sweating away, strong
sweat, designate c. der. and design c. der. with a sharp s
are striking, although usage fluctuates with design.
The rest of the compounds with de have the soft s, as de-
sire, deserve &c.
/9) s (and the frequent ss) are sharp in general at the end of a
word, without a mute e after it, unless this s arises from in-
flection: this, yes, us (not the inflectional -s, compare Anglo-
sax, dative and accus. us, Gothic unsis, uns), thus, Lewis,
Paris, metropolis, gas, bias, pious.
In further formation or composition this s commonly follows
the laws of the s in the middle of a word, therefore is soft
between vowels and before certain consonants (see below): cf.
gas and gasometer; similarly also a sharp s before e: gos-
ling (from goose), husband (from house).
On the other hand, in the prefix mis, as in trans the s always
remains sharp (unless transformed into the sibilant by sub-
sequent vowels, whereas dis in various regards has the sharp
or the soft s. Its s is sharp, when the subordinate accent lies
upon dis: disobey, disagree; when the following syllable
begins with a hard consonant : discipline, dispatch, dis-
figure, disturb, discrown, dishabit; before the u diph-
thong: disuse, disunion, s before the accented syllable
beginning with a vowel is soft: disease, disorder; also with
a mute h: dishonest; or with a soft consonant: dismantle,
dislike, disroot, disdain, disguise &c. In discern c.
der. (pronounced dizzern) and dissolve c. der. s is likewise
soft. In dismal is dis not the same prefix.
Except :
a) as (comp. whereas) and was. [In has and is an in-
flectional letter appears, as in his, and analogously ours,
yours, theirs.]
ft) words in s from the ancient tongues, and not preceded by
.a mute e: species, series, caries, Moses, Diogenes.
c) words in s, before which stands a mute ^ after a soft con-
sonant: besides, whiles, James, Jones, Charles,
Reeves.
d) words in s, immediately preceded by a soft consonant: lens,
Simmons, Tibbs, needs, towards.
•y) s is sharp in the middle of a word when it doubles itself, as
60 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I.
well as when it encounters another consonant. This is good
also for the s sounding with another consonant before a mute e:
pressing, assassinate; hospital, sister, ransom, par-
son, tipsy; pulse, verse, nurse.
Except :
«) among words with ss: possess, scissors, hussar, and
hussy, misseldine (comp. c) and the compound dessert
(compare above dis), wherein ss is soft; and those wherein
ss or s before vowels passes into a sibilant.
b) before and after m, s is soft: whimsey, crimson, dam-
sel; — cosmetic, cosmical, prism, criticism.
c) before l,r r, 5, r7, s is soft after a vowel: grisly, Isla-
mism, Islington, muslin, Israelite, Lisbon, Lesbia,
Busby, wisdom, Desdemona.
Also in mistletoe, wherein t is cast out in pronunciation,
,s is so in misseldine (of like meaning) compare Old norse
mistiltein; on the other hand not in the like rejection of
the t in nestle, whistle, and others
d) after w, rc, /, r, in an accented syllable before y and
ey s is soft: clumsy, quinsy, palsy, Jersey, also in
cleanse.
b) s is soft, like an initial Highdutch s:
a) in general in the middle of words between vowels, to which
case also belongs the final s before a niute vowel: riser,
season, easy, nasal, bosom, wise, rise.
This bias is in part common to Germanic and Romance
tongues; even in Gothic s between vowels readily passes into
z (=s), like the same sound in French.
Exceptions are, of course, those words in which s before vowels
passes into a sibilant. Besides
«) the adjectives in s-ive and s-ory, the abstract substantives
in sis, sy, and os-ity, in which s is sharp: decisive, con-
clusive; derisory, delusory; crisis, thesis, basis;
poesy, extasy, leprosy; curiosity, animosity. This also
takes place of course in further derivatives from adjectives:
derisively, derisiveness. It is also sharp in argosy ship
of burden, but not in posy, which is deemed to be abbreviated
from poesy.
b) Further, some other substantives with an s in the middle are
with drawn from the rule, and have a sharp s: basin, mason,
garrison, caparison, sausage, palisade, crusade, abei-
sance and obeisance; and worcls originally Greek, mostly
compounds: chrysalis, chrysolite, philosophy (-phise,
opher, but not philosophical); those with Greek prepositions:
episode, prosody, prosopopoeia, prosopolepsy, dy-
sentery &c.
c) likewise adjectives ending in se: concise, obese, base, mo-
rose, loose, profuse; only wise has a soft s.
/. The Word according to its elements. Pronunciation of the Conson. fyc. 61
Verbs sounding like adjectives follow the main rule, as close,
diffuse &c. Yet the sharp s is retained in: loose (also
loosen), debase.
Those words in ly and ness, derived from adjectives retain
their primitive s: morosely, baseness.
d) a series of substantives in se has likewise the sharp s: anise,
promise, preinise(s), mortise, practise; -- lease, re-
lease, decease, crease, decrease, increase, grease; —
base, chase (french chasse and chasser), purchase, case
(French cas and caisse); — dose, purpose; — use, abuse,
refuse, excuse, recluse, hypotenuse; goose (also in pi.
geese), cruise; — rise (= act of rising &c.), paradise; — •
louse, mouse, house (pi. houses), grouse, chouse, souse;
— porpoise, tortoise.
Many of these substantives are distinguished from verbs of
the same spelling by that the latter receive a soft s, like the
words: grease, use, refuse, abuse, excuse, rise, pre-
mise. Yet other words have the same form with the sharp s
as promise, practise, lease, release, crease, decrease,
increase, decease like the simple cease, purchase (also
enchase = en chasser), dose, purpose, chouse, souse to
pickle.
Other verbs with a sharp s are erase and souse (to throw
down).
/?) In general also at the end where s arises through inflection of
the noun or of the verb, unless it is preceded, either immediately
or separated by a mute e, by a hard consonant: in declination
seas, widows, pens, pen's, pens', annals, waters, bills,
fields, birds, rags, hares, babes, wives, syllables;
and conjugation says, does, swims, sounds, neighs &c.
In composition, also, where s constitutes the connecting con-
sonant, this is treated as an inflectional letter: hogshead, tra-
desfolk, kingsstone.
Of course s also remains soft, where a hissing sound or a
sibilant precedes e before s: in declination asses, ashes,
places, boxes, benches; and conjugation kisses, prizes,
despatches.
Except, therefore, forms like: tyrants, caps, cliffs, oaks,
optics, months &c., pipes, gates; — helps, barks &c.,
debates, makes &c.
c) But the s also receives a double sibilant, usually denoted by sh
and zh.
K) s receives the hard sibilant sh, before the combination of the
unaccented i, e, with other following vowels, as well as before
u (=m), before ion and u ( = iu ) ; however, only when s is
preceded by a second s or by another consonant. The vowel
or semivowel sound often till remains to the t-sound: Asian
(ashy an), asiatic (asheatic), persian (persh'an), nausea(na-
ushea), nauseous (naush'iis); mission (mishiin), passion,
62 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I.
mansion (manshun), emulsion, sensual, (senshooal), sen-
suous, pressure (presh'oor), censure.
At the beginning of the unaccented syllable s = sh only in
sure, sugar. See above.
/?) the soft sibilant zh (j, dg) before the termination ion and u,
if the syllable previous to s ends in a vowel: vision (vizhiin),
cohesion, evasion, usury (uzh'oory), usurer (may usurious
= uzurious), usual, measure, pleasure, treasure.
c has, as a dental letter:
a) the sound of the sharp s, analogous to the French, before the
light vowels «', y, e (ce, ce), also only at the beginning of a word
or syllable, and at the end before a mute e: civil, cymbal,
cypress, Cassar, centre, mercy, face; likewise before a
rejected e, if this is indicated by a mark of elision: plac'd.
This sound also belongs to sc in a similar position: science,
prescind, scene (except in sceptic c. der., scirrhus, where
sc = sk).
By way of exception c sounds soft, like z (s) and sc like zz in:
suffice, sacrifice (as a verb, on the other hand sharp in the
substantive sacrifice) and discern.
b) the sibilant sh, in combination with an unaccented i, e, with a
following vowel : efficient, ancient, social, spacious, Pho-
cion, ocean, crustaceous. Where no derivational form is
perceived in the termination, the original double sound is never-
theless preserved, as in halcyon.
In these cases too sc is equal to c: conscience, conscious
(where an unaccented stem appears as a termination).
Except a few Italian words, wherein c sounds like ch: violon-
cello, vermicelli.
In pronunciation we also hear cia pronounced like cea, to
avoid the recurrence of the sibilant.
z, rare, and mostly in foreign words, at the beginning, and at
the end, usually with a mute e.
a) has in general the sound of the softs: zeal, zephyr, zodiac;
lazy, frozen; freeze; also the final double z: fizz, frizz,
whizz, buzz, fuzz.
After a hard final consonant it hardens into a sharp s: fitz,
Mentz, Metz = fits, ments, metz or mas. In mezzo zz is
considered equivalent to ts or tz.
b) the soft sibilant zh (j) in combination with the i-sound of the
terminations -ier and -ure: glazier, grazier, asure, razure
(glazh'er, azh'oor).
The word vizier is pronounced vizyer; we also find vizir and
viseir written.
ch as sign of a sibilant occurs mostly in words originally An-
glosaxon and French,
a) wherein it usually represents the sound tsh; at the end, rarely
at the beginning a t is wont to be placed before it after a short
vowel, which indicates the reduplication of ch by its first con-
/. The Word according to its elements. Pronunciation of the Conson. fyc. 63
stituent, as with the really intentional reduplication of the sound
its first constituent is alone repeated; the reduplication of the
dental g as dg is in the same predicament: chin, chaff; reach,
bench, church, wretch, crutch; — chief, chamber;
arches, ostrich; scutcheon. This sound also tolerates s
before it: eschew, escheat; but, as to sch, see below, sh, and
guttural ch. These words belong to the Anglosaxon and Old-
French: words from the ancient languages are rare and have
perhaps come through the same channel. The prefix arch,
archi, arche, Greek «o//, Anglosax. arce, has tsh in the first form
before consonants: archbishop, archduke; and before vowels:
archenemy, archeunuch &c., with the exception of archan-
gel c. der. On the other hand archi, arche have always the
A>sound: architect, archetype. Also in cherub, Rachel
and stomacher (alongside of stomach = ak) ch = tsh.
Here and there it fluctuates betwixt tsh ang k: archives is
mostly pronounced with k, by some with tsh- likewise elench.
b) it sounds like sh in words which have been received in modern
times from the French with their original sound, as chicane,
chevalier, chagrin and chagreen, charlatan, cham-
pagne (pronounced pane), champaign, chamois, chaise,
machine and many more.
sh serves to denote the sibilant sh in all parts of the word, to-
terates only r after it at the commencement, and has at the end no
consonant before it except r: ship, shut, shy, fashion, bush;
shriek, shrine, harsh.
Sometimes, as in Old-English, mostly however, in oriental or
modern Germanic words, sch represents the same sound: schedule;
schah, scheik, schorl &c., where, however, sh is preferred in
writing.
In the encounter of a final s and an initial h no sibilant arises:
mishap, mishearten = mis-hap &c.
g serves, as a dental, to denote a soft sibilant, which may be
symbolized by a French j with a d preceding it (dj = dzh). As a
sign of its reduplication d is usually placed before it after a short
vowel (see above). It stands at the beginning only before «, ?/, e; a
mute e follows it at the end (on judgment instead of judgement,
see above). At the beginning of a word the dental g belongs to
French, Latin and Greek stems; at the end #, especially when doubled
as dge, answers also to Germanic words, a single ge after consonants
to Romance and Germanic ones. A g in the middle between vowels
is Greek, Latin or Romance: giant, gem; Egypt, orgies; pledge,
wedge, edge, lodge, judge, vigil, marriage, privilege;
targe, hinge, singe, also before an elided e: friug'd. "Where in
Latin words g is doubled, gg is written, but only pronounced singly,
like dzh: suggest, exaggerate.
In gaol, also spelt jail, g sounds like dzh, in spite of the a
after it.
j is always equivalent to the dental g (= dzh). Since the 17th
century j has been written instead of i: jay, joy, just.
In hallelujah.;' sounds like y.
64 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1.
4) The throat-sounds c, k, q, (qu), ch, g, (gh, gu), h, y and the
compound x.
C has its guttural sound, equal to the Highdutch k, where it
begins the syllable with an I or r after it or before obscure vowels
«, o, u: climb, cross, cable, coy, curious, scorn, scray,
sclavonian; as well as where it ends the syllable either alone or
after and before a consonant: music, plastic, talc, act, acme,
acclaim, accident.
sc before obscure vowels likewise sounds like sk. Upon ck see k.
In many words a barely perceptible ?/-sound is made to sound
after the guttural c, precisely as with k, which orthoepists indicate
by a mark of elision: c'ard, k'ine, k'ite, k'ind, k'erchief;
likewise after the guttural//: for example: g'uard, g'uide, g'uise,
g'irl and others.
k, of the same sound as the guttural c, has been compelled
to serve as a substitute for the c which has passed into the hissing
sound before light vowels, therefore stands at the beginning of a
syllable chiefly before «, y, e, rarely, and mostly in foreign words
before a, o, u, as well as before I and r. At the end of a syllable
k appears after a long vowel or another consenant, otherwise after
a short vowel in the combination ck, which is to be regarded as a
reduplication of c or /;, and like all double consonants, sounds single
at the end of a syllable. This ck also stands in the middle of a
syllable between short vowels after a short syllable: kid and kyd,
key, kind, skeptic alongside of sceptic, skirmish; — kantism,
kali, koran, kumiss; — klick alongside of click, kremlin; —
sleek, slink, remark, brisk, attack, clock, rankle, twinkle,
knuckle, basket; — lackey, attacker.
In encountering </, ck assimilates itself to the g, as in black-
guard (= blaggard).
q appears as k only in combination with u, which, especially in
the stem after an initial q is heard as a semiconsonant w: queen,
quick, quack, quadruped, quinquennial; banquet.
But qu has the simple &-sound, particularly in French and some
other foreign words; seldom at the beginning of the word: quatre,
quadrille; frequently at the end in combination with the mute e
(que): antique, opaque, oblique, burlesque, grotesque, cin-
que; - - pique, critique, cirque, risque, casque, mosque
(also spelt mosk); also in the middle of the words: piquet, eti-
quette, doquet (also spelt docket), coquet; harlequin, palan-
quin; conquer (but not in conquest), exchequer, lacquer,
faquir (also fakir), liquor; masquerade, mosquito, roque-
laure; piquant, Iroquois.
ch, as a guttural, equal in pronunciation to k, rests upon non-
Germanic throatsounds, except ache, wherefor also ake is used. At
the beginning of a syllable it may stand before all vowels, as well
as after all at the end. Commencing along with I and r it is always
guttural, iu the combination sch, mostly equal to sk (sey sK): chyle,
Chersonese, chaos, character, baldachin, Buchanan; chlo-
I. The Word according to its elements. Pronunciation of the Conson. fyc. (J5
rid, chronicle, scheme, school; -- hemistich, lilach, loch,
eunuch.
choir is pronounced and also spelt like quire.
g is guttural before obscure vowels a, o, u, before / and r and
always at the end of a syllable, either alone or combined with / and
r: gab, gain, gaunt, go, goat, good, gulf, glory, grind. -
leg, crag, dog, eagle, shingle, eagre. Before light vowels i,
y, e it stands, especially in Anglosaxou or other Germanic, also Celtic
and Oriental words: gild, begin, geese, get; — Argyle, Elgin,
Amager; — Geber, Gibeon; — also in the inverted ger instead
of gre: tiger, Latin tigris, French tigre, conger, Latin congrus,
French congre, and in the derivational syllable -er after an originally
guttural g: singer &c.
This is rarely the case where g in Latin or Romance words stood
before a light vowel: ginglymus, gibbous and others, see below.
For the nasal ng in thing, young see above p. 5*2.
Double g in the middle of a word, unless sprung from a Latin
gg, is guttural: noggin, rugged, dagger, giggle; and at the end
in egg. While g in gk is silent at the beginning and at the end of
a word, it often sounds in the middle, as in signal, malignant &c.
see below. In Champignon, cognac and other words properly
French it sounds as in French.
gu appears often instead of the simple guttural g (apart from
the cases in which gu, sounds like gw, as in Guelfs, guaiacuin,
guava, guiniad, anguish, languish, distinguish, extinguish,
languid, language). It commonly, as in French, ensures the guttural
sound before light vowels, and often in French words: guide, guile,
Guisborough, Guelders; at the end, as gue: fatigue. Yet it
also occurs in words originally Germanic: guess, Old-English gessen;
guild and tongue, seldom instead of the expected dental g: pro-
rogue, compare French proroger. u is idle before obscure vowels,
as in guarantee, guard, guardian c. der.
gh likewise sometimes represents this sound, always fit the
beginning: Ghibelline, ghost, Ghent, Ghauts, so also in the
compound aghast. At the end it is a guttural g only in burgh c.
der.; sometimes, on the other hand gh is hardened into k, in the sub-
stantives hough and shough. This sound likewise belongs to it in
Celtic words: lough (Lough Neagh = Ibk-ne), Leighlin (= lek-
lin). See above gh p. 55.
h, when it appears by itself (not in combinations, like ph, M,
8h9 ch, gh) sounds only at the beginning of syllables (unless altogether
silent), like the Highdutch h: here, hair, Hull. On its transpo-
sition in wh see w p. 55.
The aspiration almost disappears before ew and u, on account of
the semivowel i (y) which therein sounds before u: hew, Hugh,
human, humidity, almost like yu, yuman &c. Yet the aspiration
is not quite destroyed in careful pronunciation.
y as a consonant, answers to the sound of the Highdutch initial
j: year, yesterday, yawn. York, youth. In the middle of a
Matzner, engl Or. T. 5
66 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1.
syllable it is found in foreign words, as bayard, bayonet, where
it is mostly treated as a consonant (j). Some quite destroy it and
say ba-ard, ba-o-net.
In the context a slight sibilant can mingle with y after a word
with a final dental, when that beginning with y is unaccented I'll
meet you, so that here zli^ as it were, sounds before y.
The compound sound x is expressed by the sign which was
written in Anglosaxon for hs, cs, sc and gs = xg, and in Old-French
often interchanged with s (ss).
a) It has the hard double sound ks.
«) at the end of the accented syllable (having the principal or
subordinate accent) in which case the s may also commence
the next syllable: axe, wax, fix, axle-tree, exit, exer-
cise, excellent, exhibition, Aix-la-Chapelle, ortho-
doxy. So too in orthodox and such like Greek words.
Except the case mentioned under c).
,9) in the syllable before the accent, if the accented one begins
with a fresh consonant, (h excepted): extent, expansion,
exchequer.
b) it sounds like gs before the accented syllable, in which a vowel
or h follows the x: exist, exalt, exert, exalt, anxiety,
auxiliary, luxuriant, exhibit, exhaust.
But words derived from such with a hard x (ks) retain excep-
tionally, even in this case their hard sound: fixation from
fix, vexation, vexatious from vex, luxation and luxate
from lux. This is also the case in doxology.
In exemplary, as belonging to exemplar, #, even under
the accent, remains = gs.
c) it sounds like ksh, analogously to the single s, tinged, before
an unaccented '«, with the following vowel and u <=iu): an-
xious, flexion, flexure, luxury; yet many give to x in
unfrequent derivational terminations its £s-sound, as in axiom,
even in luxury.
d) at the beginning of a word it sounds like the English z and
mostly occurs in words originally Greek: xiphias, xistos,
Xenophon, xebec.
Silence of Consonants.
The silence of consonants, retained in writing, rests partly upon
the physiological difficulty or unaccustomedness of pronouncing them
together, in which the rejection of a third between two others is
particularly frequent. Much of this belongs, however, to the glibness
or carelessness of conversation, which gradually becomes law. Old-
English, with more consistency, entirely rejected the unspoken con-
sonants. That consonants no longer sounded were still heard in the
fourteenth century, prove, amongst others, alliterations in: PIERS
PLOUGHMAN, as well as the following for kn: Thanne A; am ther a
1. The Word according to its elements. — Silence of Consonants. 67
#yng A'nyghthod hym ladde (p. 7 ed. WRIGHT); Yet I courbed
my knees And cried, p. 28) for wr: And yet toolde he hem no wo
That wroughte hym that peyne (p. 25), and at the silence of the
b in debt, doubt; of the I in calf, half; of the gh in neighbour
and neigh the pedantic schoolmaster still takes offence in Shakspeare
(Love's labour's lost V, I), gh was in the seventeenth century still
in great part audible by an aspiration which at the least was percep-
tible. However, even in Old-English, the silence of consonants is not
always indicated in writing. Moreover, etymological considerations
have here and there restored to Modern-English consonants cast out
in Old-English.
1) Tne nasal and liquid sounds m, n, 1, r.
m is silent before m at the beginning of a word: mnemonic;
thus, even in Old-English, in which mn alliterates with n: And by-
warn hym his mn&m (uva") (PIERS PLOUGH, p. 131); also between r
and Z in Dunfermline (= dunferlin).
H, although frequently cast off, is nevertheless, after m and Z,
where it is mute, often preserved in writing. It is mute after m at
the end of a word: limn, hymn, contemn, damn, solemn, au-
tumn, column; also where a syllable beginning with a consonant
is added: solemnly; and where the inflectional termination ed with
a mute e is added: limned, condemned; but not in the adjective
form, where e is audible: damned. Generally, where a termination
commencing with a vowel is added, n is the initial sound of the fol-
lowing syllable: contemner, solemnity, damnable, autumnal.
Some grammarians except the termination ing, wherein n must remain
mute, so as not to render the fundamental form unrecognizable by
the inaudible sound of the stem. But this would also apply with
equal justice to all other derivatives. In conversation we certainly
hear himing instead of hymning, but also condemer instead of
condemner.
n is mute after I in kiln, kilndry, brickkiln; hence brick -
keel in southern dialects.
1 is mute, in particular, before other consonants ending a word
with it, especially m, f (ve) and &, and only after obscure vowels o,
o, ow; after a before win: aZms, paZm, Old-French palme, paume;
psaZm, Old-French salme, saume; caZm, quaZm; caZf, haZf, caZve,
caZves, haZves, saZve (according to other salve), chaZk, French
chaux, baZk, waZk, taZk, DundaZk, FaZkland. Derivatives from
these words commonly retain the rejection of the Z, for example paZ-
mer, paZmy, quaZmish, caZving, taZkative &c.; yet not for
example in palmated, palmiped, palmistry, palmiferous,
palmetto. Z is mute before n in auln (aulnage) Old-French alne,
aune; CaZne (pronounced kawn) and Alnwick (pronounced annik);
before s in haZse, haZser also spelt hawse, hawser.
Except, among monosyllabic stems talk (talk, talck) and valve.
Z afte'r a is moreover mute in a few polysyllables: aZinond>
Spanish almendra, French amande, maZmsev, French malvoisie,
MaZmesbury, saZinon, French saumon; faZcon, Old-French falcon,
5*
68 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. I.
faucon, ma/kin also spelt maukin; in chaldron (= 36 bushels)
some do not pronounce the /, we also find chaudron written. The
Old-English had also auter, Modern-English altar; sauter, Modern-
English psalter; fauhhon, Modern-English falchion.
/ after o is silent in fo/k and yo/k, in H6/born and so/der
also spelt soder, in common life also in so/dier; so in the proper
names Linco/n and Langho/m.
/ after ou is mute in wou/d, shou/d, to which in modern
writing cou/d has been assimilated (Old-Engl. coude). — Also in
vault, Old-French volte, voute, vaute some suppress the /.
At the end of a word / is silent in the properly French word
fusR Dialectically / and // are often thrown otf; for Example in the
Scotch a' = all, fu' = full, ca', caa, caw = call; so in Derby-
shire aw = all &c.; also before d: bowd = bold, coud = cold.
It is also silent before several consonants in Che/msford.
r, although often sounding feebly as a guttural r, is seldom quite
silent.
The dental r is left out in glib utterance in the title Mrs =
mistress (pronounced missiz) else, it sounds in this word.
The guttural r is mute in Maryborough and worsted (== yarn,
not in worsted = defeated) ; also in roqelaiire many make the r
inaudible, contrary to the more elegant usage.
•2) The lipsounds p, b, f, (phO, v, w, wh,
p is not seldom silent, especially at the beginning of a word be-
fore n, t, s, sh mostly in Greek words: pneumatic, ptisan, Pto-
lemy, psalm, psalter (Old-Engl. sauter; compare The sauter
seith in the Psalme. (PiKRS PLOUGHM. p. 132), psychology,
psora &c., pshrw! (pronounced shaw).
It is also mute betwixt m and t: attempt, empty, Northamp-
ton, adeinption; as well as before a final t in receipt; compare
Old-Engl. deceipt (SP::NSER) now deceit.
It is cast out betwixt m and / in Bampfield, Bampfylde;
betwixt m and b it is cast out along with the assimilated b in Camp-*
bell (pronounced kamel); before (/ in Deptford.
b is mute at the beginning of a word in bdellium (pronounced
delyum).
It is silent before t in de&t, debtor, subtle c. der., but not
in subtile, although Old-Engl. so tile.
At the end of stems in mb and their derivatives b disappears:
clim&, comb (also in catacomb [pronounced come]), tom£, dum#,
rhum&, bom£ (pronounced bum); and so clim&able, climber,
combed, thumbed &c.; but not in bombard &c. Compare in
Spencer frequently dim, lim, lam and the like.
We except accumb, succumb and rhomb together with rhom-
bus c. der.
in which b sounds decidedly.
The b is also silent in am^s-ace (pronounced amz-ace) which
in Shakspeare is also spelt ames-ace.
f is mute in common life, together with / in ha I/penny; it is
certainly sometimes cast off in o' instead of of.
/. The Word according to its elements. — Silence of Consonants. (39
The ph, of like sound, remains, on the other hand mute at the
beginning of Greek words : phthisis, phthisic, />/tthisical; and in
the compounds: apo/>//thegm (pronounced apothem), which is also
spelt apothegm.
Upon v see the rejection of .vowels and consonants Otherwise
its rejection is indicated in writing, as in e'er, ne'er, o'er and
the like.
W is in many ways extinct in pronunciation.
At the beginning of a syllable it is silent before r: Crinkle,
wrap, wrong, wry; of course in compounds, as awry, bewray &c.;
before h in words in which h is followed by o (also by oo): who,
whose, whole, whore, whoop (also spelt hoop)
Except whop c. der. and whorl. According to Walker and
Perry it sounds in whortleberry (perhaps mutilated from
the Anglosaxon heorotberige through the influence of the
English whurt of the same meaning).
It is mute after t in two and its compounds; after s in sword.
In composition w is silent after an initial s in answer, Anglo-
saxon and-svarjan, an-svarjan; analogously in common life in boats-
wain (pronounced bos'n) and cockswain (pronounced coxen = cock-
sn) from the Anglosaxon svan = bubulcus, juvenis. Thus also a single
w is rejected after a consonant, when the single consonant after a short
vowel seems reduplicated: gunwale, commonly pronounced and
even spelt gunnel, and especially in names of places compounded
of the Anglosaxon vic = portus and vic=habitatio, also vica=castel-
lum; Greenwich, Nortwich, Droitwich, Sheldwich, Dulwich,
Dunwich, A'lnwick (pronounced Annick), Berwick (pronounced
Berrick), Harwick (pronounced Harrick). Sedgwick &c. Thus the
pronunciation of housewife ^huzzif" otherwise also hus-wif and the
spelling hussy (pronounced huzzy) has arisen. After th an initial
w is silent in the negligent pronunciation of southward (pronounced
suthard) and southernwood (pronounced siithernwood) as well as
in the vulgar pronunciation of auk ward and South war k, which is
almost corrupted into Soddrick. w is extinguished between vowels
in toward, towards c. der., wherein ow is taken as the vowel.
Upon the silence of an originally consonantal w at the beginning
and the end of a word, by which the vowel signs ew, aw, ow &c.
partly arise, see below, (the origin of the vowels.)
3) The toothsounds t, d, th, s, c, z.
t is frequently silent betwixt consonants, particularly in the
collision of stl: whfsde, thistle, misdetoe, wresde, pesde,
castle, CasJlebar, Casdeton, hosier, throsde, biisHe; and
stn (commonly with a preceding mute or rather glib e): chestnut,
listen, listener, hasten, moisten, and analogously with ftn:
often, soften; seldom in the muting of stm: Christmas; or stc in
common life: waistcoat; also in the combination rtg in: mortgage,
which also appears a matter of course with pic in bankruptcy. In
the popular boatswain (bos'n) it is lost before sn. Where t stands
before ch, it is as idle in pronunciation as every other final redu-
plication: fetch, catch &c.
70 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I.
At the end of French words, not assimilated to the English pro-
nunciation, it is silent, in the French manner: bille^doux, traU,
ecla?, gou^, hautboy and many more.
d is silent at the beginning before n: Dnieper, Dniester.
In the compound handkerchief d is rejected and n becomes
nasal (= n}. In careless utterance it is readily rejected between n
andsasin: Windsor, handsome, handsel, groundsel, although
this is not approved by orthoepists. On the otherhand Wednesday
is universally pronounced wenzday. Fieldfare is commonly pro-
nounced without a d, and in Kirkcudbright (say kirkkobry) it
likewise does not sound.
At the end of a word d after n is often not pronounced dialec-
tically: riband is pronounced like ribbon, which is the better style,
also weasand, Anglosaxon vasend, vsesend, is here and there pro-
nounced like vez'n.
The reduplication of g after a short vowel by d with a dental
g (= dzJi) is to be treated like that of t before ch.
th is, perhaps, silent in clones (pronounced cloze) only. See
above, th before s.
s is not silent at the beginning of a word, unless we consider
it mute when combined with the dental c, as in science where,
however, e may with the same reason pass for mute.
In the middle of some simple and compound words s (partly
inorganic) is silent, particularly /, n, and m: isle, island, I slay
(pronounced ila), aisle, Carlisle, Lisle (pronounced Lisle, Lille),
mesne (= middle), demesne also spelt demain (Old-French de-
maine), puisne (pronounced puny), disme (pronounced deme, Old-
French disme, dixme), as well as in viscount, Lewisd'or and
Grosvenor.
At the end of many French words not assimilated, s, as. in
French, is rejected: avis, vis-a-vis, pas, chamois, shamois
(pronounced shammy, as it is also spelt) sous, rendezvous, corps
and others. Yet it is pronounced in glacis and here and there in
other words.
z is silent in the French rendezvous.
The throatsounds c, k, ch, g, gh, h, y
c is mute at the beginning of foreign words before other con-
sonants, as in (7neus, Ctesilas, czar, czarina c. der.
In the middle of the word it is mute betwixt s and I: muscle,
arbuscle, corpuscle; yet not in derivatives, as corpuscular and
many such. The rejection of c before t is also usual in victual
(pronounced vitt'l), compare Old-French vitaille, Latin victualia; in-
dict, indictable, indictment and other derivatives alongside of
which indite, inditer is written.
c is likewise silent in Connecticut; cf. Pontefract and
Pomfret.
k is always mute before n at the beginning of a word: &nee,
£now, knuckle, knight.
1. The Word according to its elements. — Silence of Consonants. 7 1
ch is silent after an initial s in scAism c. der ; in schedule
sch is pronounced like sh; it is also mute in yacAt and dracAm
(also spelt dram).
g is mute, like k, before n at the beginning of a word: #nat,
gnome, #noff.
In the middle of the word the silence of g before m and n
occurs :
before m, when it concludes the syllable: phle/yin, apopAthe^m,
paradigm, parape<7m; but not with the augmentation of the word,
when it becomes the initial sound before a vowel: phlegmatic,
paradigmatical.
Before n, likewise, when this concludes the syllable: impre^n,
feign, expu^n, oppugn, propu#n, design, malign, foreign,
sovereign; in derivatives, only when their forms begin with aeon-
sonant, as ment, ness, ly, ty, cy: desi#nment, forei^nness, ma-
lignly, sovereignty, ensi^ncy. Among the derivational forms
beginning with a vowel, those in ing and er alone make the g mute :
feigning, designing, oppii^ner, foreigner. Before all others
beginning with vowels g becomes the final and n the initial sound:
impregnate, signal, benignity.
Moreover, g is not sounded in poignant; cognizance (in the
legal sense) connizance, and cocaine is, according to Smart, pro-
nounced cockane.
In the encounter of gl and gn with an unaccented i after it and
another vowel arise forms of the iota I and n, in which g before
I and n may in English be considered as cast out and i as having
passed into a semiconsonant y: intaglio, seraglio, 6</lio, bagnio,
seignior, si^nior.
The silence of g in the verbal form is provincial, for instance,
in Derbyshire and Scotland.
gh is stfent in the middle of the word, where gli stands before
both an initial and a final t: eight, straiiyAt, sought, bou^At,
fought, night, might, right, flight, fri^At, sight, Connau^At,
mi^Aty, ri#Atly, slaughter, dau^Ater, dou^Aty, as also in the
long (or diphthong) accented syllables ending in gh: wei</A, nei#A,
nei^Abour, thou^A, dou^rA (pronounced doe), althou^A, throu^rA,
lisquebau^A (Erse, whence whisky), pu</A! nigh, sigh, hi^A,
bou^A, plou^A; Anna^A, Arm a or A, Nena^A. But this happens
also in unaccented final syllables: Ralei</A, Chiimlei^A, Hadlei^A,
Denbi^A, Keo^rA, Conemau^A, borough, thorou^A c. der.,
furlou^A. Even in Old-English we certainly find u and w substituted
for gh: plou, plow = glough.
In the compounds, of burgh this word is often made to sound
like borough %(burro); Edinburgh, Jedburgh and others.
With the silence of gh is connected its rejection (together with
u) at the end tho', altho' and even bro' instead borough.
h is by general consent, silent only in a few words not originally
Germanic: Aeir, Aonest, Aonour, Aostler (also spelt ostler),
Aour, Aumble and all their derivatives and compounds; but, of
course, not in merely related words not immediately betraying an
72 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I.
English stem; as heritage, horal &c. Many also add herb and
hospital to the above list. The inclination is, however, universal
to regard h as mute in the unaccented syllable, beginning with h at
the commencement of a word, on which account the article an instead
of a is wont to be put before adjectives of that sort; for instance
hero and an heroical &c.
About h before u see above.
In Greek words beginning with rh, h is mute: rhetoric, rhu-
barb, rAeum, also in r//yme; so too in the combination dh in
Buddha.
Even where h begins an unaccented syllable after one closed with
a consonant, a proneness exists to drop the aspiration, as in ipeca-
cuanAa, in shepherd, diing/ull and others, for which reason also
in names of place, as AmAerst, Durham, HaverAill (pronounced
haveril), the h remains disregarded in the mouth of the people.
Otherwise in an accented syllable, as abhor.
Before another final consonant it has likewise no phonetic value:
JoAn, Johnson, compare Old-Engl. Jon; buAl, buAlwork.
At the end it is mute after vowels and consonants: eh! ah! hah!
buh! oh! foh! sirrah! Messiah, Sarah, hallelujah; bramah,
dahlia; catarrh.
Silence of vowels with consonants.
The rejection of consonants with a previous or a subsequent
vowel is ordinarily speedily exhibited also in writing; yet the speech
of the people has sanctioned abbreviations of this sort, not acknowledged
by the written language, particularly in proper names.
Thus in the unaccented syllable a consonant with a mute e at
the end is cast out as be in Buncombe (pronounced bunkum) and
Edgecom&e (pronounced ej'kum). In the middle of words ve in the
common pronunciation of twelvemonth, Haverford also Havre-
ford; te in lutestring (also spelt lustring); de in th.e vulgar pro-
nunciation of Hyde park; ce in names compounded with cester:
Leicester, Gloucester, Worcester (commonly also pronounced
with an elided r) and others.
Conversely both vowel and consonant are lost in: Leommster
(pronounced lemster); av; Abergavenny (pronounced aberghenny).
Two consonants with the included vowel in an unaccented syl-
lable are cast out, like ven in seven-night (pronounced sennit) cf.
sennet (SKELTON I. 107), Seven oaks is pronounced in Kent: Siin-
nuck; cf. fortnight = fourteennight; ver in Wavertree (pro-
nounced watry); ren in Cire??cester (pronounced cis-e-ter), wherein
at the same time s falls out before t. Compare Exeter in ROB. OF
GLOUCESTER Exetre and Excestre I, 5 and 4.
Upon a similar glibness of the speech of common life rest rejec-
tions indicated by a mark of elision, like gi'me (giwe), I'll (will, shall),
I'd (would), thou'dst (hadst, wouldst), he'd (had, would) and
many more, which remain foreign to the more solemn language.
I The Wordaceording to its elements. - The Syllable and the Divisionfyc. 73
The syllable and the division of syllables.
The syllable consists either of a single vowel or diphthong, or
of a combination of a consonant with a vowel, or conversely; or of
a vowel surrounded by consonants. We recognize them as such by
that all sounds constituting them are produced with an impulse.
A word, the sensuous expression of an image, may consist of
one or of several syllables. The number of its syllables is articulated
for the ear according to the number of sounds produced at one im-
pulse. The division of syllables in writing is especially evident
by the interruption of the word at the end of the line, and has,
besides, a theoretical interest.
But by the peculiar influence of the accent in English upon the
totality of the syllables of a polysyllabic word, and the proneness
towards the attraction (see above) of the initial consonant of a sub-
sequent syllable, as well as by the glibness of many final syllables,
the division of syllables is hardened for apprehension by the ear, and
often rendered still more difficult for the written language. The
parting of syllables is most obvious where several consonants between
vowels encounter each other which are separated by physiological
conditions of the organs of speech, as in ac-com-plish; less decided,
where a simple consonant appears between vowels, so that after a
long vowel, as in apparent, with the glibness of the final syllable
the division appar-ent or appa-rent may more readily catch
the ear, and, after a short, attracted consonant, as in epic, the di-
visions ep-ic and e-pic seem to correspond alike ill to the phonetic
relations.
With respect therefore to the division of syllables in writing,
there is no complete agreement either among grammarians or in its
employment in common life and in typography.
But with the principle which appears so natural, to consider in
the division of syllables the sensuous articulation of the word as the
standard, is associated the theoretical interest to render evident the
stem and the termination, and, in the compounding of words, to
render the separate stems manifest. But in this is also to be consi-
dered, that in English many derived and even compound words are
no more present, as such, to the linguistic consciousness.
In the exposition of the principles for the division of syllables
upon which authority is pretty well agreed must therefore be stated
a) the general and leading points of view and b) their limitations
conditioned by etymological considerations.
a) General Rules.
1) Two vowels, not serving to represent one simple sound or diph-
thong, are separable: di-al, deni.-able, soci-ety, previ-
ously, perspicu-ous, destroy-ing, know-ing, appropri-
ate, superi-ority.
2) If a consonant (with which, of course, must be reckoned the
signs of simple sounds ph, thn sh, ch) stands between two vowels
or diphthongs, then, apart from the inflectional and derivational
74 Doctrine of the Word. Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. I.
syllables beginning with a consonant, and cited below, the con-
sonant is drawn to the following vowel: fea-sible, pa -per,
fa-ther, no-tice, hu-mour, bi-shop, spi-rit, ba-che-lor,
ori-gi-nal, ge-ne-ral, au-tumn, ackuow-ledgernent ,
compa-nion. ,
This principle is often not observed with a short accented
vowel, so that we frequently meet the division : pres-ent, can-
opy, philds-opher, abom-inate &c., consistency with which
is, however, not found throughout even in good lexicographers.
A mute e alone is never broken off from its preceding con-
sonant: mouse, house, hinge.
3) Two consonants, standing between two vowels or diphthongs,
are divided as the final and the initial sound, unless a mute
stands along with a liquid consonant and can form the initial
sound of the last vowel, which is not the case, if the liquid
commences a derivative syllable: man-ner, pul-ley, beg-gar,
mur-der, seg-ment, prin-ciple, dig-nity, bap-tize,
apart-ment, fus-tian, progres-sion,obstruc-tion, Egyp-
tian.
The combination of a mute and a liquid consonant at the be-
ginning of a syllable is mostly confined to r: a-pron, pro-
priety, pene-trate, alge-bra, se-cret, sa-cred, ortho-
graphy; /, on the other hand does not combine readily: pub-
lic, pub-lish, estab-lish, neg-lecting, even dec-lama-
tion; although peo-ple, scru-ple, sylla-ble, tri-fle and
the like are written.
ck is always drawn to the last syllable: pock-et, chick-ens,
Cock-eram; likewise #, even when it occurs in words not com-
pounded: vex-ation, vex-il, prox-imity.
4) If three consonants separate the vocalization, the last two, if
consisting of a mute and a liquid or of two consonants combined
at the beginning of stems, are drawn to the following syllable:
mem-brane, cum-brous, doc-trine, magis-trate, scep-
tre, hun-dred; biib-bling, cat-tie, mid-die, swin-dler,
sprin-kle, striig-gle.
Yet we usually find, after a nasal ??, the consonants kl, gl
separated, (except before a single mute e) : t wink-ling, ming-
ling, eng-lish.
But if the two latter consonants are not of the kind above
indicated, the former two are drawn to the former syllable:
distin c-tion, emp-ty, absorp-tion, presump-tive.
b) Limitations through etymological considerations.
1) The inflectional and derivational terminations condition di-
visions of syllables not according with the rules generally valid,
especially for stems.
«) derivational terminations commencing with a consonant (resting
partly upon composition) are always separated, even from
prior consonants, as ness, ment, ly &c.
ft) on inflectional and derivational terminations beginning with
a vowel no perfect agreement prevails; but their separation
1. The Word according to its elements. — The syllable andtheDivisionfyc. 75
from the stem ending with a consonant only takes place with
terminations felt decidedly as derivational forms. The sepa-
ration is readily avoided in many cases.
The termination ing is unanimously separated from the
stem: lead-ing, despoil-ing, build-ing, learn-ing,
add-ing, fall-ing, spell-ing. — Double consonants are
given to the syllable of the stem, unless they first appear
with the termination, else they are usually separated; hence
riin-ning, fit-ting, blot-ting &c. Even if the stem ends
with a consonant and a mute e, with the rejection of the e,
the consonant usually remains to the stem: giv-ing, unit-
ing, hav-ing, mov-ing, approv-ing, deterg-ing;
although many then draw the consonant to the termination :
deter-ging, wri-ting; and thus also before other termina-
tions. On t wink -ling &c. see above.
In substantives in er derived from verbal stems the same
thing happens: teach-er, read-er, help-er (yet not with
reduplicated consonants: skim-mer; likewise when the stem
ends in e wri-ter) and in words in ard: drunk-ard. In
the comparative and superlative the er and est are also sepa-
rated from the stem: great-er, broad-est, near-est.
The terminations ence and ance are likewise usually sepa-
rated: refer-ence, differ-ence, exist-ence, appear-
ance, acquaint-ance, perform-ance; on the other hand
excres-cence and, according to the correct feeling, vio-
lence; also age: band-age; ary: diction- ary; ure: depart-
ure even displeas-ure. Thus also ity is separated: qual-
ity, char-ity, regular-ity. Of verbal terminations en and
on: belong here: dark-en, short-en, reck-on; ish and ize
are also found separated: pun-ish, abol-ish; caracter-
ize, general-ize; as well as ale: adulter-ate.
The verbal inflection ed is regularly separated: fabricat-
ed, demand-eel, dement-ed.
Among the adjective terminations we find ish, ical, istic,
ian, ent, able, ous and others separated: fool-ish, crit-ical,
character-istic, differ-ent, reason-able, remark-
able, resolv-able (even move-able), poison-ous,
danger-ous &c. It often depends upon that the syllable of
formation is added to a stem universally known (which itself
may contain a derivation) which one thinks it is not per-
mitted to deprive of its final consonant. Strict consistency
is not observed even by the correctest writers.
The separation of the unaccented vowels «a, ie, eo, io and
the like, particularly in derivational terminations beginning
with «, c, t, as argilace-ous, sagaci-ous, possessi-on,
conditi-on, is decidedly disapproved. We divide: spe-
cial, interve - nient , argilla - ceous , rela-tion &c.,
although also sometimes: provis-ion.
2) Where the composition is present to the linguistic consciousness,
the constituents are separated in the division of the syllables,
without regard to the above general rules; wherein the nature
76 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. I.
of the constituents is indifferent: in -active, Eng-land,
:<-stray, an-other, up-6n, re-strain, re-spect, be-tween,
dis-ease, as-certain, de-stroy, when-ever, shep-herd,
beef-eater &c.
Yet we find divisions such as ab- stain, ab-scouded, dis-
tilled and the like, through mistaking the constituents, or from
the greater case of pronunciation, as divisions in words like pe-
nultimate and others no longer allow the consideration of
composition to appear.
The word and its accent.
The word, as expression of an image, consists, in its simplest
form, of one syllable. Polysyllables arise through the junction of
syllables of formation to the syllable of the stem (Suffixes), as well
as by the conjunction of still recognizable stems, either with or
without further syllables of formation. Syllables constituting the
simple or compound word, are recognized as the expression of one
total image by being comprehended under a principal accent. This
is received by one syllable, which is therefore called the accented
syllable, the others having a subordinate accent.
The monosyllable can, in regard to its accent, be measured only
within the sentence; many monosyllables (as the article, pronoun,
preposition and auxiliary word) may attach themselves proclitically
to the accent of the following word, or enclitically to that of the
previous word and are prejudiced not only quantitatively and quali-
tatively in regard to their vocalization, but also in strength of sound.
Words of more than one syllable, and especially polysyllables
have a gradation of accent within themselves, and, besides the prin-
cipal accent, a second, (rarely a third), called the subordinate accent,
may come forth.
The English tongue, in the accenting of its words, has had
various principles to adjust among each other. The principle of ac-
centing the syllable of the stem of the simple word proceeded from
the Anglosaxon elements of the language; the Norman-French stock
of words established the accenting of the full final syllable; the
Latin and Latin-Greek elements, coming in along with the study
of the classics, procured admission for the Latin principle; according
to which in disyllables the first, in polysyllables, the penultimate
or the antepenultimate necessarily has the accent.
In general the principle of accenting the syllable of the stem
in words of more than one syllable has carried off the victory; the
French principle of accenting the final syllable has maintained itself
in many cases, as it were, exceptionally; yet the Latin accenting,
particularly in the Latin-French forms of words in the modern English
has obtained intensively, through the cooperation of philologists.
A distinction takes place, however, in certain cases, in the ac-
centing of simple and of compound words, with the Germanic and
other constituents of the compound, although many words originally
compounds are no longer felt as such.
/. The Word according to its elements. — The accent of the simple word. 77
In treating primarily of the accent of the word, as sole or prin-
cipal accent, we consider first the simple word, and then the com-
pound word, whereupon ensues the exposition of the relation of prin-
cipal and subordinate accent.
A) The Doctrine of the Accent, as principal Accent.
1) The accent of the simple word.
a) In general the endeavour is visible in modern English, to give
the accent to the syllable of the stem, which, in the simple word,
is regularly the first, and to maintain this in the further formation
from that word, whence it may happen that the accent recedes
to the sixth syllable from the end : discipline, disciplinable,
disciplinableness, although a counterpoise is in many cases
given to the multitude of unaccented syllables by the subordi-
nate accent.
Instances of this accenting, which has its bound in the limi-
tations specified under b, c, d are offered by all classes of words
having derivatives to exhibit: ape, apish, apishly, apishness;
apt, aptly, aptness, aptitude; fish, fisher, fishery; dead,
deadly, deadliness; change, changeling, changeable,
changeably, changeableness; coop, cooper, cooperage;
crime, criminal, criminalness, criininous, criminously,
criminousness, criminate, criminatory; author, autho-
ress, authorize; idol, idolish, idolize, idolizer, idolism,
idolist; banish, banisher, banishment; castle, castlet,
castellan, castellany; alien, alienable, alienate, alie-
nator; casual, casualness, casualty; castigate, castigator,
castigatory.
It is to be remarked, however, that in the accenting of the
syllable of the stem in words of three and more syllables, on
the one hand the length by position of the penultimate (a mute
.and a liquid letter not being reckoned) is avoided, and that in
the multiplication of the syllables of formation ness, ment,
ling, ly, ry, ty and cy beginning with a consonant chiefly make
length by position, that a collision of the vowels of the penul-
timate and the final syllable is likewise avoided, and that poly-
syllablic words with the accent on the syllable of the stem
mostly contain a series of unaccented syllables of a simple con-
sonant and vowel, with the exception of the last.
Compare the trisyllables: animal, amorist, avarice, an-
glican, esculent, origin, numerous, notary, penitence,
bachelor, boundary, dangerous, changeable, celature,
gargarize; with length by position in the penultimate: bo-
yishness, punishment, fosterling, blessedly, bla-
zonry, cruelty, agency, brigandage, cowardice, bastar-
dize; duellist, scintillate, oscillate; yet also chamber-
lain and a few others.
tetrasyllables: imagery, cemetery, balneary, auditory,
agrimony, delicacy, alopecy , agitator, literature,
78 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect I.
creditable, alterative, liberalize, boronetage, canni-
balism, santuarize; with length by position iu the penul-
timate: actualness, actually, casualty, casuistry, bril-
liancy, arbalister, alabaster and the like. Length by
position in previous syllables certainly occurs without influence
on the accent: libertinism, baptistery, miscellany.
Words of five and more syllables: disciplinable, disci-
plinary, balneatory, alterableness, amiableness, so-
ciableness, disciplinableness.
The terminations ful, less, some, ship, hood and the like, which,
properly speaking, form compounds, are always unaccented, and
therefore are joined to stems without prejudice to the accent.
That, however, in polysyllables the length by position other-
wise allowed remains here and there not without import, is
shown by forms like argumentative, documentary, ele-
mentary, in which the originally subordinate receives the
place of the principal accent: clandestine, lacertine, ele-
phantine, whereas crystalline, coralline and the like are
tolerated.
b) But a number of words has the accent upon the last syllable
«) Here in the first piace must be mentioned the principle of
Dissimilation followed here and there, especially in disyllabic
words, which is often considered in compounding, and accord-
ing to which different parts of speech with a like form of
the word are distinguished by the accent. Compare augment
substantive, to augment; ferment substantive, to ferment;
torment substantive, to torment; frequent adjective, to
frequent; (although cement, lament appear both as sub-
stantives and as verbs foment only as a verb) bombard
substantive, to bombard; reversely brevet substantive, to
brevet; halloo Interjection to halloo; levant adjective
levant substantive; minute substantive, minute adjective,
August (the month), august adjective; gallant adjective,
gallant adjective and substantive; supine substantive, su-
pine adjective, buffet (a blow) buffet a sideboard.
/?) But a not inconsiderable number of words retains the accent
upon this syllable, which was given to it in its French, Latin
or other foreign home, and eludes a thorough analogy. Betwixt
the originally French or Latin accent a distinction is not often
to be drawn, both commonly coinciding.
Here belong substantives: bashaw; rouleau, bureau,
chateau; canoe, bamboo, Hindoo; chagrin, bombasin;
nankeen, canteen, careen; champaign, benzoin; ar-
tisan, caravan, courtezan; gazon; Brasil, fusil, gazel;
cheval, canal, cabal (an English word); control substan-
tive and verb (properly a compound), mogul; bazaar, bou-
doir, abattoir, abretivoir; accoucheur (a compound),
amateur, corridor, amour, estafet, bidet, buffet, ca-
det, coquet, curvet, canzonet; cravat, marmot, sabot;
glacis, abattis; alcaid, caress substantive and verb, ma-
1. The Word according to its elements. - The accent of the simple Word. 79
truss, placard, basalt, elench, bombast, marine, ma-
gazine, machine, tontine, chicane; bastile; caviure;
chemise, caprice, Chinese, finesse, grimace, caboose
Hollandish kabuys), accoucheuse, embrasure, embou-
chure; giraffe, alcove, finance, harangue; champagne,
allemande and others.
Adjectives of this sort are: benign, malign, acerb, su-
perb, august, rotund, extreme, sincere, austere, se-
rene, terrene, divine, saline, canine, supine, humane,
polite, mature; the disyllables in ute: minute, hirsute,
nasiite; alerte and others.
Verbs are rare, as cajole, carouse, calcine, baptize,
chastise, corniite (to cuckold), create, narrate (accord-
ing to Smart), possess (properly a compound). Words with
an inorganic e, as esquire, eschew &c., have the accent
upon the syllable of the stem, on the other hand not esteem;
in obey (obedio = obaudio) the accenting has hardly proceeded
from any consciousness of its composition.
>') Other words follow more decidedly a conscious rule, as to
which it is to be remarked that the accenting of definite syl-
lables of formation concerns compound, as well as simple
words.
1) Names of persons in ee have the accent on the last syllable:
bailee, feoffee, debtee, bargainee, devotee, impar-
sonee. Names of things and abstract nouns form in part
exceptions, especially disyllables : coffee, spondee, trochee,
couchee, levee, committee, jubilee.
2) Names of persons and things in oon : Maroon, buffoon, dra-
goon; balloon, bassoon, batoon, dubloon, macaroon.
3) Names of persons in eer and ier: muleteer, musketeer,
buccaneer also bucanier, volunteer, engineer; briga-
dier, financier, cavalier, gondolier. Names of things
likewise occur: career, chandelier, yet not without excep-
tions, especially disyllables in ier: pannier, barrier, car-
rier, even names of persons: courtier, courier.
4) Abstract and concrete nouns in ade: ambuscade, prome-
nade, blockade, fougade, cavalcade, rodomontade.
Exceptions are: ambassade, (Walker has the accent on the
last), ebrillade, marmalade, balustrade, dragoonade
and others.
5) Words in ette, properly French: etiquette (according to others
etiquette), banquette, brunette, gazette, grisette.
6) Adjectives in ose if disyllables: aquose, morose, nodose,
rugose, verbose, jocose; a few among polysyllables, as
acetose, armentose, whereas others accent the syllable of
the stem: pulicose, bellicose, varicose, calculose,
corticose &c., having commonly subordinate forms in ous.
7) Words in esque : moresque, burlesque, grotesque, roma-
nesque, picturesque.
80 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I.
Further derivatives from such words retain in general the
accent upon the same syllable; compare diviner, cajoler,
beuiguantly, buffoonery &c.; although exceptions also
occur, as dragoonade from dragoon (see above).
In the fourteenth century the French accenting of the full
final syllable is still very common: thus we ordinarily find in
Chaucer: honour, humour, licour, reson, prison,
squier, burgeis, centre, and in words in the then not
always silent e: madanie, nature, corage, Turkie, ver-
tue &c. also in Skelton: querell, counsell, serpent,
rnercy, pleasure, savage and many others; rarely in Spen-
cer in disyllables such as forest, whereas in polysyllables the
last syllable frequently appears under a subordinate accent, as
a masculine rhyme: furious, hideous, dalliaunce, mer-
riment &c.
c) Many words have the accent on the penultimate.
a) A number of Latin, Greek and Romance words have retained
this their original accent and betray their foreignness mostly
by their terminations. To these belong again especially sub-
stantives, which are often quite foreign to the popular speech:
chimera, corona, aurora, censiira; Greeks words in qua
and mum empyema, glaucoma &c.; banana, cavatina,
bravado, armada, cantata. Jacobus, canary, anchovy;
echinus, papyrus, pomatum, abdomen, legumen, de-
corum, cadaver, tribunal, Jehovah; Orion, choreous,
lyceum. mausoleum, e^npyreon; seuigma, arbustum,
asphaltum, omentum, involucrum (compounded), colos-
sus, meander, november, december, Augustine &c.
andante, tobacco; therewith idea (J^«), assassin, cham-
pignon, and the Germanic eleven. The Greek words in
/?"/,- and M.HS always have this accent: mimesis, mathesis,
exegesis, narcosis, chlorosis and others. Adjectives
have hardly been thus brought over, as sinister (however
with a metaphorical meaning sinister), the Italian maestoso
aud a few others. Simple verbs of this class are likewise rare,
as imagine, alternate (according to the rule for compounds)
fraternize and many others.
/3) But some derivational terminations require regularly this
accenting in polysyllables; here belong:
1) nouns in «c, which sound may also be the penultimate: chal-
daic, heroic, angelic, dramatic, laconic, scorbutic,
forensic, anarchic, ecclesiastic &c.
Exceptions are formed by only a few among the great number
of nouns: arable, arsenic (but adjective arsenic), arith-
metic, lunatic, rhetoric, politic, phlegmatic, sul-
phuric, splenetic, heretic (all with an open penulti-
mate).
2) among adjectives in ous a few in or-ous, Latin orus: deco-
rous, sonorous, canorous, except dedecorous (Latin
orus); and those with a penultimate syllable long ly posi-
tion: atramentous, inomento'us, enormous, inermous.
/. The Word according to its elements. — The accent of the simple word. 81
3) adjectives in al, when the penultimate is long by position:
baptismal, autumnal, eternal, maternal, nocturnal,
oriental, atramental, colossal &c.; rarely out of posi-
tion: machinal, vaginal, coronal, sacerdotal, mostly
with a regard to the original accented syllable; on the other
hand natural, original &c.
4) trisyllables in at-or, which receive the accent on the syllable
accented in Latin: equator, narrator, testator, dicta-
tor, spectator, curator; yet even here exceptions are
found: orator, barator, senator; polysyllables, even com-
pounds ones, have only the subordinate accent upon a: alie-
nator, ambulator, adulator, administrator, assassi-
nator, i'nstaurator.
5) Nouns in ean: European, Manichean, Atlantean, ada-
mantean, Augean, lethean, Pythagorean, Sabean;
yet many have the accent upon the antepenultimate, mostly
with reference to Latin forms: marmorean, cerulean,
cerberean, Promethean, Herculean, eburnean, ely-
sean.
6) words in we always have the accent upon the preceding close
syllable. Since this syllable of formation mostly attaches
itself immediately to a participial syllable of the stem, no
deviation from the first rule takes place here. Moreover
most words belonging here are compounds with a close syl-
lable in position: possessive, instructive, offensive
&c.; that other monosyllablic stems mast also have the same
accent is clear: adhesive, collusive &c.; on the other hand
not polysyllablic forms with an open penultimate : positive,
primitive &c. (see below).
c) a great number of derivatives requires the accent upon the
antepenultimate, whether this is the syllable of the stem or
not; here belong
1) terminations in which a final syllable beginning with a vowel
is preceded by ?', e and u. How these proparoxytones are
often transformed into paroxytones for pronunciation has been
above remarked. Here belong: i-an, i-on, i-ent, i-ence,
i-ant, i-ance, i-al, e-al, u-al, i-ar, i-or, i-ad, i-ate,
u-ate, i-ast, i-asm, i-ous, e-ous, u-ous, i-ac and
others.
ian: elysian, musician, barbarian, censorian, civi-
lian (on ean see above).
ion: opinion, foundation, cessation, quadrillion,
batallion, Phocion.
ient, ience: patient, obedient — obedience.
iant^ iance: brilliant, valiant — valiauce.
ial, eal, ual,: aerial, arterial, essential; ethereal,
corporeal; habitual, individual.
iar, ior: familiar, auxiliar; inferior, anterior, su-
perior, posterior.
Matzner, engl. Or. I.
32 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. 1.
tad: Iliad, Olympiad, myriad, chiliad.
fate, uate: humiliate, centuriate; habituate.
iast, iasm: enthusiast, encomiast; enthusiasm (pro-
perly compounds).
ious, eous, uous: alimonious, licentious, laborious;
erroneous, arboreous, sanguineous; voluptuous, tu-
multuous, conterraneous; yet also spirituous (with
a fegard to spirit).
lac: elephantiac, demoniac, genethliacs, cluniac,
cardiac; but not elegiac.
Latin-greek words in ms, la, mm, ies, which have been
immediately brought over of course retain the accent upon
the antepenultimate, whether it is or is not the syllable of
the stem, in simple and compound forms: Julius, Sirius;
Victoria, nsenia, encenia, opium; minium, bdellium,
elysium, allodium, herbarium, millennium, gera-
nium; effigies &c., as well as those in em, ea: Caduceus,
nausea, especially the Greek words in ff?, which are resolved
into e us: Orpheus, Otreus, Theseus &c.
2) further, words in which a connecting vowel precedes a ter-
mination beginning with a consonant, or a consonant a
termination commencing with a vowel. These are, essentially,
double suffixes, which are joined to stems or to already suf-
fixed stems. Here belong the terminations of substantives:
i-a-sis: proriasis, elephantiasis, pityriasis and other
Greek words.
i-ty, e-ty: annuity, ability, antiquity, barbarity,
captivity; ebriety, anxiety, variety.
i-tude: beatitude, vicissitude, similitude.
er-y , corresponding to the French in me: artillery, ma-
chinery, chicanery.
ic-ism: fanaticism.
many terminations of adjectives, as we, al, ar and ous,
which are preceded by another termination consisting of a
simple vowel and consonant.
it-, at-, ut-, ive, yet not without important exceptions, and
mostly only in polysyllables and words compounded of pre-
fixes: positive, primitive, infinitive, acquisitive; ne-
gative, talkative; diminutive; otherwise in compound
notional words: legislative, locomotive, and even ima-
ginative and emanative.
im-, in-, ic-, ac-al: millesimal; original; elenchical,
babylonical, cylindrical; demoniacal; but cardiacal.
ul-, c-ul-ar: triangular, articular, navicular, cani-
cular.
in-, it-, at-, ic-, er-, or-, ul-, c-ul-ous, generally those with
an open penultimate: luminous, resinous, bombycinous,
abdominous; fortuitous, calamitous; exanthema-
tous; ventricous, varicous; slanderous, cadaverous;
/. The Word according to its elements. — The accent of the simple word. 83
vigorous (on orous see p. 78), venturous; fabulous,
ventriculous, miraculous &c.; except desirous.
o-, u-leut: somnolent, corpulent, cinerulent.
The adjective and verbal termination ate, which, especially
in compounds, does not readily permit the accenting of the
penultimate, (see below) therefore throws it on the prefix,
has also in simple words the accent upon the antepenultimate,
if ate is added to another syllable of formation, hence espe-
cially in the forms: im-, it-, ic-, ul-, c-ul-ate: legitimate,
capacitate, domesticate, acidulate, capitulate, arti-
culate.
2) The accent of the compound word.
Compounding is in English of a twofold kind. The elements of
the compound are either present in English, whether they are of
Germanic or of Romance origin, or, the compound has been trans-
ferred and partly even imitated from other tongues. The former,
although hybrid (consisting of Germanic and other elements) are
nevertheless to be regarded as genuine English, the others to be
distinguished from them as foreign compounds.
a) The compounding of nouns and verbs among and with each
other.
«) English compounds are distinguished from those of other Ger-
manic tongues in regard to the accent in this; that not in
every compound, even of notional words, a subordinate goes
along with the principal accent, but the word rather receives
by its accentuation, the character of a simple word unless the
weight of its greater number of syllables demands a decided
subordinate accent, on which account we may here in general
disregard the latter.
Yet the accented words ordinarily retain their quantity, al-
though exceptions occur, as shepherd, vineyard &c.
On the whole, in the classes of words here considered the
rule prevails to accent the first constituent, as the determin-
ing word:
Substantives: bowstring, boatswain, daylight, sea-
serpent, chambermaid, handkerchief; gentlemen,
gentlewoman, broadsword, blackbird, first-fruits;
ambs-ace, allheal (plant), allspice, alnight, brew-
house, drawwell.
Adjectives: awful, careful, causeless (these termina-
tions are treated precisely like syllables of derivation) ; bare-
faced, browbeat, crestfallen, earthly-minded; four-
forted, fivefold.
Numerals: fourteen, fifteen; yet these lean to the ac-
centing of the last syllable, and the Ordinals: thirteenth,
fifteenth &c. are chiefly accented upon the last by orthoe-
pists.
Pronouns form partly an exception: thus myself, him-
84 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. I.
self &c.; the indefinite somewhat, somebody, something,
nobody, nothing follow the rule of substantives. The gen-
eralizing ones compounded of particles whoever, whoso-
ever, whichever &c. accent the particle; yet not whoso.
Verbs, mainswear, Anglosaxon mansverjan, backbite,
dumbfound, finedraw, new-model, breakfast; yet
vouchsafe, backslide, new-fangle.
Deviations, a? in mankind and mankind (in Milton),
hobgoblin and hobgoblin, highway and highwayman
are rare; but uncertainly and variation take place in com-
pounds betraying the character of a syntactic relation. Here
belong especially substantives preceded by an adjective in the
attributive mode: free-cost, free-will, black-pudding,
black-rod, bloody-sweat, ill-nature, ill-will, human-
kind, Black-Monday, all-fours, all-hallows &c.; and
according to the French accent and collocation: knight-
errant; substantives betraying the appositive relation: hap-
hazard, earl-marshal, tomtit (as it were, a proper name),
Jack-puddi|ng and in the additional relation: north-east
north-west &c.; especially substantives with a genitive pre-
ceding: Charles's-wain (a constellation), Lady's-comb (a
plant) and many more; and names of days, as all-souls-day,
all- saints-day; but also popular designations: Ashwednes-
day, ladyday, bulkhead, bondbailiff and bumbailiff,
and others. If, further, attributes are annexed to the noun,
especially with prepositions, the principal accent falls upon the
attribute, as in Jack-by-the-hedge, Jack-a-lantern &c.
Yet the popular pronunciation leans to the contrary: son-in-
law, father-in-law &c. Adjectives seldom, as in clare-
obscure (substantive) ashy-pale, let the accent rest upon
the last constituent, yet the syntactical relation is predominant,
especially with participles preceded by a determination operat-
ing adverbially, as in near-sighted, faint-hearted, fresh-
watered and the like, especially in those compounded of all:
all-seeing, all-accomplished, and many such.
P) Compounds originally foreign to English are, for the most
part, substantives, and have partly become foreign to linguistic
consciousness, as compounds. They have the predominant bias
to accent the originally determinant word. Modern imitations
belong here also.
Disyllables of this sort therefore have the accent upon the
first syllable:
Substantives: navarch, heptjarch, — augur, auspice,
solstice, — mortgage, hautboy, kerchief, curfew,
cinque, -foil, beldam, bongrace, boutefeu, mainprise.
Adjectives hardly exist.
The compound verb maintain has the accent upon the
last syllable.
Modern unassimilated words, especially French ones, have
retained their accent: bonair, bonmot, haut-gout, and
many more.
/. The Word according to its elements. — The accent of the compound word. 35
Trisyllables mostly have the same accent, especially when
they have an open penultimate, to which belong in particular
the Greek and Latin words with the connecting vowels i, o:
Substantives: monarchy, misanthrope, pedagogue,
demagogue, strategy, strangury; — monologue, hip-
podrome, holocaust; — aqueduct, usufruct, manu-
script; — armiger, armistice, sanguisuge, dapifer,
parricide; vermifuge, girasole, belamie, tripmadam,
chanticleer; vet also mainpernor.
Adjectives: orthodox, multiform, uniform, nasiform.
Verbs: manumit, crucify, calefy and all compounded
of fy.
Exceptions are formed by many with a quantity and accent
originally Greek, Latin or French, as: chiragra, factotum,
portfolio; especially with a penultimate long by position:
aruspex, aruspice; portcullis, portmanteau, cham-
pertor, champerty and many such; likewise all adjectives
compounded of fie: malefic, magnific, pacific &c.
In polysyllables, borrowed and' partly imitated from the
Greek and the Latin, the language reveals the decided effort
not to transport the accent back beyond the antepenultimate,
according to the Latin fashion, but to fix it there, through
which the accent often falls upon the connecting vowel:
Substantives: monopoly, theomachy, polygamy, mis-
anthropy, cranioscopy, hendecagon, monogamist,
hermaphrodite, barometer, zoographer; — omnipo-
tence, beneficence, soliloquy, attiloquence, funam-
bulist.
Adjectives: homologous, homotonous, ambiloquous
according to the law for ows), altisonant, belligerent,
beneficent, mellifluent; convexo-concave and therefore
also Anglo-Saxon, Anglo-Norman, Anglo-Danish.
Here therefore the accent frequently omits the fundamental
word. Yet with many the inclination prevails to accent the
determinant word upon the syllable of the stem, even before
the antepenultimate, for example: allegory, orthoepv, car-
dialgy, hieroglyph, heresiarch, melancholy, aristo-
crate and many more; aeronaut, agriculture, horti-
culture &c.
With others, on the contrary, length by position effects the
transfer of the accent to the penultimate : polyandry, litho-
dendron, agonistarch; benefactor, Benedictine, as in
aqua-ti'nta, aqua-fortis; polyandrous, heptaphyllous
(according to the rule for -ous).
Even without this reason we find such accenting as in om-
nipresence (compare omnipotence).
The verb animadvert has the principal accent upon the
last syllable.
Those derived from polysyllables follow the rule of the
removal of the accent back, so far as derivational terminations
do not decidedly require it on any particular syllable, for example:
86 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. 1.
orthodoxy from orthodox, melancholize from melancholy,
and so forth.
b) Compounding of particles with particles and other parts of
speech.
Here peculiarities, as well as differences, shew themselves,
which are partly ascribable to the employment of Germanic or
non Germanic particles and come particularly under considera-
tion in the compounding with nouns and verbs.
«) Compounding of particles with particles.
The general rule in these words compounded of Germanic
elements requires the accent on the last constituent of the
compound. To them belong those compounded of inseparable
prefixes, as a, be: afore; beyond &c.; even with an originally
double prefix: about, Anglosaxon a-be-utan, as well as those
consisting of independent particles : although, unless, until,
upon, without, whereof, whereat, hereby, whenever,
moreover, throughout, underneath, overagainst &c.;
with which even a part may even be compound: thereupon,
henceforward, whereinto, whereunto (from into, unto
with the accent changed); Interjections, as welaway (Anglo-
Saxon va la va), slapdash! whereas others, as hip, hop!
accent the first constituent, or like heyday! both alike.
Variations there certainly are, to which belong into, unto,
hitherto, also; those compounded with ward, wards, pro-
perly adjectives: upward, toward, towards, hither-
ward &c , some with where, there, here: wherefore, whe-
reso, whereabout, hereabout, therefore &c., else-
where, nowhere; with thence: thenceforth, thence-
from (but thenceforward); those with the pronominal some:
somewhere, somewhither, somehow, also further-
more and some others, as the substantive while in erst-
while &c.
Those cases cannot be considered as exceptions which
must in fact be regarded as compounds of nouns: some-
what, mostwhat, noway, noways, sometime, like-
wise &c. The adjective superlatives inmost, outmost &c.,
do not belong here.
Particles consisting of prepositions and nouns, in which
the proclitic preposition has its effect, accent the noun: in-
deed, outright, forsooth, perhaps, perchance and
so forth. Yet here afore hand, aforetime, afterall, and
overmuch (cf. oversoon) form exceptions.
0) Compounding of Particles with Nouns.
1) of Germanic Particles:
««) Nouns of this sort, among which but a few 'adjectives have
been preserved, throw, with the exception of the inseparable
particles a, be, for, as well as of the negatives un and mis,
the accent upon the particle. Mis certainly often receives
the subordinate accent; where it has the principal accent,
1. The Word according to its elements. — The accent, of the compound word. 87
the noun rests upon forms originally French, as mischief,
miscreant c. der. Un has the accent in unthrift. Para-
syntheta, that is, derivatives from other compounds (here
from verbs) retain the accent of their primitive ; substantives
in ing, since they also may be regarded as parasyntheta,
fluctuate here and there.
Here come particularly under consideration forms of nouns
with the particles in, after, on, off, over, out, under, up, by,
fore, forth, thorough and well.
in (often hard to separate from the Latin in): Substan-
tives: inmate, inland, income, indraught, inlay, but
as a verb inlay &c. Adjectives: inly, inward &c.
after: Substantives: afterbirth, afterthought, after-
crop &c.
on: Substantives: onset, onslaught.
off: Substantives: offal, offspring, offscum, off-
scouring.
over: Substantives: overfall, overlight, overjoy,
overcharge, overbalance, also overreacher and over-
ruler, in spite of the verbs overreach, overrule. Ad-
jectives: overgreat, overfriiitful; yet commonly with
the principal accent upon the fundamental word: over-
prompt, overlarge, overbiisy, overhasty, overcre-
dulous &c.; hence also in the substantives derived there-
from, as overquietness.
out: Substantives: outlaw, outroad, outgate, out-
line, even outgoing, outpouring, also outrider (yet
not in the sense of the verb outride). Adjectives: out-
blown, outborn, outbound, but outlandish.
under: Substantives: underleaf, undergrowth,, un-
dercroft &c., yet in polysyllables often with the accent
advanced: underfaculty, undersheriffry, undertrea-
surer, even linderfellow. Adjective: underbred.
up: Substantives: uproar, upshot, upspring (yet
naturally upbraider, upholder &c. from upbraid, up-
hold). Adjective: upright.
by: Substantives: by-end, by-name, by-purpose;
compounded of polysyllabic, mostly Romance words, often,
however, accented upon the fundamental word : by-depen-
dence, by-concernment, by-interest, by-design.
fore: forefoot, forehand, foresight (but Adjective
foresightful &c., and many parasyntheta, as foreboder,
forewarning &c. ; yet also forespurrer without the cor-
responding verb). Some retain the accent on the funda-
mental word: forenotice. Adjectives, mostly with partici-
pial forms without the corresponding verb: fo recited, fore-
mentioned, forepossessed, forehanded, yet also fore-
vouched, forespent and foreworn &c.
forth: few substantives with a verbal accent : forthcom-
88 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I.
ing, forthissuing, on the other hand forthright (as
adverb).
thorough: Substantives: thorough- wax, thorough-
wort, on the other hand thorough-base; Adjectives:
thorough-bred, but also thorough-lighted, and many
such.
well: Substantives: welfare; yet in the form well fluc-
tuating in the accent: well-wilier, well-wisher; on the
other hand well-being, and adjectives with the participial
form: well-born, well-bred, yet well-favoured and
many such.
Other compounds assume the adjective form instead of
the adverb before the fundamental word, and fall into the
sphere of the compounding of nouns.
pp) Verbs with Germanic particles, except those with the above
mentioned unaccented ones, only compounded of: in, over,
out, under, up, fore, with and gain', with the exception of
gain all have the accent on the fundamental word: inbre-
athe, in lock (in is frequently hardly to be separated from
the Latin in) overawe, overcarry; outact, outpace;
underbear, understand; updraw, upgrow; foredo,
forejudge, but foreimagine; withdraw, withstand;
on the other hand gainsay, gainstand, gainstrive.
Parasyntheta follow the accent of nouns: outlaw: to
outlaw; outline: to outline; forward: to forward.
2) of Non-germanic particles:
Here the Romance, that is, those particles originally Latin,
coming mostly through the French, come under consideration,
in addition to which the Greek particles, likewise partly
passing through the Latin and the French, deserve mention.
««) In compound nouns the principles of Germanic and of Latin
accenting cross each other (in regard to the open penultimate
or to that closed and long by position, even in regard
to its vowel when long by nature) as well as the French,
which aplies the accent to the last full syllable. It is
readily understood that those terminations which do not
allow the accent to go beyond a certain syllable in simple
words, are also the standard here.
The Romance prepositional particles therefore chiefly
follow the law of Germanic ones, if the fundamental word
is a monosyllable, or the last syllable is a glib short one,
(as in ble) and have the accent upon the particle.
Substantives: index, insect, instinct, edict, effort,
abstract, absciss, advent, ensign, office, relic, re-
fuge, preface, proverb, trespass, comfort, concord,
college, counsel; with disyllabic particles: interlude,
interdict, interreign, anteroom, antetemple, cir-
cumstance, sriperflux, c''ntradance, counterscarp;
but introit.
/. The Word according to its elements. — The accent of the compoundword. 89
Adjectives: implex, instant, absent, abject, ad-
verse, affable, prostrate, distant, convex, constant;
with disyllabic particles: circumspect, superfine.
But monosyllabic fundamental words often have the ac-
cent, not only when they remind us of French ones, as
affair, affront, decree, defence, desire, defeat,
retreat; adroit, oblique &c. ; but many preserve, espe-
cially in the final syllable closed with a double consonant,
their original accent: compare, Substantives: event, excess,
abscess, annex, affect, concent, defect &c.; with
several prefixes: antepenult; Adjectives: exempt, adult,
attent, abrupt, occult, conjunct, corrupt &c. often
coinciding with verbs of like sound, although otherwise
distinguished from these by the accent (see below). Some-
times a vowel originally long is maintained under the accent,
as in the adjectives: complete, attrite, contrite, con-
cise, connate, acute, obtuse, abstruse &c.
With disyllabic fundamental words the particle commonly
has the accent with an open penult: Substantives: effigy,
company; remora; avenue, retinue; implement,
excrement; accolent, incident; reference, reti-
cence; affinage; appetite; abature; assuetude; —
circumference &c. Adjectives: expletive, apposite;
immanent, competent; assonant, corrugant; ade-
quate, accurate; obvious, absonous, depilous; ab-
solute;— intercalar, circumfluent, circumfluous &c.
With disyllabic prefixes a syllable long by position in the
antepenult keeps the accent.
Length by position in the vowel of the penult mostly
hinders the recession of the accent: Substantives: delin-
quent, appellant, apprentice, deperdit, adventure,
adolescence &c. Adjectives: adnascent, decumbent,
abundant, retentive, extramundane, intercommon,
interfiilgent, antemundane. The originally long vowel
of the penult also sometimes retains the accent: exponent,
apparent, imprudent, interlucent, impanate (Latin
panis); yet a short vowel also is often erroneously lentghened:
affabrous (Latin affaber), complacent (Latin placeo);
circumjacent (Latin jaceo); even a short vowel lengthened :
concolour (Latin concolor).
Yet even the position of consonants is often not heeded:
antecursor, antechapel, antechamber, confessor,
rencounter, intellect (intel = inter),
Fundamental words of more than one syllable leave the
accent on the prefix, according to the principles obtaining
for simple words, as conditory, consistory, expletory,
explicable, applicable &c. Derivatives from verbs retain
the verbal accent, as far as possible.
Among the rest of the Romance particles the negatives
in, won, ne, bene, male, vice, bi, ambi, demi, semi, and the
like, are to be remarked.
90 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I.
•in is in geueral unaccented: immund, imprudent, im-
mature, incorrect, ignoble &c. It is accented in im-
potent, impudent, indolent, innocent, impious,
infinite, infidel, and the substantives infant, inscience,
mostly according to the Latin mode. On the other hand
non readily takes the principal accent: non-age, non-
claim, non-sense, — non-aged; Nonchalance, non-
pareil are accented in the French manner, ne may receive
the accent in nouns, for instance negligent, negative.
bene and male are treated as integral portions of the word
and take the accent with a regard to the more general laws:
benefit, benedict, benefice (but beneficent, as well
as maleficent, malevolent, malefic &c.), malefice,
maltalent; (in malecontent e is mute), malefactor.
vice has the accent only in viceroy and viscount c. derr.
bi, demi, semi readily take the accent, as bifid, bigamy;
demigod, demidevil, semicircle, semicolon &c.; but
let it pass on to the fundamental word, in consequence of
the influence of position and termination upon the funda-
mental word: bicornous, bi dental on account of position,
biangulous, semiannular; but also biquadrate &c.
ambi and others hardly come under consideration: ambi-
dexter, ambiguous obey the well known influence.
Particles originally Greek are on the whole to be treated
from the points of view which are good for the Romance
particles.
Monosyllabic fundamental words : eclogue, methode,
proem, problem, symptom; with a disyllabic prefix:
epitaph, anagram, apophthegm, metaphrase, pe-
riod; yet eclipse.
Disyllabic fundamental words: ecstasy, protasis,
syncope; with disyllabic prefix : anastrophe, antipathy,
metabasis, hypotenuse. The accent does not readily go
beyond the antepenult; yet sometimes in open syllables after
the accent: antinomy. Length by position often operates
in the penult: apostle, metacarpal, metalepsis; yet
even here it is neglected : parergy, anecdote, analepsy.
An originally long vowel of the penult has the accent in
disyllables and polysyllables (see above on the terminations
ema, esis and osis): diorama, anacoluthon.
But among the prepositional particles following the same
rules the alpha privative («) is to be noticed, which is
wont to keep the accent fixed: amazon, atimy, atheist
and agalaxy, ataraxy.
Prefixes, such as eu, dys and archi are felt and accented
as decidedly determinent words: eulogy, eupathy, eucha-
rist, euthanasy; dysphony, dysury, dysentery, dy-
sury, dysentery, dys or exy; architect, architrave &c.;
although length by position in the penult operates, even
here: eurithmy, "eupepsy, dysopsy. The prefix archi,
(arch, arche) which has passed through even the Anglosaxon
/. The Word according to its elements . — The accent of the compound word. 9 1
as well as the French, is likewise subject to this influence:
archangel, archbishop; is however else unaccented:
archduke, archdeacon, archenemy, archipelago.
$s) With verbs the endeavour to accent the fundamental word
is predominant.
This is most clearly exhibited in monosyllabic funda-
mental words: impel, illude, absterge, abhor, adorn,
obtain, reclaim, perpend, defend, discern, deny,
select, transcend. This is seldom departed from with
a monosyllabic prefix, as in edit, revel (Old-French reveler,
Latin rebellare, as distinguished from revel = to draw back)
and those compounded of ferre: differ, offer, proffer;
perjure, conjure (as distinguished from conjure), conquer,
trespass. Even French words follow the rule: achieve,
agist (mediaval-Latin agistare, adgistare from the French
giste, gite) and others. Even disyllabic prefixes commonly
allow the accent to remain on the fundamental word, as
inter, intro, contra, super &c., which content themselves with
the subordinate accent: intercede, intercept, intromit,
contrapose, contradict, countermand, siiperadd,
supervene; yet these sometimes draw the principal accent
to themselves, particularly ante and circum, yet others also:
antedate, antepone (except antecede), circumvent,
circumscribe, also super in superpose, superpraise,
super vive, inter in interlink and interpret, contro in
controvert and others.
The principal rule also obtains for verbs compounded of
several particles: reapprove, recollect and recollect,
recommend, resurvey, preexist, preconceive, pre-
concert, deobstriict, decompose, disembark, disan-
nul, superexalt, superinspect &c. A few withdraw
themselves from it, as reconcile, recompense, recog-
nize.
Such parasyntheta as, although in an unaltered form, are
derived from nouns, like circuit, circumstance do not
belong here; although with many it remains doubtful whether
they spring from a noun or from a Romance verb already
derived from the noun as commerce (French substantive
commerce, verb commercer) and many others. But the ac-
centing of verbs upon the fundamental word is frequently
opposed to the accenting of nouns, else of like sound, upon
the prefix, as impact, import, impress, insult; essay,
escort; exile, export, extract, absent, abstract,
abject, affix, accent; object; rebel, refuse, retail,
record, perfume; present, presage, premise, pre-
fix; protest, project; traject, transport; digest,
discord, detail, desert, descant; subject; compact,
compost, compound, complot; compress; confect,
confine, conflict, convict, convent, convoy, con-
test, context, contract, condite, conduct, concert,
92 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1.
concrete, consort; colleague, collect; also with poly-
syllabic prefixes: interdict, countermarch and others.
Inversely, conformably with the genius of the language,
substantives developed from verbs, are, in contradistinction
to the latter, accented upon the prefix, as the substantives
increase, assign, permit, produce, transfer, sur-
vey, conserve and the like; whereas parasyntheta (espe-
cially with further derivative terminations) otherwise follow
their compound fundamental word.
Disyllabic and polysyllabic fundamental words are mostly
stems further developed through assignable syllables of for-
mation. Disyllables leave the accent on the syllable of the
stem of the fundamental word: imperil, endanger,
enrapture, exhibit, extinguish, revisit, revomit,
dismember, disfurnish, persevere (compare Latin
persevero) &c. Those ending in esce have the accent upon
this syllable: effloresce, effervesce, acquiesce. But
with disyllables and polysyllables a regard to the open or
close penult is sometimes manifested. Thus verbs in ate,
with an open penult, have the accent on the antepenult,
whether this makes the prefix or not; yet, when the penult
is long by position, on the latter: deviate, recreate,
aggregate, consecrate; expatriate, emasculate; on
the other hand dealbate, restagnate, averriincate.
Even here the original length of the open penult is some-
times regarded and accented: instaurate, impanate,
delirate, delibate, despumate, siiperfetate &c.
Verbs in ute partly follow this principle : execute, prose-
cute; on the other hand attribute, contribute. Verbs
in ize, ise mostly have the accent on the syllable of the stem
of the fundamental . word : inthronize, denationalize,
disorganize, imbastardize; yet some with a disyllabic
fundamental word leave the accent on the prefix: exorcize,
advertise. Occupy follows the compounds of /y, as ju-
stify &c.
Particles not prepositional are treated in like manner:
bisect, impair (on the other hand Adjective impair),
ignore but injure. Words like diplomate are para-
syntheta.
B) Of the subordinate accent.
The Germanic simple words of the English tongue, which are
mostly not amplified by compound derivational syllables, commonly
comprehend the whole number of their syllables under one accent.
Germanic compounds also, mostly consisting of monosyllabic words,
have scarcely any prominent accent besides the principal one, as
earthnut, earlap, eagle-eyed. Such comes out most clearly in
non-Germanic, polysyllabic, simple or compound words. The im-
mediate succession of a principal and subordinate accent or the reverse,
/. The Word according to its elements. — B. On the subordinate accent. 93
through which the word would be interrupted by a slight pause, is
repugnant to the English language wherefore, disyllabic compounds
almost always lose their subordinate accent. To the word amen
therefore, both syllables of which are accented, two accents, not discrim-
inated as principal and subordinate, are attributed, whereby the word
becomes monotonous. The subordinate is divided from the principal
accent by at least one depressed syllable.
The subordinate accent is, in polysyllables, natural, and a phy-
siological necessity; but the glibness of popular pronunciation produces
in a series of syllables an unconscious syncope of the vowels, so that
in words like necessary, necessarily, necessitpusness ,
customable, customarily, erroneousness , abbreviatory,
christianize &c. the decided prominence of a syllable with a sub-
ordinate accent appears less needful.
The more elegant language, and artistic or oratorical delivery
are richer in subordinate accents. The observing them has become
the task of modern Grammarians and lexicographers. Here of course,
much is conventional.
In general the following principles may be established:
1) If an derivative syllable of a simple word, or a word com-
pounded of an unaccented particle, requires the accent, the prin-
cipal accent falls upon it; the subordinate accent then falls on
the syllable of the stem originally accented, if the latter is sepa-
rated by at least one syllable from the former: cannonade from
cannon, halberdier from halberd, lapidation from lapidate;
elemental from element; muscularity from muscular; ser-
pentarius from serpent; — rememoration from rememorate.
It may however be separated by two syllables from the sub-
ordinate accent: caricature, remiinerability, irrevoca-
bility.
If the syllable of the stem comes immediately before the syl-
lable of the principal accent, the subordinate accent may hit a
prefix: enervation, admiration; but if the primitive had
already thrown its accent upon a derivative form, the subordinate
accent then recedes to the proper syllable of the stem: elasti-
city (from elastic), lamentation (from lament compare lamen-
table). However the accent does not go beyond the previous
third syllable long by position; hence irascibility from irascible.
In general, two syllables before the principal accent cannot
remain without a subordinate accent.
2) If the principal accent falls upon the syllable of the stem of
a simple word or the accented syllable of a word compounded
of an accented prefix, a syllable of derivation separated there-
from by at least one syllable receives the subordinate accent,
unless a series of unaccented and chiefly open syllables permits
an even gliding of the stem's, wherefore only more sharply
prominent terminations require an accent. Here belong especially
the terminations dted, dtor, cttory, dtrix, dtive, aster, ocre and
other endings encumbered with more syllables: lamellated,
cuspidated, lanceolated, emulator, gratulatory, media-
94 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1.
trix, nuncupative, multiplicative, administrative, me-
dicaster, mediocre, obsoleteness, advertiser, adver-
tising &c.
2) As i'ar as particularly regards compound words, the subordinate
accent becomes prominent in the compounding of notional words,
only where the fundamental or determinant does not appear to
be monosyllabic, although the weight of the fundamental word
is especially effective; hence: barber-monger, pennyworth,
halfpennyworth, bargemaster , pepperbox, pepper-
gingerbread, customhouse and many more; on the other
hand also certainly handkerchief and handiwork, and many
other suppressions of the subordinate accent. It is also to be
remarked that the compounding of a polysyllabic substantive
with a subsequent proposition gives the latter the subordinate
accent; as hanger-on.
Polysyllabic nouns compounded of polysyllabic Germanic pre-
positions likewise receive the subordinate accent: afterages,
under worker, overbalance. With a monosyllabic fundamental
word the language also leans towards the accenting it, yet not
always decidedly, as in undergrowth, overmatch and the
like.
In substantive forms, as hurly-burly, tittle-tattle, the
first part of the conjunction is accented, yet occasionally the
second also: linsey-woolsey; as in the adverb higgledy
pi'ggledy.
Foreign compounds of nouns are to be treated according to
the accent of the simple words: compare pneumatology, me-
teorology, benefactor, muriatiferous, plenilunary;* —
bibliomancy, aristocrat, agriculture, homicidal.
In the compounding of particles with verbs, particles, according
to the general law, have the subordinate prior to the principal
accent. In compounding with several particles, the accent readily
recedes to the third syllable before the principal accent: super-
exalt, misunderstand; as is also the case with similar nouns:
inapprehensible.
4) More than one subordinate accent occurs in derivative forms,
which are based upon doubly accented forms: disaccommo-
dation (disaccommodate), imprescriptibility (imprescrip-
tible).
It is to be observed, in conclusion, that rhetorical reasons may
produce a departure from the usual accent. For instance, the reference
to an opposition may demand the prominence of the stem instead
of the termination: probability and plausibility (instead of -i'lity),
or of the termination instead of the stem: debtor and deb tee
(instead of debtor); or of the prefix instead of the fundamental word:
We see that the Autobiography does not so much wmstate as
un der state (LEWIS); by which even to the simple notion its contrary,
with an accented prefix, may be opposed: to use and misuse, to
give and /o'rgive &c.
Variety of accent is, in English, mainly produced in common
11. The Elements of the Word according to their descent. 95
life by the fluctuation between the principal and the subordinate ac-
cent. Modern Lexicography has deserved great credit for fixing
the accent. The difference between the accenting of ancient and
modern English lies chiefly in the limitation of the French pronun-
ciation in the modern language. Yet other divergencies are found,
for example, even in Spencer, Marlowe, Ben Jonson and Shakspeare,
the frequent accenting of the particles be, for and mis, as well as of
some Latin ones in verbs, as con, pro, which are no longer allowed;
apart from the accenting of polysyllables, in which a divergence has
arisen in accenting the penult and the antepenult. Thus, in Shak-
speare character, Lupercal instead of character, Lupercal&c.
II. The Elements of the Word according to their
origin.
We have to do with the arising of the present elements of the
English word chiefly from the Anglosaxon and the French. "We are
concerned with the preservation or the transmutation of old vocal
signs which, only in a limited measure, preserve their old pronun-
ciation.
The consonant ever remains in the course of time the more fixed
element in writing and in sound; the vowel is more changeable.
The treatment of the vowel conforms to more fixed principles in the
accented than in the unaccented syllable, especially after the accented
syllable, but otherwise before it. In no tongue has the system of
sounds been so much disturbed in the course of time as in English;
nowhere has the mutilation of the word down to a monosyllable
proceeded so far ; nevertheless the vocal hue of English has remained
essentially Anglosaxon.
Origin of the vowels and Diphthongs.
The original Anglosaxon vocalization has suffered most, the Old-
French less, that of modern words received from French and Latin,
the least, which last we have not to treat in detail, although pro-
nunciation often alters in many ways the hue of the vowel. The
primitive quantities are effaced, the consonants and the position of
the syllable in the word chiefly governing the quantity. The original
length of the vowel is however often retained, being indicated by an
mute e, either appended or preserved. Clear and obscure vowels
are on the whole discriminated in accented syllables; in unaccented
ones they easily pass into one another.
I answers
a) in an accented syllable with the value of the Highdutch i with
a short sound, chiefly to the short Anglosaxon i and y, some-
times to the broken eo and e, but also here and there to the
long Anglosaxon i, y, eo and even ae.
96 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1.
Anglosax: i: in (Anglosax: in), if (gif), it (hit), with
ship (scip); give (gif an), liver (lifer); swim (svimman),
win (vinnan), begin (beginnan), bid (biddan), spit (spittan),
wit (witt, wit); inn (inn, in), will (substantive ville, verb
villan), spill (spillan), thick (piece), hilt (hilt), milk (mil uc,
mile), swing (svingan), wink (vincjan), bitch (bicce), fish
(fisc), silver (silfor, seolfer, sylfer).
Anglosax: y: thin (pynne), kin (cynn), sin (synn), trim
trymman), hip (hype, hyppe), knit (cnyttan), hill (hyll, hill),
kiss (cyssan), filth (fylff), dint (dynt), little (lytel, litel),
kitchen (cycene), listen (hlystan), sister (svyster, suster),
stir (styrjan), gird (gyrdan), birth (byrd), thirst (pyr-
stan).
Anglosax: eo often interchanged with i in Anglosaxon: silk
seoloc, seolc), widow (veoduve).
Anglosax: e, likewise interchanged with i and y: brim
bremme, brymme), grin (grennjan), bring (brengan along
with bringaa), think (pencean, pencan along with pyncean,
pyncan, think), smirk and smerk (substantive smerc, verb
smercjan).
Anglosaxon i: stiff (stif), rich (ric), nip (hnipan), withy
(vidig), witness (vitness), wisdom (visdom).
Anglosaxon y: wish (vyscan), fist (fyst), which (hvylic).
Anglosaxon e6: sick (seoc, sioc, syc).
Anglosaxon ae: whiffle (vseflan, Old-norse veifla), riddle
(raedels).
Old-English here often puts e in the place of the sound pro-
ceeding from the short i, as yeve (give), leve (live, anglosax:
libban, lifjan), seluer (silver) &c.; on the other hand u instead
of the i arising from y, y: hull, gult, cussede (kissed),
yfulled (filled, Anglosax: fyllan), wuche (which), fust, luper
(Anglosax: lyfrer) &c.; but often y instead of i: hym, ys, yt,
tyn, mydde, brynge &c.
The French often presented i in a final accented syllable
(ie). An accented i in words originally French mostly appears
accented in modern English. Here i stands in the place of the
French i, e, and even a and u. The vocalization is often
fashioned after the Latin.
Old- French i: issue (Old-French the same), history
(histoire, estoire), cinque (cine, cinque), city (cite), pity
(pite, pitie), vigour (vigor, vigur), mirror (mireor), dinner
(digner, disner), river (riviere), vermilion (compare vermil-
ler) so frequent in modern words.
Old-French e, also interchanging with i: chivalry (cheva-
lerie), chimney (cheminee and chimenee), cinder (cendre),
virtue (vertu), circle (cercle), lizard (Modern-French le-
zard), frigate (Modern-French fregate), abridge (abreger),
skirmish (eskermir). The Old-English still often has e: che-
valerie, chevalrous, vertue &c. Print points to an Old-
French ei (preindre, priendre); niistresse, Old-English maystres
to ai (Ron. OF GLOUCESTER), mastres (SKELTON).
II. The Elements of the Word. — Origin of the Vowels and Diphthongs. — i. 97
Old-French a: fringe (frange, mediavel-Latin frigia, Old-
English frenge), crimson (French cramoisi, Italian carmesino,
cremisino).
Old-French u: ribbon (French ruban), bittern (butor), per-
haps also sirloin (surlonge) and sirname (sur-). Compare
the reverse umpire (perhaps properly impair) Old-English
nounpere (PiERS PLOUGH.) from the Old-French peer, pair, par.
Provincially u often becomes i, for instance in Cheshire.
In the unaccepted syllable it mostly proceeds from the Ger-
manic and French, as well as Latin i, in prefixes as well as
in terminations, yet here representatives of many other obscure,
particularly Romance vowels occur, for instance of d. Wicliffe,
Anglosax: Viglaf. i stands alongwith u, as well as in Anglo-
saxon in the termination ing, beside ung, English only ing:
ebbing (ebbung) &c. and otherwise: devil, Anglosax: deofud,
-ol, deofl, ostrich, French autruche; often instead of a Romance
e; summit, Old-French som, sum, modern- French sommet,
retinue, Old-English retenue; instead of ei and ai (in Old-
French often i. e): venison, Old- French veneison, venison;
chanfrin, French chanfrein; comparison, French comparai-
son; orison, Old-French orison, -eson, -eison; benefit, Old-
French bienf ait, -fet; instead of oi: parish (paroisse); anguish
Old-French angoisse and anguisse; instead of a: hurricane,
Spanish huracan; caparison, French caparapon; instead of OU:
cartridge, French cartouche &c.
b) The diphthong i, foreign in sound to the Anglosaxon as well
as to the English even down to the 14th century (see ei) illu-
strated by J. Wallis in the 17th by the sound of the French pain,
main, arises in the accented syllable primarily out of the An-
glosaxon i and y, but then also passing over into i out of i
and y, especially before certain Anglosaxon consonants c, g, nd,
Id, ht, as well as mostly before gh, ght (Anglosaxon h and hi)
also eo, ea and eo, ea and i.
Anglosaxon i: time (tima), wine(vin), while (hvil), wipe
(vipjan), wife (vif), drive (drifan), write (vritan), ride (ri-
dan), writhe (vri<5an), wise (vis), ice (is); like (lie), iron
(iren), idle (idel), light (liht also leoht, laht = levis), light
lithan = levare).
Anglosaxon y: de-file (fylan), mire (myre = palus) and
mire, pismire (myre, Old-norse maur), fire (fyr), hide (hyd),
bride (bryd), hithe (hyd = portus), lice (plural lys).
Anglosaxon i: under influence of c and g: I (ic), Friday
Frigedag), nine (nigon); before nd: bind (bindan), find (fin-
dan), wind (vindan) but not wind (vind = ventus) c. der.;
grind (grindan), hind (hind = cerva), behind (hindan), blind
(blind); on the other hand hinder (hinderjan); before Id: mild
(mild), wild (vild), child (cild or cild) yet the plural children;
see pronunciation; before ght: sight (siht), right (riht), plight
(substantive plight, verb plightan), dight (dihtan), Wight
(Vight): — but also pine (pinn, pin, yet Latin pmus), ivy,
Matzner, engl. Gr. I. 7
98 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. L
Anglosaxon ifig, Old-Hi ghdutch epfi, ephi; and climb (climban,
Old-English and Scotch climen).
Anglosaxon y: before nd: mind (mynd), kind (cynd), but
not in compounds kindred; yet also brine (bryne); before ht,
English ght: fright (fyrthu), wight (viht, vuht), wright
(wyrtha).
Anglosaxon eo, eo: file (feol), tithe (teo6*a); before gh and
ght: thigh (peoh), sigh (compare seofjan), light (leoth = lux),
bright (beorht, bryht), fight (feohtan).
Anglosaxon ea, ea: nigh (neah, neh), high (heah); might
(meaht, miht), night (neaht, niht).
Hi ght belongs to hatan, heht; the obsolete pi ght to the
Anglosaxon pyccan, pycte. Compare the Old-English Benedight
(CHAUCER).
The employment of the i, taken from the Romance, Latin and
Greek languages, is without principle; original length is seldom
the reason of its being a diphthong, its position in the word
alone decides. Yet a primitive i commonly lies at the root.
Compare entire, Old-French entir, entier; require, Old-
French querre, quierre, quirre, Old-English requere (CHAUCER),
squire, Old-French escuier, esquier, Old -English squier; ivory
(ivoire), primary, library &c.; crime, vice; yet i also
sometimes rests upon e, ai: giant, jaiant, Modern-French
geant, Old-English geaunt (MAIJNDEV.), reprisal, French re-
presaille &c., even upon the Old-French U: contrive (truver)
see ie. i has the same relation to the Cymric u, which has
nearly the same sound as the French w, in kite, Cymric cud,
cut, Anglosaxon cita, cyta.
In the unaccented syllable an originally long I is sometimes
preserved, as 2, as in feline (Latin felinus), bovine and the
like; else the diphthong is even here determined by its position
in the word.
Ie in the accented syllable ;
a) with the i-sound in the close syllable in Germanic words is
almost always rendered in Old-English, by e, instead of:
Anglosaxon eo: lief (leof), fiend (feond, fiend), thief (peof),
priest (preost); — friend (freond, friend) with altered sound;
Old-English fend, frend.
Anglosaxon i: field (field, fe'ld), shield (scild, sceld), sieve
(sife); Old-EngJish .feld, scheld
Anglosaxon e (y), e (y): believe (gelefan, -lyfan), wield
(gevyldan, -veldan), Old-English leven, beleven, welden; also «:
shriek, Old-norse skrikja.
Old-French ie, along with e, often lies at the root: cap-a-pie
(piet, pie), niece, piece, grief, fief, brief, chief (Old-
French the same), tierce (tiers, tierce), fierce (fier, [fiers]),
cierge, bier (biere, bierre), cavalier, arquebusier &c.,
achieve (achever, achiever), besiege (assieger, asseger),
grieve (grever, grief), pierce (percer, perchier), Old-English
chevetain (chieftain), acheven, assegen, percen &c.
Old-French i: liege (lige), frieze (frize), mien (mine).
1L The Elements of the Word. — Origin of Vowels and Diphthongs. — y. 99
Old-French U: (Modern-French ow) : retrieve (truver, trover,
trouver), reprieve (repruver). Old-English has here com-
monly e, where Modern-English mostly chuses o: preven, re-
preven, meven (Old-French muevre, movoir), ameven, re-
meven, keveren (cover); thus also the Old-Scotch. The Diph-
thong i (ei) has been exhibited above in contrive.
Many ie are to be distinguished from the above as t\vo vowels,
both in the accented and in the unaccented syllable, as in ac-
quiesce &c.; forms like pitied, countries (with silent e)
&c.; orient, alien and the like.
b) ie sounds with the diphthong i in the open syllable of the stem,
in Germanic words, under the influence of a following original
c, g, instead of:
Anglosaxon i, ea, y (g): lie (licgan, liggan, ligean), vie
vigjan, viggan), hie (higjan), die also dye (deagjan = tingere),
(yet die = mori is Old-norse deyja to divan); tie (tegean, ty-
gan, even the Anglosaxon tyan, tian); otherwise stems of this
sort end with the English y, (ye) sound, le also arises by
inflection out of y: flies and thus in Romance words cries &c.,
also in derivatives, as fiery (fire).
Old-French ie is a diphthong in pie (pica); i in fie along-
with fy (compare the Old-English fyen = to say fy!); e in die
plural dies and dice, Old-English dis, dees, deys.
ie in brier and la in friar are to be taken as broadenings
of an Anglosaxon e and a French e (e) before r: brer, brser,
French frere, Old-English the same. They have become disyl-
lables: compare fiery from fire.
Y stands in words of Germanic, Romance and Latin-Greek origin,
yet only in Germanic words at the end.
a) as a diphthong it arises out of:
the Anglosaxon i and y: my (min), thy (pin); with follow-
ing #: sty (stige = hara); why (hvy, hve, mi); sky, Old-norse
sky, compare Anglosaxon scuva, scua = umbra.
Anglosaxon CO (g, A): fly (fleogan), fly (fleoge), shy (sceoh),
sly (Swedish slug); fry (Old-norse frio, frae, Old-French fraye).
Anglosaxon i and y under cooperation of a following g: by
(big, bi, be) unaccented be, Old-English be and bi, dry (drygge,
dry); in buy, where u stands idly, the same process takes place
(bycgan, Old-English buggen, byggen, bien).
In the form ye it proceeds from i, ea (g) in rye (rige, ryge),
dye (deag, deah), Old-English substantive deyer; compare Wye
(Latin Vaga) in Wales.
Old-French i, mostly before e, likewise gives y: try (trier),
cry (crier), affy (affier), deny (denier), defy (defier), fry
(frire, freir), apply (from plier, Old-French appliquer), comply
(com-plier), descry (descrire), espy (espier).
Old-French e (e), gives in the accented syllable sometimes y:
supply (Modern-French suppleer).
A primitive y (r), which has passed through the Latin and
French, mostly receives the diphthong sound through its position,
as tyrant, cypress, hydromel &c. See the pronunciation.
100 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part L Sect. 1.
In the unaccented syllable the same is mostly good for the ori-
ginal y. The words in i: fy (fier) and ply (plier) have always
the diphthong; occupy (occuper), prophesy exceptionally.
b) By far the most frequently a y not primitive becomes an unac-
cented i, especially in final syllables. It arises from:
the Anglosaxon ig: penny (penig, properly pending), body
(bodig), busy (bysig), rainy (regenig, renig), twenty (tventig),
bury (byrigan) &c. ; so also lily (lilje, lilege), berry (berje,
berige) &c. ; it also interchanges with ow: holy (halig) and
hallow, see ow, and is also developed out of the mere <;: felly
(felg) also felloe, Canterbury (Cantvaraburh, burg); so also
out of ic: only (anlic) &c.
Old-French ie and e (Modern-French e, ee) are transmuted
in Modern-English into y; thus in verbs inier: carry, vary,
study, envy, marry (carier, charier &c.); in substantives in
ie: hostelry, tyranny, fancy, chivalry &c.; also in i:
mercy (mercit, merci), enemy, jolly, as in e (<?'): pity,
city, charity &c.; in ee: army, jelly (gelee), duty (Old-
English duetee); in ary, ory, arising from aire, oire by trans-
position under Latin influence &c.; necessary, victory &c.
Some of these y's develope themselves out of ai, ei (o?'), as
very (verai, Old-English veray, verray), belfry (belefreit, bele-
froi). The Old-English frequently has ie instead of ig, ie and so
forth, he vie (heavy); aplashie ground (NOMENCLATOR 1585).
The Cobler of Canter burie (1590). Fortie mark (CiTY
MATCH 1639. p. 14.); carien, studien; envie, hostelrie,
chevalrie, victorie &c., commonly even down to the 16th
and 17th centuries dictionarie, historic, phantasie, so-
cietie &c.; instead of e (e, ee) frequently ee: pitee, chari-
tee, solempnitee; also perhaps a mere e: cite, pite &c.
In Latin-greek words a primitive y is often in part an accented,
in part an unaccented /: tyranny, lyric &c. Egypt, ana-
lysis &c.
E is divided unequally into the predominant short and long
sound. Primarily
a) in the accented syllable a short e mostly developes itself out
of the same vowel, thereby proving itself to be the most fixed
vowel of those tongues which are the basis of English. It arises
out of
the Anglosaxon e and e, whether these point to an original
a or i: den (dene, denn), wen (venn), wren (vrenna), sell
(sellan, syllan), step (steppan), neb (nebb), net (nett), bed
(bedd), bench (benc), rest (rest, rast), merry (merh, mirig);
well (vela, ve'l), get (getan, gitan), melt (meltan, miltan),
seld, seldom (se'ld, seldan); nest(nist, nest), self(silf, self,
seolf), fennel (finul, fenol), pepper (pipor, peopor, pepor),
fetter (feotur, fetor).
Anglosaxon untransmuted i and y seldom give the Engl. e:
desk, beside dish (disc), sheriff (scirgerefa), welcome (vil-
cume, verb vilcumjan); -- elder (ylder), kernel (cyrnel),
whelk (hvylca, fledge (flycge).
II. The Elements of the Word. — Origin of the Vowels and Diphth. — e. 1Q1
Anglosaxon eo, interchanging with i in: herd (heord, hiord),
seven (seofon, siofun, syfon), Fredrick (Freo6bric, freofro
alongwith frifru), her (hire, heore).
Anglosaxon a and a: pebble (pabol), produced in where
(hvar, hvar); egg (ag), elf (alf, elf, ylf), Alfred (Alfred),
less (las), Old-Engl. ware (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER), lass; and
ea: belch (bealcjau), stern (steam), Berkshire (Bearrucscir);
even a: emmet (amsete, amete). In Old-English and dialec-
tically e often takes the place of a: esp, exle, extre, (LYD-
GATE) — axletree, edder &c. See A.
Anglosaxon ae passes here and there into e: errand (serende),
erst (serest); produced in ere (ser), there (pser, per); were
(vsere, vaeron), ever (sefre), never (naefre, nefor), wet (vaet),
1 e t (laetan = sinere), wrest (vrsestan), wrestle (vraestlj an) ;
Old-English arande, pare, wrastle, arst; even or instead of ere;
ye war, ware often in Skelton.
Anglosaxon e rarely: reck (recan = curare), reckless (rece-
leas), bless (bletsjan, blessjan).
Anglosaxon ea in red (read, reod), Edmund, Edgar,
Edwin (Eadmund &c.); on the other hand Eadbert (Eadberht)
and in the unaccented syllable -less (leas = less).
Anglosaxon e6: in devil (deoful), theft (peoffr, pyffr).
Anglosaxon o and 6 is also found rendered by e in welkin
(volcen) and Wednesday (Vodnesdag), Wednesbury (Vod-
nesbeorh), Old-English walkne.
Among the French elements e is, with regard to its place
in the word, the basis of the short £, as also the e of other
tongues. Old-French e: gem (gemme, yet Anglosaxon gimm),
repent (repentir), regret (regreter), clef (the same), err
(errer), serf (the same); clergy (clergie), remember (re-
membrer); also in the open syllable: several (the same), be-
verage (the same), tenant (the same), precious (precios,
-us) &c.
Old-French a, which, before the nasal, interchanges with e
even in Old-French: trench (trancher and trencher), merchant
(marcheaut), Old-English marchant, as clerk and serjeant
assume an «, at least in pronunciation.
Old-French ei, ai, ie, which likewise interchange with e: ves-
sel (vaissel, veissel, vessel), pledge (pleige, plege), secle
(siecle, secle).
Old-French i: cemetery(cimetiere), sketch(Frenchesquisse),
lemon (limon), level (Italian livello), Ex (Latin Isca) a river
in Devonshire
e seldom takes the place of oi: perry, French poire; or U:
ferret, French furet, to the Latin fur.
In the unaccented syllable before the accent e mostly arises
out of e; on the other hand it is weakened down to a glib e,
after the accented syllable out of all Germanic and Ro-
mance vowels. Examples are everywhere to be met with, even
apart from the organic, silent e. Thus e stands in the place of
the Anglosaxon a, o, U: answer (andsvarjan), rather (raffor),
102 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I.
earnest (eornost), fennel (finul, -ol); even Anglosaxon takes
the lead in this weakening; compare Anglosaxon hungur, -or,
-er, English hunger; Anglosaxon endlifum, -eofun, -efen (Da-
tive), English eleven and so forth. Old-French i, ei, ai, ie,
oi, a &c. give e: kennel (chenil), garret (garite), courtesan
(courtisane), counsel (conseil, consel, consol), marvel (mer-
veille, mervoile), mitten s (mitaine), sudden (sudain), travel
(travailler, traveiller), poitrel (poitrail), manner (maniere);
so matter, river &c. covet (covoiter, coveiter), harness
(harnas, harnois), manger (mangeoire), Ben net (Benoit),
scarlet (escarlate), challenge (chalonger, chalenger) &c. Old-
English often reverts or approximates to the old vocalization:
hongur, lengur, betur (Roe. OF GLOUCESTER), conseil,
merveillous, curteisie, sodayn, sodeyn (the latter even
in Skelton), Beneit.
b) as a long e with the «'-sound, e stands in modern-English mostly
in non-Germanic words in the open syllable (see pronunciation).
The Anglosaxon e, e has partly this sound in the open syl-
lable: he (he), me (me), we (ve), ye (ge), even (efen), evil
(yfel, eofel, e'fel and ebul), metre (meter), fever (fefer, com-
pare French fievre), besom (besma); the older spelling is hee,
mee &c., as even now thee (pe), often to distinguish the accented
from the unaccented pronoun:
Also the Anglosaxon 86: eve, even, evening (aefen), these
(pas, gen. pissa, Old-English this, thise); ea ande: eke (Con-
junction eac, ec, Substantive eaca, verb ecean, ecan); and e6:
be (beon).
Wherever e appears lengthened in an open syllable, it rests
upon a Romance, Latin-Greek e (also a primitive ae, oe), and
preserves or gains its length in great part by its position in
the word: compare severe, scene with genius (genius), pe-
riod (periodus). Demesne, also demaine, points to the
French ei, ai (demeine, demaine).
In the unaccented syllable e inclines to the ^-sound, more in
the open than in the close syllable; Latin e in the termination
es (Latin es) preserves the length: ambages.
Ee is chiefly the representative of the lengthened e and shares
with ea the long ?-sound. In Old-English ee frequently stands instead of
the ea now in use: leef (leaf), heep (heap), heeth (heath), feet (feat),
deen (dean) PIEKS PLOUGHM.), perhaps with the sound e, as it was
even in the 1 7 tB century. But a simple e likewise stands in an open
syllable or with a mute e after it: meke (meek), sene (seen), quene
(queen), whele (wheel), wepen (weep), seken (seek), kepen (keep),
knelen (kneel), but also before other syllables beginning with a con-
sonant fredom, and ben (been).
It especially answers to the Anglosaxon e as the modification of
6: feel (felan), keel (celan), seem (seman = judicare, compare som
Substantive), green (grene), queen (even), weep (vepan), keep
(cepan), meet (metan), sweet (svete), speed (spedan), feed (fedan),
sleeve (slef, slyf), geese (ges), teeth (ted), seek (secan soecan),
H. The Elements of the Word. — Origin of the Vowels and Diphth. - El, Ey. 1Q3
beechen (becen); — sweep (to svapan compare the Lowdutch
swope).
To the Anglosaxon e alongwith ea, commonly ea in Modern-
English: need (nead, ned, nyd), leek (leac), reek (rec, reac), cheek
(ceace, cece), steep (steap).
To the Anglosaxon se mostly interchanging with e: eel (ael),
needle (naedl, nedl), sleep (slsepan, slapan), sheep (scaep, seep),
seed (saed), weed (vaed), leech (laece, lece), speech (spaec), greedy
(graedig, gredig)? seely (sselig).
To the Anglosaxon eo frequently: bee (beo), flee (fleon, fleo-
han), [compare be (beon)], tree (treo, tre), knee (kneo, kneov)
reel (hreol), wheel(hveol, hveovol), beer (beor), deer (deor, dior),
steer (steoran, stioran, styran), steer (steor == taurus), deep (deop),
creep (creopan), seethe (se6(5an, sioQan), freeze (freosan, frysan),
fleece (fleos, fles, flys), beetle (biotul, beotel, betel, bytel).
To the Anglosaxon i: free (fri), three (pri), scere (scir and
scaere) and even
To the Anglosaxon i, e, eo and u = Gothic i: shire (scire),
thee (pe) see above e, fee (feoh), see (seon), week (vice, veoce,
vuce), Old-English woke, wyke (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER). Thus keeve,
stands alongwith kive, Anglosaxon cyf = cupa.
The Old-French e, particularly in an open syllable and where
it interchanges with ei, ai and oi is often represented by ee: agree
(agreer), degree (the same), careen (Modern-French carener), cheer
(chere, chiere) alongwith chear, chanticleer (chantecler), peer
(par, pair, per), peel (poiler, peiler, peler), Old-English secree
[secreit, secroi); decree (decret), see(siez, se, sed), proceed, ex-
ceed, succeed alongwith recede, precede (proceder, succeder),
discreet (discret), feeble (foible, Modern- French faible); thus also
is the French termination e (atus) represented in abandonee and
other names of persons, likewise in names of things: rappee (rape).
A regard to the Latin e often prevails therewith: beet (French bette,
Latin beta, Old-highdutch bioza, bieza), spleen (splen) &c.
Also the French termination ier along with aire and iere in modern
words, is often represented by eer, together with ier and er: pio-
neer, volunteer, career &c.
The Old-French i is often rendered thus in Modern-English:
genteel (gentil), Old-English gentile; veer(virer), lee (lie), esteem
(estimer), redeem (se redimer) &c.
The Old-French oe, ue, modern French oeu: beef (boef, buef)
Old-French 0: fleet (note or Anglosaxon flota = navis?) stand
alone.
In the unaccented syllable, where it is rare, it rests upon the
French e (ee): couchee, levee, jettee, coffee, committee.
Ei and ey seem down to the 17th century to have had only the
sound of a long e, which is even now predominant; the Old-English
often puts it in the place of the a?', now in use: feire (fair), seint
(saint), pleyn (plain), heyre (hair), deys (dais), susteynen
(sustain), p ley en (play), seyen (say); often also instead of the
present diphthong ?': heigh (high), neigh (nigh), deyen (die).
104 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1.
The ei in the middle of a syllable, rare in Germanic words,
arises in the accented syllable, mostly before a succeeding g (K)
out of:
the Anglosaxon a (se): their (para, psera); — either, neither
(ahvafrer, avfrer, after, yet compare also seghvacter and nahvafter) now
sounding with I.
the Anglosaxon ea: eight (eatha, atha, ehta).
the Anglosaxon ea: height heahoV), along with high (heah)
sounding ei and neighbour (neahbur) with e, along with nigh (neah),
and heifer (heahfore, heafore, heafre) with a short e.
the Anglosaxon 8B: neigh (hnsegan); and e, i: weigh (vegan),
weight (viht). In sleight (to sly, Lowdutch slu, Swedish slug)
ei again prevails.
In words originally French it mostly stands in the place of the
Old-French ei, interchanging with ai and ei, partly with the e sound:
vein (veine), deign (deigner, daigner, degner), reign (reigner, rai-
ner &c.), heir (hoir, heir), veil and vail (voile, veile), reins (rein,
rain); partly with the i-sound: seize (seisir, saisir), seine (the same
sagena), leizure (loisir, leisir), receive, perceive, deceive, con-
ceive (rechoivre, rezoivre, perchoivre &c. alongwith recever, receveir,
recivoir &c.), therefore also receipt, deceit, conceit; ceil, (scei-
ler, seeler = sigillare, figuris ornare).
Instead of ei and ai: obeissance, heinous (ha'inos) compare
Old-Engl. heyne.
For e: rein (resne, reigne, Modern-French rene); Latin e: in-
veigh (invehi). Inveigle (with I) is said to have been corrupted
from the Italian invogliare ; perhaps out of the Old-French avogler =
aveugler.
in the unaccented syllable ei arises out of the French ai, ei:
foreign (forain), sovereign (soverain), forfeit (forfait), counter-
feit, surfeit.
Ey, now likewise divided between e and 1 is likewise rare in
Germanic words. It arises in the accented syllable, in words ori-
ginally Anglosaxon, mostly with the weakening of g into ?', out of:
The Anglosaxon a (se): they, (pa), wey and weigh (vag, vaeg).
The Anglosaxon 8B: whey (hvseg), greyhound (graeghund,
gregh.); on the other hand gray (grseg); with I: key (caeg). Com-
pare bey, Turkish beg.
In eye (eage) ey becomes ei; eyeliad (oeillade), eyelet (oeillet)
are transformations into the Anglosaxon form.
Old-French ei,'oi gives ey: prey (preier, proier, praer=prae-
dari), trey (trei, troi, trois), convey along with convoy (conveier,
convoier); obey (obeir), purvey, survey (veoir, veeir, veer); also
ai: eyry and aerie (French airee).
In the unaccented syllable it answers to the Anglosaxon e (g):
Ramsey (Rammesege), Anglesey (Angleseg). i (g): honey (hu-
nig); compare barley (Cymric barllys), Old-English barly (MAUND.);
more frequently Old-French ei, oi: money (monoie, moneie) tour-
ney (tournoi, tornei), lamprey (lamproie, Anglosaxon lamprede);
lackey belongs to laquais, Old-French also laquet; abbey (Old-
French abbaye); and Old-French ee (Modern- French ee): alley (allee),
//. The Elements of the Word. — Origin of the Vowels and Diphthongs. -1&*. 105
galley (galee, Old-French galie), valley (valee), journey (jornee,
jurnee), chimney (cheminee, chinienee), causey (chaussee); also e
(e): attorney (atorne, medieval-Latin aturnatus); rarely Old-French
ie: Turkey, else y. Forms like moneie, valeie are still frequent
in Old-English.
Ea, even in the 17th century representing the sound of the long
e in distinction to g in the close syllable (meat and met) (J. WAL-
LIS), now mostly long I, and besides short e, without the carrying out
of a principle, although resting principally on the Anglosaxon ed, is
rendered mostly by e in Old-English in words originally Germanic
and Romance: eche, shefe, ete, clene, weke, heren, beren,
dede (dead), bever, reme (realm), reson, seson, grese, egle
&c. ; as well as also by ee: see (sea), Modern-English still affear
and affeer, aread and areed, as bedle and beadle. On the
other hand in the 16th and 17th centuries it often takes the place
of the English long and short e (e and e), where it has been sub-
sequently abandoned. It represents in the accented syllable:
The Anglosaxon ea as I: flea (flea), beam (beam), bean (bean),
year (gear, ger), leap (hleapan), leaf (leaf), leave (leaf = permis-
sio), bereave (bereafjan), beat (beatan), east (east), beacon (bea-
cen); — as e: deaf (deaf), threat (preatjan), lead (lead), death
(deafr); — as e: great (great).
The Anglosaxon se as I: sea (sae and seo), lean (laene), mean
alongwith moan (msenan), heal (haelan), fear (faer), bleat (blsetan),
mead (maed = pratum), sheath (scsefr, sceacF, scafr), tease (taesan),
each (aelc), teach (tsecan), geason (gsesen), heathen (hsefren); —
as e: dread (draed), thread (prsed), breath (braefr), health (haald),
weapon (vsepen, vepen), cleanse (clsensjan), early (serlice).
The Anglosaxon e as I: wheal also weal and wale, (hvele =
putredo), leave (lefan, lyfan = permittere), hear (heran, hyran),
read (redan), weary (verig), voerig); — as a: hearken (hercnjan,
hyrcnjan).
The Anglosaxon i as 1: cleave (clifan), wreathe along with
writhe (vriftan).
The Anglosaxon e 6 as I: dear (deore, dior, dyre), cleave (cleo-
fan, clufan), dreary (dreorig); — as 6: breast (breost).
The Anglosaxon a as I: pea (pava), Old-English po, poo, in
Skelton still pohen; weak (vac); — as e: sweat (svat), ready
(from rad).
Not uncommon is its appearance for short vowels, as:
The Anglosaxon e as 1: meat (mete, mett), leak (hlece = rimo-
sus), wean (venjan), heave (hebban); — as 8: heavy (hefig),
lengthened in swear (sverjan), wear (verjan).
The Anglosaxon e, ea, i and y as I: meal (me'lu, meolo, melo),
steal (stelan), shear (sceran), spear (spere, speore, spiore), smear
(Substantive sme'ru, verb smervjan, smerjan), eat (e'tan), knead
(cnedan), mead (me'du = mulsum), leak (Old-norse leca = stillare,
Anglosaxon leccan = irrigare), wreak (vre'can), lease (lesan = colli-
gere), beaver (befer, beber, beofer) ; seal (seolh, seol, siol, syl =
phoca), lean (hlinjan, hleonjan), beaker (Old-norse bikar, Medieval-
Latin bicarium), seal (sigel), beadle (bydel); as e: tread (tredan),
106 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1.
weather (veder), feather (fifrer, feeder, fe'der), earl (eorl, erl),
earnest (eornost), eartTi (eorcte), learn (leornjan, liornjan), quern
(cveorn, cvyrn), heaven (heofon); as a lengthened e: bear (bera),
bear (berau, beoran), pear (peru), tear (teran), break (brecan);
as a: heart (heorte), hearth (heorfr).
The Anglosaxon ea also a as I: ear (aher, ear), beard (beard):
as e: pearl (parl, pearl), earn (earnjan), meadow (meadu, madu);
as a: beam obsolete, alongwith bairn, barn (beam)
Old-French ai, oi, along with ei and e, become very frequently ea
mostly as I: clear (clair, cleir, cler), eagle (aigle), eager (aigre,
eigre, egre), feat (fait), defeat, treat (traiter, compare Anglosaxon
thrahtjan, treahtigean), plead (plaider), plea (plait from plaiz, pies),
peace (paix, pais, pes), grease (graisse, gresse), lease (laissier,
leisseir, lessier), please (plaisir, 'pleisir, plesir), appease (apaisier),
treaty (traite), reason (raison, reson), season (saison, seison, se-
son), feasible, obsolete faisible; pea (pois, peis? compare Anglo-
Saxon pisa, piosa), mean (moien, meien), dean (doyen), increase,
decrease (croistre, creistre, crestre); so also a*i: treason (traison);
— as S: peasant (pa'isant), as pheasant (faisan), Old-English
fesaunt (PIERS PLOUGHMAN).
Old-French e (Modern-French e, <?, e, e) as l: zeal (zele), de-
mean (demener = to behave), appeal (apeler, Substantive apel, apiel),
reveal (reveler), congeal (geler), conceal (celer), repeat (Modern-
French repeter), cream (cresme), beast (beste), feast (feste),
preach (precher, preescher), peach (Modern-French peche, Anglo-
Saxon pe'rsuc), breach (breche), impeach (empescher, ernpeescher),
cease (cesser), decease (deces, decides), tea (the, Italian te), beak
(bee, Gaelic beic), feature (faiture); also ie = e: arrears, arrea-
rage (arier, ariere), Old-English arrerage; — as §: search (cercher,
cherchier), measure (mesure), treasure (tresor), leaven (levain).
Old-French i as I: beagle (bigle), league (ligue), peak (pic,
pique); i along with e: treague (trive, treve, Italian tregua (SPENSER);
as 8: treachery (tricherie, trecerie).
Old-French a as I: glean (glaner, also glener), dialectically
glent = gleaned; appear (apparoir, appareir), Old-English appa-
rence (CHAUCER), apparancy (GOWER); — ase: jealous (jalous and
engelus), Old-English Substantive jallowes.
The Old-French ea has been preserved as & in: realm (realme,
reaume), yet Old-English also resme (MAUND.), reme (PIERS PLOUGH-
MAN).
In creature ea has been contracted as I, as in: deacon 'ia (dia-
conus, yet even Anglosaxon diacon, deacon).
ea in an unaccented syllable, has rarely arisen, as it were out
of the Anglosaxon e, i (g): Angle sea along with Anglesey (An-
gleseg), Chelsea (Ceolesig); or French e: colleague; or an original
ea: guinea.
Eo with its various sounds does not stand in Germanic words;
only yeoman, Old -English yeman (man pi. men) is a decidedly
Anglosaxon substantive. According to Grimm ?ye, yeo is the prefix ge
(contubernalis, minister); according to others ye, yeo — young ; belong-
ing perhaps to the Anglosaxon geam = cura, attentio, Anglosaxon
IL The Elements of the Word.— Origin of the Vowels andDiphth.— Ew. 107
gymend = gubernator, as it were geammann. The Old-English has
the verb y era en = to govern, to take care of and the substantive
yeme (Anglosaxon verb geman, gyman = custodire, curare). Does
the dialectical gemman = nobleman belong also here?
Otherwise eo exists only in Romance words, although e after a
guttural is a sign of the dental pronunciation; compare dungeon
(donjon, doignon), puncheon (poincon); or as an original vowel it
forms a double syllable with a following vowel (piteous). It arises
from eo in Theobald (Tibald, Tybalt), Italian Teobaldo = Dietbold ;
from eu (ue) in people Old-English peple (pople, pueple), jeopardy
(jeu parti), Old-English juperti (WRIGHT Dame Siriz 13th century),
jeupertys (GcrwER); ieu: feoff (fieu, verb fiever, fiefer), feod along-
with feud point to feudum, compare the Modern-French feodal.
Eu also occurs only in Romance and Latin-Greek words, except
in eugh alongwith yew (Anglosaxou eov), commonly from a primi-
tive eu: Europe, eunuch, zeugma, eunomy &c., also deuce,
(doi, deus); but whether also deuce (= devil), with which compare
the Lowdutch duker, deukert? Feud, Auglosaxon faBhfr, fsBgfr, Old-
French faide rests upon a confusion with feudum, as, conversely the
medieval-Latin faidium instead of feudum is found. In the unaccented
syllable eu often stands in the French termination eur: gran-
deur &c.
Ew, as a diphthong m, rarely 6, often interchanges with u (m),
as in askew, askue; clew, clue, fewmet, fumet; fewel, fuel
&c. and rests particularly upon:
The Anglosaxon eov : brew (breovau), chew (ceovan), crew —
multitudo (creov? Old-norse kru), the preterites grew (greov), blew
(bleov), knew (kneov), threw (preov), crew (creov); dialectically
still mew (meov), sew (se6v), = <5: strew alongwith strow (strev-
jan, streavjan, streovjan, Gothic straujan); eog: t e w = materials (teog);
IV: steward (stigeveard, stiveard).
The Anglosaxon eov, iv; ewe (eovu, eov, eavu, eav), new (nive,
niove, neove), spew (speovjan), yew (eov, iv), lew (hleovjan = ca-
lescere), clew (clive, compare the Lowdutch klugen); formerly he we,
now hue = color (hiv, hiov, heov); = 6: sew (sivjan, seovjan =
suere).
The Anglosaxon eav: few (feave), dew (deav), thew (SPENSER)
(peav = mos), shrew, mouse (screava), hew (heavan); flew arises
from fleah, flugon, Old-English flaugh, fley.
The Auglosaxon av, 86 v, 6v (d#, oh): rew formerly alongwith
row (rav, compare stafraev, stafrov), former preterite snew (snav),
mew (mav? maev), lewd (laeved, laved, levd); drew (drog, drogon),
slew (sloh, slogon), Old-English drogh, drough, drow; slogh &c.
The Anglosaxon av, ev appear as ew in shew alongwith show
with o (scavjan, sceavjan, scevjan) and in the unaccented syllable in
sinew (sineve). W proceeds from f and b in: newt along with
eft (efete, eft), Old-English ewt, evet, and Shrewsbury (Scrobbes-
burh). Ug gives ew in the Old-English Hew instead of Hugh (Old-
Highdutch Hugo, Anglosaxon hyge = mens) compare Modern-English
feverfew = febrifuge.
108 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1.
In words originally Romance ew also often stands in an unac-
cented syllable, ever with the sound iu; in the accented and unaccented
syllabe it arises from u, with a preceding or following e or z, or from
a mere u (pu].
Old-French eu, ieu: fewel along with fuel (feu, fu, fou, compare
the Substantive fouee), pewter (peutre, medieval-Latin pestrum, peu-
trum), sew formerly along with sue (sevre, seure = suivre), Old-English
suwen; often unaccented: curfew (couvrefeu), curlew (courlious, cor-
lieu, medieval-Latin corlivus), nephew (neveu, Anglosaxon ne'fa),
hebrew (hebreu), Old-English ebreu (MAUND.), Matthew (Matthieu)-
thus Bartholomew, Andrew &c. imitated; compare Old-English
maisondewe (maison dieu). Mew answers to our miauen, but
mewl points to the French miauler. ev, iv operates as in iu:
eschew (eschiver, escheveir, compare Anglosaxon sceoh, Old-English
eschive and eschue.
Old-French ui operates in pew (pui, poi = podium), tewel (tuiel
= tuyau); thus also arose Jew (juis, juif, compare Anglosaxon Ju-
deas), Old English jewerie (CHAUCER), Old-French juierie, juerie.
OJd-Freuch u (ue) also OU: mew (substantive mue, verb muer),
fewmet alongwith fumet (fumette), Old-English remewe and remue,
salewe and salue, jewise (juise); — jewel (jueh joiel, Joel),
Old-English joweles (CHAUCER), Lewis (Louis), stew substantive
and stew verb perhaps belong primarily to the Old-French estuve,
bain, Modern-French etuver; — venew (SHAKSPEARE) and veney,
(venue), view, interview (veue).
The older language still presents many ew, as for instance, in-
stead of eg: flewme = phlegm.
A, whose sound stands especially under the influence of con-
sonants (see Pronunciation) has 'split itself into a, «, a and e, in
Germanic words goes back to the short a sound, (Anglosaxon a, a
and ea) and borrows its accentual tinge essentially from the Anglo-
saxon 0, by the production of which the e-sound seems to have arisen,
whereas the Anglosaxon a-sound appears lengthened, particularly be-
fore a silent I and a sounded r. e certainly appears in Old-English,
as well as in dialects instead of the Modern-English a, but partic-
ularly before r where the vowels rests, not upon a or «, but upon
ea, eo, e: derk, yerde, merk, sterre (star), ferre, ferthing,
kerven (carve), sterten, hereberwe; also in Romance words:
gerlond (garland), merveillous, persone (parson) &c. The partial
transition into the a-sound must have taken place early, the confusion
of a with o having spread not only in Old-English and the dialects
(mony, lond, bond, strond, brond, stont [standeth], dyse-
mol), but appeared even in Anglosaxon, particularly before m and
ft, as in grom, homm, gomen [game], moiiig, monn, vonn,
sond, ongel &c. (see above). In the accented syllable a arises
from:
The Anglosaxon a as a: ham (hamm), man (mann), lap (lap-
jan), crab (crabba), have (habban, habban), ass (assa), ashes (asce),
lamb (the same), land (the same), ankle (ancleov), apple (appel,
apl), cast (Old-norse kasta), cag (Old-norse kaggi); as a: short in
wan (vann = pallidus), long in alder (alor, air); as e: lame (lam),
//. The Elements of the Word. — Origin of the Vowels and Diphthongs. — A. 109
bane (bana). ape (apa), late (late, late), make (macjan); ware
(varu), stare (starjan).
The Anglosaxon a as a: can (cann), Alfred (Alfred), sap (sap),
happy (happ), at (at), glad (glad), mass (masse), axe (ax, eax),
waggon (vagen); — as a: water (vater), small (smal, smal, smeal);
— as a: path (pad, pad), father (fader); — as e: acre (acer),
acorn (acern), grave (graf).
Anglosaxon ea as a: shall (sceal), mallow (mealva), fallow
(fealu = flavus), mat(meatte), marrow (mearh), slack (sleac, slac),
wax (veaxan), flax (fleax); — as a: all (eall, eal, al), fall (feal-
lan), wall (veall, vail), gall (gealla), hall (healla), halt (healtjan);
short in warm (vearm), warp (vearp); — as a: salve (sealf), half
(healf, half); arm (earm), dark (dearc, deorc), spark (spearca),
starve (stearvjan), hard (heard), harp (hearpe); — as e: ale (ealu),
dare (dearr), chafer (ceafor), gate (geat, gat).
The short Anglosaxon e, e, eo have often, especially before a
following r, passed into a; e as a: mantle (mentel), trap (treppe);
Thames (Temese, yet also Tamese), mare (merihe, mere), share
(scerjan, scirjan); as a: mar (merran), marsh (mersc),- tar (terjan,
tirjan = vexare), Harwich (Herevic), harbour (hereberge); e as a:
thrash alongwith thresh (prescan), tatter (teter), tar (teru, teoru);
as a: swallow (svelgan, svilgan); as e: thane (pegen, pen), scrape
(screpan, screopan); eo as a: am (eom); as a": far (feorr), star
(steorra), barm (beorma, bearma), farm (feorm, fearm), fart (feort),
hart (heorut, heort) [on the other hand Hertford = Heorutford],
dwarf (pveorg), carve (ceorfan), bark (beorcan); Darwent (Deor-
vent, Darenta).
Long vowels, such as a, se and e and the diphthong e6, have
seldom been transformed into a; a as d: ask (ascjan), dastard (to
dastrjan); as e: thrave (prav = manipulus), mate (Old-norse mati
= sodalis), any (anig, aenig), Old-English eny; se as a: mad (ge-
maed, Gothic ga-meids = deficient), fat (faeted contracted faett), last
(laestan), blast (blaest), ladder (hlaedder), bladder (blaedre, bledre,
blaeddre); as d: thrall (prsel, pral, preal); as e:. blaze (blaese); e
as d: bramble (brembel), fadge (ge-fegan = conjungere, compare
Old-English alle in fageyng (TOWNELEY MYST.) = altogether); as e:
waste (vestan, compare Latin vastare); eo as a: darling along with
dearling (deorling, dyrling), farthing (feordung, Old-English fer-
thing); also as a in lad (leod, Old-English leode (PiERS PLOUGHM.),
Oldscotch laid). Finally ea is also found transmuted into d: chap-
man, chap woman (ceapmann).
Besides the French a, as likewise a in Latin-greek words sub-
sequently introduced, e, especially before r, ai and au in the accented
syllable, are changed into a, as the Italian d, rarely, however, except
before r.
The Old-French a, which before n had been mostly transformed
into au, but in Modern-English even there frequently returns to a
(see au), has very commonly been preserved; as d: dam (dame),
damsel (damisele), damage (damage, damaige), dance (danser,
dancer), abandon (abandanner), manage (from manage, manaige
= mansionaticum), manner (maniere), balance (the same), talent
(the same), tarry (tarier), marry (marier), travel (travailler, tra-
110 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. I.
veiller), pass (passer) &c.; — as a before a simple r: marble
(marbre), alarm (a Parme); — as e very commonly in an open syl-
lable: rage, race, table, nacre (nacaire, Modern-French nacre),
cage, agent, nature, mason (macon), danger (dangier), chaste
(the same).
The Old-French e becomes «, particularly before m, n, before
which, even in Old-French, it was often changed into a, and r, as a:
example, sample (exemple, essample), ambush (embuscher), ena-
mel (from amail, medieval-Latin smaltum), channel (chenau, chenal),
pansy (pensee, Old-English paunce (SPKNSER), frantic (frenetiqne,
compare frenzy, Old-English frenetike), janty ^gentil); cratch (crebe,
creche); — as a: war (guerre, werre), Old-English werre, quarrel
(querele); — as a: marvel (merveille), parson (persone), par-
tridge (pertris), parsley (persil), Old-English perselee, parrot
(perroquet = Pierrot?), tarnish (ternir, Old-Highdutch tarnjarn),
varnish (vernir), garner (grenier, gernier), varvels (vervelle).
Old-French ai, interchanging with ei, e and a, gives d in van-
quish (vaincre, veincre, vencre), sally (saillir, salir), cash (caisse,
casse), master (mai'stre), Old-English maister.
Old-French au. mostly interchanging with al, also aul, in which
the English often has preserved al, aul or aw as a: savage (salvage,
sauvage), salmon (saumon), hacqueton (auqueton, Modern-French
hoqueton); — mostly as e: safe (salf, sauf), save (salver, sauver,
saver), chafe (chaufer, caufer), sage (sauge, Latin salvia, compare
Anglosaxon salvige), mavis (mauvis, Spanish malvis); with the I
preserved mostly as d: altar (alter, altel, autel), false (fals, faus),
falcon (falcon, faucon), caldron (chaudron), (alongwith vault, as-,
sault); — yet also as a: balm (balme, basme) alongwith balsam,
and hance, enhance (enhalcer, enhaucier) with the change of /into
n; see moreover au.
a in an accented syllable has seldom arisen from other vowels,
as from i in garland (gouirlande, yet provincially garlanda), Old-
English gerlond.
In an unaccented syllable a primitive a is mostly found before
the accent, yet the Old-French e, as sometimes even in Old-French
itself, has passed into a, as in: anoint (enoindre), assay (essaier,
asaier), astonish (estoner), assart (essarter), affray (esfreer, effreer,
effreier), Old-English aspie, astablishe, astate &c.; also 0: abei-
sance alongwith obeisance, rigadoon (rigodon), platoon (pelo-
ton). After the accented syllable, especially in the unaccented final
syllable, a often stands in the place of e and i in Anglosaxon as well
as in other words: errand (serende, serynde), thousand (pusend)
&c.; especially in the termination ar: liar (Old-English liere), beg-
gar (Old-English beggere), see derivation; — manacle (manicle),
sausage (saucisse), Faston (villa Faustini); instead of 0: husband
(husbonde), sycamore (sycomore) &c.; al is also found preserved
instead of au: herald (Old-French heralt, heraut, Medieval-Latin
heraldus, Old-English heraud). Confusion of a and n, as well as of a
and e have often formerly occurred in unaccented syllables. Com-
pare T. Mommsen, Shakspeare's Romeo and Juliatte 1 859 p. 32 ff.
Ai and ay often divide with ei and ey the province of the same
IT. The Elements of the Word. — Origin of the Voweh and Diphthongs. — A i . 1 1 1
primitive sounds, yet with the preponderance of ai and ay in accented
syllables. In Old-English ai often gives place to ei: wey, seyl (sail),
streit, seint, feith, ordeinen, atteinen, mainteinen, feinen,
preien, werreien, queintise (quaintness) &c. Alongwith these
are found ee, e: slee, sle (slay) sede, ysed, sustenen &c.
Ai in the middle of accented syllables arises but seldom from
simple Anglosaxon vowels, as from:
the Anglosaxon a: bait (bat = esca, verb batjan, Old-norse beita),
swain (svan, Old-Highdutch swein), hail (hal) alongwith whole,
raip (rap) along with rope, compare Lowdutch rep = raise (rasjan).
the Anglosaxon 86: hair (hser) = crinis, bait also bate = to
attack (bsetan, Old-Highdutch beizjan = incitare, fraenare).
<7, commonly with the softening of a g following the vowel,
from:
the Anglosaxon ag: main (magen), maiden (magden, maeden,
maden), nail (nagel), brain (bragen, bragen, bregen), fain (fagen,
fagen), fair (fager), wain (vagen, vagn, vaen), tail (tagel), snail
(snagel, snsel, snegel), gain (gagn, gegn, gen), hail (hagal, hagel).
The Anglosaxon eg, eg: ail (egljan, according to Bosworth,
agljan like the Gothic), again (ongegn, agen), twain (tvegen), laid
(legede, lede), rain (regen, ren), sail (segel), braid, upbraid
(bregdan, upgebregdan), said [partic.] (sagd, saed); eh: drain (dreh-
nigean, drenigean).
The Anglosaxon ceg: rarely in the middle, often at the end of a
syllable, as ay: stairs (stseger).
From Old-French vowels ai very frequently proceeds, thus from:
The Old-French a, already sometimes interchanging with ai, ei:
avail, prevail (valoir, valeir), explain (compare aplanier, aplag-
nier from plain), exclaim, reclaim, proclaim (clamer, claimer,
cleimer); compare cairn, Cymric earn.
The Old-French ai, ei, oi, of which ei is wont to be interchanged
with the two others, give ai in the middle of a syllable: air (air, eire),
aid (aider, eider), aigret and egret (aigrette), arraign (araisnier,
aragnier), bail (bailler, bailier, bailer), retail (retailler), flail (flael,
flaial), frail (fraile, fragile), caitiff (caitif, chaitif, chetif), gaiter
(to the Old-French gaitreux, ragged, Modern-French guetre), grain
(graine), saint (saint, seint).
attain (ateindre, ataindre), restrain (restreindre, restraindre),
refrain (freindre, fraindre), disdain (desdeigner, desdegner, des-
daigner), paint (peint), faint (feint, faint), taint (teint, taint),
praise (substantive preis, pris, verb preisier, proisier, prisier), im-
pair (empirer, empeirer from pejor), despair (from desperer, com-
pare 1. person present espeir, espoir), faith (feid, foit, fei, foi). —
pain (poine, peine, paine), fair (foire, feire, fere = forum), quaint
cointe = comptus), acquaint (acointer = adcognitare).
The Old-French e has in a series of words produced ai: abstain,
obtain, maintain, retain, pertain, contain, entertain (from
tenir), ordain (ordener, ordoner) compare the Old-English ordeynen
(RoB. OF GLOUCESTER), it was ordyned (MAUND.), ordeigne
(PiERS PLOUGHMAN).
The softening of a g after i is to be met with even in Old-French,
112 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I.
as in many of the instances cited under ai; otherwise the jn, gn
which have arisen from ni through transposition are, after «, treated
as in: Spain (Espagne = Hispania). The Old-French often changes
ani into aign; Old-English has sometimes preserved the latter form:
campaign (campaign e, champaigne); even there agn, aign and am
stand alongside each other, where English chuses am, particularly in
the unaccented syllable: mountain (montaigne, montagne, muntaine),
bargain (bargaigne, bargagne, bargaine, compare the medieval-Latin
In an unaccented syllable ai has been mostly maintained out of
the Old-French ai: fountain, chaplain, chieftain (chevetaine),
certain &c.; here and there it has arisen out of ei, i: vervain
(verveine), curtain (courtine).
Ay, mostly of like origin with ai, interchanges sometimes with
ai in the middle of a syllable: vaivode and waywode, and often
with aw: Old-English daw and day, law and lay, the Modern-
English haw and hay, crawfish and crayfisty. It arises from:
the Anglosaxon d: aye = ever (a instead 0f av).
the Anglosaxon ce: wayward (vaevardlice = proterve).
the Anglosaxon ag: may (mag), day (dag), hay (hag = sep-
tum); slay (slahan, slagan, contracted slean, slan).
the Anglosaxon eg, eg: lay(lecgan), say (secgan), Old-English
leggen, seggen, play (Substantive plega, verb plegjan), way (ve'g),
sway (svegjan); eg in hay (heg to heavan), bewray (vregean, vre-
gan, Old-English bewrey, bewrie).
the ancient Anglosaxon ceg: clay (claeg), gray along with grey
(grseg, greg, grig), blay (blsege = gobio).
the Old-French ai, ei, oi: bay (bai = badius), bay (abaier =
aboyer), bay (baie), lay (lai = laicus), lay(lais, Cymric llais), ray
(rais, rai = radius), ray (raie, Latin raja), pay (paier, paer), jay
(gai, jai, geai) and gay (the same), stay = (steir esteir, ester =
stare), and =to prop (etayer), fay hence fairy, properly abstract
(fae, feie, fee, Dauphinic faye = fata), delay (delai from delaier),
decay (from caer, keir, cair, cheoir &c.), betray (from trai'r, trahir,
compare Old-Scotch betrais, Old-English betraised = deceived), mayor
(maire, maior, major); -- pray (preier, proier, prier), ray, array
(roi, rei, rai; arroi, arrei, arrai), display (from pi eier, ploier, plier),
allay and alloy (aloier, aleier to loi).
the Old-French ag in an unaccented syllable has become ay in
forray (forragier = piiler).
All not unfrequently interchanges with aw, to which it is equiv-
alent in pronunciation, compare auk ward and awkward, bauble
and bawble, waul and wawl, maukin, mawkin and malkin,
haulser, halser and hawser. They have, however, in part different
origins.
In Germanic words the accented syllable au principally represents,
although rarely, where it stands before gh, (Anglosaxon A) when
various primitive vowels occur:
The Anglosaxon ea: laugh (hleahhan, hlihhan), Old-English
still lihe, lighe (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER), laughter (hleahtor), in the
//. The Elements of the Word. - Origin of the Vowels and Diphthongs. — \ w. \\ 3
obsolete raught from reach (reahte, reaht along with rehte, reht),
straught from stretch (strehte, streht or streahte, streaht), see the
verb, ce: taught (tsehte, taeht); o: daughter (dohtor); 6: draught
(droht); av with the like effect: aught and naught along with ought,
nought (aviht, auht; naviht, nauh£).
au in Maudlin = Magdalen has arisen out of ag, compare
Old-English Maudeleyne; the obsolete dwaule points to the Anglo-
saxon dvoljan = errare, delirare.
A simple a gives au in haul alongside of hale (Old-norse hala,
Lowdutch halen, French haler).
The Old-French au is preserved mostly with the obscured sound
(a), as also the Latin and Greek au (see pronunciation): automn,
august, audience, auspice, Gaul (Gaule), sausage (saucisse),
gauge (Old-Wallon gauger, Modern-French jauger), jaundice (jau-
nisse), causey (chaussee), applaud &c. The forms al, aul, au are
partly rendered by au: hauberk (halberc, haubert &c.), auburn
(aubour = alburnum) also alburn; on the otherhand fault (falte,
faute), fawt (SKELTON), and commonly falcon, falchion (fauchon
from falx), vault (volte, voute, vaute), alnage an ellmeasure (from
alne, aune), also aulnage and auln = ell. For the Germanic balk
(Old-norse balkr) b auk and baulk are also sometimes written; maul
and mall answers to the Old-French maule, Latin malleus.
The Old-French a, especially before n, gives au with the sound
a (a): aunte (ante = amita), maunch and manche (manche),
launch (lancer, lanchier), paunch (pance, panche), vaunt (vanter),
avaunt! (avant), daunt (danter = domitare), staunch and stanch
(estancher), haunt (hanter), haunch (hanche), gauntlet (gantelet),
chaunt alongwith chant (chanter), en is sometimes made equal to
an: maund (mendier). The modern language gradually abandons
this au and restores a. The Old-English still frequently has au in-
stead of the Modern-English a in the accented and unaccented syl-
lable: dauncen (compare dauncing [RANDOLPH'S Poems 1643 p. 105]),
chaungen, graunten, straunge, geaunt (giant), braunched,
Launcelot, Flaundres, Chaunteclere, auncestrie; servaunt,
tyraunt, ordinaunce, vengeaunce, substaunce &c.
Anglosaxon words are seldom taken by it, as maund, basket,
(mand, mond), askaunt, askaunce along with askant, askance
(see the adverb). Dialectically this is more frequent.
Even a mere a sometimes gives au: gauze (gaze); the Old-
English oftener, as auvis (Lydgate): aumail (enamel) and others.
Aw appears in Germanic words mostly with the change of a
final g, A, v into w, and is rare in Romance words. It arises from:
The Anglosaxon ag: maw (maga), law (lagu, lag, lah), draw
along with drag (dragan), dawn (to dagan), saw (sage), gnaw (gna-
gan), haw, hawthorn (haga along with hag and hagaporn, hagporn);
awn bristle (Anglosaxon egl points to the Old-Highdutch ah, agana,
Swedish agn).
The Anglosaxon eg: awe, verb overawe (ege, verb egjan, Go-
thic agjan).
The Anglosaxon eah: saw (seah). Compare Mawmet, Old-
French Mahom, Mahommet.
Matzner , engl. Gr. T. 8
114 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Parti. Sect. 1.
»
The Anglosaxon av, edv, dv: thaw (pavan), straw (stray), claw
(clavu, contracted cla), awl (avul, al); raw (hreav) raw along with
rew (rav). Thus also arises launder from the French lavandiere.
Even/ and b are softened into w: hawk (hafuc), drawl (Old-
norse drafa, drafla, Danish drave, drsevle); crawfish also crayfish
answers to the crab fish, but may also stand under the influence
of the French ecrevisse, as it is dialectically called crevis in the North
of England. Chaw points to the Anglosaxon ceafl = faux, alongside
whereof geafl and geagl stand; now commonly jaw, which may
have become confounded with the Old-French joe, Modern-French
joue Scrawl stands alongside of scrabble, and crawl answers to
the Lowdutch krabbeln, krawweln = to creep, and alongside thereof
kraulen. Awk, awkward answers to the Old-Highdutch abuh =
perversus, Middle-Highdutch ebech, Gothic ibuks, Old-English aquarde
(SKELTON).
The Anglosaxon d, ed produce aw in: yawn (ganjan), along with
which j awn occurs, spawl (spatl, verb spatljan), gawk (geac, Old-
norse gaukr), compare Old-English goky = gawky. In general a
seems sometimes thus obscured, particularly before I: brawl (Low-
dutch brallen, Danish bralle), to bralle (SKELTON 1, 131.), Old-English
yawl = to yell (SPENSER) Old-norse gala = cantare, Anglosaxon ga-
lan), wrawl (Danish vraale), bawl (compare Lowdutch ballern =
to strike, so as to sound) Aw also takes the place of al: hawm,
haum, haulm, helm and ham e (Anglosaxon healm, halm), hawse
and halse, hawser and halser(hals, heals?); chawdron reminds
us of the Lowdutch kaldunen, Danish kallun = entrails. Compare
chawduen = chaldron, a sort of sauce, in Reliq. Antiq. I. p. 88,
Dialectically, for example in Shropshire, I is many times changed
into w. Aw before n has arisen from a in pawn (Old-norse pantr,
Old-French pan), tawny (to the French tan, compare the Medieval-
Latin tanare). In hawk, hawker a has likewise become aw (High-
dutch hokern, hoker, Lowdutch hakern, kak for instance lichthak &c.),
Paw (Cymric pawen, Old-French poe, poie), point to Celtic forms,
bawd = a pimp (Cymric bawlyd from baw = sluttish, filthy), lawn
(Cymric lawnt, lawnd, Amorican lann, French lande from the Ger-
manic land).
The Old-French eo gives occasionally aw: pawn along with peon
(peon, Modern-French pion, Latin pedo), fawn = young deer (feon,
faon) whence fawn = to bring forth a fawn (feoner, faoner), but
not in fawn to wheedle, to cherish (Anglosaxon fagenjan, fagnjan,
fahnjan = exultare).
In lawn the French linon is contracted.
0 in an accented syllable, variously tinged as a short or as a
long vowel, has a narrower range in Modern than in Old-English
(see a) where it not only frequently took the place of a, but also
till oftener took the place of the Modern-English oa, as in brode,
brod (broad), othe (oath) &c. Even now the language fluctuates
betwixt doate and dote, cloak and cloke, loath and loth and
some others. Where it appears at present instead of the Anglosaxon
eo, ed. eo, y, e was frequently substituted for it Old-English, as lesen,
//. The Elements of the Word.— Origin of the Vowels and Diphthongs.— O. 115
lese in the 16th century (JACK JUGLER p. 9, SKELTON 1. 131). (lose),
ches, chees (chose), shet (shot), clef, cleef (clove, cleft), hefe
(obsolete hove = heaved), werk (work), swerd (sword), werse
(worse) &c. Fluctuations betwixt o and u are not rare in Modern-
English: encomber and encumber, bombast and bumbast,
bombard and bumbard, clock and cluck; the Old-English often
substituted o for the present u (see u). In preterites in the Anglo-
saxon a the Old-English a has been preserved. The phonetic tinges
of o as English o, w, a and o were essentially fixed in the 17th cen-
tury.
The Anglosaxon o gives a short and a long, variously tinged o.
It appears short, like an English o, for instance in drop (dropjan,
drupjan), hop (hoppan), lot (hlot), shot (scoten), sod, sodden (so-
den), god (god), knot (cnotta), body (bodig), moth (mofrfre), oft,
often (oft), clock (cloccjan), lock (Substantive loc, verb lucjan,
locjan), ox (oxa), fox (fox), otter (otor), follow (folgjan), hollow
(hoi, Swedish holig), morrow (morgen, morn), borrow (borgjan);
as a lengthened o (a): for (for), storm (storm), horn (horn), thorn
(porn), bord (bord), organ (organ), horse (hors), bor n and borne
(boren), torn (toren), shorn (scoren) &c.; rarely as u: word (vord),
oven (of en); often as o: over (ofer), open (open), smoke substan-
tive smoca, verb smocjan), toll (toll), colt (colt), gold (gold), folk
(folc), stolen (stolen), broken (brocen).
The Anglosaxon u chiefly asw: some (sum), come (cuman, cvi-
man), ton (tunne), son (sunu), London (Lunden), honey (hunig),
love (lufjan), above (bufan), tongue (tunge), monk (munuc, mo-
nec), borough (buruh), worm (vurm, vyrm), wonder (vundor);
sometimes as a High dutch short u: gom (guma = homo), wolf (vulf);
rarely as an English 6: clock (clucge, bell).
The Anglosaxon eo, i, y, which in part relate to v-9 in part pass
into o (w), mostly after w, as an English u: work (veorc, verc),
wort (vyrt, virt = herba), worth (substantive veorfr, vyrfr, vurfr),
worse, worst (adjective vyrsa, vyrsest; adverb virs, vyrs; vyrst),
world (veorold, vorold, vorld, viaruld); — as a lengthened 6 (a)i
sword (sveord, svurd, svord). In woman i appears as a short u
(vifman, vimman, vimmann, vemmann), whose plural has preserved
a short i. The contraction wo' n't (wo'nt = will not), has a long o.
The Anglosaxon a (o, ea), which, especially before m and n was
exchanged for o even in Anglosaxon, has become o as an English u
or o, mostly before ng'} as u in among (amang), monger (mangere)r
also won (vann), quoth (cvadQ; as 6 in from (fram, from), long
(lang, long), wrong (vrang, vrong), song (sang, song), strong
(strang, strong), got (geat), trod (trad), poppy (papig, popig =
= papaver); as a lengthened 6 (a) before r: bore (bar), tore (tar)r
shore (scar); as a long o before Id: old (aid, eald), bold (baldr
beald, bold), fold (feald), told (tealde; teald), sold (sealde; seald),
hold (healdan), cold (ceald, cald), (Scotch and North-English auld,
bauld, cauld, hauld &c.), as in stole (stal), broke (brae) and clover
(clafer) ; before mb : in comb (camb, comb) ; on the other hand as u
in womb (vamb, vqmb). The Anglosaxon sva, sic; sva, ut, gives,
so; av (au) works in cole (cavl, caul, ceavel).
Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part L Sect. I.
The Anglosaxon 6 has remained long as o before r: ore (or, ora,
ore), whorr (horej; as u in do (don), else shortened into u: other
(ofrer, Gothic anpar), mother (modor), brother (brotfbr), month
(monad), mo n day (monandag), don (gedon), glove (glof); some-
times as o: rod (rod), soft (softe, sefte), blossom (blostma, blosma),
foster (fosterjan); as a short Highdutch u in bosom (bosum, bosm);
to, together with too, is the Anglosaxon to.
The Anglosaxon e6 is to be met with as o in moss (meos, Old-
norse mosi) and lengthened in the obsolete frory (freorig), with the
u sound in lose (leosan).
The Anglosaxon #, which else passes into oa has been often
changed into a long o: home (ham), only (anlic, aenlic), bone (ban),
drone (dran, drsen), stone (stan), whole (hal), holy (haleg), more,
most (mara, msera; msest), lore (lar), sore (Adjective sar, Adverb
sare), rope (rap), grope (grapjan), stroke (stracjan), spoke (spaca);
and the preterites with the Anglosaxon a which have been preserved;
drove, throve, wrote, smote, rode, strode, rose, abode (draf,
praf, vrat &c.); both (ba, Old-norse badir), ghost (gast, gsest); also
go (gangan, gan). A shortening into o takes place in one, none
(an, nan), .shone (scan), cloth and to clothe (clad, clafljan), hot
(hat) and the ancient wot (vat=scit); in the unaccented syllable:
wedlock (vedlac = pignus foederis); lengthened in wroth (vrafr—
iratus, alongside of vraed = ira). a appears as u under the influence
of a preceding w in two (tva); as an English d in lord (hlaford),
where ao seems to have produced the sound; not, with o, has been
shortened from nought, naught (ne-a-viht, nauht, noht, naht, nat).
Northern dialects, like the Scotch, often preserve a and therewith ai
(as if for oa): bane, haly, bainy (bony), hail (whole), mast,
maist (most) &c.
The Anglosaxon ed appears as a long o in the preterites : chose,
froze, clove along with cleft (ceas, freas, cleaf), formerly also in
crope (crept), rofe (reaf — fidit), shofe (sceaf=trusit); as o still
in sod (seao*") = seethed, and shot (sceat), in an unaccented syllable
also in hemlock (hemleac = cicuta).
The Anglosaxon u answers to the English w in dove (dufe, Old-
norse dufa), as well as in an unaccented syllable in Wilton (Vil-
tun), Northampton (NordThamtun) &c.
In Romance, as well as in later received Latin and Greek words,
o in an accented syllable commonly answers to an o, namely if we
recur to the Old-French for the words received from the French,
where a primitive o, u, au, eu mostly appears as o, along with u and
ow, whereas Modern -French discriminates o, ow, eu and au. The
quantity and accentual tinge of this English o depends, as with other
non-Germanic vowels, mostly upon influences foreign to the fundamental
forms.
The Old-French o (Modern-French o) appears as an English o
in: nombril, solemn, folly (compare folier, foloier), forest (the
same) astonish (estoner), honour (honor, hounour), orison (orei-
son, orison), opulent, offer (offeire, offrer, offrir), office, coffin
(conn), lozenger (losangier, losengeor); rarely w; covet (coveiter,
cuveitef), covin (covine, couvaine), money (moneie); lengthened as
//. The Elements of the Word. — Origin of the Vowels and Diphthongs. — O. 1 17
6 («): form (forme, fourme, furme), port, porch e, corse, corpse
(cors, corpse), morsel (morsel, morcel), pork (pore), sorcerer (sor-
cier) &c.; as 6: odour (odor, odour), glorious (glorios, glorious),
sole (sole = solea), sojourn (sojorner, sejorner) &c.; host (ost, host),
noble &c. Moreover o passes into ou.
The Old-French o along with u, ou (Modern-French ou) partly as an
English u: colour (color, -ur, -our), plover (verb plovoir, pluver,
plouvoir), govern (governer, guverner), cover, recover (covrir,
cuvrir, couvrir), covey (verb cover, cuver, couver), dozen (dozaine);
as an English o: forage (verb forrer, forragier, fourragier, fouragier),
novel (novel, nuvel), sovereign (soverain, suverain), bottle (botte,
boute, boutille), cost (coster, couster); lengthened in: torment (tor-
menter), fork (forche, forque, fourche, yet even the Anglosaxon fore);
as a long o: condole (doloir, douloir), overt, overture (overt,
ovrir), trover (to trover, truver), roll (roler, roeler, Modern -French
rouler), to which control (= contrerole, controle); as ii: in move,
prove, approve, improve, reprove (movoir, meuvre, mouvoir,
prover, pruver, prouver); the Old-English has here e and ee: meven,
meeven, preven, appreven &c., compare above ie. This o is
also found as u and ou in the English, as it fluctuates in French.
The Old-French o (Modern-French au) proceeding from a pri-
mitive au, av, as o: impoverish (povre), ostrich (ostruce, ostruche),
lengthened in restore (restorer); compare above cole, Anglosaxon
cavl, caul.
The Old-French o (Modern-French eu) rarely: poplar (poplier
= peuplier).
Other vowels lie at the root in some words, as the Modern-
French eui, oui before 7: foliage (feuillage), patrol; o arises from
e in dolphin, Old-English delfyn (perhaps under the influence of
the French dauphin) ; from a in pope (yet also the Anglosaxon pap-
dom); comrade (camarade), coffee (cafe), corporal (caporal) and
many others.
In the unaccented syllable Romance prefixes in o commonly are
preserved; the syllables after the accent in Germanic and other words
have frequently developed themselves out of other vowels. Thus an
Anglosaxon e before m and n, especially, has frequently passed into
o: fathom (faftem), iron (iren), beacon (beacen, beacn), waggon
(vagen, vagn), acorn (acern, acirn); as this o is readily inserted
before nasals: reckon (recnan), Old-English recken (see Amplification
of the Word); on the change of the Anglosaxon #, ed, u in o see
above, u in bullock (bulluca) &c.; 6: kingdom (cyningdorn) &c.
In Romance words besides o (u, ou) also oi (ei, e) are represented
as o: manor (manoir, -eir, -er), otherwise even the Old-French or
along with oir: razor (rasor, rasoir), mirror (mireor). The termi-
nations or and our stand alongside of each other in Modern-English,
compare emperor (empereor, empereour) see ou. Or (ior) frequently
proceeds from er (ier) through assimilation, on account of the mean-
ing, for instance in warrior (guerrier), bachelor (bacheler, bache-
lier), even visor (visiere); both are mingled even in Old-French,
compare counsellor (conseiller and conseilleor). on is also found
118 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I.
instead of en: surgeon (surgien), ebon, ebony (ebene); in cushion
the French coussin appears, Old-English quishin (CHAUCER).
Oo, represented in Old-English also by o: son e = soon, so the
= sooth, rote = root, toke, tok = took, skoke, shok = shook &c.,
serves in Anglosaxon words especially to represent the Anglosaxon 6.
Thus we still find behoof, behoove and along therewith behove
in Modern-English (behof, behof j an).
The pronunciation as w, which is shortened in some cases, was
universally acknowledged in the 17th century. As oo in Old-English
interchanges also with oa as well as with o, it seems to have long
preserved the o-sound.
The Anglosaxon o, even where not answering to the Old-High-
dutch wo, appears as a long u: too (to), broom (brom = bram),
gloom (glom), doom (dom), moon (mona = mana), noon (non, Latin
nona), pool (pol), moor (mor), hoop (hop), hoof(hof), root (rot),
mood (mod), food (foda), tooth (too*"); sometimes as a short u:
look (locjan), hook (hoc) and others in k; as in foot (fot) and soot
(sot), wood (vod) = mad, good (god), hood (hod); and as the
English u in blood (blod) and flood (flod). Before r a lengthened
6 arises in floor (nor).
The Anglosaxon u becomes u in room (rum), compare also
booty Old-norse byti, Middle-Highdutch buten; a short win: brook
= endure, bear (brucan = uti, frui).
The Anglosaxon o and u appear as a long u in soon (sona, suua),
swoon (asvunan = animo deficere, a suspicious form, however), stoop
(stupjan), as a short u: cook (coc, Latin coquus), wood (vudu =
vidu), wool (vull); as a lengthened o in door (dur, dor, dyr).
The Anglosaxon eo appears as oo = u in choose (ceosan) and
shoot (sceotan), Old-English chesen, cheten, Lowdutch kesen, sche-
ten, whereas other eo now pass into ea and ee: cleave (cleofan,
clufan), freeze (freosan), seethe (seodan).
The Anglosaxon ed, e answer to oo in loose (Adjective leas to
the verb lesan, lysan), smooth (smedfe and smoe^e, Cymric mwydh,
alongside of smsede = laevis, mollis).
Dialectically (in the Isle of Thanet) wo or and wore are found,
Scotch and North-English wair, ware, Anglosaxon var.
Old-French o, u (Modern-French o, ou, au, eu) sometimes also
gives a long oo: boot (to the Old-French botte, boute), fool (fol,
fous, yet the Old-norse fol), troop (trope, trupe), poop (Modern-
French poupe), proof (prove, Modern-French preuve, compare Anglo-
saxon profjan), poor (povre, poure, povere, Modern-French pauvre),
Old-English poore and povere alongside of each other (PiERS PLOUGHM.
p. 216).
In modern words the termination on is often changed into an
accented oon: monsoon, poltroon, pantaloon, cartoon, gal-
loon, saloon, spontoon and many more (monson. monpon, pol-
tron, pantalon, carton, galon, salon, esponton).
In an unaccented syllable the Anglosaxon d has become oo, but
shortened into u in the Anglosaxon syllable had = Highdutch heit,
as in childhood (cildhad), priesthood (preosthad) &c. Sometimes
head is found alongside of it in Modern-English: godhead. The
II. The Elements of the Word. — Origin of the Vowels and Diphth. Oe, Oi. 1 19
Old-English hadhode: manhode, presthode (MAUNDEV.) along with
hede: falshede, manhede and the like. In cuckoo the French
coucou, Latin cuculus and cuculus is represented; Old-English cuckow.
Oe proceeds from the Anglosaxon #, mostly with a primitive v
and h after it; e is to be regarded as a sign of the lengthening of
the final vowel, long wanting in Old-English (mo, wo, fo &c.), as
even now the ancient mo and woful are usually written. In Old-
English also we sometimes find a preserved, as in the Scotch /#, ra
&c.; Modern-English moe, mo (ma, mare), roe (rah, ra), foe (fah,
fa), woe (va = vava), toe (tab, ta), mistletoe (mistelta), doe (da),
sloe (slahe, sla).
The word throe = pain, agony, points to ed (prea instead of
preav to preovan = agonizare) and thus hoe may belong to heav
(from heavan), which certainly occurs only in an abstract signification
(ictus). In sense it answers to the Old-Highdutch houwa, French
houe. Compare o, arising from ed.
oe answers in shoe to the Anglosaxon 6 (scoh, sco, sceo, Low-
dutch schau) and sounds with a long u\ Old-English sho, in the Plural
shoon, shon as to, toon, ton.
The unaccented oe in felloe (felg, felge), a collateral forni from
felly, is equal to forms in ow, which interchange with y (see ow).
Oi, oy answer to Romance forms, the former only in the middle
of words, in the accented syllable as 6i diphthong. In the 17th cen-
tury some words were pronounced with w, as oil, toil (uyl, tiiyl).
Oi in an accented syllable rests essentially on the Old-French
o£, ui} (Modern-French oi, tw, oui, eui): join (joindre, juindre), es-
soin (essoigne, essoine), point (the same), oil (oil, oille, ole,
Modern-French huile), moil (moillier, muiller), boil (boillir; buillir,
bolir), broil, embroil (to the Old-French broil, bruil, Medieval-
Latin brogilus, broilus, Modern-French brouiller), spoil, despoil
(despoiller), soil (soillier, compare Anglosaxon syljan) and soil (soil,
Modern-French sol), [here belong also in unaccented syllables tre-
foil, cinque- foil (foille, fueille)], foible (foible, Modern-French
faible), coif (coiffe, coeffe), void (void, vuit, Modern-French vide),
avoid (voidier, vuidier), choice (chois), voice (vois), cloister
(cloistre). The verb toil, Old-norse toylen, seems to be a collateral
form of till (Anglosaxon tiljan, teoljan), Old-English tulien, Hol-
landish teulen, tuylen.
The Old-French 0*7, often also oig (before n), operates like oi:
loin (logne = lumbea, Modern-French Ion ge), r o in (rogner); compare
the Old-English Boloine, Coloine &c.
The Old-French o and u give o?' in broider (broder); foil points
to afoler == maltraiter, blesser; foiling, French foulees; foist (fuste)
recoil (reculer). Choir is the French choenr.
doit is the Hollandish duyt.
Many forms are unclear; hoist answers to the Highdutch hissen,
French hisser; foist the Highdutch fiesten, whence foisty, musty,
not to mention others.
In the unaccented final syllable oi in tortoise points to a French
form, which would have corresponded to the Provencal tortesa (from
120 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. I.
the Latin tortus); porpoise is porcus piscis, which the spelling
porpess indicates more precisely.
Oy, initial as well as final, coincides completely with oi in its
origin.
The Old-French oi, ui gives oy: annoy (anoi, anui, verb anoier,
anuier), joy, enjoy (joi'r, Substantive joie, goie) also joyous (joios,
joious), coy (coi, coit = quietus), decoy (probably belongs to coy,
as a verb in SHAKSPEARE, Old-English coyen, but is confounded
with dechoivre, deceveir), alloy (aloier), oyster (oistre, Modern-
French huitre), destroy (destruire), Old-English destruien, voyage
(voiage), roytelet (roitelet).
Old-French o (ow): cloy (cloer, clouer from the Latin clavus).
Here is unclearness; hoy, a sort of boat, answers to the High-
dutch heu; toy to the Hollandish tooi, tooijen; boy seems connected
with the Highdutch Bube.
In Old-English oy is always written instead of oi.
Oa with the sound of the long o, frequently denoted in Old-
English by a simple o (othe, brode also brod, rosten), often by
oo (boor = boar, boot = boat, looth = loath, loone = loan, loof
= loaf), in Scottish and North-English rendered also by a, ai (fame
= foam, grane = groan, tadde = toad, also faim, faem, grain) prin-
cipally serves as a substitute for the Anglosaxon a in Modern-English.
In the 17th century John Wallis in his Grammar declares oa to be
a simple sound: loam (lam = luturn), foam (fam), groan (granjan),
oar (ar), roar (rarjan), boar (bar), hoar (har), soap (sape), loaf
(hlaf), boat (bat), goat (gat), road, inroad (rad = iter equestre),
woad (vad = aluta), toad (tadje, tadige), goad (gad = stimulus),
oath (afr), loath (lafr), cloath (clafr), hoarse (has), oak (ac); as
a in broad (brad); Anglosaxon ce is represented by it in moan
(msenan) alongside of mean, Old-English still bemenen = bemoan.
oa is seldom employed as the substitute for a short vowel, as
for the Anglosaxon a in load (hladan); and more frequently the
Anglosaxon o: foal, else also fole (fola), throat (prote), coal (col),
hoard (hord = thesaurus), roach (Danish rokke) alongside of ray,
float (flotjan); boast may belong to the Lowdutch b o s t = breast,
sik bosten, to throw oneself on the breast.
A Romance o is likewise represented by oa: roam (romier, ro-
mieu = Italian romero. a pilgrim), soar (essorer, Provencal eisaurar),
do at and dote (redoter, Hollandish doten), coat (cote, cotte), coast
(coste), roast (rostir or immediately to the Old-Highdutch rostjan),
toast (properly to broil from the Latin tostus; the French tester, is
derived from the English), poach (pocher, empocher), coach (coche),
broch (broche), approach (aprochier), reproach (reprochier), ac-
croach (accrocher), board = to accost (aborder).
oa comes from oua in roan (rouan). The English road answers
to the French rade, but perhaps belongs to the Ansflosaxon rad,
which may lie at its root; compare hranrad = balaenae via =
oceanus.
Ou and OW are equal to one another in their phonetic relations,
representing the Highdutch au and u. The 17th century ascribes
//. The Elements of the Word. — Origin of the Vowels and Diphth. — Ota. 1;21
both sounds equally to them. The Old-English interchanges with
both, especially where the diphthong au appears, in the middle of a
word: thow, owre, dowghty, thowsande &c. instead of thou &c.
and reversely: toun, doun, broun, croun, goun, toure, shoure,
foul &c. instead of town &c. tower &c, fowl, and even outside
of this phonetic tinge, both are found frequently interchanged. In
Modern-English ou is found more altered in its phonetic tinge and
quantity than ow.
Our arises from the Anglosaxon u and u in a more limited mea-
sure, as well as out of several other vowels, under the influence of
a subsequent guttural.
The Anglosaxon u gives ou (as in other cases, especially in the
end of a word and before liquid and nasal letters ow) as au: thou
(pu or pu), foul (ful), our (user, ure), out (ut), grout (grut),
clout (clutjan = consuere), proud (prut), mouth (mucT), south (sufr),
shroud (scrud), mouse (mus), house (Ms), touse (Lowdutch tu-
sen), thousand (pusend).
Anglosaxon u as tm before nd: pound (pund), sound (sund),
hound (hund), ground (grund); with a primitive y: pound (pyn-
dan) and in the preterites and participles : bo und (bundon-bunden),
found, ground, wound (Old-English often o instead of ow), whereas
wound (vundjan, vulnerare) commonly preserves the long u instead
of au\ as o before Id: shoulder (sculdor), Old-English shulder; and
Anglosaxon o (y) mould (molde, myl, Gothic mulda); yet as a short
u in: would (volde), should (scolde), Old-English wolde, sholde,
shulde, to which could (cufre), has been assimilated, Old-English
coude.
The Anglosaxon 6, o, ed, ea, d (also dv\ u before gutturals are
represented in Modern-English as ow, yet with various colour of sound
and quantity: as along d: sought, besought (sohte, soht), bought
(bohte, boht), brought (brohte, broht), wrought (vrohte, vroht in-
stead of vorhte, vorht), fought (feaht, fohten), thought (peahte,
peaht and pohte, poht) [along with such forms as bro3te, wroght, thoght,
taghte are found here even early in Old -English those with ow],
ought along with aught, nou ght (aviht, auht; naviht, nauht); as a
short d (o): trough (troh, trog), hough (hoh, ho), cough (com-
pare ceahhettan = cachinnari), the obsolete preterite lough (hloh =
laughed) and lough (iuh, compare Celtic loch), chough (compare
the Old-Highdutch couch, gawk), shough = shaggy dog (to the Old-
norse skegg); as au: bough (boh?), plough (Old-norse plogr),
doughty (dyhtig to dugufr), drought (drugadT, drugofr) often in
Old-English ow\ as a long o: dough (dah, dag), though (peah);
as an English u: enough (genoh), Old-English ynogh, enow; rough
(ruh, rug, ruv), tough (ton), slough (slog); as a long u: through
(purh), Old-English thurgh, thorghe.
Some words with a primitive ed are of a particular kind, as o:
four, fourth (feover, feorfra); as u: you (eov), your (cover); as u:
young (geong, Jung), youngster, younker, Old-English yong;
with dv as o: soul (savel, saul); and 6 as u: ousel, ouzel (osle,
Old-Highdutch amisala).
122 Doctrine of the Word — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. L
In Romance words the o, u, ou, occurring beside each other in
the same verbal forms in Old-French, mostly resting upon a Latin
o and u, are represented in an accented syllable before consonants,
by cm, and pronounced partly as the diphthong au, partly as a long
o, partly as a short English u. The pronunciation as a long u points
frequently to words of later reception, spelt in Modern-French with ou.
The Old-French o, u, ou appears as ou with the sound au, par-
ticularly before the nasal n, either primitive or arising from m : noun
(nom, num., noun), mount (monter, munter; Substantive mont, munt,
compare Anglosaxon munt and mont), count, account (conter, cun-
ter), count (conte, cunte, cuens = comes), counter- (contre, cuntre,
conter, cunter), fount, fountain (font, funt; fontaine, funtaine),
round (roond, round, reond), found (fonder), profound (profond,
parfunt), confound (confondre, confundre), abound (abonder),
redound (redonder), compound (com-pondre?), ounce (once, Ita-
lian lonza = lynx), ounce (once, compare the Anglosaxon ynce,
yndse), pounce (ponce = pumex), frounce (froncer, fruncher), an-
nounce, renounce, pronounce, denounce (noncer, mincer),
counsel (consoil, consel), lounge (compare longin, longis, a loiterer,
Old-French alonger; is it to be compared with the Lowdutch lun-
gern?). Before other consonants we more rarely find the diphthong,
as in hour (hore, houre, ore, cure), flour along with flower (flor,
flur, flour, fleur), pouch (poche, yet pocket immediately from the Anglo-
saxon poca, pocca, poha, whence the French poche), avouch (vocher,
vochier = vocare), espouse, espousal, spouse, spousage (espos,
espous; esposer, espuser, espousaige), oust (oster), devout (devot,
compare voer, vouer), doubt (dote, dute with b inserted again) gout
(goutte); also stout (Anglosaxon stolt) points to the Old-French form
estout, estot.
Words with the o-sound before / and r are not frequent, as
poultry (compare Modern-French poulet), Old-English pultry, coulter
and colter (compare coltel, cultel, coutel), court (cort, curt, cour)
and others. On the otherhand the w-sound has often been developed:
nourish (norir, norrir, nurir), courage (corage, enrage, courage),
scourge (escourgee, Italian scuriada), journey (jornee, jurnee),
countrey (contreie, cuntree), couple (cople) &c ; likewise u: in
soup (sope, soupe, supe, compare English sup), goujeers (gouge?)
and many words easily recognizable. See the pronunciation.
rln the unaccented syllable ou seldom, except in compounds, such
as Exmouth, goes back to Anglosaxon forms; thorough is the
Anglosaxon puruh, purh, Old-English thorowe, still in Skelton thorow;
borough Anglosaxon buruh, burh, bury. Compare under ow. In
Romance words a French ou is retained, especially in modern words
before the accented syllable, as in rouleau &c. The frequent termi-
nation ous, as in precious, vigorous, vicious, answers to the
Old-French os, us, eus, ous (precios, -us, -eus, -ous; vigoros, vitios &c.).
The termination our at present frequently exchanged for or, has in
Old-French the forms or, ur, our, eur alongside of each other: va-
lour (valor, -ur, -our &c.). The Old-English has the termination
our not only in abstract nouns, but also in names of persons, such
as traytour, conquerour &c. The Norman forms are here us and
11. The Elements of the Word. Origin of the Vowels and Diphth. — Ow. 123
wr, whereas eus, ous and our mostly belong to the Picard forms.
The Old-English language also frequently makes use of the broader
analogously formed termination ioun instead of ion (regioun, descrip-
tioun &c.), no longer known to Modern-English. Moreover, even in
Old-English the forms in o, w, ou run parallel with each other; com-
pare marvelose (TOWNELEY MYSTER. p. 1.), rnervelws, gracyows
(ib. p. 20.).
In derivative forms o is very frequently found in an unaccented
syllable instead of ow, as vigour — vigorous; this rests partly
upon the French process, where, with the advanced accent (vigowr,
— vigorous) the vowel was wont to be reduced. Yet in English the
mixture of forms going back immediately to the Latin contributes
even more, as is also partly the case in Modern -French. Com-
pare, for instance, colour, colourable, but colorate.
Ow is substituted in the accented syllable for the Anglosaxon u
with the sound of aw, and mostly at the end of a word or of a syl-
lable, although appearing also before n and /, and, occasionally before
other consonants: now (nu or nu?), bow (beogan, bugan), cow (cu),
how (hu),., bower (bur), shower (scur), brow (breav, brsev, breg,
but also ofer-brug), brown (brun), town (tun), down (dun and
adune = deorsum alongside of dunveard), down (Old-norse dun, Low-
dutch dun), lowt and lout (lutan = inclinari), generally a Lowdutch
u (Modern - Highdutch au also eu): howl (Lowdutch hulen, hiilen
Old-norse yla, ylfa, Old-Highdutch hiwilon, Modern-Highdutch heu-
len), cower, lower (Lowdutch luren), drowse (Lowdutch drusen,
whence drusseln, Anglosaxon drusan or drusjan = cadere?), scowl
(Lowdutch schulen to the Anglosaxon sceolh, scyl = strabo).
A short u under the influence of a following g gives ow = au:
sow (sugu, sug, or sug?), fowl (fugol), cowl (cugle, cuhle = cu-
culla).
Out of the Anglosaxon eo arises the diphthong au in crowd
(from creodan = premi). Jn tower (torr) the influence of the Old-
French tor, tur, tour seems also to have made itself felt.
The Anglosaxon dv gives ow with the sound of the long o: row
(rav = series), mow (mavan), blow (blavan), sow (savan), snow
(snavan), throw (pravan), know (knavan), crow (cravan), North-
English low, a hill, (hlaev, hlav); dv operates in like manner: row
(rovan = remigare), low (hlovan = mugire), blow (bio van), flow
(flovan), glow (glovan), grow (grovan); blow a stroke belongs to
bleovan — ferire, like trow = treovjan, truvjan. Even av is thus
represented: slow (slav, sleav), tow (tav, tov), show along with shew
(scavjan, sceavjan, scevjan, compare sceavu, sceav = scena, substantive
show. The Scotch and North-English dialects have here knaw,
snaw, blaw &c.
The Anglosaxon dg, ag, og, eog likewise sometimes pass over
into ow as o; own (agen), Old-English awen, auen, augnene, the
obsolete mo we (magan, whence the English may), bow (boga =
arcus), rainbow (renboga), tow (to toh = tractus), whence towage,
French touer, touage; and even low (lege, lyge = flamma) belongs
here; low, in Skelton's time lawe, else even earlier lowe, answers
124 Doctrine of the Word. - Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. 1.
to the Old-norse lagr. Compare also enow (genog), along with
enough.
The Old-French o, w, ow, analogously to the Anglosaxon w, trans-
formed into ow as the diphthong aw, when a word or a syllable ends
therewith, sometimes also before n and /: vow (vo, vu, vou, veu),
avow (avoer, avouer), allow (allouer), endow (doer, douer), dower,
dowery (doaire, douaire), prow = valiant (prod, prud, prou, preu,
pros, Modern -French preux), prowess (proece, proesce), power
(pooir, povoir, poueir), coward (coard, cuard, couart) to which cow
= to depress with fear, and co wish = fearful (SHAKSPEARE) belong;
flower (see above flour), rowel (roele, rouele), towel (toaille, tou-
aillej, bowels (boele, buele, boiaus, Latin botellus), with which we
must compare vowel (voyelle), trowel (truelle, Latin trulla,
truella), powder (poldre, puldre, poudre), trowsers (to the verb
torser, trosser, trusser, Modern-French substantive trousses); howitzer,
howitz, also ho bit, French obus, descends from the Dutch haubitze,
like frow. Ow stands before a final n and / in gown (gone, gune,
yet also the Cymric gwn, Diminative gynyn, gynan), crown (corone
like the Middle-Highdutch krone), renown (nom, num, nun, noune
— renom), on the other hand noun, compare Old-English renoun;
frown (re-frogner); cowl, seems to refer to cuvel, Modern-French
cuveau; h owlet answers to the French hulotte, compare the Old-
High dutch huwo; hiuwila. On the other hand ow sounds like 6 in
prow = prora (Modern- French proue) and bowl (boule).
In an unaccented syllable the termination ow (as a) appears
very often in Anglosaxon words; the w here is to be regarded as
the substitute for a primitive w, #, and g, even in the termination
ig, which sprang from j, in which case o enters without regard to
the conservation or the rejection of the primitive vowel in the Anglo-
saxoii word, whereas the Old-English has here e or no vowel at all:
widewe, falewe, harewe, harewen &c and narwe, yelwe,
holwe, pilwe, sorwe, herberwe &c. Modern-English: meadow
(meadu, -eves), shadow (scadu, -ves, verb scadvjan), harrow (hereve,
hyrve , swallow (svaleve, svealve), widow (viduve), farrow and
far (fearh), furrow (furh), billow (Old-norse bylgia, Danish bolge),
follow (folgjan), harrow (herjan, hergjan), willow (vilig, velig),
sallow (salig). Ow and y are often interchanged in Modern-English,
as in the Adjective termination holy and hallow (halig, Old-English
haligh, halegh, Plural halewes) and otherwise; felly and even fel-
loe substituted for felg, felge; bellow and belly come from belg,
belig = bulga, yet the Old-norse belgr = follis, bulga = venter; colly
and collow signify soot; and popularly we hear berry pronounced
instead of barrow, (Anglosaxon bearu, -ves = nemus?). Ow also
interchanges with oug\ see above. Window points to the Old-norse
windauga. For fellow, Old-English fellaw, the Anglosaxon form
felav is cited.
U, in general represents the sound of a short w and of the diph-
thong zw, in Germanic words, however, the former; in Romance, Latin-
greek and others, the latter in an open syllable, as well as where
a mute e follows the final consonant. Many o also appear in the
present language as a short English u\ Old-English often employed
o in the place of the short w, both in Germanic and Romance words,
II. The Elements of the Word — Origin of the Vowels and Diphthongs. — U. 1 25
of which the latter mostly contain o, along with u, ou. Compare
thomb, dombe (dumb), gomme (gum), gonne (gun), doke (duck),
walnote, moche (much), sotel (subtle), sodeinly, bokeler (buck-
ler) &c.
The Anglosaxon u remains u as an English u in a syllable closed
by a consonant: sun (sunne), stun (stunjan), spur (spura, spora),
up (upp), cup (cupp, also copp), dub (dub ban), gut (guttas), thumb
(puma), dumb (the same), hunt (huntjan), sprung (sprungen),
swung (svungen), drunk (druncen), stunk (stuncen), turf (turf),
curse (cursjan, corsjan), dust (the same), tusk (tusc, tux), under
(the same), sunder (sunderjan), thunder (punor); summer (sumor),
furrow (furh); in some, words the sound has been preserved as a
short Highdutch u, especially before I: pull (pulljan), bullock (bul-
luca), full (full).
"Where the Anglosaxon y is at the basis, the Old-English has
also i (y) and e: murder (myrftrjan), murk (myrc), bury (byrigan,
byrgean = sepelire), burden (byr6*en), busy (bysig, biseg), butt
(bytt), thrush (prysce), shut (scyttan), shrub (scrybe), stubbe
(stybb), stunt (styntan), church (cyrice), churl, churly, churlish
(ceorl, ceorllic, cyrlic) and others; Old-English: mirk, stib borne
(stubborn), chirche &c.; besy, shetten, stenten, cherche,
cherl &c.; so too the Old-Scotch, and even in the Modern-English
mickle alongside of much (micel, mycel, mucel); busy still has i
in pronunciation, bury e at least.
The Anglosaxon u and y often represent themselves as u: ud-
der (uder, udr), plum (plume), shun (scunjau, sceonjan), utmost
(utemest, ytemest), husband (husbonda), Old -English housbonde,
husbonde, bulk (Old-norse bulki), blush (blysjan, Old-Highdutch
blusigon) with an unusual transmutation of s into sh.
The Anglosaxon eo answers to u in Ludlow (Leodhlav; hlsev,
hlav== agger), rud (reod), alongside of red, Anglosaxon read.
More rarely other Anglosaxon vowels pass into u, as 6 in rud-
der (roofer = remus), gum (goma), or o, e, e under the influence of
a following r: murder (morfrur), burst, burst en (berstan, borsten),
where the form of the preterite burst (burston) may exercise in-
fluence, churn (cernan) see below; ed in shuttle (sceatel).
Other forms, as gust (gist), rush (hriscjan = vibrare?) go back
to a primitive u, Old-norse gustr = procella, hrysc = irruptio, Gothic
hruskan; the present run (rinnan) has been assimilated to the pre-
terite (ran, runnon; runnen). The words dull, such (dval, dvol,
dol and svilc, svylc) Old-English swiche have softened v into u;
compare the Old-norse subst. dul, dulr.
Huge appears with u (iu) diphthong. It seems to belong to
hyge = mens, hygjan, compare the Old-norse hugadr = audax; the
older English has here a short u: the hudge olifaunt (SKELTON I.
365). Also truth has a long u as belonging to true (treovtTo, tryvo**),
Old-English also trouthe.
The Old-French o, w, ou frequently passes in a close syllable
into ii, where it appears as a Modern-French o: sum, summit (som,
sum; somme, sume), plummet (plom, plum; plommee), number
(nombre, numbre), umbrage (ombrage, umbraige), encumber (en-
126 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I.
combrer, encumbrer), pump (pompe, Spanish and Portugese bomba,
puinp), trumpet and trump (trompette, yet the Old-Highdutch
trumpa), tunny (thon, Latin thynnus), fund (fond, fund), plunge
(to plom, plum, Modern-French plonger), dungeon alongside of don-
jon (donjon, dungun, doignon, Medieval-Latin don gio, Irish daingean,
fastening), trunk (tronc), juggle (jogler, jugler = joculari), brush
(broce, broche, brosse), Tuscan (Toscan), truck (troquer, Spanish
substantive trueco), mostly pointing to a primitive u.
The Old-French o, w, ow, Modern-French ou: fur (Substantive
forre, foure, fuerre, verb forrer, fourrer), incur (corre, curre, courre),
furnace (for, Modern-French fournaise), furnish, furniture (for-
nir, furnir, prov. also formir, fromir to the Old-Highdutch frumjan),
purple (porpre, pourpre), furbish (forbir, furbir to the Old-High-
dutch fur ban, furbjan), curve (corber, curver), curt (cort, curt, court,
Latin curtus, Old-Highdutch churz), curtain (cortine, curtine, cour-
tine), purse (borse, bourse), nurse, nurture (norir, nurir, noriture;
noreture), supper (soper, super, souper), glut, glutton (gloz, glos,
glous, gloton &c.), mutton (molton, mouton, muton, Medieval-Latin
multo), truss (trosser, trusser), mustard (moutarde from the Latin
mustum), mustache (moustache), musket (moschete, mouskete),
budge = to stir (bouger), budget (bogette, bougette belonging to
bulga = valise), buckler (bocler, bucler, bouclier). Some of these
words likewise mostly pointing to a primitive u have the full short
w-sound: pulley (poulie, although belonging to the Anglosaxon pull-
jan), pullet (poulet), push (pousser, Spanish puxar), butcher (bou-
cher to boch, bouc, Cymric bwch); pudding (boudin? Cymric pwding
and potten).
The Old-French o, u, ou, Modern-French eu: demur (demorer,
demurer, demourer).
A short u has sometimes arisen from w, oi, although even these
occasionally present collateral forms in u in Old-French: cull (cuillir,
coillir, cueillir), crush (croissir, cruisir, Medieval-Latin cruscire),
usher (huissier, also ussier), frush = to crush (froisser, fruisser),
punter (pointeur, Old-French point, puint), punch, puncheon
(poincon), bushel [sounding with u] (boisseau, Medieval-Latin bustel-
lus). Compare Usk, a borough in Brecknockshire (Old-Cymric Uisc,
Wysc, Latin Isca); also in some measure Dutch (Duitsch).
u appears to have sprung from i in umpire, properly an odd,
third person (impair, since in PIERS PLOUGHMAN nounpere occurs
instead of it p. 97), compare succory (chicoree, Latin cichorium);
likewise out of e in summons (semonse) and in urchin (herisson
= erinaceus), urchone in Palgrave, on account of the following r,
as in turpentine (terebenthina), burgamot along side of berga-
mot, and in Old-England lurne instead of learn, urthe instead of
earth, see HALLIWELL s. v. and others. Compare above u before r
in Anglosaxon words. Moreover hirchen occurs instead of urchin.
The diphthong iu appears in the open syllable or that lengthened
by a mute e, mostly in Romance words and others out of a primitive
u not effaced by the intermediate language ; the i which sounds before
it in English is only encumbered by preceding liquid letters: fume
(fum), mule(mul, mule), pure (pur), dupe, mute (mut, mu), rude,
II. The Elements of the Word.- Origin of the Vowels and Diphth. Ui, Ue. 127
use (us, verb user), muse (muser), duke (due, duch); plume,
prude, truant (truant, truander, Cymric tru, truan, Medieval-Latin
trutanus, -danus, -anus).
Out of eu, with rejection of the e arise sure (segur, seiir, Mo-
dern-French sur), rule (reule, riule, riegle, compare Anglosaxon re-
gol, regul, reogol); a diphthong u also answers to the Old-French o,
u, cm, Modern-French eu, in fuel (fu, fou, feu), bury is the Modern-
French beurre; like oi, Modern-French eu, in lure, allure (loire,
loirre, Modern-French leurre; loirer, Modern-French leurrer, Middle-
Highdutch luoder); ue, ui in puny (pues, puis-ne); it is equivalent
to the French iau in pule (piauler, Italian pigolare). Prune = to
lop, Old-English proine, also proigne, points to the French provigner,
to propagate.
In an unaccented syllable no peculiarities take place, except
that in the final syllable of the words inorganic w's have sometimes
crowded in, as in leisure (loisir, leisir), Old -English also leyser,
pleasure (plaisir, plasir, plesir); the Old-English often interchanges
in the unaccented syllable with e, y, u like even the Anglosaxon,
especially before the r, compare the Old-English other and othur.
On the shortening of the sound in pronunciation see above.
Tie shews itself with the sound of u diphthong, which is only
prejudiced after liquid letters; e appears in oe as a sign of production
at the end of a syllable. In Old-English we find ew, ewe instead of
ue: trew, rew, sew (compare ensue): trewe, sewe; thus even
now clew and clue &c. are found alongside of each other. See above.
The Anglosaxon eov, eov and iv give ue: rue = sorrow (hreov,
verb hreovan), true (treove), hue (heov, hiv), blue (bleoh, bleov,
bleo, blio), Tuesday (Tivesdag), Old-English Tiseday.
The Old-Freuch ev, iv likewise: ensue, pursue (the simple
verb sew in Old-English = sevre, sivre &c.); but also u and ue: glue
(gluz, glut), due (du, Modern-French du), rue (rue, on the other
hand Anglosaxon rude), oe, eu: cue (coe, qeue, queue); ui: subdue
(sosduire, souduire) with resumption of the Latin form of the prefix.
In unaccented syllables of Romance words ue often stands, where
originally u or ue lies at the root: rescue verb and substantive
(rescorre, rescurre, rescoure), alongside of which as a substantive
rescous (rescosse, -usse, -ousse) occurs; a;gue, feber (agu, ague,
Medieval-Latin acuta), tissue (tissu), issue (issue, oissue), detinue,
retinue (de-, retenu), value (value); argue, construe (arguer,
construire) may lean immediately on the Latin; venue, also veney
= Italian stoccata, comes from the French venue, on the other hand
venue, alongside of visne, is mutilated from visnet, visnes, along-
side of veisinitet, veisinte, belonging to voisin, veisin.
Ui, uy sometimes stand to denote a vowel sound, in which case
one or the other vowel may be regarded as mute. The pronunciation
of ui as a diphthongal or at least as a long u is old. Gower rhymes
deduit with frute (HALLIWELL s. v. deduit).
No Anglosaxon word has ui as a long u (m), except bruise
(brysan = conterere) ; on the other hand many Romance ones, in
which it either rests upon ui, iu, as in suit (suite, siute, seute),
128 Doctrine of the Word. - Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I.
pursuit, nuisance (noisance, nuisance), fruit, cruise (belonging
to crois, cruiz, cruix), or to u: juice (jus), recruit (recruter), sluice
(escluse, Hollandish sluis, Middle-Hi ghdutch sliuze, Medieval-Latin
exclusa).
Apart from the shortening of ui to i in unaccented syllables
(see pronunciation) ui appears as i in build, Old-English bilden,
belden, dialectically in North-England beeld, beldynge (SKELTON 1.
385), compare the Hollandish beelden; the Anglosaxon is bilifre =
imago; u has been subsequently inserted.
uy diphthong as ei in buy (Anglosaxon bycgan), Old-English
buggen, byen and bien, Old-Scoth by, the compound aby even in
Shakspeare (abycgan = redimere).
The cases wherein in Anglosaxon and Romance words ui is
hardened into vi in pronunciation, rest either, after Gutturals, on an
Anglosaxon w, as quick (cvic); as ve as ue appears in quell (cvel-
jan), va as ua &c. quake (cvacjan) and others; or upon ui in Ro-
mance, Latin and other words (as ue upon ue, ua upon ua, uo upon
uo &c.), compare quiver (couire, cuevre, cuivre, on the other hand
the Anglosaxon cocor), cuish and cuisse (cuisse) &c. On the other
hand quince reminds us of the French coing, Latin cydonius, whereas
the French cointe gives the English quaint. See under q.
In quill the French quille, Old-Highdutch kegil is at the root,
mingled with the Old- and Middle-Highdutch kil (= caulis) and the
Old-Highdutch chiol, Anglosaxon ceole.
Even in the unaccented syllable the sound grounded upon ui
appears: anguish (angoisse, anguisse) &c. In distinguish the ver-
bal termination has passed into the form of the French verbs in ir
with -iss, Latin isc-ere, inserted.
Origin of the Consonants.
We consider the consonants here not strictly according to their
vocal relations; but, where the same vocal sign belongs to more than
one class of sounde, we comprehend the various sounds under the
class to which the sign originally belonged. We do not here regard
separately the words brought over immediately from ancient or mo-
dern tongues, since in those a transmutation of sounds rarely comes
into consideration, and they generally conform to the most general
rule.
1. The nasal and the liquid sounds m, n, Z, r.
M answers to a primitive m in Anglosaxon and Romance words:
milk (miluc), mare, nightmare (mara), grim (grimm), svarm
(svearm); — mace, a club (mace, mache), murmur (murmurer),
remain (remaindre, remanoir). Before n, m is preserved in Romance
and Latin words, when the final n is, however, silent, or to be
regarded as assimilated (see above at page 67): remnant (remanant),
solemn (solempne), hymn, automn.
m often springs out of n; thus after an initial s in smack (An-
glosaxon snace, Old-norse snakr = navis genus, Hollandish smak,
11. The Elements of the Word — Origin of the Consonants in, 11, 1, r. j 29
French semaque). Especially n before lipsounds p and &, in Ger-
manic and Celtic words in ??&, is transformed into n: hemp (hauep,
hanep), hamper along with hanaper (Medieval-Latin hanape-
rium), Bamborough (Bebbanburh), Cambridge (Old-English Cante-
brigge), Cyinbeline (Latin Cunobelinus), Dumbarton (Celtic Dun-
Breton, castle of the Britons). Even in Romance words in stands
for n before an inserted p, which in Modern-French has again been
cast out: tempt (tenter, ternpteir), attempt; so too before/, where
French preserves n: comfort (conforter), comfit alongside of con-
feet, confiture. Compare Pomfret (Old-English Pountfreit in
ROB. OF GLOUCESTER).
This happens also before other consonants and vowels: brimstone
(Swedish bernsten), Montgomery (Mongon-byrry) (PERCY Rel. p. 4.),
Latinier, an appellation of the interpreter Wrenoc ap Merrick
(= latin interpreter).
m instead of n is particularly frequent at the end of Romance
words: lime (Auglosaxon lind) Old-English lynde, linde, in the Craven-
Dialect lin, lyne; maim (inahaigner from mahain, compare the Auglo-
saxon bemancjau = truncare, Medieval-Latin mahemiare), random
(randon) compare a gret randoum (MAUNDKV. p. "238), ransom (raan-
con, raiancon), Old-English rancon, rarnson (Ron. OF GLOUCESTER),
venom (even venin, venim) compare envenom (envenimer), megrim
(migraine), b a dig em alongside of badigeon (French the same),
perform (par-fornir, -furnir) compare perfourn en (Pi ERS PLOUGHMAN
L*29l), Old-Scotch perfurneis, originally m containing, Old-Highdutch
mjan, compare Anglosaxon fremman; vellum (velin), marjoram
(Italian majorana, French marjolaine)
Old-English had often m at the end of the word, for instance
Kaym, Caym instead of Cain, bothum (bouton) and others, dialec-
tical ly brim instead of bring (eastern dialect). Summerset, somerset
and somersault are corrupted from the Old-French soubresaut; in
malmsey m has taken the place of f, Old - English malvesy
(malvoisie), but it rather stands with a view to Monembasia.
N arises out of the Anglosaxon and Romance n: nine (nigon),
winter (viuter), wen (venn), dun (dunu = fuscus); -- nurture
(noriture, norreture), language (langage), tense (tens, tans, Modern-
French temps), Old-English dan (dans, dant = dominus), count
(cuens, conte, cunte together with cumte), noun (nom, noun, non);
on the other hand re no wind for renowned is still found in Spenser
and Marlowe.
As m from ft, so conversely n often proceeds from m, as even
in Old-French in some examples just quoted: an t = emmet (Anglo-
Saxon semete), Ben fleet (Beamfleot) in Essex; D or n ford was for-
merly called Dormceaster; the ancient Rumcofa is now called Ru nek-
horn, Hants stands alongside of Hampshire (Hamscire). In Old-
English fron stands instead of from; paynen (Ron. OF GLOUCESTER
I. 119) along with paynym and others.
n has sometimes taken the place of /: banister has arisen out
of the French baluster, balustre. Compare the dialectic win instead
of will in Modern-English. See under /.
Matzner, engl. Gr. I. q
130 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Parti. Sect. I.
L has been preserved in Anglosaxon and Romance words: little
(lytel, adverb lytle), lock (locc = cirrus), slumber (slumerjan), gli-
sten (glisnjan), wallow (vealovjan, vealvjan, valvjan), welter (from
veltan), halt (healtjan), whole (hal), till (tiljan); — limmer (li-
mier), lodge (loger), parliament (parlement), false (fals, fax,
faus), cattle (catel).
Although frequently silent before consonants (see page 67), / has
been often preserved in Anglosaxon, as also in Old-French words,
where Modern-French has rejected it, and even Old-French admitted
the rejection with the substitution of u for /, compare fault (falte,
faute), assault (assalt, assaut), vessel (vaissel, vaissiaus), castle
(castel, castiaus): Forms with and without / are still occasionally
found alongside of each other: powder and poulder [unusual]
(poldre, puldre, poudre) &c.
1 has sometimes taken the place of r: marble (marbre, compare
Spanish marmol, Highdutch rnarmelstein) marbreston even ROB. OF
GLOUCESTER II. p. 476. Anglosaxon marmarstan; purple (porpre, yet
even in Anglosaxon purble = purpureus, as in Anglosaxon turtle = turtur);
gill if lower has been deformed out of giroflee (also geraflour) that
is caryophyllum. Hobbledehoy neither man nor boy is said to have
arisen from Sir Hobbard de Hoy. Salisbury has supplanted Saies-
bury (see HALLIWELL s. v.) compare the spot hard by Old Sarum,
Latin Sorbiodunum. At the end / stands thus in laurel (laurier),
Old-English laurer, lorer in Chaucer and Gower.
Other / have even in Old-French, arisen out of a primitive r and
have persisted in English, while no longer appearing in Modern-
French: temple (Old-French temple, Latin tempora, Modern-French
tempe), fortalice, obsolete instead of fortress (Old-French fortelesce
alongside of forteresce, forterece, Medieval-Latin fortalitium).
Flavour has proceeded from the Old-French flair, flairor, belong-
ing to flairer, Latin fragrare. In Old- English and Old-Scotch it
sounds fleure.
In proper names, such as Hally (Henry, Harry), Doll, Dolly
(Dorothy), Molly (Mary) &c. / often appears for r.
I sometimes stands for ??, as in Marti emas in Shakspeare in-
stead of Martinmas. Dialectically we find chimley, chimbly instead
of chimney. Could lunch, luncheon, nunchion, also have proceeded
dialectically from nunch, noon, (nona)?
R is mostly preserved in Anglosaxon, Romance and other words:
rich (ric), ram (ramm), proud (prut), blind (blind), trap (treppe),
crib (cribbe), spring (springan), stream (stream), start (steort,
steart = spina), church (cyrice), star (steorra); — river (riviere),
realm (realme, reaume), preach (precher, prechier), brief (bref,
brief), trace (tracier, tracer), grant (graanter, granter along with
creanter, craanter), pork (pore) &c.
r has taken the place oil: lavender (Medieval-Latin lavendula,
Italian lavendola). In Shakspeare Argier stands instead of Algiers
(Temp. 1, 2); sinoper alongside of sinople, Old - English and
Old -Scotch synoper, -eir and synople, Old -French sinople, the
green colour in a coat of arms, are the same words: there is said to
II. The Elements of the Word. — Origin of the Consonants. — Livsounds. 131
have been a red and a green pigment from Sinope (called sinoplum,
Old-Latin sinopis). See Diez's Etymological Dictionary page 725.
The obsolete surbeat, surbet and the verb surbate point to the
French solbatu, wounded in the sole of the foot.
r takes the place of n or m in the popular pronunciation in
charfron, alongside of chanfrin and champfrein, French chanfrein;
in glitter (Anglosaxon glitnjan) a new derivational termination er
has rather taken the place of n, en.
2. The Lipsounds p, b, f, ph, v, w.
P must often give place to b'} at the beginning of Anglosaxon
words it mostly pointed to a foreign origin, but it was frequent in
the middle and at the end. Where it appears in English it mostly
perseveres in its pristine form, although, dialectically, for instance,
in Gloucestershire, it often yields to b: pitch (pic), pepper (pipor,
pe'por), pull (pulljan), plight (pliht), priest (preost), slippery
(slipur), apple (appel, apl), wipe (vipjan, vipjan), cramp (cramp),
sharp (scearp); — pity (pite, piteit), pious (pius, pios), pledge
(plege, pleige), prophesy (prophecier), strain (straindre), chapter
(chapitre), escape (eschaper, escaper), apt (French apte, Latin ap-
tus). It rarely appears where it has become silent, except where it
was only inserted. The former is the case in receipt, as well as for-
merly in deceipt (Old-French usually recet, yet also recepteir along
with receter).
Here and there p has proceeded from b at the beginning of a
word: purse (Old-French borse, bourse, even in Old-High dutch pursa),
on the contrary disburse, reimburse, else also dispurse; pud-
ding (boudin?); pearch, perch, (Anglosaxon bears) is to be reduced
to the French perche; in the middle of a word in apricot (French
abricot, Italian albercocco); at the end of Anglosaxon words: Shrop-
shire (Scrobscire), crump (crumb); gossip (from sibb, English
sib) instead of godsib, Old -English gossib. Thus in Old -English
warderope is found instead of garderobe.
p has arisen out of ph in trump, French triomphe.
In proper names p often stands along with m: Peg, Peggy
instead of Meg, Margaret; Pat, Patty instead of Mat, Martha; Polly
instead of Molly from Mary.
B mostly rests upon a primitive Anglosaxon or Romance &, and
has been preserved even when silent: bid (biddan), bang (Old-norse
banga = pulsare), black (blac), brass (brass), web (vebb), dub
(dubban, compare the Old-French dober, duber, adober), climb (clim-
ban); — beast (beste, beeste), combat (combatre), blandish (blan-
dir), brawn (braon, braion = partie charnue du corps), bran (bren,
Modern-French bran, but the Cymric bran), tomb (tombe), alb
(Latin alba, French aube). The English retains in many words the
b rejected in French, such as debt (dete), doubt (doter, duter, dou-
ter); moreover this b was not unknown even in Old-French.
b has sometimes arisen out of p, mostly in the middle and at
the end of a word: lobster (loppestre, lopystre = locusta marina),
a collateral form thereof is lopuster; dribble (belonging to dreo-
132 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part L Sect. 1.
pan); limber = pliable alongside of limp = weak, pliant (belonging
to the English to limp, compare the Anglosaxou lemphealt = clau-
dus, lempe = lenitas, fragilitas, Highdutch Glimpf); s la b = viscous
(to the Old-norse slapp=lutum); knob, Old-English knop (Old-norse
knappr = globulus; compare the Anglosaxon cnapp = jugum, English
knap). Even Skelton and Spencer have libbard, lybbard instead
of leopard. Modern -English has at the commencement of a word
bandore alongside of p and ore; in the middle cabriole along-
side of capriole.
Instead of w (Anglosaxon v) stands b in Bill, Billy from Wil-
liam (Vilhelm); br angle alongside of wrangle (to the Anglosaxon
vringan); compare the Lowdutch berwolf instead of werwulf.
For h and r, b enters in bumble-bee (BEAUM. and FLETCII)
instead of humble-bee, compare the Highdutch Hummel, swiss. Bum-
mel, and Bob, Bobby, like Hob for Rob, Robin, Robert.
F arises from the Anglosaxon and Romance /, which, however,
are retained only at the beginning and end of a word, and that mostly
with persistency, and in the middle of a word, are wont to have
place in reduplication or when attached to a following consonant.
At the end of a word v commonly appears for it, when it is followed
by a mute e, according to the French process, yet here the language
has not remained consistent. The dialectical confounding of / with
v is widely diffused.
A primitive / at the beginning and end of a word: fickle (ficol),
far (feorr, feor), flesh (flsesc), frame (fremman = facere, perficere),
thief (peof, pef), hoof (hof); -- fillet (filet), fail (faillir, falir),
flame (flame, flamme, verb flamer), fruit (fruit, frui), chief (chef,
chief).
Reduplicated in the middle and at the end of a word, as
well as when attached to a following consonant, although here some-
times silent: stiff (stif) and verb stiffen, cliff (clif, cliof), distaff
(distaf), swift (svift), fifth (fifta), twelfth (tvelfta); - - coffin
(cofin), caitiff (chaitif, caitif), plaintiff (plaintif), enfeoff (fiever,
fiefer), scaffold (escafaut, eschafaut), falchion (falchon, fauchon).
In many Anglosaxon words the final consonant / before a mute
e has remained: life (lif), wife (vif), knife (cnif); as in Romance:
strife (estrif), safe (salf, sauf, compare the verb salver, saver), which
in Old-English used still to be sounded lif, wif, knif, strif, saaf. In
the inflection of these as well as of other words in /, v certainly
appears before the vowel e, as was usual, even in Old-English. Many
have slill frequently a final / or fe in Old-English, to which Modern-
English has given ve, as gaf, yaf (gave), drof (drove), shrof (shrove),
strof (strove) and others. On the other hand Modern-English words
are found with a final /, to which in Old-English ve used to be given
in Old-English, as sheriff (Anglosaxon scire-gerefa), Old-English
reeve, shereve.
In the derivatives of words in /, / is partly preserved before
vowels, as in turfy, chiefage (Old-French chevage, poll tax),
leafy (full of leaves), leafage, even leafed (having leaves), elfish,
safely, while we also find elvish, wively, wivehood &c. along-
side of them. Even inflective forms sometimes fluctuate, as in staves,
11. The Elements of the Word. — Origin of the Consonants. — Lipsounds. 133
now frequently staffs, where Old-English mostly offers only one /
in the singular, while having v in the plural. In collision with a
consonant in inflection v is transmuted into*/: bereft along with
bereaved.
Particles prefixed do not alter the primitive initial sound, as in
afore, afield &c.
f h&rdly ever arises out of b: draff answers to the Auglosaxon
drabbe, grains, alongside of which stands drof = turbidus, sordidus.
f proceeds from </, as the guttural gh has sometimes assumed the
pronunciation of/: dwarf (pveorg), in Old-English still dwerghes in
Mandeville and durwe (WEBER), in Western dialects durgan. The
interchange of h (in English otherwise gh) with the vocal sign / is
in Modern-English still to be met with here and there: draft along-
side of draught (droht from dragan), as conversely c lough = ravine
seems to belong to the Anglosaxon clufan, which in Old -English
stands also for cliff (clif, cliof = rupes), and in Highdutch sichten
corresponds to the English sift (siftan) (see gh). Shaft in the
meaning of schacht corresponds to this Highdutch word, but has
xafetus alongside of schachta in Medieval-Latin for its support.
In Old-English the substitution of /for gh is frequent: doftyr
= daughter (RITSON), caufte = caught; thofe = though (HAL-
LIWELL s. v.); dialects of the present day offer thoft = thought,
thruff = through. In Old- English 3 even occasionally stands along
with / instead of gh: stragfte = straight (HALLIWELL Early Hist,
of Freemasonry p. 14.).
f is also occasionally substituted for a primitive Greek ph, partly
according to French precedent, although sometimes both stand along-
side of each other. Thus we spell fantasm and phantasm, frenzy
and phrensy, frantic and phrenetic, fantom (Old-French fan-
tosme) and phantom, but always fancy (fantaisie). •
Ph, where it has not been changed into /, remains faithful to
the Greek-Latin spelling, as in philosophy.
It has sometimes arisen out of a final/; gulph stands along
with gulf (French golfe, Greek xo'Awos), Guelphs along with Guelfs;
also in the middle of a word: cipher, decipher (French chiffre,
Medieval-Latin ciffara, from the Arabic safar and sifr = zero).
ph. for v is striking, as in nephew (neveu), Old-English neuew,
nevew, and in naphew along with navew (navet from the Latin
napus).
Old-English often confounds p with ph, as in Phiton (Python).
This and other displacements, as Baphomet (Mahomet) belong in
general to the middle ages, compare the Medieval-Latin Bafum aria,
Baphumet &c.
V, which, at the beginning of a word, unites with no other con-
sonant, and never appears at the end without e is, in its Latin and
Romance sound, a letter foreign to Anglosaxon (the Anglosaxon v,
for which in English w is substituted, representing another sound)
and corresponding to the Romance and Latin v: villany (vilanie,
vilenie), very (verai, vrai), vanquish (vaincre, vencre), vaunt
(vanter, venter), divers (divers).
The collateral form of vetch (French vesce, Latin vicia, com-
134: Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. L
pare the Old-Highdutch wicce), which sounds fitch, is striking, as
to which may be observed, that the Latin v is, in Anglosaxon, oc-
casionally rendered by*/; compare the Anglosaxon serfis, Latin
servitium (see below, on Old-English). No less striking is the
appearance of the initial v for the Anglosaxon / in vat, alevat (fat,
ealofat) alongside of fat, since the initial Anglosaxon / is else preserved.
Thus, also vixen is still in use for the Anglosaxon fixen. The Old-
English certainly in its earliest forms often admits v (w), instead of
/ at the beginning of a word; compare uorp = forth, vewe = few
and others in Robert of Gloucester.
Moreover the English sometimes allows words in v of Romance
stock to run parallel with others in w;, partly with a variety of
meaning, as^vine, French vin, and wine (Anglosaxon vin), hence
viny = abounding in vines and winy = having the taste or quality
of wine, as to which vineyard has taken the place of the Anglo-
saxon vingeard, vineard.
v stands in the middle of a word between vowels or after a
preceding consonant, and at the end of a word before a mute e>
where likewise it may be preceded by a consonant, instead of the Anglo-
Saxon /: even (e'fen), evening (sefnung), oven (ofen), navel (na-
fola, nafela), raven (hrafen), hovel (hofel); anvil (filt, aufilt), Old-
English anvelt; silver (silfor); weave (vefan), knave (cnapa, cnafa),
glove (glof); drive (drifan), hive (hyfe), delve (delfan), twelve
(tvelf).
In Old-English / is also often preserved between vowels, as in
drife (drive), shrife (shrive), delfe (delve), dowfes (doves) (Tow-
NELEY MYSTEK.), as the Romance v also sometimes passes over into
/: reprefe (reprover or the Anglosaxon profjau?), soferand (so-
vereign),
Instead of a Greek-Latin ph a v used often to appear, thus in
Spencer, Shakspeare and the moderns, as Byron: vial = phial;
visnomy = physiognomy.
b is here and there transmuted into v, yet here mostly in Anglo-
saxon / is found along with b: have (habban), live (libban, but also
lifjan), heave (hebban, Gothic hafjan); the forms habben and lib-
ben are not unknown to Old-English (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER and PIERS
PLOUGHMAN).
Many names in which the Romans heard b have in Celtic and
Anglosaxon become/, and are now represented by v : Severn (Cym-
ric Hafren, Auglosaxon Safern, Latin Sabrina), Dover (Latin Dubris
Dubrae), Reculver (Regulbium), Tovy (Tobius), Abergavenny
(Gobannium).
v in wave has proceeded from a primitive g, Anglosaxon vseg,
veg and the verb vagjan, Old-French woge, Modern-French vague;
Old-English and Old-Scotch have namely the form wawe, plural wawis,
wawghes in TOWNELEY MYSTER. and thus according to Caxton, com-
pare the Danish vove.
The second v in "velvet" (Old-French velluau, compare Italian
velluto, belonging to the Latin villus), is to be regarded as a u har-
dened into v.
W comes under consideration here only as a Semivowel, as indeed
originally it is perhaps to be always regarded as a semivowel sound.
11. The Elements of the Word.— Origin of the Consonants. TheToothzounds. 135
Its at present extinct or vocalized sound is, as a consonant, not quite
to be made out; yet its interchange with the guttural, which has
passed into the lipsound (ynow and ynough, thorow and tho-
rough) in Old-English, which also might frequently be assumed for
the gh extinct in pronunciation, points to its having sounded as a
lipsound (like the Highdutch w before consonants and not differing
much from /, when at the end of a word).
w springs from the Anglosaxon «?, and has been preserved before
the consonant r in writing, where it is already completely without
import for the pronunciation: winter (vinter), wed (veddjan), wash
(vascan); wring (vringan), wren (vrenna); after a dental, too, it is
usually preserved: twinkle (tvincljan), dwell (Old-English dvelja
= morari, Anglosaxon dveljan, dvellan = errare), dwindle (Old-norse
dvma = detumescere, Anglosaxon dvinan, tabescere), thwart (pveorh),
Old-English thwang (TOWNELEY MYST. p. 166), Modern-English thong
(pvang = corrigia), sweet (svete), Old -English sote, swift (svift),
evenhere partly lost in pronunciation: two (twa). On the other hand
the Anglosaxon cv has mostly passed over into qu (see g), hv has
been transmuted into wh by transposition (see Metathesis).
So far as the Romance g or gu, also spelt w, corresponds to the
Old-Highdutch w>, and the Gothic and Anglosaxon v, w likewise takes
its place in English also: wicket (wiket, guischet from the Old-
norse vik = recessus, Anglosaxon vie = recessus, portus) ; wait (gaiter,
gueiter Old-Highdutch wahten), wafer (gaufre, Medieval-Latin gafrum);
warrant (garaut, guarant, warant and the verb guarantir, warantir,
Old-Highdutch weren), warren (garenne, Medieval-Latin warenna);
wast el (gastel, gastial, Middle-Highdutch wastel, Modern-French ga-
teau), reward (reguerredoner, rewerdoner, Medieval- Latin widerdo-
num compared with the Anglosaxon vicferlean) along with guerdon;
wage, wager (Substantive gage, wage and gageure, verb gager,
wager, Medieval-Latin vadium, guadium; invadiare &c. related to the
Anglosaxon vedd to the Gothic vadi = a pledge), Old-English warish
(garir, Modern-French guerir, related to the Anglosaxon varjan), gua-
rish (SPENSKR).
Romance forms are occasionally employed alongside of others
which go back to Anglosaxon words: guise and wise (Anglosaxon
vise), especially in the compound otherguise and otherwise;
guimple and wimple (Old-Highdutch wimpal), guile, beguile
Old-French guile, guille, verb guiler &c.), Old-English gile, gyle, and
wile (Anglosaxon vile); guard substantive and verb, guardian
(Old-French guarde, warde, garde &c.) and ward (substantive veard,
verb veardjan), as to which, forms like warden, ward robe 'approx-
imate more closely to the French form. Even engage and the like
stand alongside of wage without the #'s being retransmuted into w.
W seldom appears for a Romance or Latin v, unless this has
itself passed through an Anglosaxon v: periwinkle (French per-
venche, Latin pervinca), Old-English parvenke, pervinke; similarly
cordwain, cordwainer springs from the usual cordovan; where,
in Celtic words, the Latin has v, a Cymric and Cornish v (gu, gw,
w at the end of a word) is to be assumed: Winchester (Venta
1
] 36 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1.
Belgarum\ Caerwent (Venta Silurum), Derwent (Derventio), Wye
(Vaga).
W in periwig is hardened from u (Italian perruccfi, French
perruque since the 15th century), now shortened into wig; perhaps
also in periwinkle a sort of shellfish (Latin parunculus). More-
over r and w are proviucially, as, for instance, in Kent and in Lon-
don, often confounded.
3) The Toothsounds t, d, th, s, z, sn, j;
T has for the most part been preserved from the Anglosaxon,
Romance and Latin t; yet a primitive t, d and /// often change places
with one another.
t corresponds to the Anglosaxon t (Old-Highdutch z) and Old-
French and Latin t: time (tima), teasel and the verb tease (tsesel,
taesl, Old-Highdutch zeisala = carduus niger and the verb taesan = vel-
licare), tale (tdu), tool (tol , trim (trymjan, trymman), trout (truht),
trundle (tryndel= circulus, Lowdutch trundeln, also Anglosaxon Par-
ticiple tryndeled), stair (stseger); eater (etere), sister (sveostor),
turtle (turtle); — bite (bitan), gate (geat, gat), beat (beaten),
holt (holt), dust (dust), bought (boht); — tense (tens, tans),
tabour (tabor), trench (trencher, trancher), strain (strain dre),
latten (laiton), attach (attach er), quit (quiter), port (port = por-
tus and porte = porta) &c., even where a Romance and Latin t passes
into the sibilant: nation (nation, nascion), oration &c. Here an
interchange with e occasionally takes place: antient along with an-
cient (ancien, anchien).
Out of an Anglosaxon and Romance d there sometimes arises a
£, especially at the end, but also in the middle of a word: Rep-
ton (Hrepandun), Bampton (Beamdun), where a confusion with
tun was easy, etch = eddish (edisc); — antler (audouiller), part-
ridge (perdrix); --at the end of a word after a vowel, more fre-
quently after consonants: abbot (abbad, -od, -ud), want, a mole
(vand), now little used, tilt (teld), girt along with gird (gyrdan);
the clod interchanging with clot points to the Auglosaxon clud =
rupes, cludig = saxosus; here belongs the transmutation of the verbal
suffix d in the preterite and participle, in the syncope of the preced-
ing vowel, into /; which, in Anglosaxon, was confined to stems ending
in c (as kt\ p, t and x (as /?«), as in thought (pohte-poht), dipt
along with dipped (dypte-dypt) &c. The Old-English carried this
transmutation far; in Modern-English it again became gradually
restricted. In the seventeenth century the syncope of the vowel,
after the letters p, /, hard th, A", c and the hard hissers and sibilants
s, c, sh, ch. = x, sometimes also, after TO, n, I, r, and which is now
often denoted by an apostrophe, was often coupled with the hardening
of d into t, if the vowel of the verb was short, and, occasionally
with a vowel originally long Modern-English restricts this trans-
mutation in our days, only allowing it to appear after gh, p and /,
after -s (ss), but also after m, n and / in prose and mostly, only in
a limited measure, as in thought, brought &c. after the Anglo-
saxon precedent in dipt, left (lefde, lefed), past (passed), blest
(blessed, Anglosaxon blessode, blessed), mixt (mixed), pent (from
IL The Elements of the Word. — Origin of the Consonants. TheToothsounds. 137
pen), learnt, burnt &c., dealt (dselde, dseled); as in a series of
verbs ending in nd, the Anglosaxon inflection -nde, -nded, is still
often transmuted into nt: sent (sende, sended), went (vende, vended)
&c. and even after Id and rd the Anglosaxon inflection -Idede, -Ided,
-rde, -rded: gilt (gyldede, gylded), girt (gyrde, gyrded). Poetry,
and, sometimes, Prose still as formerly uses the abridged forms in t,
no longer approved by modern grammar, and omitted to be denoted
by Lexicography, especially in verbs in />, s and x, as whipt, stept,
stopt, dropt, prest, possest, crost, curst, nurst, fixt, vext
&c. (See the Declension).
Old-English also in other words ending in d often transmutes
this letter into ?, for instance pousant, hondret, s\vert, hart
(heard) and the like (in ROB. OF GLOUCESTER and others) and likewise
the final d of the participle, which, together with the termination of
the preterite it, instead of id, ed belongs in particular to the North-
English and Old- Scotch dialects.
Instead of J), ft (~ tli), also instead of the Latin-Greek th, an
initial and a final t stands, especially at the beginning of worcjs
not Anglosaxon: Tom alongside of Thomas, Tit (from &*odatQO$\
Taff (from Ofogr/AoO; often in Old-English teme (= theme), trone
(= throne) &c. ; but at the beginning of a compound Anglosaxon
word: nostril (uaspyrl = nasi foramen) and likewise in hustings
(Old-norse hiisspingi = domestica consultatio); at the end in theft
(peoffr), height (beahdb), Old-English heighthe, and high th in Mil-
ton; dart (darafr, darofr) drought earlier and even still in the North
of England drouth (drugafr, drugofrj, chit (cifr = festuca from cian
= germ in are).
The interchange of k and t takes place in apricock and apri-
cot on account of the French abricot and the Italian albercocco, Ara-
bic alberquq; also bat, fluttermouse, Old-English bak, compare Danish
aftenbakke, Scotch bakie, bawkie.
D primarily corresponds to the Anglosaxon and Romance d: dim
(dimm), den (dene, denn = vallis), day (daga), dawn (dagjan),
dock, tail, stump (Old-norse dockr), dock a plant (Anglosaxon docce),
dock a quai (Swedish docka, Danish dokke, to the Medieval-Latin
doga, French douve, also a canal, a moat), dry (dryge), dvindle
(from dvinan = tabescere) ; bladder (blaedre), ladle (hladle), abide
(abidan), kid (Old-norse kid), bind (bindan), child (cild), sward
(sveard, Middle-Highdutch swarte); — delay (delai, verb delaier),
delight (deleit, clelit, verb deleiter, deliter), Old-English deliten,
delitable, delit; damsel (damisele), dragon (dragon, dragun), de-
mand (demander).
d has taken the place of /, yet hardly ever except at the begin-
ning of a word, as, even in Anglosaxon, the initial d was sharply
distinguished from t as well as from^: Paddy (from Patrick), dod-
kin (= doitkin, Hollandish duit), proud (prut), pride (pryta), in
Old-English still prout and prute (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER). In ythe
middle of a word the Anglosaxon had transmuted the Latin t into
d in: Iseden, led en = latinus, Old-English still has led en in the
same signification. Here belongs also jeopardy, Old-English juperti
(D.\ME SIRIZ) jeupertye (GOWER) jupartie, jupardie (CHAUCER) (jeu
138 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. 1.
partis, divided game), card (French carte), discard (compare escar-
ter fourteenth century), diamond (diamant); bud seems related
to the French bouter, bout, bouton, compare the Italian buttare,
to bud.
d is occasionally substituted for the Auglosaxon p (<f) even at
the beginning of a word; in the middle the later Anglosaxon often
has d instead of d; at the end the Anglosaxon Id stood also for the
Gothic lp\ d and d\ also served to distinguish the adjective and sub-
stantive dedd (dead) and dead' (death); dwarf (|)veorg), the obso-
lete dorp and thorp (porp, Lowdutch dorp), deck related to thatch
(peccan), also the Scotch deck; burden (distinguished from burden,
Old-English and Modern-French bourdon) alongside of burthen (byr-
den), murder (mordur) alongside of murther, Sudbury (SucTberh),
rudder (roofer), Old-English rother, fiddle (fidele), Old-English
fithelere (PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 179), could (cude), Old-English couthe,
pad alongside of path (pao^, pad), Old-English often quod instead of
quoth (cvad"); maid (maged", magd" alongside of magden, rnseden
English maiden = virgo); snath, sneath, sneeth and snead, espe-
cially in the western dialects (snsed) scychehandle; adeling along-
side of Athelney (adeling, Adeliugsigge)
The frequent interchange of ih with d, as den k instead of think
(WEBER), dere instead of there (LANTOFT), dis instead oft this
(PERCY Rel.) and others, is Old-English and dialectical.
The th of ancient languages has also been changed into d in
Bedlam from Bethlehem.
The mutilation of Richard into Dick may be compared with
the converse mutilation of the Spanish cedilla in cerilla.
Th likewise serves to replace the Anglosaxon p and 8, the former
whereof belonged essentially to the beginning, the latter to the middle
and end of a word, like the th descended from the ancient tongues.
The distinctions of sound of the harder p and the softer & are in
English only partly regarded in pronunciation. The sign p is found
here and there preserved in the older English at the beginning, in
the middle and at the end of a word, but interchanged early with
th', the form ^, instead of p gave occasion to the substitution of y
for this letter in writing and print; hence the lately usual abbre-
viations ye, y , y\ instead of the, that, thou and many more. The
Cymric renders the hard sound by th, the soft by dd.
th as a substitute for p and &\ thick (piece), thill (pile, pill),
thane (pegen, pen), Old-English and Old-Scotch than, tharm (pearm),
threshold (prescvald, parscold &c.), Old-English threswold, Old-
Scotch threswald, throw (pravan); the verb thwite and substantive
thwittle are obsolete (pvitan = abscidere) [whittle is the Anglosaxon
hvitle = cultellus] ; withy (vidig = salix) also withe (Old-norse vi-
dia = vimen salicis and vidir = salix); with (vifr, also \id), mouth
(mud"), month (monad*, mond"), mirth (merhd', mird"); — of th'.
Thomas, thummim (Hebrew), catholic, cathedral (ecclesia ca-
thedralis), mathematics &c. Goth (Latin Gothus, Anglosaxon Gota),
Behemoth (Hebrew).
The Anglosaxon t becomes £A, whereas Old-English often retains
t: Thanet (Tenet, Latin Tanetos ins.), Thames, where the pro-
II. The Elements of the Word.— Origin of the Consonants. TheToothsounds. 139
nunciation preserves t (Temese, Tamese), Old-English Temese, fifth
(fifta), eleventh (endlyfta), twelfth (tvelfta) and other ordinal
numbers, assimilated to those in ofra; even in Old-English fyfthe,
sixthe (fifta, sixta) &c ; but also syxte and even eghte (eahtofra);
swarth, swarthy = black, tawny (sveart), yet also swart; lath
(latta).
In words, derived from the ancient tongues, th often stands for t:
Anthony (Antonius), author (autor), prothonotary (protonota-
rius); we also find lanthorn alongside of lantern (lanterne, Latin
laterna, lanterna). The Old-English frequently apprehended t thus:
rethor (rhetor), Sathanas (Satanas), Ptholomee and others. The
Modern-English anthem, Old-English antem, Anglosaxon antefen,
has arisen out of antiphona.
The Anglosaxon d has been changed into th partly in the middle
of a word between vowels, partly at the end, which only slowly
became the general usage in Old-English: hither (hider), Old-English
hider; thither (pider), Old-English thider; wither (hvader, hvider),
Old-English whider; together (to gadere), Old-English togeder, to-
gyder; weather (veder), Old-English weder; father (fader), Old-
English fader; mother (modor), Old-English moder; hyder, togy-
der even in Skelton. — both, Old-English bathe, bath, Old-Scotch
baith finds no support in the Anglosaxon begen, ba, ba, but perhaps
in the Old-norse badir, badar, bsedi, compare Danish baade, Swedish
bade, Gothic bajops; as booth in the Old-norse bud; froth (Old-
norse froda = spuma), birth, birthday (byrd, byrddag, but com-
pare also beorfr=nati vitas); stalworth, Old-English stalward, stal-
wart and stalworth, Old-Scotch stalwart = stout, valiant, comes from
the Anglosaxon stealveard Substantive = adjutorium; in Chaucer we
also find elth for the likewise obsolete eld (ylde, eld) = senectus.
Even in words not Anglosaxon the th instead of d sometimes enters:
brothel goes back primarily to the Old-French bordel, Medieval-
Latin bordellum (Anglosaxon bord), compare the Old-English atha-
mant (adamas); faith (feid, feit, fois, feiz), Old-English fay, feye,
striking feght in Halliwell s. v., but compare spright and the Old-
English spight instead of spite even in the seventeenth century,
and the like. The Cymric c?, or what was so apprehended by the
Roman ear, appears as ^ in Caermarthen (Latin Maridunum, Cym-
ric caer vyrdin)/ as well as in Neath (Latin Nidum).
A French z was sometimes rendered in Old-English by th, as
in asseth (assez); may faith have descended from feiz with the z
of the nominative?
S apart from its division into a hard and a soft sound, mostly supposes
an Anglosaxon and a Romance s: six (six), sell (sellan, syllan),
say (secgan, seggan), soon (sona, suna), smoke (smocjan), snow
(snav), slink (slincan), spill (spillan), swear (sverjan), stink (stin-
can), spread (sprsedan), strawberry (stravberje); — master (ma-
gester), cleanse (clsensjan), whisper (hvisprjan), arise (arisan),
grass (gr'as, gars); grasp, (Lowdutch grapsen); wrist (vrist); —
signify (signifier), sever (sevrer), summons (semonse), surgeon
(surgien), spice (espisce), spouse (espos, espous m., spouse fern.),
stanch (estancher), restrain (restraindre), science (science),
140 Doctrine of the Word. - Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I.
cloister (cloistre), jo ions (joios, -ous, -us), host (hoste, oste).
Upon the combinations of s with gutturals sc, sk, sq, sch see below.
s often stands in place of a dental Romance and Latin c, with
which it still often interchanges in Old-English; as, conversely, c even
in Modern-English sometimes even takes the place of an Anglosaxon
s (see below c); moreover that c commonly interchanges with s in
Old-French, which has mostly solely survived in Modern-French, as
sometimes with ch: searsh (cercher, cherchier), succory (Latin
cichorium, French chicoree); mason (macon, macun, Medieval-Latin
macio, mattio, inachio), ransom (raancon, raianson, raenchon), les-
son (lecon), caparison (caparacon), purslain (porcelaine), nurse,
Old-English nourico, norice, even in Shakspeare nourish, license
(licence), [d is pise perhaps from despire, despis, not immediately
from despicere)], cimiss, (compare French cimicides, Latin cimex,
-icis) and many more. In Old-English forms like seint, a girdle,
sese (cease), cesoun (saison), servisable, sacrifise &c. frequently
occur. The feminine form of substantives in ess, Modern-French ice
alongside of (er) esse, has moreover already sometimes an s, for the
first form still sometimes current in French: empress, Old-French
empereris, empereis, but in Old-English also emperice.
In sash s seems to have proceeded from a French ch instead of
the primitive guttural c (chasse, chassis from the Latin capsa); Dissi-
milation of the initial and the final sound will have been the cause.
s arises from the Anglosaxon $ in the verbal ending of the third
person singular of the present, where in the poetic, solemn and archaic
speech the termination eth stands by its side. In the Northern dialects
s early took the place of th, not only in the termination of the sin-
gular, but also of the plural, which was likewise eth. The Old-Scotch
seldom has th; here commonly he s (has), standis, makis, knawis,
stertis, gettis, differis &c. stand for singular and plural. In the
thirteenth and the fourteenth century s is found in the southern
dialects alongside of th; Chaucer (in the Reeves tale) attributes to
those of Cambridge the forms has, briiiges, fares, findes &c.
whereas th else prevails in him. Since the sixteenth century this s
has made greater progress in English; in Skelton, Spenser, Shak-
speare and others s and th are interchanged, in which th is gradually
reserved for solemn speech (see Mommsen Romeo and Juliet p. 107).
The grammar of the seventeenth century put the usage of th fore-
most, and that of s in the second rank; modern usage makes s the
rule, th the exception.
In the word ease and its derivatives easy &c. Old-English,
Old-Scotch and dialectical eth, eath, eathly &c., even along with eis
and the like, the Anglosaxon eafr, eaftelic and the Old-French aise,
substantive aaise, of like descent (Gothic azets) meet and mix; in
bequest from bequeath (becvefran) we must go back to the Anglo-
Saxon substantive form cviss, compare behest (Anglosaxon behses).
sc, sk and sq, in which s combines with a guttural, are in
the more general transition of the Anglosaxon sc into the sibilant sh
more rarely in Germanic than in Romance words, or in words which
have passed through Old -French and Latin Greek words, sc is
found only before obscure vowels (with which of course there is no
//. The Elements of the Word. — Origin of the Consonants. The Toothsounds. \ 4 1
question of the dental c, as in scene, science), as well as before
another consonant, rarely at the end of a word; sq only before a
semivowel u, unless in immediately received foreign words.
sc arises from the Anglosaxon so (Old-norse sk): scale (scalu =
laux), scab (scebb, scabb = scabies), scald (Old-norse skalldr),
scatter (scateran = dissipare), scoff (compare the Old-norse skufta
= irridere), scour (Lowdutch schuren), score (scor = incisura),
scurf (scurf = scabies), screech (Old-norse skrsekja and skrikja)
alongside of shriek, scrape (screpan, screopan. Lowdutch schrapen);
frequently from the Old-French sc, also sch, also themselves of Ger-
manic descent: scaffold (escafaut, eschafault), scan (escander =
scandere), scarce (escars, eschars), scarlet (escarlate), scorn (escor-
ner, compare Modern-French ecorniffer), scorch (escorchier, escor-
cer), scutcheon, escutcheon (escusson), scatches (eschace = be-
quille, Modern-French echasses), scourge (escourgee), scape and
escape (escaper, eschaper), scandal (scandele, escandele), scamper
(escamper), escritoire and others, fisc (fiscus).
Sometimes Germanic and Romance forms mix; for instance scot,
escot stands alongside of shot, Old-French escot, Anglosaxon scot;
scant, scantlet, scantling and the verb scantle point immediately
to the Old-French eschautelet, Modern-French echantillon, compare
Medieval-Latin scantellatus = truncatus, but belong to the Anglosaxon
scsenan, scenan = fraugere; scarf corresponds in meaning to the
Old-French escharpe, escerpe, Anglosaxon sceorp = vestitus, but as
to its form attaches itself to the Anglosaxon scearfe = fragmen.
sk stands for the Anglosaxon sc (Old-norse sk): skin (scinn),
skill (sciljan = distinguere, Old-norse skilja = discernere, intelligere),
sky (Old-norse sky = nubes), skipper (scipere = nauta), skirt
(Anglosaxon scyrtan = abbreviare, compare the Old-norse skirta, skyrta
= subligar, indusium, English shirt), skull (Old-Highdutch sciulla);
brisket (Old-norse briosk = cartilage), tusk (tusc, tux), flask (flasc,
flasca, flaxa); and for the Old-French sc (s&) and sq: skirmish rests
immediately on the Old-French eskremir, eskermir, whereas the cog-
nate scrimer points to the Anglosaxon scrimbre; sketch (esquisse,
Italian schizzo); musket, musketoon (rnoschete, mouskete), Me-
dieval-Latin muschetta), mask (masque, Medieval-Latin masca, mas-
cus), cask = hollow vessel rests, like casque = helmet, on the French
casque, risk (risque). In lask and task sk rests on a primitive x:
lask (Latin laxus) diarrhoea; task (Latin taxa, Modern-French tache,
French tasque).
Moreover sc and sk are often confounded, for instance, in scate
and skate, (Hollandish schaats), sceptic and skeptic and others.
sq (w), in words originally Germanic, occurs only through the
placing of an s before cv, as in squeak (Lowdutch quiken, queken);
On the other hand, in words originally Latin and Old- French, has
frequently arisen from sc and sq before u: squire, esquire (Old-
French escuier, esquier - scutarius), Old-English squiere; squirrel
(escurel, escurill from the Latin sciurus), squad (escouade, Italian
squadra), squalid (Latin squalidus) and others.
sch with the guttural ch is met with in words originally oriental
and Greek: scheme (a;w«), pasch (pascha), also in school (schola,
142 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I.
), although this sounded scolu in Anglosaxon and hence in Old-
English scole; scholar. Upon exceptions see pronunciation page 62.
Likewise the Italian words, in scherzando &c.
Z was little known in Anglosaxon, and has come into English
from the ancient and the Romance tongues; in Anglosaxon it stands
rarely instead of cf, like as the Old-French occasionally symbolized
an English />, & by z: zorne (Anglosaxon |>orne) est espine ROM. DE
Rou). It arose out of the ancient and Romance z (t): zeal
(French zele, Greek £^0v), whence zealot, zealous (French jaloux);
zest (French zeste), zone (French, the same, tw','), zocle alongside
of socle (Italian zoccolo, French socle), azure (French azur), to
say naught of other foreign words, such as quartz and the like.
Yet it has also taken the place of an Anglosaxon, instead of an
Old-French s, where it still frequently interchanges with s, whereas
Old-English commonly presents this alone: l^azel (hasel), Old-norse
hasl; freeze (freosan), breeze and br ;ese = tabanus (briosa),
sneeze and neese (compare fneosan), ^iaze, glazen (substantive
glas, adjective glasen); blaze (blase), maze and amaze (mase = gur-
ges), agaze = to strike with amazement (gsesan = percellere); adz,
adze along with ad dice (adese), ouzel along with ousel (osle),
gloze and glose along with gloss (substantive glose, verb glesan
= interpretari, adulari); naze along with ness = headland (nass,
nasse), daze, dazzle, dizzy (from dysig = stultus, Old-English, from
dase), drizzle (from dreosan = cadere); — seize (saisir, seisir), sei-
zin and seisin (saisine, seiseine), raze and rase along with erase
(raser), razor (rasor, rasoir), cizar along with scissors (ciseaux),
buzzard (buzart, Old-Highdutch busar, Latin buteo); frizz, frizzle
along with frissle, French friser, belongs to the Anglosaxon frise —
crispus. Fitz is the Old-French fils, fix, fiz &c.
Sh, a sibilant, which Old-English oftentimes represented by sch,
ssfi, perhaps also by ss (compare ssame = shame &c. in ROB. OF
GLOUCESTER), is in Germanic words mostly the substitute for the
Anglosaxon sc (Old-norse sk)9 although c has often continued a gut-
tural (see above): shift (substantive scift, verb sciftan), sheet
(scete, scyte = linteum), shed (sceddan), shake (scacan), shoulder
(sculdor), shoe (scoh), shrink (scrincan), shrive, shrift (scrifan,
scrift); bishop (biscop), fish (fisc, fix), flesh (flsesc), thrash (pres-
can), dash (Old-norse daska = percutere), marsh (mersc). Forms
in sc often serve to distinguish nearly related Anglosaxon words, as:
score, Anglosaxon scor, a notch &c., shore, Anglosaxon score, a
coast; this dissimilation also gives notional distinctions, as: scatter
to strew &c. and shatter, to break to pieces, Anglosaxon scateran;
alongside of scab (scebb) stands shabby, mostly used figuratively;
disc the apparently tabular surface of a heavenly body, and dish,
a flattened culinary utensil, point to the same Anglosaxon disc,
dix = tabula, Latin discus.
As the Anglosaxon sc interchanges with #, this is also treated
as an sc in rush (ryxa, but Latin ruscus), Of another kind is the
transformation of Xeres into the English sherry.
sh seldom answers to a single Anglosaxon 5, as in blush (blysjan),
and abash, Old-Engl. abase, and bash, bashful, belonging, according
//. The Elements of the Word.— Origin of the Consonants. TheToothsounds. 143
to Dieffenbach to the Middle-Netherlandish basen, Modern-Netherlandish
verbazen. With this we may compare the apprehension of the s in
Shepton Mallet (Latin Septonia), likewise that of the Latin s (from
the Hebrew iz«) in Joshua (Josua).
On the other hand the Old-French ss, which also was wont to
interchange with the dental c and ch, is frequently rendered by sh,
whether that ss, c, ch rests upon a primitive x or the combination
of other sounds, or even upon a single dental: cuish (cuisse, quisse,
Latin coxa), cash (casse, chasse, Modern-French caisse, Latin capsa,
Medieval-Latin cacia, cacea), sash (chasse, the same word as the
last), brush (broce, broche, brosse, Old-Highdutch brusta), anguish
(anguisse, angoisse, Latin angustia), Old-English anguysse; calabash
(calebasse, Spanish calabaza), plash, to twine boughs, (plaissier,
plassier, from the Latin plexus), leash (laisse, lesse), push (pousser,
Latin pulsare), Old-English possen; parish (paroche, paroisse = pa-
rochia), cushion (coussin, Medieval-Latin cussinus, from the Latin
culcita), fashion (fachon, fazon, faceon); to which also belongs the
verbal ending ish, French iss, Latin isc, as in embellish (embell-
iss-, as it were the Latin embell-isc-ere), which the Old-English used
to give by ise, ice, as the Old-Scotch did by is, eis, together with
ische. In Modern-English the dental c has continued in rejoice,
Old-English rejoisse (= rejo-iss-, from the Old-French jo'ir, goi'r).
The representation of the dental ch by sh in English is natural,
where in French the former alone appears, having been mostly softened
from the guttural c, &, although it may also have arisen from a sibi-
lant: dishevel (compare escheveler from chevel, Latin capillus), ga-
in ashes (gamache, Medieval-Latin gamacha, a bootleg); hash, which
appears alongside of hack, rests upon hacher, as the former does
immediately upon the Anglosaxon haccjan = concidere; the dialectical
fash answers to the French facher (from the Latin fastidium); the
cloth named shalloon comes from Chalons; the French chaloupe
after the Hollandish sloep, the Englishman renders by shallop along
with sloop. Even sch in forms sometimes gives sh: shawl (Persian
schal).
Through the agreement of the French ch with the English sh,
the English spelling sometimes fluctuates between both, for instance
in shagreen and chagrin (French chagrin, from the Arabic zargab,
Turkish sagri), fetish and fetich (Portugese fetisso, French of the
eighteenth century fetiche), cabashed and caboched (caboche,
compare caboche, thickhead, from the Latin caput); the fish is called
shad and chad (ch pronounced like sh). Is it related to the Anglo-
Saxon sceadda, English scate, skate? In Old-English even chiver
is found instead of shiver (compare the Old-Highdutch scivero,
Middle-Highdutch schivere); and thus the Modern-English eddish
(Anglosaxon edisc) also becomes etch.
Even ss sometimes still stands in Modern-English alongside of
sh, as in Old-English (see above), in bass a and bashaw, Persian
pai, schah (foot of the shach).
The word radish, answering in meaning, to the Anglosaxon
radic, in fact also radik in Old -English (see HALLIWELL s. v.) is
144 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Port I. Sect. 1.
attached to the French radis or the Latin radix, as well as to the
Swedish radisa.
The sibilant is still sometimes represented in Modern-English by
sch instead of by s//, and that according to Old-French precedent:
eschew (eschiver, Old-High dutch skiuhan), escheat (eschet from
escheoir), eschalot, also shalot (echalotte, Italian scalogno = allium
ascalonicum. LINNE).
J, as a consonant sibilant, proceeds from the Old-French j and
dental #, which not rarely interchanged with,/; the Latin J, although
it has not always passed through the Romance, is referred hither: jig
(gigue, gige, Middle-Highdutch gige) together with the dissimilated
gig with an initial guttural g (compare the Old-norse geiga = tre-
mere), jew (juif), jail together with gaol (gaiole, jaiole, gaole, Me-
dieval-Latin gabiola, gayola, from caveola), joy (goie, joie), jaunte,
felly (jante), jangle (jangler, gangler, Hollandish janken, jangeleu),
jay (gai, Modern-French geai), jargon (jargon, gargon), to which
perhaps jargle (compare jargoner and the Old-norse substantive jarg
and jargan = taediosa iteratio and sermo inconditus), juggle (jogler,
jugler, Latin joculari), just, joust, justle, jostle (substantive joste,
jouste, juste, verb joster, jouster, juster, from the Latin juxta). Jest
comes from the Old-French geste, compare chanson de geste, Old-
English gestour, jestour (for to tellen tales [CHAUCER 13775]); jaw
refers us to the Old-French joe, provencal gauta, although formerly
of the same import as chaw (Old-Highdutch chouwe) although job
also seems to interchange with chop.
In jashawk the word eyas-hawk is transmuted, thus y has passed
into a dental.
As in Old-French, so in Modern-English the dentals g and ,;'
sometimes stand in double forms for each other, as: jennet, genet
and ginnet (genet, Latin genista = broom), Jill and Gill (Gille
= Aegidia), jingle and gingle (perhaps belonging to jangler, gang-
ler?), jenneting, geniting (from June) as it were Juneapple; jail
and gaol (see above) and others.
Upon the Modern-English pronunciation of j see below ch '2.
4) The Throatsounds k (ck), q, c, ch, g, (gu, gh), h, y, x.
X which, along with c, answers to the hard guttural sound of
the Greek as well as of the Gothic &, stands at the beginning of a
word especially before clear vowels, as well as before n in the middle
of a word before or after another consonant or doubled (as ck) and
at the end of English words singly, doubled or after another consonant.
Upon sk see above.
The representation of the Anglosaxon guttural c, which down to
the eleventh century before all vowels, as well as before consonants,
denoted the same sound, and not till afterwards, especially in foreign
words, was also written &, has in English been distributed among k
and c (before obscure vowels and in the compounds c?, cr) and qu,
mostly instead of the Anglosaxon cv\ whereas the Anglosaxon c be-
fore i, ?/, e, e, ea, eo, for which in Anglosaxon ch gradually came in,
became the English dental ch. The pure guttural, was preserved
however before clear vowels as an initial k, chiefly in those words, in
/. The, Elements of the Word. — Origin of the Consonants. — Thro al-sounds. 145
which the vowels appeared to be modifications of obscure vowels, or
where hi, ke rest upon the Anglosaxon cvi, eve.
k for the Anglosaxon initial c: kin, kindred (cynu, Gothic
kuni, and Anglosaxon cynd), kind (cynde = congruus), king (cyning,
Old-Highdutch kunung), k in e (Nominative plural cy, Genitive cuna),
kindle (Old-norse kinda = ignem alere), kill, alongside of quell
(cveljau and cvellan), Old-English also kull, kiln (cylene), kirtle
(cyrtel), kite (cita, cyta = milvus), kitchen (cycene, Old-Highdutch
kuchma), kid (Old-norse kid, hoedus), kiss (cyssan, substantive coss),
key (caege), keen (cen, cene, Old-Highdutch kuon, koni), keel (ceol
or ceol, Old-Highdutch kiol), keep alongside of cheapen = to bar-
gain, Old-English chepen = to buy (cepan, cypan = vendere; tenere),
Kent (Cent-land along with Cantvare), Kennet (Cynet) in Wilt-
shire, kernel (cyrnel), kettle (cetil, cytel, Gothic katils); formerly
also kittle along with tickle (citelj an, tiuclan, tolcettan = titillare).
Old-English, like the Scotch, has forms like kirk (cyrice), now
church, kemben (cemban, substantive camb, comb) now comb,
kennen = to teach (cunnan, Present cann = scire, Gothic kannj an =
yvwQt&iv), kerse (cerse, cresse, Danish karse). Old-English also often
puts k instead of c before obscure vowels, as kan (can), kacchen
(catch), kutten (cut), and with r at the beginning of a word, as
krake (to crack), kreste (crest), krewelle (cruel), with /, as
klevys (cliffs) and others. In the combination kn, where k is silent,
although in Old-English it still sounded as a guttural (see above
page 70), it has stood since the remotest time, as in knight (cniht,
cneoht), knife (cnif), knell (cnyll, Middle-Highdutch knillen, Mo-
dern-Highdutch knallen), know (cnavan) &c.
In the middle and at the end of a word k is frequent as the
representative of the Anglosaxon c, after a short vowel and in the
middle of a word, doubled as ck, although at the end of a word it
not seldom gives place to the dental c#, especially where it originally
stood before clear vowels: twinkle (tvincljan), wrinkle (vrincle),
fickle (ficol), knuckle (cnucl); — sink (sincan), think (pencean,
pencan), rank (ranc = foecundus), folk (folc), hulk (hulce), ark
(arc, earc = navis), dark (dearc, cleorc), clerk (cleric, clerc), tusk
(tusc); — like (lie), rake (race), sake (sacu, sac), snake (snaca);
— greek (grec, graec), speak (sprecau, specan), hawk (hafuc), bul-
lock (bulluca), hook (hoc); — thick (piece), neck (hnecca), knock
(cnocjan), lock (locc), suck (sucan, sugan). Upon the dental initial
and final cA, and its partial interchange with k, see under ch.
In words originally Romance an initial English k is found be-
fore clear vowels, with a regard to the originally obscure vowel,
sometimes, where Old-French presents c and k along with ch: ker-
chief (couvrechief), kennel (chenil, Latin canile, compare chien,
kien). At the beginning of a word it sometimes replaces, before
vowels, but especially at the end of a word, a guttural c or k and
qu: remarkable (remarquer, Old-French marker), turkois and
turquoise (turquoise), locket (loquet, from the Anglosaxon loc =
repagulum), wicket (wiket, guischet, from the Anglosaxon vie),
cricket (criquet), lackey (laquais, formerly also laquet); — flanc
(flanc), plank (planche, plauke, Latin planca), de-, embark (pri-
Matzner, engl. Gr. I.
1U
146 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. I.
marily French tie-, enibarquor, yet also English bark, barge, Old-norse
barki, barkr), cask (dasque); -- creak and creek (criquer, com-
pare Anglosaxon cearcjan = stridere), creek and crick, a bight
(crique), con-, revoke (con-, revoquer), duke (due); — relick,
Old-English relike (relique), trick (tricher, trichier), compare sub-
stantive trekerie, trequerie, (see MATZNER, Altfranzosische Lieder s. v.),
attack (attaquer), truck (troquer), mock (moquer, Cymric niociaw).
It must be understood that various foreign words in k have been
admitted in which it has remained even before obscure vowels and
r, although else it passes over into c: kaleidoscope, kali, kan-
garoo, kufic, kumiss, kraal, kraken &c. But in many words
k interchanges with c before obscure vowels, as in calendar and
kalendar, caliph and kaliph, alcali and alkali, alcahest and
alkahest, and so at the end of a word: almanac and almanack
&c. In Germanic words this is rare, as in caw and kaw (compare
the Old-Scotch kae = jackdaw, Anglosaxon ceo?), ankle and ancle
(ancleov).
k stands sometimes as the substitute for other gutturals, as for
h in elk (Anglosaxon eolh), and in Cymric words, for ch in Breck-
nock (Cymric Brecheniauc = regio Brachani), wherewith we may
compare the name of the Highdutch wine backrag (from Bacharach);
g has become k in basket (Cymric basged, basgawd, even by the
Romans apprehended as bascauda); rank, answers to the Cymric
rheng, rhenge, yet both tongues perhaps refer to the Old-French renc,
itself answering to the Anglosaxon bring, hrinc.
An interchange of g and k takes place moreover in Germanic
words, thus knar, knarl stands alongside of gnarand gnarl (com-
pare the Anglosaxon gnyrran = stridere, gnornjan = moerere), as well
as the Lowdutch knarren and gnarren, gnaddern; thus too knaw is
cited along with gnaw (Anglosaxon nagau and gnagan, Old-Saxon
cnagan). Compare below c 1 and g 1.
Q, (qu), which the English and Scotch borrowed from the Latin
alphabet, arises out of the Anglosaxon cv, so far as k has not here
come in before clear vowels (as the Anglosaxou cy developed itself
out of cm and conversely, for instance, eve, cveo, cvi &c. answered to
the Gothic qi: quiver (compare Anglosaxon cviferlice = anxiously)
= to shiver, shudder, quick (cvic), queen (even), quean = strum-
pet (cvene = meretrix, mulier), Old-English also qweyn, bequeath
(becvefran), quench (cvencan = extinguere), quake (cvacjan). Thus
also arise double forms, like quell (cveljan, cvellan), in Old-English
equal to kill; quern (cveorn, cvyrn) and the obsolete kern = mola.
Other Germanic words in qu point to corresponding ones in
High- and Lowdutch, as quack (Highdutch quaken), squeak (quie-
ken) and many more.
The compound awkward is spelt by Skelton aquarde (I.
p. 331.), North-English awkert (Old-Highdutch abuh, Gothic ibuks).
A series of Romance and, originally, chiefly Latin words has qu,
corresponding to the qu appearing in Latin or only in Old-French,
as to which it is to be remarked, that this also interchanged with cu
in French: quit (quiter, cuitier), quiet (Latin quietus, Old-French
quoit, coit, coi), vanquish (perhaps with reference to venquis,
//. The Elements of the Word. — Origin of the Consonants. — Throat-sounds 147
Modern -French vainquis, compare Old-French vainquieres), quail
^quaille, Medieval-Latin quaquila, Modern-French caille); quarry =
square (quarre, qarre), and quarry (Modern-French carriere), quash
= to crush (quasser, casser = quassare), on the other hand = to annul
(quasser, casser = cassum reddere, cassare), quarrel, Old-English
querele (querele), conquest (conquest, conqueste), square (compare
Modern-French equerre, a mason's square), pique (pique, verb piquer)
and so forth. Many have been borrowed immediately from the La-
tin, as quadrate, quodlibet &c.
cu and co lie originally at the root of other verbal forms received
from the French, for which the Romance language, along with cw,
co, often gave qu, especially with an i after it; as cu, co is also in
Latin developed into qui; compare incola and inquilinus, stercus and
sterquilinium: quiver (cuivre, cuevre, couire, compare the Anglosaxon
cocar); esquire, squire, Old-English squier, squiere (escuier, esquier
= scutarius), squirrel (escurel, esquirel = sciurulus), quaint (cointe
= Latin comptus, comtus), compare the Old-English coynteliche, coyn-
tise, queintise; acquaint (acointer = Medieval -Latin adcognitare),
quire alongside of choir, Old-English queer (MAUNDEV.) (choeur),
quoif alongside of coif (coife, quoife, Medieval-Latin cofea, cuphia).
The Old-English had quishin, qwyssyn instead of cushion (cous-
sin, Medieval-Latin cussinus), surquidrie, surquedrie (compare
sorcuidance from cuidcr, Latin cogitare) and many more.
The Anglosaxon cu also became qui in quid, chewed tobacco,
alongside of cud, the chewed food in the first stomach of reerninants
(Anglosaxon cud from ceovan, English chew), the former whereof is
dialectically still used for cud.
C is occasionally found alongside of qu before an obscure vowel:
liquorice and licorice (Latin liquiritia), as in the Old -English
licour, Modern-English liquor; before a clear vowel sometimes k along-
side of qu: fakir and faquir, with the pronunciation of k.
C is partly guttural, partly dental, the former in Anglosaxon and
Romance, of course also in Latin; the latter chiefly in Romance and
Latin words.
1) The guttural c rests upon an Anglosaxon c before obscure
vowels, as well as in the compounds cl and cr, being in words
of this descent chiefly limited to the beginning, in as much as
k, q and the dental ch have taken its place. It also naturally
answers to the Old-norse k: can (canne = crater), call (cealljan,
Old-norse kalla), cast (Old-norse kasta = jacere), colt (colt),
cup (cupp), curse (substantive curs, verb cursjan); = cliff
(clif), clip (clyppan = amplecti), cluster (clyster, cluster = ra-
cemus), clew (clive = glomus), cluck (cloccjan = glocire); —
crib (cribb), cringle (Old-norse kringla = orbis), crave (craf-
jan), crop &c., (substantive cropp in the same meaning, Old-
norse verb kroppa= carpere); scrape (screpan, Lowdutch schra-
pen), scrap = fragment, crum (Old-norse skrap = nugae).
The Romance and Latin guttural c is found rendered at the
beginning and in the middle of a word (here also reduplicated
as cc, whereas the reduplication is elsewhere denoted by cte) and
at the end of a word bye: cabbage (French cabus, Old-High-
10*
148 Doctrine of the Word — Phonetics, Part L Sect. 1.
dutch capuz, Medieval-Latin gabusia, from the Latin caput),
cadet (French the same, like capitettum for capitellum), cause
(cause), coach (coche, Italian cocchio), coffer (cofe, cofre, Me-
dieval-Latin cofrus, from cophinus), whence also the English
coffin, coil (coillir, cueillir), count (center, cunter = compu-
tare), to reckon; cumber, encumber (combrer, encombrer,
encumbrer); -- claim (clamer, claimer), cloy to nail up, to
cram (cloer?), cribble (crible), cream (cresme, Medieval-Latin
crema), crest (creste, Latin crista), cry (crier); in the Middle
of a word and doubled: bacon (bacon from the Anglosaxon
bac), circumstance, circuit, viscous (visqueux), section,
action, circle, secle (secle, siecle), accord, succor (sucurre,
soucourre), bacca, accuse, succulent &c.; at the end of a
word with other consonants and alone, especially in the termi-
nation ic (Latin icus, ica. icum); sect (secte), act, perfect;
- music, republic, politic, catholic, critic, bac (bac,
Hollandish bak), maniac, where formerly ck was the favourite
spelling, or ique came in; similarly relic alongside of relique
(French relique) and the like.
c frequently stands in Romance words, where Modern-French
presents a dental ch. Here regard must be had not so much
to the primitive Latin c as to the dialectical and older French
c and ch: caitiff (caitif, chaitif, Modern-French chetif), carnal
(camel, charnel), on the other hand charnelhouse (Old-French
charnel), carrion (caroigne, carongne, charoigne, Modern-French
charogne), Old-English caroyne, careyne, caraine; carry (carier,
charier), carpenter (carpentier, charpentier), castle (castel,
chastel), caudle (caudel, chaudel, Modern-French chaudeau),
caldron (Modern-French chaudron, Italian calderone), causey
deformed into causeway (cauchie, chaussee, chalkway) and
others, although in most cases the English has chosen the dental
cA, as in challenge (calengier, chalenger, chalongier, from ca-
lumniare), champion (campion, champion) &c. (see under ch),
or has passed over into sh (see sh).
Occasionally, even in English, the guttural c interchanges with
the dental ch: calice (TAYLOR) and chalice (calice, compare
the Anglosaxon calic) and some others.
For other gutturals c seldom appears; it answers to the Anglo-
saxon g in Wicliffe (Viglaf, Old-Saxon Wiglef), to the Celtic
g in claymore (glaymor), to the Latin g in the Old-English
vacabonde instead of vagabond (still in use in the sixteenth
century), and R ecu Iver (Latin Regulbium), as conversely gam-
boge (from Cambogia) is interchanged with carnboge. The
name of a nation, Picts, sounds in Anglosaxon Pihtas, Peohtas,
as the Anglosaxon h often answers to the Latin c, for instance
in Viht, English Wight, Latin Vectis. Campare k.
2) the dental c, equivalent in sound to the sharp s, therefore fre-
quently interchanging with it, is most frequently met with in
Romance and Latin, but also in originally Anglosaxon words,
representing in the former the dental c- and s-sound, in the latter
II. The Elements of the Word. — Origin of the Consonants. — Throat-sounds. 149
only the s-sound before clear vowels. Its phonetic transmutation
into the hissing sound has been spoken of before (see p. 62).
At the beginning and in the middle, as well as at the end
of a word before a mute e, it is very usual instead of the Ro-
mance and Latin c before a clear vowel: cinder (cendre, Latin
ciner-em), cierge (cierge from cire), city (citeit, cite), cider
(cidre, deformed from the Latin sicera), cedar (cedre, Latin
cedrus); — council (concile, Latin concilium), solicitude; —
entice (enticer, enticher = exciter), spice (espece, espisce),
edifice, face, trace (tracer, trasser, tracher), distance &c.
In Cedron the Latin Cedron (Greek AM)'.-W) lies at the root.
The Modern-English c is frequently employed, particularly at
the end of a word, in the place of the Old-French s, ss, for
which the Old-French often puts c (since it frequently proceeded
from c) and alongside of which it sometimes has a final z and #,
the latter of which has often remained in Modern-French. Old-
English still often has c, even at the beginning oi a word,
which has become almost foreign to Modern-English. Compare
the Old-English ce'soun (saison, sesou), Modern-English season
(MAUNDEV.), ceise, cese (saisir, seisir), Modern-English seize
(CHAUCER), Cecylle, Modern-English Sicily (TOWNEL. MYST.)
and others. In Modern- English centinel is still here and there
found for sentinel, cerf alongside of serf and others (see
under sc); in the middle of a word: fancy (fantasie), faucet,
a tap (fausset), enhance (from hausser, yet in Old-French com-
monly enhaucier); at the end of a word, where Old-English
most frequently preserves s: device (substantive devis, devise),
advice (avis), offence (offense), defence (defense), trance
(transe from transir), dance (danser, dancer, Old - Highdutch
danson), scarce (eschars, escars), pace (pas, pais), cowardice
(coardise), furnace (fournaise), palace (palais, paleis, pales);
embrace (embosser, embracer), pinnace (pinasse from pinus);
peace (pais, paiz, paix), price (preis, preix, pris), voice (vois,
voiz, voix), choice (chois, cois), deuce (doi, dois, doux, Modern-
French deux), ace (as); in Old-English we find the forms cre-
vis instead of crevice (Modern-French crevasse), dis instead
of dice (Modern -French des), surplis instead of surplice,
forneis instead of furnace, pees instead of peace, chois
instead of choice, vois instead of voice, like enhaunsen
instead of enhance, pass instead of pace and others. Dissi-
milation comes in in Modern-English, in some forms, by apply-
ing the s or the 2, to distinguish a verb from a substantive, as
in devise (deviser) alongside of device, advise (adviser) along-
side of advice, apprize alongside of price.
c is also so applied for the Anglosaxon s: ad dice (adese and
adz, adze), fleece (fleos), mice (inys), lice (lys), ice, icy (is,
isig); here belong also the adverbial forms in ce, at the root of
which there lies an Old-English original genitive s, as twice,
thrice, once, whence, hence, thence, since, Old-English
twies, thries, ones, whennes, whens, hennes, hens, thennes, thens,
sithens. In Skeltou we find the forms ones, whens, hens,
150 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I, Sect. I.
syns. Even bodice = stays seems to stand for the plural
bodies
A dental c seerns to have occasionally taken the place of the
Romance sibilant ch-, yet here recourse might be had to the Latin
forms, for instance in decipher (French dechiffrer, yet Medieval-
Latin ciffara, Arabic safar), cornice (French corniche, Italian
cornice, from coronis, confounded with comix?); so too in pu-
mice (Latin pumicem) and pumice- stone, where the Anglo-
saxon has the Guttural: pumicstan. c certainly interchanges,
even in English, with c/j in cibol, ciboul and chibbal (French
ciboule, Latin cepa, Italian cipolla).
The dental sc has attached itself to the Romance and Latin
sc: science (French, the same), sceptre (the like), scion
(French scion); — deliquesce, effloresce and so forth. Yet
it has also taken the place of a single s, as in the originally
Anglosaxon scythe (siBe), or ss, as in bascinet (French bas-
sinet). This very sc also interchanges with the dental c: scy-
mitar alongside ofcimeter (French cimeterre, of Turkish origin),
scissors alongside ofcissors (ciseaux), as in Old-French sceller
alongside of seeler and others.
In Scythia, Scythian the English does not attach itself to
the Anglosaxon form Scytftia, Scyo^ja, but to the Latin.
Ch is guttural with the sound of Jc, and dental as a sibilant.
The aspirated ch was completely foreign to Anglosaxon before the
eleventh century. Upon the later ch see 2.
1) The guttural ch takes the place;
of the oriental sound, at the beginning of a word, represented
in Latin writing by ch: Chaldea, although this here and there
passes into the dental sihilant, as in cherub, cherubim; in
the middle and at the end of a word: Michael, Old-English
Mighelmesse (PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 260), Enoch;
the Greek /, Latin ch: chimera, chaos, chlamys, Christ
(although Anglosaxon Crist); anchoret, anchorite (anachoreta,
although Anglosaxon an cor, ancra), mechanic, technical; —
distich, epoch, eunuch, conch (*oy/»?, concha), anarch; —
also in the compound sch: scheme ('»#»?/"«). Some few words
have in common life assumed the dental pronunciation of ch (see
above p. 62.). Words, which have passed through the French,
have likewise sometimes retained the French dental pronunciation:
machine and the like; as others (especially in the syllable arch)
have reached it through the Anglosaxon c before a clear vowel:
archbishop, (arcebiscop) ;
of the Italian ch, as in machiavelisrn;
of the Celtic ch: loch (in Scotland, lough upon Irish maps)
pronounced in English with k (Cymric llwch, Irish louch), pib-
roch, pibrach (Gaelic piobaireachd).
The Germanic ch appears, although mute, in yacht (Hollaudish
yacht), otherwise in the compound sch (see 2.).
The rendering of an Anglosaxon c by a guttural ch is rare, as
in ache, also pelt ake (Old-English verb aken, preterite oke,
Anglosaxon verb acau, substantive ece, ace, ace), which according
11. TheElements of the Word. — Origin of the Consonants. — Throat-sounds. 151
to Smart was pronounced in Shakspeares time like aitch (with
a dental ch). See 2.
On the other hand a Latin and Romance guttural c is some-
times rendered by ch; ch is certainly sometimes found in some
words in Latin, alongside of c, and has also passed over into
Old-French: sepulchre (sepulcre, sepulchre, Latin sepulcruin,
-chrum), anchor (ancre, Latin ancora, anchora, Anglosaxon an-
cor, on cor); chainlet, camlet, camelot (cainelot, Medieval-
Latin camelotum, camallotum). Also stands alongside of lilach,
lilac (Italian lilac, French lilas).
A guttural ch stands alongside of # in chambrell or gam-
brell (the hindfoot of a horse) which belongs to the French
gambe, jambe and to the root cam, crooked (Zcuss Gr. Celt. 1,
75). Thus the Old-English lets in g for ch: Nabugodonosor,
Modern-English Nebuchodonosor.
2) The dental ch is in Modern-English a sibilant with a t prefixed,
which therefore, if combined with cA, indicates the reduplication
of the f, whereas the French sound of ch appears only in words
which have been naturalized from France in recent times. The
former is however found both in those borrowed from the Old-
French and in those in which ch has been developed out of an
Anglosaxon c, on which account we might presume that the Old-
French ch, as well as the c before clear vowels represented tsch,
and gave rise to its intrusion into English. Yet the development
upon English soil of the ch commencing with the dental ?, as
well as that of g (and j) commencing with the dental c/, is the
more natural assumption, and that warranted by other tongues,
in which, however, the influence of the French sound of the c/?,
g and j upon the Anglosaxon pronunciation seems to be without
doubt, in as much as the Old-French c/?, g and j had made the
transition from gutturals to dentals decidedly earlier, and at the
most met the English halfway.
The dental ch (tsch) has essentially taken the place of the
Anglosaxon c at the beginning and in the middle of words be-
fore clear vowels, at the end of words, where it originally stood
before clear vowels, but also else where. How far it has yielded
to the &, was observed above. The Anglosaxon offers, even in
the eleventh century, ch instead of c, as chidau, chece at the
beginning, muchel, cuchene (cycene), bisecchan in the
middle and ich (ic), swilch (svylc) at the end of a word. See
Ettmuller, Lex Anglos, p. XXVII. The Old-English soon received
these forms and appropriated the reduplication cch after a short
vowel: chiden, cheke, muchel, bisechen, ich, swich and
with cch: bicche (Anglosaxon bicce = bitch), fecchen (Anglo-
saxon feccan = fetch), lace hen (Anglosaxon laccan = to catch).
Yet k (c) still stand in the beginning and at the end of a word:
biseken, lakkeii, ic, swylke, a fluctuation, which even now
partly takes place in the final ch and k.
ch. for an Auglosaxon c at the beginning of a word: chide
(cidan), child (cild or cild), cheek (cece), cheese (cese),
chafer (ceafor), chaff (ceaf), choose (ceosan), chew (ceo van),
152 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect 1.
church (cyrice see above); in. the middle seldom, the sound in
the middle of the Anglosaxon word having mostly become the
final sound in English: kitchen (cycene); at the end of a word
it has often come in, where c originally stood before a clear
vowel: bitch, (bicce), pilch (pylce), church (cyrico). Yet k
is also put before a clear vowel in the middle and at the end
of Anglosaxon words: chicken (cicen), flicker (flyccerjan),
cheek (cece, according to Grimm however ceac). Verbs in jan,
ean and an with or without a consonant preceding the Anglosaxon
c frequently transmute c into cli : teach (tsecan), Old-English
techen; reach (raecau, race'an and recjau, recean, reccan), Old-
English rechen; stretch (streccan), Old-English strechen;
thatch (peccan), Old-English thecchen; catch (compare the
Old-norse kaka = leviter attrectare), Old-English cacchen;
clutch, Old-English clucchen, drench (drencean, drencan),
Old-English drenchen = drown; stench (stencan = odorare),
belch (bealcjan), Old-English on the other hand belken, as
still in the North of England. Alongside of these stand forms
like rake (racjan, racigean), speak (sprecan, specan), sink
(sincan), stink (stinkan), drink (drincan), think (pencean,
pencan) and so forth, which Old-English likewise commonly gives
with k. In Modern-English seek (sece'au, secan) and beseech
(besecan), Old-English seken and sechen, biseken and be-
sechen, stand strikingly alongside of each other; be seek still
in Spenser and Shakspeare. In other classes of words, in which
the Anglosaxon made the word end in c, ch has likewise fre-
quently taken its place: rich (ric), Norwich (NoroVic), speech
(spaec), finch (fine), bench (benc); instead of c after a short
vowel and cc stands tch: pitch (pic), crutch (crycc); on the
other hand pock (pocc, poc), flock (flocc) &c. 'Old-English
and Modern-English here too often disagree; for instance t hack,
Modern-English thatch (pac), Old-English ilk, Modern-English
each, but the Old-English also eche. k and ch become occa-
sionally distinctive marks of the parts of speech, as in bleak
(blac, blsec), and bleach (blsecean, blsecan) and some of the above
quoted words; but they often run without distinction parallel to
each other; as in those compounded of the Anglosaxon vie =
portus vic = vicus which in Modern-English sound wic, wick
and wich.
In some double forms the French influence mingles with the
Anglosaxon: marches, confines, Anglosaxon mearc = limes and
signum, to which belong the English mark, Old-English merk =
token, Old-French marche, mafce = limit; marquess and mar-
chioness (Old-French markis, marchis, Medieval-Latin marchio);
break and breach both belong to the Anglosaxon brae = fractio,
but the latter is to be referred primarily to the French breche.
In roach ch is put for Jih (Anglosaxon reohha, Latin raja).
A dental ch (tsch) also frequently arises out of the Old-French
ch, which likewise had mostly developed itself out of the guttural
c, £, although where in Old- French c and ch interchanged with
each other in Old-French, in English a guttural c is preserved.
II. The Elements of the Word. — Origin of the Consonants. — Throat-sounds. 153
At the beginning of a word, rarely before clear vowels, mostly
before a primitive (Latin) a, as in the French: chimney, (chi-
menee, ceminee), chieve and cheve (provincial) and achieve
(chevir and achever, achiever from chef = caput), chisel (ciseler,
ciseau, Old -French also chisel), change (changier, canger),
charm (charmer), challenge (chalengier, calengier), chamber
(charnbre, cambre), chattel (chatel, catel, whence the English
cattle, Latin capitale), chase (chasser); in choice (choix) the
French form mingles with the Germanic choose. In the middle
and at the end before obscure and clear vowels, as in French, where
ch in the middle, which in English often becomes the final sound,
arose out of c, x, tc, c/c, ct, pj and so forth: archer (archier,
archer), truncheon (tron9ou, tronchon), merchant (marcheant,
marchant), bachelor (bacheler, baceler), preacher, preach
(precheres, precher, Anglosaxon predicere, predicjan); blancher,
blanch (blancheor, blanchir, compare Anglosaxon blanca = equus
albus and blaecean, blsecan = albare. English bleach), launch
lancer, lanchier), paunch (pance, panche), March (Mars, March),
march (marcher), porch (porche, Anglosaxon portic), broach
(broche, broce, to the Latin brochus, brocchus), vouch (vochier,
vocher from vois, voix).
Ch interchanges in Old-French also with ss, and is also rendered
by an English sh (see p. 143.); we likewise find tch after a short
vowel substituted for the latter: escutcheon, scutcheon (es-
cusson), sketch (esquisse), caroche (carosse, Medieval-Latin
carrocium, carrochium).
The words brought over with the French sound of the ch are
few in number, as chaise, champaign (Old -French cham-
paigne), chevisance (from the Old-French chevir, compare
the Modern-French chevance), champerty, champertor (cham-
part, champarteur) &c.; but it is striking that even older words
preserve the French sound or might again adopt it.
By the substitution of sh for ss (s) and ch, as well as cA, in
English, with which on its side an English ch often clashes, it
is explicable that the two latter sometimes interchange with one
another in English, as in shinghle and ch ingle (Old-High-
dutch scindala); the older forms deb osh, d e bo ish have yielded
to debauch.
Sometimes forms in c and ch are met together. They come
from French words, in which a dental c interchanged with ch',
hence chive and cive (chive, cive, from the Latin caepa), Old-
English chibolle (Modern-French ciboule, compare the Low-
dutch zipoll). Words in which an English ch corresponds to the
French c, suppose a collateral form in ch: pinch (pincer), punch
(compare poinconner, Italian punzar, punchar, and the Anglo-
saxon pyngan = pungere). Cherry points not so much to the
French cerise, as to the Anglosaxon cirse, cyrse; also chirp
(Highdutch zirpen) points to the Anglosaxon c, (compare the Old-
English chirk, Anglosaxon cearcjan = stridere); larch, a kind of
pine, from the Latin larix, reminds us of the Italian larica,
French lareche? On the other hand etch quite corresponds to
154 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part 1. Sect I.
the Modern-High dutch aetzen, as cratch, scratch, Old-English
cracchen, does to the Old -Highdutch krazjan. Similar is the
representation of the Anglosaxon ffbj tch in the unusual swatch,
alongside of swath (Anglosaxon svafru).
ch has also likewise sometimes developed itself out of a gut-
tural g] orchard (Anglosaxon ortgeard, Old-norse jurtagardr) is
an instance. The case is indeed more frequent in Old-English
that a dental g was changed into ch: grucchen (Modern-English
grudge (French gruger). So too conversely ch and g sometimes
interchange in Modern-English: ostrich and estridge (autruche),
spinnach, spinach and spin age (Italian spinace), with which
we may compare the obsolete bodge alongside of botch.
G is partly guttural, partly dental ; upon its dental pronunciation
compare c above.
1) The guttural g arises chiefly from the Anglosaxon g, although
this in a limited measure passes over into y, in the middle of
a word after vowels often becomes softened into i (compare sail,
Anglosaxon segel, se'gl) or into w (compare own, Anglosaxon
agen), at the end likewise often becomes y and w (compare key,
Anglosaxon cseg; bow, Anglosaxon beogan). It is therefore
most frequently preserved at the beginning of a word: gird
(gyrdau), gild (gildan), get (getan), gallows (galga), good
(god), gut, guts (gut); glide (glidan)^ greet (gretan)j also
before n although here extinct in pronunciation at the beginning
of a word: gnaw (gnagan), gnat (Modern-High dutch gnitze),
gnar, gnarl (from the Anglosaxon gnyrran = stridere, Lowdutch
gnarren). In the middle of a word it has seldom remained
without reduplication: wagon and waggon alongside of wain
(vagen, vagn, vaen), dagger (Old-norse daggardr, Swedish and
Danish daggert), swagger (from the Anglosaxon svegjan =prae-
valere); frequent after n: finger (finger), anger (from the An-
glosaxon ange, compare the obsolete angerness, Anglosaxon
anguiss), monger (mangere), hunger (hungur), br angle and
wrangle (compare the Lowdutch brangen and wrangen = to
scuffle).
At the end of English words it is not rare after clear and
obscure vowels, as after n: pig (Highdutch dialectically bigge,
betze?), big (?), whig alongside of whey (hvseg = serum lactis),
wrig, now commonly wriggle (Lowdutch wricken, wriggeln,
wrickeln, compare the Anglosaxon vrigjan = tendere, vrixljau =
alternare, reciprocare), twig (tvig), leg (Old-norse leggr = crus),
peg(?), beg (from the Gothic bidagva = a beggar?), shag,
whence shaggy (Anglosaxon sceacga = caesaries, Old-norse
skegg), stag (Old-norse steggr = rnas plurium ferarum), hag
(Anglosaxon hagtys, hages, Old-norse hagr = sapiens), crag =
neck (from the Highdutch kragen, Swedish krage), dog (Old-
norse doggr), fog (Danish fog = a shower of snow, yet Old-
English fock), frog (Anglosaxon frogga, frocca), drug (to the
Anglosaxon dryge, from drugjan = arescere, belongs the French
drogue); ing (inge = pratum), sing (singan), sving (svingan),
bang (Old-norse banga = pulsare), fang (fangan), throng
11. The Elements of the Word.— Origin of the Consonants.- Throat-sounds. 155
(prang, prong); with double g: egg (ag) and to egg instead of
edge. After vowels a double g (eg) has often become dental
(see 2), after n in the verb singe (sengan = ustulare) and cringe
(cringan, crincan). Old-English preserved a few more forms in
g, as big — build (bycgan = aedificare).
The Old-French guttural g also, mostly before obscure vowels
and consonants, usually remains guttural in English: garnish
(garnir, guarnir), gallop (galoper), so too in gittern alongside
of guitar (guitarre), gie alongside of guide (Old-French guier,
guider), orgillous (which reminds us primarily of the Old-
French orguillous, but belongs to the Anglosaxon orgol, orgel =
superbia), linget (French lingot). In the middle of a word
it often appears before clear vowels, in the metathesis gre:
eager (aigre), tiger (tigre, Latin tigris), conger (congre, Latin
conger, congrus).
Occasionally too, a dental French g has become guttural: giz-
zard (gesier, Latin gigeria), gibbous (gibbeux, Latin gibbosus).
The g brought over from the Latin and the Greek remains
regularly guttural, where it originally stood before consonants
and before obscure vowels; yet even here exceptions are found
before clear vowels. See the pronunciation.
Finally, a guttural g has also arisen from a primitive guttural
c (&); even in Anglosaxon such forms as frocca, frocga, frogga
and frox = frosc (frog, in Old-English also frosh) stand along-
side of each other. In English fig corresponds to the Anglo-
saxon fie (whether under the influence of the Old-French fige
= figne?), sprig substantive and verb, Anglosaxon spree and
spreccan = fruticare, but the Old-English sprek = ramentum; dig
belongs to the Anglosaxon die = agger; the Old -English has
diken, dychen and dyggen (MAUNDEV.) alongside of each
other. Thus too at the beginning of a word in the sixteenth
century gaggle stands for cackle (see HALLIW. s. v.), compare
the Highdutch gakeln and kakeln. Sometimes likewise in French
words: flagon (flacon), sugar (sucre, Spanisjj. and Portuguese
azucar), shog and shock (Old-French choque, Modern-French
choc); periwig corrupted from perruque. Spenser uses
aeglogue for eclogue, and in common life docket or do-
quet is confounded with dogget.
Instead of the simple g there often stands, according to French,
precedent, and mostly in words taken from that language, gu,
in which u serves at the same time to harden the g before clear
vowels, yet it is found also before obscure vowels. In Old-French
gu served to represent the Germanic w (Gothic v), especially
at the beginning of a word, seldom the Latin w, and interchanged
with w and g\ in Modern-French g remains before obscure vowels.
Here Anglosaxon and Old-French forms often meet. That this
u is sometimes condensed into w, even before clear vowels, con-
cerns the doctrine of the pronunciation (see p. 65). It stands
at the beginning of a word: guide (guider), guile, beguile
also wile (the former belonging to the Old-French guile, guiler,
guiller, also ghiller, giler, the latter to the Anglosaxou vile),
156 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. I.
guise and wise (the former belonging to the Old-French guise,
the latter to the Anglosaxon vise), whence disguise (desguiser),
Guy (Guy, Old-Highdutch Wido, \Vito = Veit), guard (guarder,
warder), guiirish (SPEXSKR) (guarir, warir, garir), Guelfs,
Guelphs (Guelfes, compare the Anglosaxon hvelp = catulus,
Old-Highdutch Huelp = \Velf), guerdon (guerredou, gerredon,
werdon) whence also reward. In the middle cf a word gu
rests in part upon the Latin gu, as in languish (languir, Latin
languere), distinguish (distinguer, Latin distinguere), language
(Old-French laugage alongside of langue, lange, Latin lingua),
Old-English Lingage. At the end of a word it is identical with
the French g and u, as a sign of the hardening of the g: vague
(vague adjective), fatigue &c.
gu for a simple g has also penetrated Germanic words: guild
(gild), guilt (gylt), guess (Swedish gissa, Danish gisse, com-
pare the Old-norse giska = conjecturare;, guest (gast, gest, gist);
at the end of a word in tongue.
The same is the case in some other words, where the French
gave no support to it: plague (Latin plaga, compare French
plaie), prorogue (French proroger, Latin prorogare); rogue
seems of Celtic origin. May it belong to the Celtic rogair =
knave?
Old-English, like Old-French, often employed g instead of gu:
gile, gyle still in Skelton, gise, gilteles, gesse &c.; lang-
age, tonge, also roge.
For a guttural c (k, q) gue stands at the end in the Romance
disembogue (Spanish disembocar, compare the Old -French
boche, bouce, bouque); it is equal to the Cymric ch in hog
(Cymric hwch).
gh has principally a place in the middle and at the end of
words, and has essentially taken the place of the Anglosaxon h,
only this has sometimes been totally rejected in the middle and
at the end of words, as it often was in Anglosaxon. But this h
is in close contact with g and c; for in Anglosaxon g and e be-
fore t passed into h, and at the end of a word g after I and r,
as well as after a long vowel or diphthong, was changed into h.
We therefore find the gh in older English often represented by
j, as in ci3te, Wygt, myjte, fojte, bro^te (Ron. OF GLOU-
CESTER), almigti, figter (in WYCLIFFK), mygt, sigt, nygt,
digt (in ROBIN HOOD) and so forth. The sound of this gh was
originally that of the Highdutch ch, apart from the partial, ori-
ginally perhaps dialectic pronunciation as /, which has become
established in some words in Modern-English. It has been be-
fore shown that a final h (g) has been transmuted into w (ow).
Moreover, formerly it was also entirely cast out, as in thaut
nout, sout, i-brout, mi thout (DAME SIHIZ p. 12.), hye
(high), poru in ROB. OF GLOUCESTER and others. The Scottish,
which, in ancient times, wrote and pronounced thoch, rycht,
nycht, nocht, wrocht, micht speaks for the sound ch. We
are not here regarding the initial gh. At present gh is almost
always mute.
11. The Elements of the Word- — Origin of the Consonants . - Throat-sounds. 157
gh in the middle of a word is hardly ever met with but in
inflective forms and derivatives. The English roots present it
as the final sound, or as final with a t after it, and that only
after the vowels i (ei), u (au, ou): nigh, nig her (neah, neh),
to which neighbour (neahbur, neabur), high (heab, hea), thigh
(peoh), though (peah), through, thorough (purh, puruh),
dough (dag, dah); here perhaps also belongs bough, Old-English
bow (from the Anglosaxon beogan?). It enters for the Anglo-
saxon g in the rare stigh, compare the dialectic stighrope
(stigan, stigerap), weigh (vegan), neigh (hnsegan), plough
(Old-norse plogr), Hugh (Old-Highdutch Hugo), where collateral
forms like sty, weyen, plow occur in Old-English. It fre-
quently stands before t: might (meant, mint), night (neaht,
niht), light (lihtan = levare), right (riht, rent), plight (pliht,
verb plihtan); Wight (Viht), weight (viht), eight (eahta),
caught (Old-English also cagte), taught (taehte, tseht), bought
(bohte, boht) &c. , freight (Old-Highdutch vraht), Leighton
and Lay ton (Ligtun). After r, gh still stands in burgh (buruh,
burh, burg) alongside of borough, where gh still sounds like
g; in Old-English still oftener, for example in bergh = mount
(beorg, beorh) and borgh, borugh in the plural borwe, borwes
(borga, a pledge, borg, borh) in PJERS PLOUGHMAN.
The Old-English still often has, alongside of the rejection of
the <///, forms with it, which are no longer in use in Modern-
English; thus dro3, drogh, drough, drowghe, Modern-En-
glish drew (drog), slough, slowghe, Modern-English slew
(sloh), lagh Modern-English law (lah) and others.
ght has also sometimes, in analogy to the representation of the
primitive Anglosaxon gt, ct, been employed for the Latin ct, as
the Anglosaxon ht also entered for the Latin ct', compare dihtan,
Old-Highdutch ticton, dihton, Latin dictare, formerly English
dight; thus the Old-English has Benedight (Benedictus), Shak-
speare extraught for extracted. On this rests delight (Old-
French deleiter, deliter and delecher) alongside of delectable,
Old-English delit, delitable with reference to the Latin delectare.
So too gh is represented by the Latin c: Liwghor (Leucarus),
Brougham (Brocavum)
The Latin h is treated as an Anglosaxon one in inveigh (in-
vehi), compare invective, gh in sprig ht alongside of sprite =
spirit is without foundation. In straight, Old-English streit,
which also partly coincides with strait, Medieval-Latin strictum
= detroit, the French estroit, estreit, Latin strictus, seems to
blend with the Anglosaxon streht from streccan, Old -English
streight.
Where gh in rare cases at the end of words corresponds in
pronunciation to the guttural k (c&), h likewise is at the basis:
hough (ho, hoh), whence the verb hough = hamstring; shough
= shaggy dog, also spelt shock, belongs to the Anglosaxon
sceacga. The Irish lough, Scottish loch is of another kind.
The mutilation of Livorno, Latin Liburnum into Leghorn,
where gh has the sound of the guttural g is striking.
158 Doctrine of the Word. - Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I.
gh in the middle and at the end of a word has sometimes
become the labial /, especially at the end and before t; the ety-
mology of the words belonging here is not always clear, although
their gh mostly points to h (g, c) and conversely to an/, trans-
muted into gh. The transition of gh into the /-sound has nu-
merous analogies in other tongues: compare K. Schwenck's Dic-
tionary, 4th Edition p. XIV., Schoetensack's Grammar of the Mo-
dern-Highdutch tongue p. 26. In Old-English, as well as even
now in English Dialects, it goes much further than in the general
speech of the educated in modern times. Old-English doftyr =
daughter (RrrsoN), caufte = caught (HALLIWELL s. v.),
thofe = though (IBID.) and thus in Old-English and still in
Northern-English thruff, thurf = through, thoft — thought
in Devon and else where. Instances in Modern -English are:
enough, Old-English ynow (genoh, genog), tough (toh), trough
(trog, troh), rough (hreoh, hreog, hreov alongside of hreav,
English raw), slough, the cast off skin of a snake and scurf
(from the Anglosaxon slahan, as slough, a filthy pool, with mute
gh, Anglosaxon slog?), chough (compare the Old - Highdutch
couch, gouch), cough (compare the Anglosaxon ceahhettan =
cachinnari, Highdutch keucheu , keichen) , clough, ravine
(whether from the Anglosaxon cleofan, clufan and thence also
clough), draugh and draff (compare the Anglosaxon drabbe
from drefan = turbare), compare the Old-norse badstofa, Swedish
badstuga, Danish badstue; draught and draf (droht = tractus),
from dragan, whence the English draw and drag, Old-English
also dray), laugh, laughter (hleahhan, hlihhan and hleahtor).
Chincough with a final /-sound, and even hiccough with a
final p-sound, seem nearly allied, in as much as both are com-
pounded of cough (see above). Also chin(c) and hie may be
related and of the same root as cough. Compare the Swedish
kik-hosta, Lowdutch kink-hoost and Lowdutch hik-up.
With the transition of the Guttural into the Labial also agrees
the affinity of sigh (with mute gh} to the Anglosaxon seofjan
alongside of sican, whence the Old-English and dialectic sike;
and furlough with the Hollandish verlof; compare the Anglo-
saxon lufu = amor and leaf = permissio.
Of peculiar nature is gh, which at the beginning of some words
before clear and obscure vowels appears instead of a primitive g
with its guttural sound, occasionally interchanging with gu and
g. Thus gh is sometimes met with in Medieval-Latin, as, in
Italian also, before clear vowels it represents the guttural g; Old-
French writes alongside of g and gu also gh in ghise, ghiller,
ghernon, ghenchir. From the latter the initial gh seems to
have penetrated into English. We find it in the words: Ghi-
belline, gherkin (Highdutch gurke from the Latin cucurbita),
ghastful, aghast, in Shakspeare ghast as a verb, ghost
(gast, gsest = halitus, and gsesan = percellere, whence the English
agaze), also ghyll alongside of the usual gill (Old-norse gil), in
Spenser ghesse for guess. The French (gueux) are rendered
by Gheux (PHILLIPS). The Old-English gheet is of the same
//. The Elements of the Word. — Origin of the Consonants. — Throat-sounds. 1 59
meaning as goats. Dialectically ghizzern stands for gizzard,
ghern for garden; in the Isle of Wight ghenge means the depth
of a furrow. In the North of England even the dental g is harde-
ned into gh: ghibe instead of gibe.
In oriental words this gh is likewise sometimes found used:
Afghan, Afghanistan, ghaut, ghee (from the Indian), ghoul
(from the Arabic) and many more.
2) The dental g, pronounced with d before it, and in its redupli-
cation represented by dg, occurs in Germanic and Romance words,
but in words originally Anglosaxon not at the beginning of a
word, for in words like giant (Anglosaxon gigant) and gem
(Anglosaxon gimm) the Anglosaxon and the French forms blend
(Old-French geme, gemme, jame and jaiant, geant).
The Anglosaxon g has become dental after n in singe and
cringe (see p. 155.); in angel not so much the Anglosaxon
engel as the Old-French angele along with aingle, angle at the
basis; in the older targe (Anglosaxon targe = clypeus), whence
target with a guttural g is derived, the Old-French targe, Me-
dieval-Latin targia seems to have effected the dental pronunciation
of the g.
On the other hand the dental dg often enters instead of the
reduplicated Anglosaxon gg (eg}: midge (mycg, niicg, rnygge),
ridge (hrycg), bridge (brycg, bricg), edge (ecg), edge, verb
alongside of egg (ecgan, eggjan), wedge (Old-norse veggr =
cuneus and paries, Danish vsegge = cuneus), sedge (secg = gla-
diolus carex). The Old-English has here a double g: brigge.
eggen &c. In other words the fundamental tongue only presents
a single g: h e d g e (hege and hag, compare Haag), fidget, other-
wise also fidge (Danish fige = to hurry), Old-norse h'ka = festi-
nare), fadge (fagjan = ornare, Old-Highdutch fagjan, fagon =
satisfacere, expedire); many words are of unclear origin, as
badge (Medieval-Latin bagia), a sign, mark (whether from be 6-
gau, compare beah, beag = corona, annulus?), badger (compare
the Swedish bagge, a ram?), badger, huckster, seller (compare
Italian biadajuolo, badger and cornchandler) ; cadge, to bear and
cadger, huckster, belonging to cadge, a pole; dodge (accord-
ing to Ettmuller from the Anglosaxon dydrjan = illudere) and
others.
Wage belongs not to the Highdutch wagen, but to the Old-
French gager, wager, substantive gage, wage, from the Gothic
vadi, with which the Anglosaxon ved, veddjan, English wed
agrees.
In Romance words the dental g answers to the same sound;
after a short vowel it is reduplicated as dg: gibbet (gibet, com-
pare Diez R.-Wb. p. 175), gipon also juppon (jupon, gippon),
gibe (in Champagne: giber =jouer), gin, also geneva (genievre),
genet, gennet (genet, Latin genista), gender (gendre) gaol
and jail (gaiole gaole); — ginger (gin gembre), burgess (bur-
geis, bourgois), sage (sauge, Latin salvia), Old-English save;
rage, cage and others; judge (juge, juger), lodge (loge, lo-
ger) &c.
160 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. I.
Latin words, and words which have passed through the Latin
commonly retain the dental #, when it stood originally before
clear vowels: gingival (from gingiva), genius, geminate
(geminare), gynarchy, georgics (georgica), dialogize, dial-
lage, absterge (abstergere) ; yet divulge, for instance, agrees
neither with the Latin divulgare, nor the French divulguer;
purge (purgare) has perhaps followed the French purger.
Words like Roger (Anglosaxon Hrodgar, French Roger) are
of course modelled after the French; here belongs also harbinger
(from the Anglosaxon herebirigan, Old - French herbergier),
wherein r has been changed into w, and which occurs in the Old-
English form herbarjour, harbegier.
A dental g has occasionally been formed out of s and a dental
c, ch in an unaccented syllable: cabbage (Medieval-Latin ga-
busia, French cabus), sausage (French saucisse = Latin salsicia),
partridge (perdrix, Latin perdix, -icis, Old-English, ^Hirtryk,
partrich), cartridge (cartouche as it were Latin chartoceum), in
Spenser: galage (galoche from the Latin gallica). In revenge
however not the Modern-French revancher, but the Old-French
vanger, vangier lies at the foundation. Compare the Old-French
nage, Modern-French nache. Conversely the Old-English often
puts ch for g: grucchen (grudge, French gruger), partrich
(partridge), beverache (beverage), as knowlecchen for know-
ledge, although more correctly (Old-norse kunnleiki, notitia).
As in Old-French so also in English the likesounding g and j
interchange with each other: gelly and jelly (gelee), gingle
and jingle (compare the Old-French jangler, gangler), gipon
and juppon and others. Thus also Giles, Gill, Gillian are
derived from the Latin Julius, Julia, Julianus.
H, apart from its union with other phonetic signs, as th, sh,
ch, gh, belongs principally to the beginning of words, where it is
occasionally silent, as at the end; and where it is sounded, represents
the so called aspirate, for which the language is indebted to the An-
glosaxon h before vowels, and to which the weaker Old-French // was
perhaps not equivalent.
It arises from the Anglosaxon and Romance h; an Anglosaxon
h before the consonants n, /, r, was lost: hill (hill), heel (hel),
harm (hearm), hate (hatjan); — hideous (hidos, -us, -eus), herse,
port cullis and hearse, a carriage for the dead &c. (herse, Medieval-
Latin hercia from the Latin hirpex), habergeon (haubergou, hau-
berjon from halbert, haubert also habert, Old-Highdutch halsberc),
haunt (hanter, Old-norse heimta), harness (harnas, harnois, verb
harnacher), host = hostile army (ost, host), hostage (ostage,
hostage from obses, Medieval-Latin obsidatus, ostagius as it were ob-
sidaticus, um), hour (hore, houre, ore) and so on. Of course h has
remained as the initial sound in Latin and Greek words, even though
they have not passed through the Romance tongues, as in hyacinth,
hyads, hymn, hyphen, hysteric &c. and in other foreign words,
as hospodar &c. In Greek words rh is also found: rhetoric,
rheumatism &c.
A final A of a word or of a syllable is found partly in inter-
//. TheElements of the Word. — Origin of the Consonants. — Throat-sounds. 1(51
jections, where it may originally have served to sharpen the vowel,
and will have approximated to the Anglosaxon final h, as in ah!
hah! bah! and many more; it is moreover found in the middle and
at the end of foreign words: Messiah, hallelujah! Allah &c.
For luh instead of the Anglosaxon hv see Metathesis.
Words with and without an initial 7? of Romance and of Greek-
Latin descent are often found alongside of each other. The Old-
French took the lead in this: hostler and ostler (compare hostel,
ostel), hippocras and ipocras, homer and omer (a Hebrew mea-
sure), herpetology and erpetology and many more, as in Old-
English heir and eir, eyr, and even in Anglosaxon words : hysand
ys (his), often in ROB. OF GLOUCESTER.
Y serves essentially to represent the Anglosaxon /, (= Gothic f)
and the g which in Anglosaxon frequently took the place of j, par-
ticularly at the beginning of words before the clear vowels e, t, as
well as before obscure ones with the prefix of e (ea, eo, eo); the
genuine English y appears at present only at the beginning of a word.
y stands for,;' and for an improper g in: yea (ja, gea), year
(gear, ger, Gothic jer), ye (ge, Gothic jus), yes (gese, gise, gyse),
yet (git, get), yond, yon (jand, geond = illuc, Gothic jains = yon),
yore (jara, geara), yoke (joe, juc, geoc), young (jung, geong),
youth (jeoguff, geogutT), yule (jul, geol); — yest and yeast (gist,
compare the Old-Highdutch jesan, later je'ren). In you, your (eov,
eover), the y (j) existing in the nominative ge\ Gothic jus, has
remained (Halfsaxon guw, gure, Lowdutch juch, jur); in yew and
eugh, it has been developed out of ?', Medieval-Latin juus (Anglosaxon
eov, iv, Old-Highdutch iwa, igo). It corresponds to a High- and
Lowdutch j in yacht (Hollandish jacht), yager (Highdutch jager),
younker, youngker.
In Old-English even a j in the middle of a word has also pro-
duced a y. Namely, the infinitive termination jan and the termina-
tion of the first person of the present je passed over into the Old-
English verb. The j, especially- in the Infinitive of weak verbs and
in the first person of the indicative of the second weak conjugation,
became g or ige or a simple e; for instance in hergan instead of
herjan, lufigean instead of lufjan and in the present, as seal-
fig e alongside of those of the first conjugation in je, as herje.
Thence originate the Old-English terminations of the infinitive and
of the present yen, ye alongside of ien, ie, the latter of which went
through all persons of the present, as this y was transferred to the
preterite, where the first weak conjugation shewed e. The semicon-
sonant nature of this y (?) comes out pretty decidedly. So the verbal
conjugation: tilyen, tilien; — tilye, tilie — tilyeth, tilieth;
— tilyede, tilyeden — (tiljan, teoljan), sweryen — swerye &c.
(sverjan). The Old-French forms of the infinitive ier likewise,
others presenting no ?', were similarly treated; hence maryen. ma-
rie n (marier), scapyen, savyen &c., whereout the vowel termi-
nation y was soon developed, as in governy, crouny, amendy,
which agree with repenty, servy, conquery, in which the vowel
may seem to have been preserved from ir. Even Germanic forms in
Matzuer , engl. Gr. T. H
162 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect L
y occur, as endy (endjau), wemmy (vemman) &c. Some of these
terminations still continue in Modern-English.
From. #, which has not demonstrably taken the place of 7, or
which sounds like g in High- and Lowdutch, an English y likewise
sometimes proceeded: yield (gildan, geldan, Gothic fra-gildan), yell
(gillan, gellan, Old-High dutch gellan), yelt (gilte, Old-norse gilta =
scrofa), yesterday (gistran, geostran, Gothic gistra-dagis), yard
(geard = sepes, Gothic gards, garda) and yard (geard, gerd, gird,
Old-Highdutch gartja, gerta), yarn (gearn = pensa, Old-Highdutch
garn), yellow (gelu, geolu, Old-Highdutch gelo) but yolk and yelk
(geoloca, geolca), yearn (geornjan, Gothic gairnjan), yawn (ganjan
= aperire, Old-Highdutch ginen, but compare the Lowdutch hojanen),
so too Tare, a river (Latin Garyenus). The Old-English had also
y instead of </, as in yemen (geman, gyman = custodire), yeme
(geam = cura), whence perhaps yeinan s. above p. 106. foryeten,
foryat, foryetten (forgetan), yeven, yaf, yeven, (gifan), yift
(gift), yat, yate=porta (geat, gat=porta), this still in North-En-
glish and Scottish; yarken (gearcjan = parare) even now in Northern
dialects; ayein, ayeins (Anglosaxon preposition gagn), Modern-
English again, against.
y in Old-English also often took the place of a French 7, as in
yoye, yoyfulle (joie), yoly (joli), yugement (jugement) and many
more. The form yewys instead of jews likewise does not perhaps
rest upon the Anglosaxon Judeas. Even now moreover words with
an initial y and j, interchange, as in unclear forms jerk and yerk,
Old- English yirk, (compare Dieffenbach Wb. II. p. 377.) and jade
alongside of the dialectic yaud, a bad horse, a strumpet.
Occasionally a French y has remained in the middle of a word :
bayard, bayonet, as well as in other foreign words, for instance
bayadere.
X was in Anglosaxon put in the middle and at the end of words
for cs, sc, gs = sg and fe, never at the beginning. In Old-English
it also sometimes penetrated the beginning of a word for sh (= sc),
as in the Coventry Mysteries: xal, xalt, xuld, xad (shed) stand,
and even in Skelton xall, xulde &c. This is also. still the usage
in English dialects.
At the beginning it is to be met with in Modern-English only
in foreign words, mostly of Greek origin, as in Xiphias &c., xebec,
Spanish jabeque, formerly with x instead of j.
In the middle and at the end of a word it stands for the An-
glosaxon x and, like this, often also for those combinations of gut-
turals with s in which it might enter in Anglosaxon, although even
where the Anglosaxon let x enter alongside of sc, sh is sometimes
selected; compare fish (fisc, fix), wash (vascan, vaxan) as distin-
guished from wax, ashes (asce, axe), sometimes sk, compare ask
(ascjan, axjan), Old-English axen.
An instance in which, conversely, the Modern-English x answers
to the older sc9 is perhaps mix (Anglosaxon miscan, but compare
the Latin mixtum). Thus flexs stands in the older English instead
of flesh (flsesc).
An ancient x has been preserved in mix en (mixen, myxen =
77. The Elements of the Word. — Changes by Contraction and Amplification. 1(53
sterquilinium), vixen (fixen), the obsolete faxed (gefeaxod, feaxed,
from feax, Old-norse fax, juba), Exmouth (Exan nrnoV), Exeter
(Exan cester); compare the Latin name of a river Isaca, Isca; six
(six), next (neahst, next), flax (fleax), axe, Axe (acas, ax, eax),
wax (veaxan) and wax (veax, vax), ox (oxa, ohsa), fox (fox).
It often arises in English from the contraction of k (c) and s,
for instance in pox, Old-English pokkes (PiERs PLOUGHMAN p. 431),
from the Anglosaxon pocc; coxcomb alongside of cockscomb, kex,
Hemlock, alongside of kecksy; hence the propername Baxter for
bak ester, bakstere. The Old-English word buxom = obedient,
gay, which has no equivalent in Anglosaxon, belongs to the Anglo-
Saxon beogan, bugan: compare the dialectic form bucksorne =jolly,
in the South of England.
The Romance, as well as the Latin and Greek #, unless the
latter have been already changed by the Romance tongue, are com-
monly preserved: example (Old-French example), exist (exister,
Latin exsistere), excellent, anxiety, luxury, fix (fixer, Latin
fixus), tax &c. Occasionally x is resolved into cs, as in ecstasy,
ecstatic, alongside of extasy, extatic and others.
In exchequer, in Old-English also cheker and eschekere, the
Old-French eschakier, eschequier, eskiekier, Medieval-Latin scacarium
(belonging to schach) lies at the root. The form arises through the
double rendering of the sc, sk. Thus excheve arose out of the Old-
French eschiver, eskiver. See HALLIWELL s. v.
Changes of the primitive word through its contraction and
amplification.
Among the changes which the surviving vocabulary of the English
tongue has gradually undergone, the contraction and amplification of
the word in its vocal volume, without loss or change of meaning,
is to be observed. The unconscious tendency of cultivated nations
to make their speech a more pliant and rapid expression of thought,
is constantly doing detriment to the vocal material, while, on the other
hand, the striving after convenience in pronunciation, the habituation
of the organs of speech through analogous forms, and the clash of
irreconcileable sounds, often caused by the very contraction of a
word, are causes of an amplification of the vocal material. But the
striving after shortness by far outweighs that after the amplification
of the word, and the broadening of the language remains especially
reserved to the uneducated, wherefore it belongs partly to popular
dialects, which have often preserved the primitive plenitude of vocal
material.
A) Contraction of the word.
The contraction does not commonly affect the kernel of the
word, which presents itself at the syllable of the stem, and com-
monly also as the accented syllable, although here the two chief
elements of the English tongue, the Anglosaxon and the French,
so far diverge from each other that the French element has here
11*
1 64 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. I.
and there preserved its accent upon the full final syllable instead
of the syllable of the stem. Contraction also principally begins with
the casting out of an unaccented vowel, entailing therewith that
of the consonant through its clash with another irreconcileable con-
sonant. Yet even here and there a combination of consonants, in
itself perhaps reconcilable, is repugnant to the popular habit. The
following cases are in particular to be distinguished.
1) The falling off of vowels:
a) at the beginning of a word. The falling off of a vowel is
here rare, yet even Anglosaxon is not wholly wanting in instances,
as in biscop (episcopus), pistol (epistola), Old-English pistel,
Modern-English epistle, and the like. English has often again
cast off the French e unorganically prefixed to sp, sc, st, or even
the justified e: spy (espie) alongside of the verb espy (espier),
although of Germanic origin (Old-Highdutch spehon), space
(espace), Spain (Espagne, Anglosaxon Ispanja, yet the name
of the people was even then sounded Spene = Hispani), scourge
(escourgee), stanch (estancher); standard is found in Anglo-
saxon as well as in Middle-Hi ghdutch stanthart (estendard);
stage (estage, estaige) and others; slandre (esclandre, Latin
scandalum), Old-English esclaundre. Thus in Old-English Sca-
riot was spelt Iscariot (CHAUCER). Modern-English has double
forms with these sounds, as, especial and special, escutcheon
and scutcheon, estate and state, to estrange and strange,
stranger, esquire and squire &c. In the Anglosaxou ster-
ling (Medieval-Latin esterlingus, sterlingus), also e a sterling,
Old-English starling the vowel of the root-syllable is similarly
cast off. The remarkable quinsy arose from squinancy (esqui-
nancie mulitated from synanche). Before single consonants e
sometimes, a frequently, is cast off: gypsy (from Egyptian),
ticket (diffused even in the 17th century) may come from eti-
quette, but should properly sound s ticket (Old-French estic-
quette), mend (amender, amander, Latin ainendare, the simple
mendare is wanting), purtenance (Old-French apurtenance),
bay (abaier, Modern-French aboyer, ad-baubari; here the pre-
position is likewise lost); van, vanguard, vantage (avant,
avantage from ab-ante), vail (avaler from a val, to lower),
board (instead of abord, perhaps the French aborder), limbeck
alongside of alembic (alambic, alembic). Frequently treated
of by etymologists, pert is perhaps naught else but the Old-
French apert = ouvert, public sans feinte. In Old-English it
stands exactly in the Old-French sense: pertliche for pure
pride, and for no point ellis, that is, openly (PIERS PLOUGHMAN
p. 78); How pertly afore the peple Reson bigan to preche (IB.);
And pertly it hentes (Morte Arthure) in HALLIWELL s. v.
perteliche. pert certainly also stands for the Latin subtilis =
delicate, fine, for instance of a fine lady : He seygh never non
so pert (iLLiisiRAT. OF FAIRY MYTHOLOGY p. 11). Compare
however the Cymric pert = fine, spruce, and Gaelic peirteil =
impudent. The older forms noy, uoyance, noyous, noyful
correspond to the Old-French anoi, anoiance, anoios, which the
11. The Elements of the Word. — The Falling off of Consonants. 165
modern tongue has brought back instead of and partly along-
side of them: annoy, annoyance &c. Italian has the simple
forms: noia, noioso &c.
In Celtic names beginning with p, a has often fallen off; here
belong: Prichard, Pritchard, Price, Peury, Powell,
Pugh (also Pye according to LOWER, Engl. Surnames p. 146),
which are properly compounds for Ap (ab, uab, mab = filius)
Richard, — Rhys, — Henry, — Howell, — Hugh. Thus
in proper names generally initial vowels, even obscure ones,
often fall off: Livy (Olivia) and the like.
Of Anglosaxon words: lone instead of alone (ealan, English
alone, not usual in Anglosaxon) belongs here.
b) In the middle of a word an unaccented syllable, or one which
in English has become unaccented, especially between consonants,
is thrown out. The Anglosaxon even, as well as the Old-French,
leaned to this rejection; compare Anglosaxon cetil, cetl; cle-
ric, clerc; segel, segl; fafremjan, fafrmjan; munec,
munc; monaft', mond; miluc, mile; sadul, sadl &c. En-
glish went by degrees much further in this: church (cyrice),
adz, adze alongside of addice (adese), mint (mynet), hemp
(hanep), own, Old-English owen (agen), bald, Old-English
balled, Buckingham (Buccingaham), Walsinghain (Valsinga-
ham), Swanwich and Swan wick (Svanavic), Hachness near
Withby (Haconoa), hawk (hafuc, hafoc), Berkshire (Bear-
rucscir), french (frencisc), scotch alongside of Scottish, and
many more.
This happens no less in Romance words: chapter, (chapitre),
Old -English chapitre; captain (capitaine), able (habile),
gentle (gentil) alongside of genteel, Old-English gentile;
subtle alongside of subtile; copse alongside of coppice,
enmity (enemistiet, Modern-French inimitie), chimney (chi-
menee, ceminee), damsel (damisele, but also dancele), Old-
English damysele, damycele, fortress (forteresce, but also even
fortrece), musrol (muserolle), frantic alongside of phrenetic,
apartment (appartement), remnant (remanant), Old-English
remenant, John, Old -English Johan, comrade (caniarade),
carbine alongside of carabine, damson, formerly dam a syn
and damasee (Damas, Damascene), doctress alongside of
doctoress &c. Here belongs also sprite, spright alongside
of spirit, and chirp instead of cheer up.
The rejection of a vowel before a vowel is rare, save in the
blending of two words: trump (triomphe, triumphe); blendings
of this sort are the obsolete forms: don, doff, dup, dout
(= do on, -off, -up, -out), whence d outer = extinguisher.
c) The final vowel is frequently lost, wherewith the loss of the
vowel inflectional terminations is especially connected: end(ende),
earth (eorfre), emmet (semete), milt (milte), yes (gese),
Thames (Tamese), monger (mangere), ne if, n e a f (Old-norse
hnefi, knefi, Danish nseve), fall (fealle), bid (bidde), creep
(creope), blow (blave) &c.; pith (pifta), creed (creda), ass
(assa), soon (sona, suna), son (sunu); so constantly in the old
166 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I.
substantive termination ere: eater (etere), player (plegere)
&c. ; Old-English rydere, ledere, flaterere, usurere &c.;
in Romance words this loss naturally chiefly affects the mute e:
origin (origine), sign (signe), pain (paine), plant (plaute),
branch (branche), group (groupe) &c. In envoy, the accented
e falls off (envoye). This falling off of vowels especially appears
after a short vowel of the accented syllable, or one shortened
in English, as well as after long vowels and diphthongs, which
become immediately recognizable as such in writing; compare
blow, soon, pain.
"2) The Omission of Consonants.
a) At the beginning of a word the single final consonant is sel-
dom omitted. This happens to the nasal n, which is else un-
organically prefixed to an initial vowel, in adder (Auglosaxon
nadre, naddre, Gothic nadrs, Old-English nedder, with which
we may compare the Lowdutch, Hollandish and Flemish adder
.= snake. The Anglosaxon aettern = venenosus seems to have
naught common with it. Apron, for which also apperon and
formerly a pern stood, corresponds in form to the Old-French
naperou.
On the other hand a solitary final guttural has often been
cast off. In a certain sense g is to be reckoned here, although,
where instead of gi or ge only y or i now appears, the soften-
ing of the g, which first became y, into a vowel blended of i
or e (yi = «, ye = ie or J) explains the casting off of the g (y).
Here belongs the prefix ge, which has disappeared in Modern-
English; and which was rendered by y and i: yblent, ybrent
(burnt), yfostered, yronnen, yqueint (quenched), ylike
(Anglosaxon gelic = similis) and so on. Spenser has still many
of these forms; Shakspeare, yravished, yslaked, ycleped,
yclad, Milton and others, ycleped, yd ad, which an anti-
quated style still sometimes affects. Here belongs also the form
of expression I wis, arising from a misunderstanding of the
ancient form, but which properly has not the Anglosaxon pre-
terite visse, but the Old-English ywis (Anglosaxon geviss) for
its foundation. Occasionally e has remained for ge: enough
(genoh), Old -English yenoughe, ynough, Halfsaxon inow and
others. Instead of the Old-English gef, gif stands if (Anglo-
saxon gif), instead of Gypes wych in ROB. OF GLOUCESTER
now Ipswich (Anglosaxon Gypesvic); itch belongs to the
Anglosaxon giceness = prurigo; the older collateral form of
yearn, desiderare, is earn (Anglosaxon geornjan). Compare
the Old-English ere instead of year.
A single h is often thrown off, even in Anglosaxon words:
able, ability, Old-English hable, habilitee, ermine (hermine,
Medieval -Latin hermellinus, -a), usher, Old-English huisher
(Old-French huissier, hussier and uissier, ussier), ombre (Spa-
nish hombre), allelujah alongside of hallelujah, to alloo,
alongside of to halloo. In Old-English also ipocrite, ipo-
crise, Ipocras, oneste and the like. In it (Anglosaxon hit)
the Anglosaxou 7? has been lost; Old-English hit, hyt; for we Ik,
II. The Elements of the Word. — Omission of Consonants. 167
we find the Anglosaxon hvilc = marcidus, Old-Hi ghdutch wilh-
jan, and ving is the Anglosaxon hving and ving. Even Anglo-
saxon often cast off the foreign A-sound, as in ymen, yinn
alongside of hymn; Ercol (Hercules).
The Hebrew guttural ch has been cast off in Enoch (Hebrew
Chanoch).
Initial letters in combination with other consonants are some-
times thrown off. Thus ph before th is occasionally suppressed
in pronunciation, as also in writing: tisic alongside of phthisic,
compare apothegm alongside of apophthegm; v before /in
lisp (Anglosaxon vlisp = balbus), Danish lespe; and after s in
sister (sveostor, svyster), Old-English suster, Lowdutch Blister,
but compare p. 168. H before TO, / and r at the beginning of
a word has been abandoned: neck (hnecca), nap (hnappjanX
nut (hnuta, hnut), listen (hlystan from hlosnjan), leap (hlea-
pan), ladle (hladle), lot (hlot), ring (bring), rime, hoarfrost,
to which the French frimas belongs (hrim), raven (hrafen).
The &, otherwise mute before ft, (Anglosaxon c) has been lost
in nap alongside of knop, in Northern-English nab (Old-norse
knappr = globulus, compare the Anglosaxon cn'ap = jugum),
Old-English knappe. S before n has vanished in Nottingham
(Snotingahani). Betwixt s and /, c is indeed partly tolerated,
as in sclerotic, sclavonian; yet c is mostly thrust out, since
only the combination si was familiar to the Anglosaxon organ,
(although even the form sclawen for slagen = slain is cited),
hence the hybrid form slice (Old-French esclicer, Substantive
esclice, from the Old - Highdutch slizan, Anglosaxon slitan),
slander (esclandre), sclaunderyng (SKELTON I. 324.), slave
(esclave), as Slavonic. The r omitted after sp in speak was
frequently wanting even in Anglosaxou (sprecan and specan).
In proper names usual combinations of consonants have frequently
vanished, as, for instance, in Fanny (== Frances), compare the
French Ferry, for Frederic.
b) In the middle of the word (and here we reckon all save the
final consonant) consonants are frequently omitted before other
consonants, rarely before a vowel, whether consonants stood
originally beside each other, or, as is very often the case,
clashed with consonants in a derivative syllable or in the com-
position of words.
Nasal letters have rarely been cast out, as n in eleven
(Anglosaxon endlif, Dative endlifum, endlefen), Old-English en-
leven, ellene; agnail (Anglosaxon angnagl), nailworm, Thurs-
day (Anglosaxon punres dag, yet Old-norse porsdagr); v a ward
(SHAKSPEARE) instead of vanward, vanguard. In words ori-
finally French, like covenant, covent (Coventgarden) Old-
rench forms without n lie at the root; covet and covetous
come from the Old-French coveiter, coveitous, although even
Old-French sometimes inserts an unorganic ft, like the Modern-
French in convoiter (from the Latin cupidus).
Among liquid letters, I in Anglosaxon words before a primi-
tive guttural is frequently omitted: each (selc), Old-English ilk,
Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. /.
eche, Dialectic elcone = each one (Cumberland), to be distin-
guished from the Old-English ilk == the same, Anglosaxon ylc;
which (hvylic, hvylc), Old-English whilke; such (svelic, svylc),
Old-English swilke, swiche; thus too in Old-English there stand
pike, pikke instead of pi Ike (Anglosaxon pylc); likewise
before s in as (ealsva, alsva), Old-English als. Where in Ro-
mance words a primitive I has been omitted, the Old-French
has often thrown it out: safe and save (Old-French salf, sauf,
and salver, sauver, saver); Old-English also had savation,
heraud, assaunt, auter and the like, where Modern-English
has again taken up the Z, as in salvable, salvation, al-
tar &c. The Old-English Wat (Walter, compare French Gau-
tier) is also to be compared (see LOWER p. 127.), and Gib
(Gilbert = Giselbert) and others. The r is seldom lost, for
instance in: cockade alongside of which also cockardis found
(see HALLIWELL s. v ) (Old-French cocart, quoquart, vain, Mo-
dern-French cocarde, from coq); and in mutilations of names;
like Bab (Barbara), Bat (Bartholomew), Mat (Martha).
Among the Lipsounds p has been cast out in corse along-
side of corpse (yet even in Old-French cors), as in deceit,
Old-English deceipt. The b is lost in dummy, dummerer,
dumfound (Anglosaxon dumb, and already with lack of b in
dumnyss, in English on the other hand dumbness), and in
ames-ace (SHAKSPEARE) alongside of ambs-ace, Old-English
ambes as. Compare the Old-French amedoi alongside of am-
bedoi. The / is lacking in woman (Anglosaxon vifmann, where
the Anglosaxon replaced it by assimilation : vimmann, vemmann),
inhad, hadst (hafde, hafdest, hafdon), where the Old-English
had havede, hevede &c. or assimilated/: hadde, haddest,
hadden; head, behead (heafdjan, beheafdjan), lady (hlsef-
dige = hlafveordige).
We cannot regard the Anglosaxon v as cast out in so, also
(sva, ealsva) and kill alongside of quell (cveljan), since here
v becomes softened into the vowel u and coalesces with the
following vowel, as in such (svylc), Old-English swa, kull.
The Romance v is cast out in kerchief (couvre-chief), curfew
(couvre-feu). Compare the Old-Englich kevere = to recover.
Toothsounds have frequently been thrown out ; thus t before
st: best (betst, properly betest), compare 3, b; and betwixt
two s: Essex (Anglosaxon Estseaxan), Old-English Estsex;
Wessex (Anglosaxon Vestseaxan), Old-English Westsex; betwixt
a primitive h and th or t (where properly a vowel has been
previously cast out): eighth, eighty, eighteen (compare
Anglosaxon eahtocTa, eahtatig, eahtatyne). t before r, followed
by another consonant, is also suppressed: Pernel (Petronella) ;
as well as before d in dandelion (Old-French dant = dent
de lion). The dental d is cast out before sp in gospel (An-
glosaxon godspell); before sw: answer (Anglosaxon andsvarjan,
but also ansvarjan, onsvarjan) ; in Old-English also before tr in
sheltrom, sheltroun (Anglosaxon scildtruma = testudo)
= host, troop of soldiers, th before labials after r in the word
//. The Elements of the Word. — Omission of Consonants. 169
north is often thrown out, whereas th after a vowel, like other den-
tals, readily assimilates with the consonant after it: Norfolk
(Norfrfolc), Old-English still Norpfolc, like Sopfolc, Norway,
Old-English Norpweye andNorweye, Norwich(Noro*vic), but also
still in names like Nortwich, Nortwick and Northwich,
North wick; before m in Norman, alongside of Northman
(Anglosaxon Norfrmann and even Normann) ; but before h there
ensues the casting out of the initial h: Northampton (Norfr-
hamtun), Northumberland (Norfrhymbre, Norfranhymbre).
Th is also omitted before sh: worship (Anglosaxon veortfscipe).
S is often omitted after another s in composition: transept,
dispirit; likewise after #, in which Latin and Old-French pre-
ceded: exile, exert, execute, exult, alongside of exsuda-
tion and many more. It has also been cast out before t in
Exeter, Old-English Excestre and Exetre (Anglosaxon Exan-
cester).
Throats ounds also have often been cast out. A guttural c
has been lost in drown (compare Anglosaxon druncenjan),
likewise one of the threefold c (&) in neckerchief (that is
neck-kerchief). The guttural g has been partly weakened into
a vowel, as the doctrine of vowels demonstrates, and cannot
therefore, in such a vocal resolution, be regarded as merely cast
out. The case also in which the g which has arisen through
the French transposition of an i or e is lost through a fresh
transposition in English, cannot be referred here, as in Gas-
cony = Gascogne (Vasconia), Burgundy = Bourgogne (Bur-
gundia). G is however, perhaps to be regarded as cast out where
either a primitive g stood before another consonant in French,
or where a g, arising through the transposition of an i or e in
French, was preserved in Old-English. In many cases Old-
French certainly took the lead in the omitting of the g Thus
g is to be regarded as cast out in disdain (desdaigner),
Spain (Espagne), Old-English Spaigne; Britain (Bretagne),
Old-English Bretaigne; mountain (montaigne, but also mun-
taine), Old-English mountaigne; company (compeignie, but
also cumpainie), Old-English compaignye, compagnie: join ant
(joignant), Old-English joignant; Cluny (Clugny); Castanet
(castagnette), purloin (purloigner); Modern-English retains the
g, although it is silent, in many forms, as reign, impregn,
sign, expugn and others. Forms with and without g also
sometimes stand alongside of each other: eloin, eloine and
eloigne (esloignier). In the Celtic word Craven, g is cast
out before «?, Cymric craigvan = district of rocks. In Anglo-
saxon words g (at all events before i) has been cast out after
a primitive s (c) in icicle (isgicel), as well as between n
and t in lent (lengten, also lencten). To too the Anglosaxon
h before £, else rendered by gh, has been cast out in trout
(truht, Latin tructa) and wet (which likewise answers to the
Anglosaxon veaht as vaet), not, alongside of nought, nauht,
Old-English no3t, as in the compound after mb in: Lambeth
instead of Lambhithe, compare Greenhithe (from the An-
170 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Parti. Sect. I.
glosaxon hyfr = portus), and after rw in: narwal alongside of
narwhale (Anglosaxon nar = nas (nasu?) and hval = balaena).
c) At the end of a word especially nasal sounds have been thrown
off; m in fro (Anglosaxon frani, from); especially frequently ft,
for instance after m, although a final inn seem otherwise recon-
cilable (compare condemn, damn, automn, column), where
n is now silent: stem (Anglosaxon stafn, stefn, stemn) and in
the verb to stem (stemnjan), compare the Anglosaxon vaemn
alongside of vaepon, emn alongside of efen, hremn along-
side of hrafen, where English has abandoned the contracted
forms; after s: dross (drosn = faex); after I: ell (eln, aln,
whence elbow, where even in Anglosaxon elnboga also occurs
alongside of elboga); more frequently after vowels: eve along-
side of even (sefen), game (gamen), a = an (an), no = none
(nan), Old-English non; ago (from the participle gan = gangen),
go (Infinitive gan), do (don), cleave (cleofan), choose (ceosan)
and so in all similar inflectional forms; above (bufan), afore,
before (onforan, beforan), where the Old-English still along-
while retained n. Here belongs also the preposition a for on
in compounds, where even the Anglosaxon offered a, o, along-
side of OT?, an. Thus Old-English has me, instead of men
(RoB. OF G-LOUCESTER), tho instead of than, and others.
The lipsound b is sometimes thrown off in Old-English after
m (although often added) in lam, dum and other words, in
which b now regularly reappears
Among toothsounds a final t is sometimes thrown off : Bene-
dick alongside of Benedict, anvil (Anglosaxon anfilt), Old-
English anvelt; in Romance words, in which t often rests upon
a primitive d, this occurs, according to the Old-French precedent,
in Old-English in secree (secreit, secroi), now again secret;
in Modern-English decree (decret), degree (degret, degre,
Modern-French degre); plea, along with the verb plead (Old-
French plait, plaid), Old-English pleid, plead; with this is
connected the omission of the d in the ancient see (Old-French
sed, siez, se); petty, along with which petit was formerly
found, is the -Old-French petit. Compare the Old-English a
petit thing (PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 287.).
D also is cast off; often after??: tine (Anglosaxon tind, Old-
Highdutch zinka), woodbine (Anglosaxon vudubend, -bind =
hedera uigra), similarly in scan (Latin scandere); on the other
hand in summon not the Old-French form with a d inserted:
semondre, but semoner, also occurring, may lie at the root.
Before a vowel too a final d has been lost: Davy (David).
The s, silent in the corresponding French words, is often lacking
in the English ones: pea (pois, peis, compare the Anglosaxon
pisa, Latin pisum), relay (relais, or is the French relayer,
substantive relais, descended from the English?), hero (heros),
hautboy (hautbois). Thus also an an a stands alongside of
ananas. In the word riddle the Anglosaxon s (raedels, com-
pare the Middle-Highdutch rsetsal, -el) is also lacking.
Final gutturals often disappear; especially g after ?', with
//. The Elements of the Word. — Omission of Consonants. 171
which the softened guttural may seem to have coalesced: any
(sBnig, anig), many (maneg, manig), body (bodig), ivy (ifig),
penny (pending, pening, penig), dizzy (dysig), mighty (mih-
tig) &c.; so too in Chelsea (Ceolesig). Besides that, a final
#, with a vowel preceding it, has yielded directly to y and
w. See vowels. This is likewise the case with c: I (ic = ego),
Old-English ich; every (= ever each, Angiosaxon sefre selc),
Old-English everych; particularly in adjectives compounded of
the Angiosaxon lie: daily (daglic), fleshly (flsesclic) &c., where
Old-English always had the forms with a final ch: nianlich,
baldelich, wyslych, lordlich &c. The word cony, which
is to be referred to the Latin cuniculus (Old-French conil, conin),
sounds in Old-English conynge, couig. Even the final Angiosaxon
h (else replaced by gh or otherwise) is sometimes not preserved:
fee (feoh), shy (sceoh), seal (seolh, but also with the h re-
jected: seol, siol, syl), mare = equa (mearh = equus, merihe,
but also mere, myre = equa.
The abandonment of a primitive reduplication of consonants
in the middle and the end of a word deserves particular men-
tion, but especially that at the end, in wrhich we of course ab-
stract from the reduplication, of a consonant originally single,
which first arose in the English tongue. The English restricted
the reduplication in the first instance, as was natural, to syl-
lables with a short or a shortened vowel.
1) With the Lengthening of the Vowel, therefore, a consonant
originally double is, regularly, changed into a simple one, both
in Angiosaxon and in Romance words; hence: dare (Angiosaxon
dearr, dear), stars (steorra), brawl (Old-English brallen); date
formerly datte), tailor (tailleur); in words like flame, grate
and others the Old-French fluctuated between flame and flamme,
grater and gratter &c. Fallen and others with //, warrior
(guerrier) and the like, form exceptions.
2) The reduplication is especially retained in the accented syllable
which is not final. Reduplications after it are exceptionally
permitted, like the reduplications of / in Romance words, which,
like other reduplications which are not primitive, take place in
an inflective termination, as counselled, travelling, quar-
rellest (from conseller, conseiller and so forth); although this
is censured by grammarians; whereas, by universal consent,
the derivative syllables ess and niss always end with a doubled
consonant: countess (Old-French contesse, cuntesse); sick-
ness (Angiosaxon seocuess). But before the accented syllable
the maintenance of the double sound is fluctuating, although
mostly retained, as in essoin (Old-French essoine), allow
(allouer), annex, accost, collect, commence &c.; on the
other hand upon (Angiosaxon uppoii, uppau).
3) In the simple rootsyllable the primitive double sound is hardly
ever preserved, except where /, s, c (English as ck and tch~) and
g (Angiosaxon eg, English dge) originally appeared doubled;
hence: hill (Angiosaxon hill), still (Angiosaxon stille), gall
(Anglosaxou gealla), cress (Angiosaxon cre'sse), mass (masse),
172 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 7.
truss (Old-French trosser, trusser), bless (Anglosaxon bless-
jan), stick (Anglosaxon sticca), thick (piece), flock (flocc),
bitch (bicce), thatch (peccan), bridge (brycg, bricg), fledge
flycge). Other reduplications are here exceptionally preserved,
as mm: rnumm (Highdutch mummen, vermummen); nn: inn
(Anglosaxon inne, inn); rr: err (Old-French errer, oirrer), serr
(serrer), purr also pur (Highdutch purren, purr machen); bb:
ebb (Anglosaxon ebba); tt: butt (Anglosaxon bytt), smitt
(Highdutch schmitz, schmitze); dd: add (Latin addere).
On the other hand one of the consonants is commonly lost
here: grim (Anglosaxon grimm), ram (ramm), hen (henn),
sin (synn), lip (lippa), trap (treppe), cup (cupp), crib (cribb),
web (vebb), net (nett, also nete), bid (biddan), shed (seed-
dan), wed (veddjan). Even the // commonly preserved in short
and long syllables does not always appear in the accented syl-
lable: wool (Auglosaxon vull), patrol (French patrouiller).
When the the full (Anglosaxon full) with a double /, appears
without the accent, before or after the accented syllable, it
assumes the single /; the former in the Auglosaxon fashion; the
later contrary to the Anglosaxon usage: fulfil (fulfillan);
baleful (Anglosaxon bealufull).
If the word is compound, the double consonant is frequently
not given to the accented verbal root in //, as in fulfil, com-
pel, whereas the double consonant is uniformly afforded to
others, such as those in ss: caress (caresser), en doss (endosser).
But grammarians disagree upon the former case. In inflective
forms, which are added syllabically, the double consonant is given
to the root syllable.
3) The omission of vowels and consonants.
a) At the commencement of the word the omission of a consonant
with a vowel after it, or of a vowel with a consonant after it,
is not uncommon, whereas the ommission of a syllable begin-
ning or ending in a consonant is rare. The loss at the com-
mencement is frequently naught else than the casting off of a
particle which, although originally necessary to the determination
of the notion, was afterwards, through the absence of accent,
no longer conceived in its specific import.
Consonant and vowel are cast off in: story alongside of
history (compare here however the Old-French histoire, estoire
and Anglosaxon ster, Old-Highdutch storja, that is historia),
spaniel (from Hispaniolus, compare French epagneul), spital,
spittle (Old-French hospital, ospital), spite (Old-French
despit, compare Hollandish spyt), spence = pantry (Old-French
despense), sdain, sdeign in Spenser (Old-French desdeigner),
sport (desport), to which also the forms fend, fender, fence
are to be reckoned (Old-French defendre, desfendre; defenderes;
defens); in reeve, Old-English reve, to which sheriff, Old-
English shereve, belongs, the Anglosaxon prefix ge, which seems
to have always been peculiar to the substantive, has been cast
off (Anglosaxon gerefa, sciregerefa, scirgerefa). In dropsy,
//. The Elements of the Word. — Omission of Vowels and Consonants. 173
dropsical even the essential element of the word has been
lost (from the Greek Stiototy and <<Jow»i'). In proper names ab-
breviations like Beck, Becky (Rebecca) &c. are less striking.
Still more frequent is the case that the syllable beginning
With a vowel, even here mostly a primitive prefix, is cast off:
rack alongside of arrack, prentice alongside of appren-
tice, Old -English prentis; sample (Old -French essample,
• example), soar (French essorer, Old-ProvenQal eisaurar), swage
suage alongside of assuage (Old -French assoager, asuager,
from the Latin suavis). In Old-French the reduplication of the
consonant arising from assimilation was often omitted, as in the
last instance ; so that in some cases in English only the casting
off of a vowel (see above) could be assumed. The syllable en
, .;._.• is found thrown off in cense, censer, alongside of incense
(Old-French encens, encenser, eucensier = encensoir), Old-En-
glish censing, censer; gin alongside of engine (Old-French
engin, yet even the adjective gignos), Old-English gyn, gin;
cyclopedia and cyclopaedia alongside of encyclopaedia;
in common life we say peach instead of impeach (Old-French
empescher = deferer en justice). Still more striking is cern
in Shakspeare for concern. Mutilations, such as Mun instead
of Edmund, often occur in proper names, even with the rejec-
tion of several syllables, compare Betty, Betsy = Elizabeth,
where we must observe the class of names beginning with T,
in which the initial consonant is the remnant of a atte (at the)
prefixed, as in Try (atte rye = shore), Tooke (atte hooke),
Twell (atte well), Thill (atte hill); as in some beginning with
n the consonant is a remnant of atten (at then, Anglosaxon at
pam, the Dative of se, pe, or with n to avoid the hiatus):
Noakes (atten oak), which is commonly named along with
Style (compare Simone atte Style [PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 89.]). —
Drake has also been shortened by an essential element (com-
pare Old -English andriki, Old-Highdutch autrecho, Swedish
andrake), wig is shortened from peruke, periwig; zounds
arose from God's wounds!
fe) In the middle of the word, with the expulsion of an unaccented
vowel the consonant preceding it is also frequently cast out,
because the organic combination of the now clashing consonants
is not possible, or is inconvenient, in which the case may arrive
that two like consonants meet and stand before or after a third:
England (Anglosaxon Eng/aland), Old-English Englelonde;
else (el/es), Berkshire (Anglosaxon Bearrwcscir, yet Bearucscir
is also cited); nurture (Old-French nom'ture, yet also, with
neglected assimilation of the ?, from nutrire, noriture), noisome
(instead of noisesome); or two and mostly three other consonants
would clash: either (Anglosaxon seg/wafter, yet also segfrer),
hast (Anglosaxou ha/ast), lakin, laken instead of lacfo'kin,
made (Anglosaxon macdde), Old-English also mase, tase (=ma-
&es, ta&es); mart (= market, Old-norse markadr), lark (laverce),
Old -English and Scottish laverock; last (adverb lafost, from
late = tarde, sero, the adjective latemest), Ralph (Old-High-
174 Doctrine of the Word — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1.
dutch Ratalf),. lord (hla/ord), Old -English loverd alongside of
lavedi (DAME SIRIZ), lobster (loppestre, yet also lopustre, lopy-
stre), whirlwind (Old-norse hvir//lvindr), sennight (seo/on-
niht, in Thorpe seofeniht), Cambridge, Old-English Cante-
brigge; since, Old-English sytAenes, sitAence (from Auglosaxoa
sifrpan); or and nor are contractions from adbr, nacfor, them-
selves standing for the fuller forms ahvacfer, nahvaOer. In Ro-
mance and other words this omission is no less usual: palsy
(Greek-Latin paralysis), fancy stands for the older fantasy;
sexton for sacristan, sacrist (from the Medieval-Latin sa-
crista[nus], Middle-Highdutch sigriste); garment (Old-French
gammient, garnement), cantonment (French cantonrcement)
and others, although with many words of this sort the derivative
forms are to be regarded as already grown out of an English
shortened root.
Where g is softened or, if you will, cast off after a vowel,
the following vowel also disappears: nine (ni#on), tile (ti</wl),
as, before a preserved obscure vowel, it secedes with the pre-
ceding one: rule (refill, regol, Old-French reule).
No less frequent is the case that, with a vowel, the follow-
ing consonant disappears: Ax minster (Axarcminster), Oxford
(Oxenforde), Newark, Old-English Neweioork (RoB. OF GLOU-
CESTER), Repton (Anglosaxon Hreoparcdun), Bedford (Bedarc-
ford), Windsor (Windtesore, Old-English metathetically Wind-
e/sore [Roe. OF GLOUCESTER]), Tamworth (Tainanveorcftge),
Dartmouth (Darmtarnufr), fourtnight instead of fouxteen-
night, cuckold, Old-English cokewold, monday (monan dag),
Sunday (sunnanday) &c., Old-English still monenday, sonnen-
day &c. (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER); — almry alongside of almcmry
(from the Old-French almosne, Anglosaxon almasse), parrot
(French perro^wet, Italian parrocchetto ?), damson instead of
damascene, sarplier ( serp'/liere ) , ginger (Old-English
ging«6er, gingefere, French gingembre, Latin zingiber), Old-
English comsen (Old-French comewcer) and others.
The expulsion of vowels before and after a consonant, as
well as that of consonants at once before and after a vowel,
whereby the rejection affects either two syllables partly or one
entire close syllable beginning with a consonant is rare. The
former is found in proctor = procurator, proxy = pro-
cwracy; the second in Rochester (Hro/esceastre), Boston
in Lincolnshire, Old-English BoJoZ/ston (DAME SIRIZ p. 4);
Lincoln was in Latin Lindum colonia; in Anglosaxon Lindesige
= Lindsey in Lincolnshire is found. Funnel, is by Johnson
derived from Latin infuncfa'6wlum, but the Cymric ffynel, a chim-
ney is herhaps to be referred to it, as Dieffenbach asserts.
c) The casting off of a vowel and consonant is particularly of
importance at the end of words, and concerns chiefly the deri-
vative and inflective terminations. Apart from the mutilations
of words at the end, here after to be mentioned, we will only
generally notice the loss of the nominal and verbal terminations
in aw, en, en, un, ow, um and acf, of which we shall speak in
//. The Elements of the Word. — Omission of Vowels and Consonants. \ 75
the Doctrine of Forms, and which have been followed by the
corresponding Romance and Latin terminations ir, er, ar, oir,
re, as well as Ire, ere, ere, are, us, um and so on. Yet we will
particularly mention some nominal forms and particles, as well
as the infinitives of verbs.
Many nouns, namely, lose in their English form the deriva-
tional termination; thus the termination en is lost, especially
in Anglosaxon words: mill (Anglosaxon nrylen), Old-English
mylene, miln, whence milner= miller; lent (Anglosaxon lengteu,
lencten), Old-English lenten, lent, whence the form, lenten is
now treated as an adjective; handsel (Anglosaxon handselen
= traditio), kindred (compounded with rgeden, not the ad-
jective rsed); thus en has also been cast off in morrow (An-
glosaxon morgen) and the like. Moreover, other full endings
of nouns than those with n in Anglosaxon words, are not readily
lost, besides that in (i)ge: toad (tadje, tadige), harbour (here-
berge), Old-English herberwe, Tamworth (TamanveorfJige) ;
as well as sometimes in va: gear (Anglosaxon gearva), com-
pare Anglosaxon gearvjan and girjan), pea (pava), formerly
however po and others under the influence of v. In words like
hag (Anglosaxon hagtys, h'ages) a shorter form lies at the root,
as here, the Old-norse hagr = sapiens.
Romance nouns which had mostly cast off their primitive
terminations even in French, as well as Latin ones, suffer less
mutilation in their derivational than in the inflectional termi-
nations (the nominative being computed as such ; compare forms
like pulpit, margin, maul, mall (Old-French maules, Latin"
malleus) &c. The habit of rejecting the inflection an, en) &c.,
which in Anglosaxon nouns has also sometimes seized the deriva-
tional syllable (see above), seems also to occasion the loss of
.the n - termination in other nouns; compare rosemary, Old-
English rosemaryne, filigree alongside of filigrane. Ab-
breviations like ink rest upon the Old-French precedent (enche,
enque, Modern-French encre). The rejection of the terminations
te and se after t and s rests properly on the simplifying of con-
sonants, as in bandlet (bandelette), omelet (omelette), riches
(richesse), Old-English richesse, with which is also joined alms
(Anglosaxon almasse).
In Particles an has often been cast off: but (Anglosaxon
butan) alongside of out, Anglosaxon ut; within, without
(viffinnan, vifrutan), Old-English frequently withouten, withowten;
about, Old-English abouten ; beneath (beneofran, beniftan,
Lowdutch [bejneden) and others; so too um in between (bet-
veonum), limb meal (limmselum) and others.
As regards the infinitive termination, it is particularly to
be noticed, because the infinitive in the English verb is at pre-
sent to be regarded as the root form (of the weak verb) and
hence any elements of primitive inflection preserved in it pass
into the other verbal forms (compare render — rendered,
rendering). All English verbs, with the exception of the
preserved Anglosaxon verbs, conform to the weak form of con-
176 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Parti. Sect. 1.
jugation, and formerly assumed besides other inflectional forms,
also assumed that of the infinitive in en, which has at present
been cast off, and is exceptionally preserved, partly out of mere
orthoepic principles, as a last remnant, in the mute e. Deri-
vational terminations before the infinitive termination are of
course preserved, and the infinitive termination still occurring
at present n, en, on is such a derivational termination, belong-
ing also to imitated verbs: rain (rig-n-an), even (ef-en-jan,
emnjan), reckon (rec-n-an, recnjan). The terminations an, jam,
have disappeared: wind (viudan), melt (rneltan), shrink
(scrincan), whisper (hvisprjan) &c. The preserved e is found
after a long or lengthened vowel: tease (tsesan), freeze (freo-
san), shake (scacan), writhe (vriflan); also in forms with a
rejected g, as lie (licjan), die or dye (deagjan); and even
after a preserved short vowel: give (gifan) and after a syllable
long by position: wrinkle (vrincljan), waddle (vadljan),
cleanse (clsensjan).
In Old-English the terminations en (n) follow each other as
of course, and often run alongside of another: finden, wen-
den, tellen, riden, plaien, helpen, as sayn, han, don,
gon, and finde, wende, telle, ride &c., playe &c., with
which is connected the complete extinction of en in many verbs.
Romance and Latin infinitives replace in Old-English their
primitive terminations by the same terminations belonging ori-
ginally to Anglosaxon, hence forms like quiten, plesen (Old-
French plaisir), escapen, reneyen (renier, renoier, reneier),
feynen (feindre, faindre, in these and similar verbs with
rejection of the inserted d) suffren, enforcen &c., which
likewise underwent the abbreviations quite, plese, escape,
reneye &c., and still in part preserve the e in Modern -English.
Where here an r appears at the end of a word, it mostly be-
longs to the root, not to the primitive termination, as in suffer,
proffer, compare the Old -English suffren, profren; cover,
flower, sever (with an e inserted before the r of the root),
compare Old-French covrir, florir, flurir, sevrer, but also severer;
appear (Old-French aparoir, aparer) and others.
On the other hand some forms remain* in which -the r be-
longed indeed to the infinitive termination, as render (Old-
French rendre, perhaps to distinguish it from rend, Anglosaxon
hrendau, to tear), barter, whence the substantive barterer
alongside of barrator (Old-French barater, bareter), with which
in the TOWNELEY MYSTER. p. 165. the old Substantive barett
= vexation (Old-French barat, barete) is found, so that we may
comprehend the verb as a denominative from the Old-French:
barateres; batter reminds us strongly of the Old-French batre,
battre, Latin batuere, although we might impute to the er an
intensive or frequentative signification, as embroider does of the
French broder (Swedish brodera, Danish brodere), although
here at the same time we may think of the substantive 'border;
flatter answers to the Old-French flater, although it might be
taken to be a denominative from the substantive* f late res.
11. The Elements of the Word. — Amplification of the Word. 177
cashier as a verb in the meaning of dismiss is also striking,
(casser, quasser) and domineer (dominer). That the infinitive
termination did not remain wholly disregarded other substan-
tives seem also to indicate, as supper (souper) and the still
more striking remainder (remain dre), corresponding in form
with surrender, used both as a verb and as a substantive, and
with which we cannot think of a transfer of the Anglosaxon
derivation er, or, ur.
Mutilations of words in their final syllables, not cast off by
a complete or at least a more general analogy, occur in the
more glib every -day speech, and have partly penetrated into
writing, particularly where they imitate the language of com-
mon life. Proper names here again take the first place; thus
Privet, the name of a place, is shortened from the Anglosaxon
Pryfetes flod, Primtesflod; hence the monosyllabic Nat (Natha-
niel), Wat (Walter), Bill (William), Meg (Margaret), Tib
(Tibald), Tid (Theodor), Tim (Timothy), Tom (Thomas), Dan
(Daniel), Deb (Deborah), Sam (Samuel), Sib (Sebastian), Su
(Susan), Ciss (Cecily), Zach (Zachary), Gib (Gilbert), Chris,
Kit (Christian) and others, which are again lenghtened by y,
like Timmy, Tibby, Tommy, Debby, Suky (Susan),
Conny (Constance), which receives the character of a diminu-
tive termination; cherry, for the Anglosaxon cirse, Old-High-
dutch kirsa, may be thus explained, unless we go back to the
French cerise. Similar are abbreviations like the pro and con
(= contra), incog (= incognito), hyp and to hyp = hypochon-
dria, and to depress with melancholy; Cantab is an abbreviation
from Cantabrigian; cit is used contemptuously for citizen and
forms thence the feminine form citess; sentinel is shortened
into sentry. Cond is quoted as a nautical expression for to
conduct, it is by HALLIWELL erroneously ascribed to CHAUCER.
Consols; has been formed on the Exchange from consolidated
annuities. Chum, Chamber companion and table- and -bed-
fellow still in many dialects, is made to spring from comrade;
as well at least might it arise from the Anglosaxon cuma=hospes,
we must then rather think of chamber-fellow. Much of this kind
remains of course of doubtful origin.
B) Amplification of the Word.
The adding on of vowels and consonants, insignificant for the
notion of the word, is in part more extensive in Old- than in Mo-
dern-English, in part more widely spread in Modern than in Old-
English. The amplification of the word in Modern-English mostly
concerns the insertion of vowels, and is founded in great part upon
other rejections.
1) Adding on of Vowels.
a) At the beginning of the word an insignificant vowel is hardly
ever prefixed in English. Prefixed vowels are only significant
prefixes, although their signification may in course of time have
been partly weakened. Here belongs also the «, occurring still
Matzner, engl. Gr. I. 12
178 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. 1.
more frequently in Old-English, which is to be regarded as a
preposition. The use of e before sp, st, sc and so forth, in some
words, also appearing without this e, as in espouse, estate,
escape, belongs to Old-French.
b) In the middle of the word a vowel is often inserted in an
unaccented syllable. This happens especially between consonants,
the last of which is a liquid or nasal letter, and which in An-
glosaxon or Old-French stand beside each other without a vowel
communication. Before r an e here appears: whisper (Anglo-
saxon hvisprjan), murder (Anglosaxon myrflrjan), temper
(Anglosaxon temprjan), bolster (Old-norse bolstr, Old-High-
dutch polster), holster (Old-norse hulstr = theca); since cer-
tainly even Anglosaxon in general in denominatives of this sort
offered this suffix er, (Old-Highdutch ar} and not a single r;
compare hinderjan, slumerjan &c. The same happens in
Romance words, from the same phonetic reason, with which
however we must not reckon those instances in which a suc-
ceeding, now mute e is set by methathesis before the last con-
sonant; for instance, proper, French propre. Here belong
however: enter (entrer), cover (covrir), recover (recovrer
= recuperare), Old-English keveren; sever (commonly sevrer,
but also severer, as in the adjective several, still sounding thus
in English), deliver, deliverance (delivrer, delivrance), live-
ry (livree, Medieval-Latin livreia, sec. XIV also liberata, clo-
thes delivered &c., according to ZEUSS Gr. celt. I, 1 28 of Celtic
origin; Armorican luifre, a party coloured coat, from lui, colour)
and others.
After a letter, not however a liquid, which in Anglosaxon
might be immediately followed by m or w, e or o has been
inserted. In words of this sort the Anglosaxon had also regu-
larly the vowels e, o or u-f before m, o commonly stands (Old-
Highdutch am, um): besom (besma), bottom (botm), blossom
(substantive blostma, blosma, verb blostmjan, blosmjan); com-
pare Anglosaxon bo sum and bo sin. Old-English here offered
also botme, blosme, fadme (fathom) &c.
Before n, e and o, as in Anglosaxon e or o before n (Old-High-
dutch an) are here also met with: hearken (hercnjan, hyrcn-
jan), glisten (glisnj an), reckon (recnj an, recnan), Old-English
rekenen; beckon and beacon, with different meaning, both
Anglosaxon beacnjan, becnjan, (belonging to the substantive bea-
cen, beacn), Old-English becken. The more ancient language
(in SPENSER) had steven, the voice (stefn, stemn) and even
stevyn, as the dialects still have stove n, stovven = stump,
stub (stofn), in Leicestershire stovin.
A u is inserted before m in the Romance word alarum,
alsolarum, alongside of alarm (alarme, Walloon larme), com-
pare; Did he beat a larum? (HALLIWELL s. v. larum).
Before vowels we find i, y inserted in the substantive suffix
*-er, the i or y of which comes after aw, 010, t, th, z, perhaps
also after //, and although chiefly subservient to a phonetic
11. The Elements of the Word. — Adding on of Vowels. 179
lightening, may rest upon the French ier, which indeed frequently
appears in English as er with a suppressed i; compare lawyer,
sawyer (otherwise sawer), bowyer; courtier (court), clothier
(cloth), hosier (hose), brazier (brass), glazier (glass), col-
lier (coal).
The apparently inserted i before a and o in parliament
(parlement), amerciament alongside of amercement; sa-
vior, saviour is to be ascribed to Old-French forms like par-
lieres, parlior; mercier, merciable; saveor, saveeur.
The striking i in the compounds handiwork, handicraft,
also spelt with a y: handystroke, handyblow, comes as
little from the adjective handy (Anglosaxon gehende = promptus,
Old-English hende, hendy) as the i is a euphonic connecting
vowel. Instead of the Anglosaxon forms handveorc, handcraft,
hand^eveorc, like hand^evrit, and the like, have become the
standard therefor (compare the Anglosaxon gecraft along with
craft = facultas, ars), which has been mistaken in modern times,
when words of this sort are regarded as compounds of handy.
Insertions of e, as in rosemary (rosmarinus) rest on aeon-
fusion of roots.
The o before a mute w in Modern-English also deserves men-
tion, and which may be regarded as inserted. The combination
of ow has been cited above among the English vowels; w was
properly in words of Anglosaxon origin in Old-English a con-
sonant, taking the place of the Anglosaxon v (w), g and hy
themselves frequently interchanging among each other. In An-
glosaxon they were either preceded by a vowel, to be justified
etymologically (compare vealovjan, valvjan, Gothic valugjan,
Old-Highdutch walagon, English wallow), and this was partly
wanting. Old-English primarily, where it dit not substitute gh
for the consonants (g, h) (as in borgh = borga, fidejussor),
made w with an e after it enter as the substitute of that con-
sonant. Hence the forms falwe (adjective fealu, fealo = fealav,
verb fealvjan), narwe (nearu, nearo = nearv), sparwe (spearva,
speara), pilwebere (Anglosaxon pyle, compare the Latin pul-
vinus, Hollandish peuluw and Lowdutch kussen-biire), morwe,
morwening (morgen, morn, Old-Highdutch morgan), sorwe
(sorg, sorh), herberwe (hereberge), arwe (earh and areve).
They were soon represented also by the rejection of the e
and insertion of the o, which was occasioned by the w: fallow,
narrow, sparrow, pillow, morrow, sorrow, arrow; so
that now a light Anglosaxon vowel preceding the original con-
sonant even seems replaced by o: willow (vilig, velig), sallow
(salig, sealh, seal, Old-Highdutch salaha) &c.
c) In general the final sound of words in respect of their vocali-
zation is found encumbered; the e alone is frequently found as
an inorganic addition. It has been already said (see p. 155),
how the e, at present mute, especially after a consonant with a
preceding single vowel, continues as a sign of the lengthening
of the syllable, but also partly where no lengthening takes
place. We deem this inorganic e occasioned by the habit of
12*
H80 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Parti. Sect. L
making an organic vowel, for which e is substituted, sound after
•long as well as short syllables. There is no doubt that the
now mute e was still audible in the fourteenth century, and
perhaps no more suppressed in pronunciation, than the final e
now is in many words in Modern -Highdutch. It often has
the full measure in verse in Chaucer. Compare CHAUCER ed.
TH. WRIGHT: Whan that April/e with his schowres swoote
(PROL. 1); A cook thei hadc?e with them for the nones (IB. 381);
Ther was non such from HuHe to Cartage (IB. 406); They
seyc?e that it were a charite (TiiE KNIGHTES TALE 1435); The
gayler sleep, he migh£e nought awake, (IB. 1476) and so forth,
and in the frequent endings of a verse with e we may perhaps
see jingling or trochaic rhymes, as in:
For certeynly I drede such sentence
Though thay not pleynly speke in nry audience.
(THE CLERKES TALE 8512.)
I have not had no part of children twayne,
But first syknes, and after wo and pay we. (IB. 8526)
For that jingling rhymes are not foreign to Chaucer is shown
by passages like:
His palfray was as broun as eny berz/e
A Frere ther was, a wantoun and a mer?/e. (PROL. 207).
Nought oonly he, but al his contre, mer?/e
Was for this child, and God thay thank and her/e.
(TiiE CLERKES TALE 8491.)
As we must also necessarily recognize these rhyme endings in
verses like the following:
What thing is it that wommen most desirerc:
Be war and keep thy nek-bon fro the iren.
(THE WYF OF BATHES TALE 6487.)
Some say den owre herte is most i- eased
Whan we ben y-flaterid and y-preisecf. (IB. 6511.)
An inorganic e is frequently found in Old-English, where they
have been long abandoned, as in the verbal forms in eth: ma-
kethe, rennethe, sterethe, turnethe, holdethe, gothe,
dothe &c., and in the suffix ing : gevinge, foi'3etinge, com-
ynge &c.; the suffix ness : rechelessnesse, perfitnesse &c.;
after long and short syllables of all parts of speech in words
originally Anglosaxon and Romance, as merke = darkness (An-
glosaxon myrc), nede (nead), yere (gear), derke (dearc),
glasse (glas), flesshe (flsesc), bridde (bridd), sike (sioc),
sixe (six, seox), everyche (from selc), selde (seld), offe
(of) &c.; awtere (Old-French alter, alteir), raunsone (raan-
cou), resowne (reson), metalle (metal), generale (general),
secunde (secunt, secont) &c.; whereas some, now abandoned,
rest upon Old-French forms, like defaute, now default.
//. The Elements of the Word. — Adding on of Consonants.
Numerous mute e of this sort still appear in the sixteenth
century. They are essentially reduced since the middle of the
sixteenth century, but many are still at present preserved, al-
though the mute e has now become essentially an orthoepic,
conventional mark, whose employment has in general no defi-
nite purpose. But the preservation of the inorganic e after an
originally short, now also short syllable, is striking, as in the
preterite of strong verbs, as bade (Anglosaxon bad), sate along-
side of sat (sat), ate alongside of eat (at); and after syllables
now shortened, as one (an), none; after diphthongs, as in
mouse (inus), louse (His), house (hus); and long vowels,
which may pass as such by themselves, as in goose, geese
(gos, ges) and the like; or after double consonants, for instance
worse (virs, vyrs), compare corpse and corse (Old-French
cors, corps).
2) Adding on of Consonants.
a) To the initial sound of the word, and that mostly the vowel,,
an insignificant consonant is often prefixed. The first place is
here taken by the Nasal ??, which in substantives is always
falsely derived from the originally preceding article an: newt
is developed out of eft (Anglosaxon efete), which in Old-English
sounds evet and alongside therewith ewt (MAUNDEV.), in North-
English dialects still effet; nail, nawl stand beside awl (An-
glosaxon avul, sel, al), nias is the same word as eyas; in Old-
English and dialectically neme is like erne (Anglosaxou earn,
uncle); in Old-English also nedder, neddre stands alongside
of edder; that is adder. The prefixing of an n in proper names
beginning with a vowel is very familiar to the Englishman: Nib
(Isabella, shortened Isbe, Ib), Ned (Edward), Naquilina,
Acky, Nacky, queen Nacky! (OTWAY); Nanny, Nancy
(Anna), Nab (Abigail), Nobs (Obadiah), Nurnp (Humphrey,
Old-English Humfred). Moreover that n also has proceeded
from the definite article is without doubt; thus the name Noke,
Nokes (from atten oak see p. 173) in SKELTOM I. 344 even
Jacke at Noke; hence the form nale for ale (SKELTON I. 45.
at nale), compare atte nale (PIERS PLOUGHMAN p. 124), where
we must still write atten ale, as in MORTE ARTHURS MS. Lin-
coln f. 88. instead of: the yolke of a naye (that is egg) is to
be written: of an aye. See HALLIWELL s. v. naye.
Among the lipletters, an insignificant and now silent w often
precedes h: whole (Anglosaxon hal), Old-English hole, whore
(Anglosaxon hore, Gothic horjo), Old-English hore, hoore;
whoop (Old-Highdutch wituhopha, French huppe) and whoop
alongside of hoop as a substantive and verb = shout (compare
French houper, expressions of the chase). The older language
had more cases of this sort, as wham, whome (home), whas-
schen (wash), whot (hot) &c., which are still partially pre-
served by the dialects; thus we even find whone alongside of
wone, instead of one (an).
For rap (to steal, compare Swedish rappa, Old-uorse hrapa
182 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1.
= ruere) is sometimes found written wrap, perhaps only through
a confusion of the verbs of the same sound. Compare moreover
the Anglosaxon vrynge and ringe, a spider; vreotan and
reotan, plorare.
Among the toothsounds s is found prefixed to Anglosaxon
roots beginning with a consonant, which is familiar to Germanic
roots generally, and therefore to the Anglosaxon. In Anglo-
saxon we find for instance rneltan and smelt an = liquefacere,
as in English melt and smelt, creak, screak and shriek
(Old-norse shrsekia, quiritare) &c. alongside of each other. Thus
English has now sneeze instead of the older neese (Anglosaxon
niesan according to Somner; compare Old-English nausna, ol-
facere), alongside of crawl (Lowdutch krabbeln, krawweln) also
scrawl in the same sense; instead of the Old-English crac-
chen the Modern-English has scratch; alongside of quash
stand squash and squeeze (Anglosaxon only cvisan or cvis-
san, compare the Lowdutch quese = a bruise, Swedish qu'asa,
to bruise.
s in she is also to be regarded as a strengthening of the ini-
tial sound instead of the Anglosaxon heo, although even the Old-
saxon offers siu. In the Anglosaxon a guttural h entered in he,
heo, hit before the vowel of the pronoun (Gothic "is, si, i'ta); the
Old-English offers for the nominative of the feminine heo, ho
and hoe (DAME SIRIZ), therewith also sometimes scho, sche
(RoB. OF BRUNNE and RITSON'S ROMANCES), like the Scotch
(DAV. LINDSAY), so that in she the combination of the Gothic
.5 with the Anglosaxon A, ch, lies, as it were, before us.
Among the gutturals we find h and y prefixed to initial
vowels. In Anglosaxon words, however, h is hardly to be met
with, as in gold -hammer, yellow-hammer (Anglosaxon
amora). In Old-English this was more frequent, for instance
in bus (us) (TOWNELEY MYSTER.), habide (abide) (LYDGATE),
habot (abbot) (ID.) heddir, heddre (adder) (RELIQ. ANTIQ.
II. 273) and others. In Romance words this was very common
in Old-English, according to the Old-French example. In Mo-
dern-English heben (ebony) still stands in SPENSER, hebenon
in SHAKSPEARE; hermit has remained along with eremite as
in French; but habundant, haboundance, Helise (Ely-
sium), Hester (Esther) &c. have1 long been abandoned.
Here also belongs the adding of h to w at the. beginning
of whelm (Anglosaxon velman = aestuare, forvelman = obruere),
and perhaps also in whurt, whortleberry (Anglosaxon vyrt
= herba, but compare the Anglosaxon heorotberige). Even in
Anglosaxon hvistlan, hvet, hval stand alongside of vist Ian,
vet, val. Eh stands instead of r in Rhine (Rin, but the
Latin Rhenus), hryme alongside of rime (Anglosaxon rim,
nm a).
An initial y is sometimes developed in words which in An-
glosaxon began with ed, eo, ea, eo-, yean, yeanling (eanjan,
eacnjan = parturire) along with ean, eanling; yew (eov) =
taxus, Old-English also ew; York (Eoforvic), Old-English
IL The Elements of the Word. — Insertion of Consonants. 183
Euerwik (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER); you, your (eov, eover, Go-
thic iz vis, izvara, compare ye, Anglosaxon ge, Gothic jus), Half-
saxon guw, gure, in Old-English also yeme (earn, uncle), yede,
yode = went, Latin ivi (eode). Also before other vowels y ap-
pears at the beginning; yarly instead of early (aerlic) stands
in Palsgrave Acolastus 1540; yeld instead of elde in Skelton;
down to the seventeenth century yere instead of heir (HALLi-
WELL s. v.). In Old-English stand the symbols y and 5 in
Yende (India), 3er (ere, Anglosaxon ser), 36 se (ease), 3ynd-
ynge (ending), HALLIWELL HIST. OF FREEMAS) and others.
Dialects often prefix the vowel y. yaits (oats), Cumberland;
yan (one), yak (oak) North, and others.
b) The insertion of consonants is not rare.
Of the nasal and liquid letters n, I and r are here to be
considered. N is found before an initial guttural and dental g
of the following syllable: nightingale (Anglosaxon nihtegale),
Leffriugtou (from the propername Leofric); messenger (Old-
French messagier), Old -English still messager; passenger
(passagier), porringer = porridge-post (from the Latin porrum,
Anglosaxon porr, Old-English porret, in which the form porrage
alongside of porridge istobe placed at the foundation); murenger,
wall-overseer (belongs to murage), Arminger, proper name
(from the Latin armiger), popinjay, formerly pop in gay
(SKELTON I. 409.) Old-French papegai. N stands before a dental
c and s in the compound enhance, formerly also haunce
(Old-French enhalcer, enhaucer), as in Old-English in en-
sample (Old-French essample); or before a dental ch: enchea-
son in Spenser (Old-French acheson, ochoison), chinche
(chiche). Also before d it is inserted inflindermouse, along-
side of flittermouse and flickermouse (Old-norse flaedar-
nms, flagurmus), as in Anglosaxon in Sarmende (Latin Sar-
matae). The Old -English giterne, Modern - English gittern,
(guitar) rests upon the Old-French guiterre, guiterne. N, in
Ordinal numbers, as seventh (seofofra), ninth (nigofra), tenth
(teoda) and so forth, cannot be regarded as an insertion, al-
though in ROB. OF GLOUCESTER we still read seuethe, nithe,
tethe &c., since in the later formation the cardinal numbers
were reverted to. The insertion of an n between vowels, as in
mendinaunt (compare the Modern-English mendicant), belongs
to Old-English.
The / appears as an insertion after Lip-, Tooth- and Throat-
sounds before a mute e, wherein we rather see an unconscious
transition into a syllable of formation, than a phonetic necessity.
This addition is old: manciple (Old-French mancipe, Latin
mancipium) even in Chaucer; participle, principle, syl-
lable, myrtle (French myrte), periwinkle (French per-
venche, Latin perviuca), Old-English pervinke. The unwarranted
insertion of I in could (Anglosaxon cufle) belongs to the later
period of the language, which assimilated could to the forms
184 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. L
would, should; the moderns have in vain commenced to
uproot the /.
An inserted r leans upon initial consonants as a joint initial
sound; thus, in the combination^, dr: cartridge (French car-
touche), compare partridge (French perdrix, Latin perdix);
chawdron, chaudron formerly also chaldron, chaundron,
chawtherne = entrails (Lowdutch kaldunen, Llibeck Chronicle:
koldune, Highdutch Kaldaunen); Old-Engl. often: arsmetrike
(arithmetic) &c.; also gr: groom (Anglosaxon guma), bride-
groom (brydguma), vagrant (Old -French vagans, vagant);
of £>r, br there are hardly any instances in Modern-English:
culprit, unclear in its termination, seems to come from the
Latin culpa; Old-English is astrelabre (astrolabe). At the end
of a syllable r is seen before other consonants; before s:
hoarse (Anglosaxon has, Old-High dutch heis, heisc), Old-English
and Old-Scotch hais; harslet alongside of haslet = a pig's
chitterlings (Old-French hastellet = echinee de pore frais). In
trousers or trowsers (Old-French trosse, from torser, trosser)
the r has perhaps arisen through an unconscious change of the
ending of a substantive in er. r has been inserted before ih
in swarth alongside of swath (Anglosaxon svaffu); before p
in corporal alongside of cap oral (French caporal, from cap
= chef); in marchpane (French massepain), on the other hand,
a primitive r has been preserved, (compare the Italian marza-
pane = Marci panis?)
Of the lipsounds p and b are frequently inserted; p com-
monly between m after a short vowel and a following ft, t or $;
before n in the Old-English benempnen, in Spenser : b e n e m p t
(Anglosaxon benemman), sole mpne (solemn), compnen (sum-
mon), sompnour (somner, Old-French semoneur), sompno-
lenze (somnolence); and after the Old-French pattern : dampne,
damp[nation; before t often even in Modern-English: empty
(Anglosaxon ernetig, emtig), Old-English still amty (RoB. OF
GLOUCESTER), Northampton (Nor^hamtun), Bampton (Be-
amdun), tempt (Old-French tenter, but also tempteir, Latin
tentare), sumpter (Old-French somier, sumer); as well as be-
fore s: glimpse (from the Anglosaxon gleam), Old -English
glinising (CHAUCER); compare dimpse (from dim) = twilight
in Somerset; sempster alongside of semster, seamster
Anglosaxon, seamestre), Dempster, a propername, of the same
meaning as deemster = a judge; Sampson (French Samson);
also stands alongside of tempse, temse, a sieve (Old-French
tamis, Lowdutch tarns, Anglosaxon temes = cribrurn ; whether
of the same meaning as Temese, Temes, Thames, Cymric tarn
isc = tractus aquae?). P is rarely inserted before a vowel:
whimper, Scotch quhimper (Highdutch wimmern, Lowdutch
wemern).
Between m after a short vowel, and a following vowel &, on
the other hand is often put; this even in Anglosaxon, compare
the Anglosaxon scolirnbos, Greek and Latin scolymos. En-
glish instances are: embers (Anglosaxon aemyrje = cinis), slum-
11. The Elements of the Word. — Insertion of Consonants. 185
ber (slumerjan); thus we still find in Modern-English st amber
(AKMINS NEST OF NINNIES 1608) for stammer (from the An-
glosaxon stamor = balbus), in the fifteenth century swimbing
(HALLIWELL s. v.) for swimming (Anglosaxon svimman). But
the insertion of b before an / is very common: nimble (An-
glosaxon nemol, nurnol = capax, from the verb niman, compare
the Old-norse nsemr = capax, docilis), shambles (scamol),
f amble, to stammer and fumble (Lowdutch vimmeln, vam-
meln, vummeln, Danish famla = to grope), mumble, Old-En-
glish mamelen (PIERS PLOUGHMAN) (Lowdutch mummelen, Hol-
landish mommelen), crumble (from the Anglosaxon cruman,
Highdutch kriiineln), tumble (Danish turnle, Lowdutch tum-
meln, but Anglosaxou tuinbjan), stumble (North-English stum-
mer), grumble (from the Anglosaxon grimman, Lowdutch grum-
rnen, to sound deep, thunder, in the March of Brandenburg:
grurnmeln, French grommeler), chamblet, camb let alongside
of camlet, carnelot &c.
Toothsounds are inserted; especially t and d after an other
consonant before n and particularly r (also en, er with the glib
e) although t at present is silent before n. T is wont to come
in after s: glisten (Anglosaxon glisnjan), tapistry (French
tapisserie; even in Old-English tapise in ROB. OF BRUNNE, Old-
Scotch tapesse as a verb); whereas d is inserted, especially
after n and I: thunder (Anglosaxon punor, yet is already cited
alongside of puuderslege, punorslege) ; gender (Old-French
Sjnre, Latin gener-is, with which compare to gender, engender,
Id-French engendrer, alongside of engenrer); kindred, Old-
English kunrede, kynrede, kinrede (from the Anglosaxon cynn
= progenies, not from cynd = natura); elder (Anglosaxon ellen,
ellarn), alder (Anglosaxon alor, air), Old-Scotch aller; alder-
liefest (SHAKSPEARE) and thence even a comparative alder-
leefer (COBLER OF CANTERBURIE 1608), aldertruest (GREEN),
as in Old-English aldermest, alderlast, alderlest (=least),
alderlowest, alderbest, alderfirst, alderformest, al-
derwisist, alderwerst &c. that is Anglosaxon ealra = om-
nium with the superlative, Old-English and Old-Scotch also
aller. Compare also Anglosaxon baldsam alongside of bal-
sam. Other insertions of t and d are: fitz (Old-French fils,
fix), jaundice (French jaunisse), with which we may in some
measure compare the Anglosaxon yntse, yndse, for the Latin
uncia.
An s inserted before / is probably to be ascribed to a mix-
ture with the French form in island (Anglosaxon ealand and
igland, egland, compare the Old-French isle, Old-English yle)
and also in Carlisle (Celtic Caerluel, Caerleol, Latin Lugu-
ballium), as the Old-French prevails also in aisle (= French
aile). In Modern-French many s of this sort have been again
rejected before / and other consonants, others have remained
and as in English, have become silent. Old-English possessed
this s also in other words, like ydolaster, idolastre, now
idolater.
186 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. I.
Throat-sounds are likewise among inserted letters, although
mostly long since silent. Here belongs g before n, perhaps
mostly to be ascribed to a false analogy: feign (Old-French
feindre, faindre), Old-English feynen, fainen, hence in Modern-
English not brought back with a regard to feignois; feignant;
eigne. law expression (ainsnes, ainsnez, Modern-French aine);
foreign, foreigner (Old-French forain), Old-English forein;
sovereign (Old-French sovrain, soverain), Old-English sover-
aine, sovereyne, also Anglicized soferand (TOWNELEY MYSTER.);
coigne = corner, alongside of coin, quoin (Old-French coin,
although also coignee, an axe is derived from it). More striking
is the sounding of the g in: impregnable (imprenable), per-
haps preserved from old conjunctive forms of the verb prendre,
like preigne, pregnies; also in shingle, even in Old-English
shyngle, schingle, whence a verb shy n glen, to make out of
shingles or planks, which points to the Old-Highdutch scindala,
scintila, Latin scandula, which has passed through the Old-
French escande, escandole. An unjustified gh has thrust itself
in spright (Old-French esperit), perhaps in recollection of Old-
French forms quieter, promectre and the like. In Old-English
it was more frequent, as in spight (spite = despit), where it
might return with a regard to the Latin form c, as still in
delight (Old-French deleit, delit), Old-English delit, but also
in feght, (= faith, Old-French foit) and others. More frequent
in Old-English was the insertion of an h before vowels, whether
preceded by a vowel or consonant: proheme (proemium), mir-
rhour, still in Spenser, abhominable, still derided in Shak-
speare L. L. 1. 1. as the usage of his time, and others. This
aspiration has totally ceased, as well as at the beginning of
a word.
c) At the end of the word scarcely any other insignificant sound
than a lip or tooth letter enters, rarely the nasal n.
The n is an addition in bittern (French butor), Old-English
bitore; likewise in marten, also martern (Anglosaxon mearo*",
French marte, martre, Scotch martrick, Lowdutch inarte, mater,
mater ken); the Old-English had complin (Old-French complie),
now compline.
Even Anglosaxon favoured the lipsound b after m, where the
Old-Highdutch had p, compare lamb; Old-Highdutch lamp;
camb, Old-Highduth champ &c. English annexed it to a final
w, where it was lacking in Anglosaxon : limb (Km), Old-English
lyme; crumb and crum (crume), thumb (puma), numb and
benumb, compare num = dull, stupid (TRAGEDY OF HOFFMANN
1631; perhaps belonging to niman? compare ben imau = stupe-
facer e).
Among toothsounds t readily annexes itself to a final con-
sonant, as to ft, partly perhaps from a confusion of the suffix
with one better known: parchment (Old-French parcamin,
parchemin), Old-English parchemyn (PIERS PLOUGHMAN p. 285),
ancient (Old-French ancien, anchien), Old-English auncyen
(MAUNDEV.), cormorant (French cormoran, Cymric mor-fran,
II. The Elements of the Word. — Insertion of Consonants. 187
searaven, with corb prefixed, seeDiezs. v.), pheasant (Old-French
phaisan), Old-English fesaunt; pennant along with pennon
(Old-French pennon, penon); mar gent (margin) (SHAKSPEARE
and LONGFELLOW); such forms were sound even in Old-French
alongside of those in an, for instance peasant (Old -French
paisant), tyrant, Old-English also tyrande, tyrandie (Old-
French tiran, tirant), tiran (SPENSER); Old-English roniant,
romaunt (Old-French roman, romant). Compare Old-English
orizont, Modern-English horizon, and others.
Thus also has anont arisen (Anglosaxon on efn, on emn— e
regione), an en (MAUNDEVILLE).
As readily does t join itself to a final s, as in the substantives
behest (Anglosaxon behses), bequest (Anglosaxon cviss =
sermo, gecviss = conspiratio; the substantive cwith in Verste-
gan is the Anglosaxon cvide = sermo). For interest as a verb
Shakspeare has interess; as a substantive Spenser still in-
teresse; as substantive, Shakspeare interest, perhaps through
the influence of the French. The joining of t on to par-
ticles, which have proceeded from the proper genitive ter-
mination es, is familiar to the later tongue: against (Anglo-
saxon togegnes, togenes), Old-English againes, ageins, agens
and others; amongst (Anglosaxon amang), Old-Engl. anaonges,
emongs, even in the sixteenth century; midst, amidst
(Anglosaxon to middes), Old-English yn pe middes, amiddes;
alongst (to the Anglosaxon lang, long; compare the Middle-
Highdutch langes), whilst (Anglosaxon hvil, tempus), Old-
English whiles; besides, even the forms with t are already old.
We even find anenst, Modern-English anent; onste (CHESTER
PLAYS II. 100), Modern-English once, dialectically even now
wunst, won st. Here also belongs the popular Nest in the
abbreviated name Agnes. The forms betwixt, 'twixt (An-
glosaxon betvihs), Old-English betwix, atwixen, has even in
Anglosaxon the collateral form in x = hs and xt\ betvux,
betvuxt.
In tuft (French touffe) a derivational termination lies at the
bottom of the t] compare the Picard touffette. A t is also ad-
ded in thwart, athwart, to the Anglosaxou pveorb, pveorg;
compare the Highdutch zwerch; this t yields the Halfsaxon sub-
stantive form pwerrt = malum, and the Danish and Swedish
adverb tvsert.
An insignificant d is especially joined to a final n: hind =
servant (Anglosaxon hina), Old-English hyne; fond (from the
Old-norse fana, fatue se gerere), Old-English fon, even in Spen-
ser, alongside of fond; lend (Anglosaxon laenan), Old-English
and Scotch lenen = to lend; round, alongside of the obsolete
roun, still in ,Skelton, Spenser and Shakspeare: to whisper
(Anglosaxon runjan); sound (Anglosaxon substantive son, Old-
French son, sun, verb soner, suner); Old-English substantive
soun, verb sounen; astound, alongside of astonish (Old-
French estoner, mixed with the Anglosaxon stunjan, English
stun), Old-English astonen, astonneii. The forms com-
188 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part L Sect. L
pound, expound, propound have Old-English verbs ex-
po un en and expounden for patterns, but perhaps rest upon
Old-French pondre, espondre &c. The substantive riband,
ribband, alongside of ribbon, belongs to quite modern times;
the Old-English is riban (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 29), French ruban.
The Old-English has Symond (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 240),
shonden, Modern-English shun (Anglosaxon scunjan) and the
like; dialectically, as in Warwickshire, d is readily added to
words in own: gownd instead of gown, drownd instead of
drown &c. D is added after / in mould (Old-French moler,
moller, Modern-French mouler); after r in afford (Old-French
afeurrer = to tax, from the Latin forum, Medieval-Latin aforare,
to act according to the laws, judge, Modern - French afforer,
although the meaning do not agree), Old-English affore; com-
pare with greene fervence t' affore yong corages (LYDGATE
Minor Poems p. 244).
An s or es is often found at the end of words, where it ap-
pears idle ; it is however originally every where to be taken to
be a suffix or inflectional form. It is often to be regarded as
an adverbial -termination, as hereabouts, midships; some-
times it appears then turned into ce: once, Old-English enes,
since, Old-English si then s, contracted since, and others.
But s often appears in the names of places, especially French
ones, by a false analogy. French names of towns namely have
often received s through the transfer of the name of a people
to its place of abode, and even here a false analogy was the
occasion of the joining on of an unjustified s. In English we
find Lyons, Saint Germains, Saint Maloes and the like.
More difficult is the explanation of the s at the end of proper-
names of persons. Here we must often oscillate between a
genitive and a plural s. Namely, if in the names John Rey-
nolds, James Phillips (compare LOWER p. 120) the image
of a genitive is near at hand, it is striking, when in Fiddes's
life of Cardinal Wolsey, the bishop of London, Edmund Bonner,
is called Dr. Edmunds, and the bishop of Winchester, Stephan
Gardiner, Dr. Stephens. This reminds us that no one thought
any longer of s as a suffix. That this s originally frequently
denoted the plural, is proved by terms like Shanks, Long-
shanks, Crookshanks, perhaps also Bones &c. Names like
Leeves, Flowers, Grapes, Pease, Shales, Crosskeys,
Irons, Briggs, Bridges, Barnes (barn), Sands, Bankes
(bank), Woods, Hedges &c. also look like plurals. The names
Brothers, Boys, Cousins (and even Children occurs) are
perhaps likewise plurals. Common people, like Noakes and
Styles, seem to have an especial predilection for the plural s.
The reduplication of consonants in the middle and at the
end of the words, unwarranted by the fundamental form of the
words, needs a special discussion. In the domain of the English
tongue the proneness, partly dependent on physiological condi-
tions, to double the consonant after the originally short or the
shortened vowel, had early made itself felt; and that most
//. The Elements of the Word. — Reduplication of Consonants. 189
naturally in the middle of a word and after the accented syl-
lable, where the consonant stood between vowels, less naturally
at the end of the word, as well as in the middle and at the
end in an unaccented syllable. The Anglosaxon offered redu-
plications of consonants in the middle, less at the end of a
word, after a short syllable.
Orm, the author of the so called Ormulum, who wrote this,
his metrical harmony of the gospels, as it seems, towards the
end of the twelfth century in Halfsaxon language, and after
every short vowel doubled the consonant with principial ob-
stinacy, even where another consonant; either final or beginning
the new syllable, followed, has not been able to force this
process upon his successors; but his attempt to carry out
the reduplication of consonants in his manner proves that, to
the pronunciation of his contemporaries, a sharpening of vowels,
even in an unaccented syllable, was not unknown, which rendered
possible a representation of the manner. He writes ice, patt,
piss, off, iss, magg, wipp; swillc, rihht; ennglish,
nemmned; tsechepp, wordess and so on. Old-English,
although mostly restricting the reduplication to the accented
syllable, frequently fluctuates in the reduplication of consonants,
partly at the end of words, partly in the unaccented syllable,
and writes lytylle, tremylle, pepylle, devylle, pokett,
alongside of forms with a single consonant (MAUNDEV, and Tow-
NELEY MYSTER.).
Reduplications are also found after a long vowel and a diph-
thong, as peasse (peace), greatt, greatte (great), outt,
withoutten, fowlle, heylle, leyff and others (TOWNEL.
MYSTER.). The sixteenth century often spells mortall, ge-
nerall, tragicall, while the fourteenth frequently offers
crewel, peril, spiritual. A universal principle does not
prevail even at present; but it is remarked that the absence
of reduplication of the consonant in the middle of a word after
a short vowel of the accented syllable is met with less in Ger-
manic than in Romance words more rarely in disyllables than in
polysyllables, more frequently in more modern than in more
ancient words.
With regard to the various classes of reduplicated consonants
it is to be remarked that:
I. The nasal and liquid consonants were not generally redupli-
cated in Anglosaxon at the end of a word, although reduplicated
in the middle of a word. In Old-French their reduplication,
like that of the remaining consonants, was only usual before
a (mute) final e. In Modern-English the reduplication in the
middle of a word, even with the consonants originally single,
is very common; at the end of a word, only with /. We
regard here only unjustified reduplications, and abstract from
the rule by which, in syllabic inflection, and in derivation,
the accented root-syllable doubles its final consonant.
.In the middle of a word m and rc, but especially I and r
are doubled: emmet (Anglosaxon amete), li miner (Old-French
190 Doctrine of the Word. - Phonetics. Part I, Sect. 1.
liemier, compare English limehound, from the Latin iigainen),
mummy (French momie); manner (Old -French inaniere),
dinner (disner, diner), kennel (chenil); y e 1 1 o w (Anglosaxon
gelu), swallow (svelgan), follow (foJgjan), gallop (Old-
French galoper), jolly (jolif), pullet (poulet, perhaps not
with a reference to the Latin pullus); arrow (Anglosaxon areve,
earh), marrow (mearh, mearg), quarrel (Old-French querele),
garret (garite), carry (charier, although belonging to carrus),
hurricane (Spanish huracan) &c. At the end of a word I
is doubled in: mill (Anglosaxon mylen), till (tiljan = colere
terrani) and till alongside of until (Anglosaxon til, preposition
and conjunction ad and donee), well (vela, vel).
2. Lipletters appear on the whole seldom reduplicated in Anglo-
saxon; bb appeared most frequently in the middle and at the
end of a word, where it was commonly simplified, pp was rare,
ff only in propernames and foreign words. In Old -French
their reduplication hardly existed. In Modern-English neither
vv nor ww is in use, yet ff is found even in an unaccented
final syllable developed out of a single /.
In the middle of a word only an unjustified p and b are
found reduplicated, rarely /, since / before a vowel was wont
to pass over into t>, but it is sometimes reduplicated before a
vowel and before /, as also b before this liquid: pepper
(Anglosaxon pipor), copper (in Anglosaxon the adjective cy-
peren is found; on the other hand Old - Highdutch kuphar,
Latin cuprum), puppy, puppet (French poupee, Latin pupa),
supper (French souper), fripper, frippery (Old-French
verb friper, substantive friperie &c.); gibbet (Old -French
gibet), ribbon (ruban), cribble (crible), pebble (Anglosaxon
pabol) ; at the end of the stem / mostly stands reduplicated :
stiff (Anglosaxon stif), cliff (Anglosaxon clif), staff (Anglo-
saxon staf), gaffle (Anglosaxon gafol); in an unaccented syl-
lable: sheriff (Anglosaxon gerefa), bailiff (Old-French bail-
lif), plaintiff (plaintif), caitiff (caitif).
3. The toothletters t, d and & also appear reduplicated in An-
glosaxon, but commonly become single at the end. The sibilant
s also shared this quality. In Old-French hardly any other sound
in the interior of the root (a part from the reduplication of t
appearing before a mute e) was considered except s. In Mo-
dern-English, where even the primitive && (compare the Old-
English siththen) has been long abandoned, reduplications
of single consonants often occur in the middle of a word,
especially of the t, d and s, as well as of the z, whereof the
last two are also reduplicated when final. A reduplication of
the shy resting principally upon the Anglosaxon sc can hardly
be conceded in Old-English, where certainly ssh (fresshe),
ssch (whassched [MAUNDEV.], assche [IB.]) occurs.
Reduplications in the middle of a word, where I again
stands as a twin consonant, are, for instance: tatter (Old-norse
tetur = lacera vestis, Anglosaxon teter, tetr), shuttle (Anglo-
saxon sceatel); mittens (French mitaine) even in CHAUCER,
//. The Elements of the Word. — Reduplication of Consonants. 191
Old-Scotch mittanis; matter (Old-French matiere, matere),
mutton (Old-French molton, mouton), glutton (Old-French
gloton, glouton, perhaps not on account of the Latin gluto,
glu^o); ad dice (Anglosaxon adese), waddle (Anglosaxon vadl-
jan = vagari, from vadan = vadere), saddle (Anglosaxon sadul,
sadl), sudden (Old-French sodain, sudain); scissors (Old-
French cisoire), lesson (lecon); frizzle (Old-French friser);
at the end of a word s is frequently, z rarely reduplicated:
brass (bras), glass (glas), grass (gras), frizz (Old-French
friser); also in an unaccented syllable: harness (Old-French
harnas, harnois), cutlas (Old-French coutelas, but coutelasse
is also cited.
4. Throat-sounds were reduplicated in Anglosaxon, like cc, eg
for gg and hh; in Old-French single roots hardly offer guttural
reduplication. Old-English had the reduplications cch = cc and
gg (cacchen, grucchen, dregges, buggen, abreggen,
juggen). Modern-English has in Germanic words developed
the reduplication of c as ck, in others as cc or even cq (but
only in composition, as in acquaintance = accointance),
likewise gg out of single consonants; Mi, which would be a
reduplicated g~h, does not occur, although Old-English offers
forms like ynowjgh with an apparently triple h. But, since
c has partly become dental, like g, reduplications of these
dentals are represented in Modern-English by tch and dg(e),
which only rarely have arisen out of single consonants,
and mostly in Romance words, ck, tch and dg(e) are to be
met with equally in the middle and at the end of words;
cc only in the middle, gg hardly ever at the end. The gut-
turals under these reduplications also appear regularly before /.
Guttural reduplications, which have arisen from single con-
sonants in the middle and at the end, are, for instance, the
following: ck: chicken (cycen, cicen), reckon (Anglosaxon
recnan, recnjan), fickle (ficol), knuckle (cnucle), brick
(brice, French brique), suck (sucan, sugan); cc: succory,
chiccory (French chicoree): gg: waggon and wagon (An-
flosaxon vagen), haggard (Old-French hagard), juggle (Old-
rench jugler), egg (Anglosaxon ag).
Reduplications of the guttural, which has become dental, in the
middle and at the end of a word; tch: kitchen (Anglosaxon cy-
cene), butcher (Old-French boucher), dutchess, alongside of
duchess, pitch (Anglosaxon pic, Gothic peik), watch (Anglo-
saxon vacjan, vacigan); dispatch (Old-French depescher, com-
pare impeach, Old-French empescher); dg(e): fadge (Anglo-
saxon fagjan), abridge (Old-French abrevier, abbregier), Old-
English abreggen; lodge (Old-French loge, logier), Old-English
logge. They are also to be met with in the unaccentuated
final syllable, as in partridge, Old-English partrich &c.
192 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I.
Assimilation of Consonants.
The original word may undergo a change, in that one^of two
different consonants, mostly the final and the initial sound of two
syllables, either originally standing beside each other, or else meeting
together after a rejection of vowels, assimilates itself to the other,
whence arises the reduplication either of the former or of the latter
consonant. In general the second consonant beginning a new, even
an unaccented syllable, prevails to which the preceding one is wont to
join itself, although, the nasal consonant especially, rather draws
the succeeding one over to itself. But English has brought over
numerous assimilations from its constituent tongues.
1. The assimilation of a consonant with a nasal or liquid letter is
perhaps the most frequent. Here belong:
mm instead of/m: lemman, now sometimes leman (lefmon
DAME SIRIZ p. 11. levemon p. 12.), dearest, darling. Compare
lammastide (Anglosaxon hlafmesse and even hlammesse) ; instead
of dm: gammer (Anglosaxon godmodor); instead oimb: plum-
mer alongside of plumber (French plornbier), plummet &c.;
instead of nm: hammock (Hollandish hangmat, -mak), gram-
mercy! (COLLET GIBBER) = grand' merci.
nn instead of nd: winnow (Anglosaxon vindvjan), dialectically
windewe; Bennet (Benedict), bannerol alongside of bandrol
(Old-French banderolle); trunnel alongside of trundle (Anglo-
saxon tryndel = orbis); instead of nw: gunnel alongside of
gunwale.
II instead lh: full am, false die (from the name of a place
Fulham); instead rl: ballast (Old-English barlest, Swedish bar-
last, Danish baglast).
rr instead of rn: garrison (Old-French garnison, guarnison,
but also partly confounded with ganson), Old-English garnison
(CHAUCER); instead of dn Derric, Derrick (Anglosaxon peodric,
French Thierry); instead of tlir: Surrey (Anglosaxon Sucfrea,
compare Old-Highdutch sundarauwa), Old-English Soperei (Ros.
OF GLOUCESTER); instead of gr\ stirrup (Anglosaxon stigerap,
stigrap); instead of nr: Harry alongside of Henry.
2. Among lipletters another consonant is especially assimilated to
b and /.
bb instead of pb: robbins, which means rope-bands; instead
of gb; Hubbard (Old-Highdutch Hugibert, compare Anglosaxon
hyge = mens).
/: gaffer (Anglosaxon godfader); Suffolk (Anglosaxon Sufr-
folc), Old-English Sopfolc (ROB. OF GLOUCESTER).
3. A toothsound occasions the assimilation of another sound.
tt instead of ct: dittany (dictamnus); similarly in Old-English
Atteon, Latin Actseon (CHAUCER), like the pronunciation of
victuals; ditty (belonging to the Anglosaxon dihtan, Latin
dictare), Old-English dite as a substantive.
In Old-English b also assimilated itself to t in dettour =
debtor (CHAUCER).
//. The Elements of the Word. — Assimilation. 193
dd instead of dw: in Old-English god dot = godwot (HAVELOK).
ss instead of ths: Sussex (Anglosaxon SucTseaxan), Old-En-
glish Soupsex; lissom is in like manner written for lithesome,
compare bliss (Anglosaxon blidfe, bliss); instead of ds: gossip
(Anglosaxon godsibb), Old-English godsib, compare gospel for
godspell; instead of ts and st: mess, to feed &c. (Anglosaxon
metsjan = cibare), compare bless (Anglosaxon bletsjan and bless-
jan); misseltoe alongside of mistletoe (Anglosaxon mistelta),
tressel alongside of trestle (Old-French trestel, Modern-French
treteau, according to Diez, Hollandish driestal).
zz instead of rs: nuzzle in the meaning of to foster (Old-
English noursle = to nurse up).
To a guttural another consonant is hardly ever assimilated.
gg is put for rg in guggle instead of gurgle; in Warwick-
shire it is used for gargle.
Transposition of Sounds, or Metathesis:
The transposition of the sounds of a word, insignificant for the
notion, is a general phenomenon, brought about by a physiological
cause, the Elective Affinity of the sounds, and supported by the
defective apprehension of the sounds as a whole. It affects various
sounds, but liquid sounds are especially the cause of the transposition.
This metathesis distinguishes words partly into various periods, partly
into various dialects of the same tongue.
1. Two consonants immediately following each other may change
E laces with each other. At the beginning of a word this, at
?ast in the written tongue, is the case with the Anglosaxon ko9
now appearing only as wh. In Old-English writings the instances
of the position hw are scanty; more early, on the contrary, we
find wh almost everywhere, unless h is thrown out, as in ROB.
OF GLOUCESTER in wo (who), wer (where), wat (what) &c.
But wh also stands, in a striking manner, for qu (Anglosaxon cv),
as in whik (quick), whake (quake), whaynt (quaint) (TOWNEL.
MYSTER.), and even now in Northern dialects, whence we might
infer the originally sameness of pronunciation of hw (wh) and cv
(qu)-, especially since also, conversely, qu often appears for wh, as in
quetstone (whetstone) (IBID.), quete (wheat), quedur (whether)
(HALLIWELL s. w.); whereas Scottish formerly substituted quh
for wh: quhittle (whittle), quhow (how), quham (whom) &c.,
as qwh is likewise found: qwhicke (WARKWORTH'S CHRONICLE
p. 3.). As to the present pronunciation of wh as hw no cause
can be assigned for the transposition. Compare white (Anglo-
saxon hvit), wheat (hvsete), whoop (hvopan) &c. At the middle
and end of a word the inversion of sp into ps is very common
in dialects; thus in Sussex they say wapse, hapse, elapse
for wasp, hasp, clap &c., in Kent eps for asp &c., as An-
glosaxon presented apse, vaps, hapse, vlips, cops &c., along-
side of aspe, vasp, haspe , vlisp, cosp &c. In Chaucer
crispe and cirps are found (Anglosaxon crisp and cirps); Mo-
Matzner, engl. Gr. I. J3
194 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1.
dern-English ever prefers sp; compare grasp (Lowdutch grapsen,
belonging to gripen, Anglosaxon gripan). Methatheses of another
sort, as those of gn and ng in pegen, pegn, peng, pen, En-
glish thane, minister (also familiar to Old-French) are found
more rarely in Anglosaxon; or ns and sn in clsensjan and
clsesnjan, English cleanse, which are not met with in English.
2. Consonants originally commencing two syllables seldom change
places. This is the case in tickle (Anglosaxon citeljan) along-
side of the obsolete kittle (SHERWOOD), which still survives in
Northern dialects. Old-English certainly used tinclan, tol-
cettan in a like sense. Through the interchange of the second
liquid consonant of the next syllable with the initial sound of
the previous one the apparently compound form gill if lower,
otherwise gillofer, has arisen. In Chaucer it sounds cloue-
gi/ofre (that is French girof/e = caryophyllum).
3. Two consonants, originally including a vowel often come to-
gether as an initial sound, when the last is a liquid consonant,
which is easily attracted by another, so called mute. Modern-
English offers this attraction of the r in an accented syllable,
not unknown either to Anglosaxon or Old-French, still more
frequently then Old-English: bright (Anglosaxon beorht, but
also bryht), obsolete bert; fright (fyrhta), wright (vyrhta),
frith, Scotch firth; compare Dieffen bach's Dictionary I, p. 365.
405; fresh (Anglosaxon fersc, but Old-norse friskr, Old-High-
dutch frisc), cress (Anglosaxon cresse and cerse, compare vylle-
cerse), Old-Eaglish kerse, like the Danish karse; thrill (pyrhel-
jan, pyrljan — perforare), Old-English therlen, later thirl; nostril
naspyrl), through (Anglosaxon purh, puruh), Old-English thurgh
&c.; brothel (Old-French bordel), Old-English and Old-Scotch
bordel; fruggin, provincial = oven-fork (French fourgon, from
the Latin furca), cruddle is used for curdle, frubbish, frub
for furbish (BARRET), scruf for scurf. The participle afraid is
Old-English aferd, aferid (Anglosaxon afseran); the Old-French
effreier, effroier and the Anglosaxon faeran blend here. — Hither
too we may refer the unaccented syllables, particularly those in
which /, less so r, come alongside of another consonant and take
e after them, although here and there the joining on of e after
the rejection of a vowel between the mute and liquid letters
appears as natural an assumption; compare idle (Anglosaxon
idel), Old-English idel; bridle (Anglosaxon bridel), Old-English
bridel; apple (Anglosaxon appel, apl), maple (Anglosaxon ma-
peltreo), fickle (Anglosaxon ficol), sickle (Anglosaxon sicol,
sicel), Old-English sikel; kirtle (Anglosaxon cyrtel), Old-English
kirtel; thistle (Anglosaxon pistel), Old-English pi still; cattle
Old-French catel, chatel), Old-English catel); castle, Old-English
castel; mantle alongside of mantel, even with a diversity of
meaning. This especially takes place with regard to /, whereas
with r the reverse mostly takes place in Modern-English. Yet
r also is attracted: acre (Anglosaxon acer), augre alongside of
auger and some others. Old-English, on the other hand, has
aftre, thidre, whidre, watre, Alisandre, laddre, wun-
11. The Elements of the Word. — Metathesis. 195
dre &c. (MAUNDEV.), where Modern-English reinstated the vowel
into its original place.
4. Equally familiar to Modern-English is the separation of the ini-
tial liquid in such manner that the two consonants now include
the vowel which originally followed them. In an accented syl-
lable this metathesis again affects the r, as even in Angiosaxon;
compare gras and gars, grin and girn &c. Modern-English
instances are: bird (Angiosaxon bridd, pullus), Old-English and
Old- Scotch brid, bridde; third (Angiosaxon pridda), Old-English
thriclde; thirty (Angiosaxon pritig, prittig), Old-English thritty;
dirt (Angiosaxon dritan = cacare, Old-norse drit = excrenientum
and drita = cacare), Old-Scotch dry te = cacare ; thresh (Anglo-
Saxon perscan, but Old-Highdutch driscan); curl (Old-norse
krulla. Middle - Highdutch krulle, a lock of hair); girn still
stands sometimes alongside of grin; forst still occurs alongside
of frost (HALLIWELL), like the Angiosaxon frost and forst,
frostig and fyrstig; garner (Old-French grenier and also
gernier, Latin granarium); garnet alongside of gran ate (Italian
granato), furmenty alongside of frumenty (compare Old-French
froment and forment), purpose (compare Old-French proposer
and purposer), burnish (Old-French brunir and burnir) &c.
Even in an unaccented syllable r frequently, but / hardly ever,
steps out of the combination with its consonant, so that a return
is made to the primitive position of the vowel, which the older
tongue, especially the French, had forsaken (compare above, 3),
although we might here often think of the insertion of a vowel:
sugar, Old-English sugre (PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 292. Latin sac-
charum, Spanish, Portugese azucar, French sucre); letter (Old-
French letre, Latin littera), Old-English lettre; pattern (French
patron), number (nombre), minister (ministre); without a
primitive vowel before r: proper (propre), member (membre),
vinegar (vinaigre) and others. Even Angiosaxon has plaster,
as well as Modern-English, overagainst piastre, plaistre. Old-
English forms, like philosophre, Modern-English philosopher,
jaspre, Modern-English jasper (jaspis) and the like, are also
transpositions. / rarely occurs in this case: ousel, ouzel (An-
giosaxon osle).
5. The transposition of vowel and consonant in an unaccented
syllable, with which also the cases named under 3 and 4 might
partly be reckoned, have perhaps often for their cause the attempt
to render the spoken sound with greater certainty in writing.
Hence the formerly occurring forms fier, hier, and the like,
alongside of fire, hire; as also thence, thrice, once, else
are not to be taken as transpositions of the older forms then-
nes, thries, ones, elles, whose e became mute.
6. French used to admit an attraction of a short i or e by a pre-
ceding vowel, when a consonant stood between them and the
short vowel was followed by another, as in histoire (historia),
poison (potion-em). English has in part abolished these mate-
theses and approximated itself to the Latin fundamental form,
perhaps conformably with Old-French collateral forms; compare
13*
196 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I.
history, story (Old-French histoire, estoire, but also estore),
victory (victoire, but also victorie, victore), secretary (secre-
taire), chartulary (cartulaire, chartulaire) and many more.
The words in ier (arius) belonging here, have also likewise ap-
5roached the Latin form: primary (Old-French primier, primer),
anuary (Janvier) &c. The more frequent transmutations of
the liquids ill (il) and gn (partly arising from gn, ng, partly from
m, ne before another vowel) are likewise to be considered as a
transposition of the French metathesis, in which English likewise
had ancient French collateral forms as models: pavilion (Old-
French pavilion, paveillon, Latin papilion-em), bullion (French
billon), minion (French mignon), companion (Old-French
compaignon, companion), poniard (poignard) and the like.
Carrion also belongs here (Old-French caroigne), Old-English
caroyne, careyne.
7. Solitary uncommon metatheses are biovac alongside of bivouac;
cuZverine (French couZewwine), the Old-English cokodrill and
cokedrill (MAUNDEV.) (crocodilus), jurs^endai (yesterday)
(DAME SIRIZ p. 4.). Must we also take parsley to be a meta-
thesis? Compare the Old-English percile (PIERS PLOUGHMAN).
Assimilation of different words and double forms of the same
word.
The constitution of the material of speech and the manner of its
embodiment into the mixed tongue, English, the habit of rendering
•various sounds by one and the same, as well as, conversely, the facility
of denoting the same sound by various English letters, explain the
possibility both of seeing words originally different represented by
one and the same English word, and also of finding the same original
word differently represented. The latter found the more support in
the constitution of such words as had already passed through another
tongue and could be received both in their fundamental form and in
their altered shape. This was especially done when occasion was
found to couple notional differences on to them. In this even the
mistaking of roots, which had been long possessed in their renewed
form, was of service.
A) Assimilation of different words.
"We have already frequently had occasion to distinguish by
their roots words of the same sound. But the number of words
belonging to this class is in English very considerable, and demands
a careful discrimination in detail, which in the first instance is
incumbent upon Lexicography. We give here, out of the great
multitude, by way of examples, a list of assimilated words, whose
descent seems to result from their phonetic development.
1. Words beginning with a vowel sound.
Impair. 1) Verb: worsen, spoil, Old-French empeirer. 2) Adjective:
uneven, unadapted, French impair.
II. The Elements of the Word. — Assimilation of different words. 197
in is sometimes the prepositional particle in, sometimes the pri-
vative prefix =un, before the same roots: informed. Adject.
1) instructed; 2) unformed; infusible, adject. 1) what can be poured
in, 2) unmeltable.
Old-English ilk. Pron. 1) each, Anglosaxon aelc. 2) The same, idem,
Anglosaxon ylc.
Eight. 1) Substantive: an island in a river, Anglosaxon iggafr, insula?
also spelt ait. 2) Numeral; Anglosaxon eahta.
ear. 1) Substantive: ear, Anglosaxon eare. 2) Substantive: of grain,
Anglosaxon aher, ahher, ear; verb: to shoot out into ears. 3)
Verb: plow, Anglosaxon erjan.
earn. 1) Verb: gain, Anglosaxon earnjan. 2) Verb: collateral form
from yearn, to long after &c., Anglosaxon geornjan. 3) North-
English, to curdle, Anglosaxon ge-rinnan, ge-irnan = coagulari.
embers. 1) Substantive: ashes, Anglosaxon semyrje. 2) ember days,
embering days, probably from the same root.
emboss. 1) Verb: to swell, technical; Old-French bosse, compare bos-
seler. 2) Verb: to thrust in (the spear) hide (SPENSKR), from
the Old-French buisser = heurter, figuratively, as a term of the
chase: to worry to death (SPENSER and SIIAKSPEARE). 3) To lie
in ambush, Old-French embuissier, Italian imboscare; otherwise
imbosk.
elder. 1) Adjective and Subst. : older, Anglosaxon yldra. 2) Substan-
tive: a sort of tree, Anglosaxon ellen, ellarn.
even. 1) Substantive: (eve), Anglosaxon sefen. 2) Adjective and Ad-
verb; Anglosaxon e'fen, Adverb e'fne, verb efenjan.
eft. 1) Substantive, Anglosaxon efete. 2) Adverb: = after, Anglo-
saxon eft, aft.
edder. i) Substantive, dialectically : adder, Lowdutch adder, Anglo-
saxon naddre. 2) Wood for plashing, verb: to plash hedges,
Anglosaxon eodor, edor = sepes, Modern-Hi ghdutch eder, etter.
egg. 1) Substantive, Anglosaxon ag. 2) Verb: to incite, also edge,
Anglosaxon egjan = excitare.
exile. 1) Adjective: thin, Latin exilis. 2) Substantive: banishment,,
verb: to banish, Latin exsilium, exsilire.
Arm. 1) Substantive, Anglosaxon earm. 2) Plural, verb: to give
weapons, French armes, armer.
agate. 1) Adverb: on the road, Old-norse gata = semita. 2) Substan-
tive, Old-norse agat.
Ounce. 1) Substantive, Anglosaxon yndse, Latin uncia. 2) Lynx,
Old-French, once.
2. Words beginning with consonants.
a) With nasal and liquid consonants.
Mint. 1) Substantive: a plant, Anglosaxon minte, Latin mentha. 2)
Coining place, verb; Anglosaxon mynet, mynetjan.
mew. 1) Substantive, Anglosaxon maev. 2) Substantive: a cage, verb:
to pen in, Old-French mue, muer, (mutare). 3) Verb, compare
mewl, French miauler.
mean. 1) Adjective; Anglosaxon maene = communis. 2) Middling,
198 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I.
Substantive: means, Old -French inoien, meien. 3) Verb, An-
glosaxon msenan, Old-Highdutch meinjan.
meal. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon melu. 2) Anglosaxon m&\=pa8tu8.
mere. 1) Adjective, Anglosaxon tnsere, Latin inerus. 2) Substantive,
= lacus, Anglosaxon mere, mare = mare, palu.s, lacus. 3) Bound,
Anglosaxon msere = finis, limes, Old-norse mseri = terminus.
mangle. 1) Verb: from the Latin mancus, Medieval-Latin niaucare.
2) Substantive, Old-French mangoimel, Old-English mangonel (a
sling), Medieval -Latin manganellus, from the Greek fiicyyttvov,
Old-Highdutch mango, whence the verb of like sound: to roll.
male. Adjective and Substantive; Old-French mascle, masle, malle.
2) Adverb prefix, French mal, Latin male.
marry. 1) Verb; Old-French marier. 2) Interjection, from Mary =
Maria.
march. 1) Substantive, verb; French marche, marcher. 2) Substan-
tive: marches, Old-French marche, marce (perhaps the same word
as No. 1). 3) A month, Old- French Mars, March.
mate. 1) Substantive; Hollandish maet, whence the verb of even
sound. 2) Verb: to make dead, Old-French mater, matir from
mat, Medieval-Latin mattus, dead.
match. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon maca, Old-norse maki = cowsors,
whence the verb of even sound. 2) French meche.
mass.- 1) Substantive; Old -French masse. 2) Anglosaxon masse,
me'sse.
mast. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon mast Fern. = esca. 2) Anglosaxon
mast, Masculin.
mace. 1) Substantive; Old-French mace, rnache. 2) French and Latin
macis.
make. 1) Verb; Anglosaxon macjau. 2) Substantive; Anglosaxon niaca
= match.
main. 1) Substantive: in compounds (mainland, main-sea), Anglosaxon
magen = vis, robur. 2) In compounds like mainprise, maintain,
Old-French main.
may. 1) Verb; Anglosaxon mag. 2) Substantive: a month, French
mai.
mole. 1) Substantive; Hollandish mol, molworp, Old-norse moldvarpa,
compare English moldwarp. 2) A mark, Anglosaxon mal. 3)
A damm, French mole, Latin moles.
mother. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon modor. 2) Lees, Danish mudder,
compare the Highdutch moder.
moss. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon meos, Latin muscus. 2) A bog,
Middle-Highdutch mosz, Old-Highdutch mes, Danish mose.
moor. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon mor = palus, inculta terra. 2)
French Maure. 3) Verb: to cast anchor, compare French amarrer,
Anglosaxon meoring — obstaculum and amerran = impedire.
mood. 1) Substantive; French mode, Latin modus. 2) Anglosaxon
mod = mens, animus.
mould, mold. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon molde = pu1i:w, terra. 2)
French moule, Latin modulus. 3) Perhaps belongs to No. 1 , com-
pare multrig, Lowdutch mulstrig.
11. The Elements of the Word. — Assimilation of different words. 199
mow. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon muga, muva = acervus, whence the
verb. 2) Subst., French inoue. 3) Verb, Anglosaxon mavan.
Nick. 1) Substantive: Old-norse nikr, Anglosaxon nicor, monstrum
marinum. 2) Substantive ; Anglosaxon nicljan = curvare. 3) Sub-
stantive: right time; verb; to meet with, whence nicker, Old-norse
hnickia, raptare, hnickr, dolus, apprehensio violenta.
net. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon nett, nete. 2) Adjective; Old-French
net, nat, Latin nitidus.
neat. I) Substantive; Anglosaxon neat, pecus. 2) Adjective; nice
Old-Highdutch niotsam.
nap. ]) Verb, Subst.; Anglosaxon hnappjan, dormitare. 2) Anglo-
saxon hnoppa, villus. 3) Substantive: a gnarl, perhaps the same
word, but compare Anglosaxon cnapp, jugum\ Old-norse hnappr,
globulus, caput.
lAme. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon lim. 2) Anglosaxon lind, com-
pare English lind, linden; Old-English also Jyne.
light. 1) Subst., Verb; Anglosaxon leoht, lyht; leohtan, lyhtan. 2)
Adjective; Anglosaxon liht, whence the verb; Anglosaxon alih-
tan, desilire. The verb lighten belongs to No. 1, the same verb
to No. 2. Here belongs also lights, the lungs of a beast.
list. 1) Substantive; together with the corresponding verb; Old-French
liste, Medieval-Latin lista, Old-Highdutch lista; whence the French
lisiere. 2) Old-French lice, liche; whether the same word? 3)
verb: else also lust, Anglosaxon lystan.
lie. 1) Verb; Anglosaxon licjan. 2) Anglosaxon leogan.
lent. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon lencten. 2) Adj.; slow (B. JONS.).
French lent.
left. 1) Preterite and Participle from leave. 2) Adj.; compare An-
glosaxon left, inanis, with lefan, debilitare, lef = debilis, compare
Latin laevus.
let. 1) Verb: to hinder, Anglosaxon letjan, lettan, tardare. 2) to allow,
Anglosaxon laetan, sinere, permittere.
lee. 1) Substantive; Old-French lie. 2) The windless side, dialectic
lew; whether lest, Latin lovus? compare Lowdutch leg = bad.
lean. 1) Adjective; Anglosaxon Isene. 2) Verb; Anglosaxon hlinjan,
hleonjan (Latin inclinare).
leave. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon leaf, permissio. 2) Verb; Old-norse
leifa, relinquere (Anglosaxon lefan, permittere}. 3) to pick out,
Old-French lever, liever.
league. 1) Substantive; French ligue. 2) Portugese and Spanish le-
gua, Gallic leuca.
lease. 1) Verb; to glean, Anglosaxon lesan. 2) to let for a term
(with the s hard), Old-French laissier, laisier. 3) leasing = lies,
Anglosaxon leasung'from the verb leasjan, mentiri.
lap. 1) Substantive; verb: to enwrap, Anglosaxon lappa, fimbria. 2)
to lick, Anglosaxon lappjan, lapjan.
last. 1) Adjective and Adverb; Anglosaxon latemest, latost. 2) Sub-
stantive; Anglosaxon Mast. 3) Verb; Anglosaxon gelsestan, con-
tinuare.
lath. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon latta. 2) A district, Anglosaxon
latf (Bosw.).
200 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1.
lake. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon lacu. 2) a pigment, French laque,
Persian lak.
lay. 1) Preterite from lie, Anglosaxon lag. 2) Verb; Anglosaxon
lecgan. 3) Substantive: a song, Old-French lai, Cymric llais, a
sound. 4) Adjective: worldly, Old-French lai, laicus.
lock. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon locc, cirrus. 2) Substantive, verb;
Anglosaxon loc belonging to lucan.
loom. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon lorna, suppellex. 2) A sort of bird,
Danish lomme. 3) Adjective: fresh (of the wind) compare Old-
English lome = frequently (PIERS PLOUGHMAN 439), Anglosaxon
gelome, frequenter] gelomelic, frequens. 4) Verb: to come in sight
(of ships), to appear bigger; perhaps belongs to No. 3 [liman
= crescere?].
load. J) Verb, Subst.; Anglosaxon hladan, hlad, onus. 2) Substan-
tive, whence loadstone, loadstar, Old-English lodesterre, a vein
(in a mine), Anglosaxon ladu, iter, canalis, Old-Highdutch leita,
compare ladman, ductor.
low. 1) Adjective, Adverb and verb; Old-norse lag, locus depressus,
Hollandish laag Adj. 2) Substantive: flame, Anglosaxon lege,
lyge, Old-norse log, Danish lue. 3) in names of places: a hill,
dam, compare Bedlow (also lowe), Anglosaxon hlaev, hlav, collis,
agger. 4) Verb; Anglosaxon hlovan.
Eime. 1) Subst. ; Anglosaxon hrim, also rim. 2) a chink, Latin rima.
3) Alongside of rhyme, Anglosaxon rim, numerus-, Old-French
rime, Cymric rhimyn.
ring. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon hring, hrinc. 2) Anglosaxon hrin-
gan, campanam pulsar e.
repair. 1) Verb, Substantive; French reparer. 2) Verb, Substantive:
refuge, Old-French repairier, repairer; repaire, repere, Latin re-
patriare.
rest. 1) Substantive, verb; Anglosaxon rest, rast, quies; restan, quies-
cere. 2) Subst., verb; Old-French reste, rester.
resent. 1) Participle from resend. 2) Verb, Old-French ressentir.
rear. 1) Substantive; Old-French rier, riere, Latin retro. 2) Adjec-
tive: (also spelt rare) half raw, Anglosaxon hrere, crudus. 3) Verb,
to bring up, Anglosaxon rseran. 4) In the Substantive: rearmouse,
fluttermouse, Anglosaxon hreremus, the verb hreran, agitare is
at the root.
rank. 1) Substantive, verb; Old-French renc, Cymric rhenge. 2)
Adject. ; Anglosaxon ranc, superbus, foecundus. 3) Perhaps be-
longing to the Latin rancidus, rancor, like the English rancid?
rally. 1) Verb; French rallier. 2) French railler.
rape. 1) Substantive; Latin rapa. 2) Compare the Hollandish and
Lowdutch rapen, Shwedish rappa, belonging to the Latin rapere.
3) Division of a county in Sussex?
rash. 1) Adjective; Auglosaxon rash, Old-norse roskr, Danish rask,
whence the verb of like sound; compare Old-norse raska, loco
movere, Auglosaxon rascjan, vibrare. 2) Substantive; Old-French
rasche, compare the Provencal rascar, as it were rasicare. 3)
A sort of cloth, French ras, from Arras. 4) Adjective; provin-
II. The Elements of the Word. — Assimilation of different words. 201
cial, dry (from corn, which easily falls out), compare the High-
dutch raesch, roesch = harsh, from hard.
race. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon raes, impetus, Old-norse ras, cursus.
2) French race.
rack. 1) Subst., verb; belonging to the Anglosaxon racan. 2) Subst.:
abbreviation from arrack. 3) Thin clouds, mists; compare Old-
norse rak, humor- raki, mador; Anglosaxon racu, rain. 4) An-
glosaxon hracca, occiput.
ray. 1) Substantive, verb; Old-French rais, rait, rai; raier, raiier.
2) Substantive: a sort of fish, French raie, Latin raja. 3) Abbre-
viation from the Old-French arrai, arroi, English array.
rain. 1) Substantive, verb; Anglosaxon regen; re'gnan. 2) Raindeer,
Anglosaxon hran, hraen, capreolus, English also called rane.
rail. 1) Substantive: night-rail, Anglosaxon hragel, vestimentum. 2)
Low-Saxon regel. 3) A sort of fowl, French rale, from the verb
raler. 4) Verb: to jeer, French railler; else, English rally.
rock. 1) Substantive, Old-norse rockr, coins. 2) Old-French roce,
roche, Modern-French roc. 3) Verb; compare Anglosaxon reocan,
exhalare, vacillare, Old-norse riukandi, fumans, vacillans.
roe. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon rah, ra. 2) Old-uorse hrogn.
row. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon rav. 2) Verb, Anglosaxon rovan.
rut. 1) Substantive; Old-French ruit, Modern-French rut, whence the
corresponding verb, Latin rugitus. 2) The track of wheels; com-
pare the Old-norse rota; or, from the Old-French rote, rute =
Latin rupta? 3) To throw (whence provincially in Cheshire, Sub-
stantive: the beating of the waves), compare Old-norse rot, mo-
tio violenta.
rush. 1) Anglosaxon risce, rixe (Latin ruscus?). 2) Verb; compare
the Anglosaxon hrysc. hrysca, irruptio; hriscjan, vibrare.
rue. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon rude, French rue. 2) Verb; Anglo-
saxon hreovan, ejulare, dolere; whence rueful, from the Anglo-
saxon subst. hreov, dolor.
b) Words with initial Lipletters.
Pine. 1) Substantive; Anglosaxon pinn, pin, Latin pinus. 2) Verb;
Anglosaxon pin; pinan, pinjan = cruciare, Old-French peine,
paine, poene; peiner &c.
pile. 1) Substantive; French pile, Latin pila (VIRGIL) (pila), per-
haps identical with No. 3. 2) Old-norse pila, sagitta, Latin pilum.
3) Anglosaxon pil, sudes, French pile, Latin pila. 4) Hair, mostly
collective: hairy surface, Old-French poil, peil, Latin pilus; in
cross and pile, French croix et pile, pile denotes the side of the
coin whereupon the coat of arms stands.
pill. 1) Verb: plunder, Old-English pile (RoB. OF BRUNNE), Old-
Scottish pille, peile, French piller (compare the Latin expilare,
oompilare). 2) To shell; otherwise peel, Old-French poiler, peiler,
peler, Latin pilare. 3) Substantive; from the Latin pila, French
pillule.
pitch. 1) Substantive, verb; Old-English pik, Auglosaxon pic, Latin
pix. 2) Height, Old-French pic. 3) Verb; Anglosaxon pyccan,
pungere, Old-English picchen, allied to pick.
202 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I.
pen. 1) Subst., verb; Old-French penne, pene, Old-norse penni; on
the other hand Anglosaxon pinn. 2) Substantive, verb ; compare
pinfold, Anglosaxon on-pinnjan, redudere repagulo remoto; Old-
English pynnen = to bolt.
perch. 1) Substantive; French perche, Latin perca, on the other hand,
Anglosaxou bears. 2) Substantive, verb: (of birds), Old-French
perche; percher, Latin pertica.
pan. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon panne. 2) Verb: to join together, agree,
perhaps from the Cymric pannan, to line (a dress), Anglosaxon
pan, Latin panuus?
pall. 1) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon pell, pall, Latin pallium, Old-
French palle, silk or cotton stuff. 2) To make or turn stale,
Old-French pale, palle = bleme.
pale. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon pal, Latin palus. 2) Adj., Subst.; Old-
French pale, palle.
partisan. 1) Subst.; French partisan. 2) A sort of weapon, French
pertuisane from the Old-French pertuiser; according to Diez p. 253.
perhaps derived from the last.
page. 1) Subst.; French page. 2) French page (^raJ/o^).
pawn. 1) Subst., verb; Old-French pan; paner = prendre des gages,
Old-norse pantre; compare the Lowdutch pennen. "2} In chess,
also peon, French pion, Italian pedone. 3) Peacock, Old-French
paon, poon.
port. 1) Subst., Old-French port, Latin portus. 2) Old-French porte,
Latin porta. 3) A sort of wine, abridged from Oporto. 4) Subst.,
verb; Old-French port, portement; porter.
pound. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon pund. 2) Verb, Subst; Anglosaxon
pyndan, Old-English Subst.: pondfold = pinfold. 3) Verb; An-
glosaxon punjan, confer ere.
punch. 1) Verb; Italian punzar, punchar, compare French poincon,
North-English punchion, an awl; English puncheon, a thorn, also
a tub (the punched; that is, tapped). 2) Verb: to strike with
the fist; Subst.: a blow with the fist; possibly the same? 3)
Subst.: a foreign word, according to some from palepuntz, a
beverage in Surat, according to others from the Indian panscha
= five, a beverage of five ingredients. 4) Adj. and Subst.: also
punchy*); Jackpuddiug, of unclear origin, unless the Jackpudding
has his name from the drink.
plight. 1) Verb, Subst.; Anglosaxon plihtan, periculo exponere, spon-
dere; pliht, periculum. 2) Verb, Subst.; compare the Old-High-
dutch vlehtan, Latin plectere, Celtic plega.
plat. 1) Verb, Subst.; otherwise plait, allied to the foregoing. 2)
Adj., Subst.; Old-French plat, Swedish platt.
prune. 1) Subst.; Old-French prune. 2) Verb; Old-English proinen,
Old-Scottish prunze, compare the French provigner, from the
Latin propaginare, whence in English also provine.
Bill. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon bile, rostrum, Old-English bile. 2) An-
*) Note by the translator: I do not think there can be this doubt about
the origin of "punchy". I apprehend that it is mistakenly written for
"paunchy1', that is, having a predominence of the abdomen.
//. The Elements of the Word. — Assimilation of different words. 20H
glosaxon bill, ensis-, compare the Highdutch beil. 3) Compare
the Highdutch unbill, billig. 4) List, reckoning, in Old-English
a lettery (CHAUCER), French billet.
bittern. 1) Subst.; from the Anglosaxon biter, bitter. 2) A kind of
bird, French butor.
beetle. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon betel, bytel and biotul, beotel, malleus-,
whence the verb to overhang, compare beotan, minari. 2) An-
glosaxon botel and bitel, blatta from bitan. In betel both sub-
stantives touch each other.
bark. 1) Subst., verb; Old-uorse Subst.: borkr and verb barka, cutem
induere, cortice finger e; birkja, decorticare. 2) Anglosaxon beor-
can, latrare, whence borcjan.
bass. 1) Subst.; Medieval-Latin bassus. 2) (In a church) perhaps
nothing else than the Anglosaxon bast, cortex tiliae; in North-
English the bast is thus called; in Cumberland dry rushes are
called thus. 3) Verb: to kiss (MORE), compare the French baiser,
Latin basiare, else the English buss.
bore. 1) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon bor, scalprum; borjan, terebrare.
2) Preterite of bear, Anglosaxon bar.
borne. 1) Subst.; French borne, see Dieffenbach, Dictionary I. 300.
2) Participle from bear, Anglosaxon boren. 3) (often in the names
of places), Scottish burn, Anglosaxon byrna, torrens.
box. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxou box, Latin buxus. 2) Anglosaxon bux,
box, pyxis (both words denote originally the same thing). 3)
Verb, Subst.; Danish baxe, Swedish baxas; belonging to the High-
dutch pochen, bochen, Swedish boka.
boot. 1) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon bot, Old-English bote, compensatio,
reparatio^ Gothic botan. 2) Subst., verb; Old-French botte, boute.
3) Old-English boat, Anglosaxon bat, linter.
bound. 1) Verb, Subst.; Old-French bondir, bundir, bond. 2) Pre-
terite and Participle from bind, Anglosaxon band, bundon, bun-
den. 3) Subst., verb; compare the English boundary, Medieval-
Latin bonna, bunda, bonnarium, Old-French bonne, bone, also
bodne.
bull. 1) Subst.; compare Anglosaxon bulluca, vitulus; Lowdutch bulle;
Old-norse boli, taurus. 2) (Papal), Anglosaxon bull, Latin bulla.
burden. 1) Subst.; = burthen, Anglosaxou byrcfen, onus. 2) Chorus
(singing), Old-English burdoun, Old-French bourdon. Bass; com-
pare bourdonner. 3) Obsolete: Pilgrims staff; Old-English also
burdoun, Old-French bourdon.
but. 1) Subst., verb; French bout, aboutir. 2) Particle, Anglosaxon
butan.
budge. 1) Verb; French bouger. 2) Subst.: prepared lambshide;
whence budget, a bag &c , Old-French boge, bouge, Latin bulga.
blow. 1) Subst.; from Anglosaxon bleovan, ferire. 2) Verb; Anglo-
saxon blavan, flare. 3) Subst.; from the Anglosaxon blovan,
florere.
brim. 1) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon bremme, brymme, mar go. 2) Dia-
lectically, Anglosaxon brim, unda, mare. 3) Adj.: obsolete, instead
of breme, Anglosaxon breme, celeber.
breeze. 1) French brise, Italian brezza. 2) Anglosaxon briosa, tabanus.
204 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part 1. Sect. 1.
broil. 1) Subst.; belongs to the French brouiller; compare the Ita-
lian broglio. 2) Verb; Cymric brwlio, brwlian, compare the Swiss
brageln, prageln, to cook.
Fell. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon fell. 2) Old-norse fell, mons. 3) An
open field, thought to be abridged from the Anglosaxon fild, fe'ld.
4) Adj., Subst.; Anglosaxon fell, crudelis and ira. 5) A mouse-
trap (see HALLIWELL s. v.), Anglosaxon feall, dedpula. 6) Verb;
Anglosaxon fyllan, fellan, prosternere. 7) Preterite from fall, An-
glosaxon feoll.
fair. 1) Adj.; also Adverb and Subst.; Anglosaxon fager. 2) Subst.;
Old-French foire, feire, fere.
far. 1) Adj. and Adverb; Anglosaxon feorr. 2) Subst.: a pig, An-
glosaxon fearh, compare Old-English farrow.
fold. 1) Verb, Subst.; Anglosaxon fealdan, plicare; feald, plica; whence
the adjective termination -fold, Anglosaxon -feald, -plex. 2)
Subst; Anglosaxon falud, fald.
full. 1) Adj., Adverb and Subst.; Anglosaxon full, plenus. 2) Verb;
Old-English fullen, compare Anglosaxon fullere, English fuller,
Latin fullo, French fouler.
fry. 1) Subst.; Old-norse frse, frio, Gothic fraiv, Old-French fraye.
2) Verb, Subst.; French frire, Latin frigere. 3) Subst.: sieve?
Vice. 1) Subst.; Old-French vice, visce, Latin vitium. 2) Old-French
vis, viz. 3) Sometimes abridged from advice, French avis. 4)
Prefix, Latin vice.
vail. 1) Verb; instead of veil, Old-French voile, veile = velum. 2)
Old-French avaler, avaller = baisser. 3) Vails; Subst.; from the
Old-French valoir, valeir, properly aid, relief.
vaunt. 1) Subst. = van, from the Old-French avant. 2) Verb; Old-
French vanter, venter, from the Latin vanus.
Wise. 1) Adj.; Anglosaxon vis. 2) Subst.; Anglosaxon vise.
wight. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon viht. 2) The Island, Anglosaxon Viht
= Vectis. 3) Adj.; Old-Scottish wicht, seems to belong to the
Old-norse vigr, bellicosus (compare Anglosaxon vih, vig = pugna).
In the Old-English we also find wight written instead of weight,
white and witch.
well. 1) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon vella, vylla, fons; andvellan, vyl-
lan, ebullire. 2) Adverb; Anglosaxon vela, ve'l, bene.
weed. 1) Subst.: now commonly in the plural, Anglosaxon vaed,
vestimentum. 2) Subst, verb; Anglosaxon veod, herba; veodjan,
eruncare.
wax. 1) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon veax, vax, cera. 2) Verb; Anglo-
saxon veaxan.
wort. 1) Anglosaxon vyrt, virt, vert, vart, herba, radix. 2) Anglo-
saxon virt, veort, vert, brasium, mustum.
wood. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon vudu. 2) Adj.; Anglosaxon vod, fu-
riosus.
whittle. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon hvitle, cultellus, 2) Anglosaxon hvitel,
pallium.
//. The Elements of the Word. — Assimilation of different words. 205
c) Words with initial tooth-letters.
Till. 1) Verb; Anglosaxon tiljan, studere, colere terrain, procurare,
computare. Whether does till, a money -drawer, belong here?
2) Preposition and conjunction; Anglosaxon til, ad, donee.
tick. 1) Verb, also substantive (of a clock), Hollandish tikken, Low-
dutch ticken. 2) Subst; Hollandish teek, Lowdutch tekebock,
Middle-Highdutch zecke, French tique. 3) Old-Highdutch ziecha,
Middle- and Modern-Highdutch zieche, Cymric tic, ticcyn, English
ticken. 4) Subst., verb; belongs to ticket?
tire. 1) Verb, to rush down (upon something) to pluck (of a bird
of prey) to touse, belongs to the Anglosaxon terjan, tirjan, vexare,
irritare, and te'ran, lacerare, scindere, English tear, to which be-
long the Highdutch zerren and zehren, perhaps under the in-
fluence of the French tirer, of the same origin; from the notion
of pulling that of fatiguing has been developed: to make and be
tired. 2) Subst., verb; else attire, Anglosaxon tier, apparatus,
ordo, Old-Highdutch ziari, Middle-Highdutch ziere; ziarjan. Com-
pare Old-norse tyr, fama praeclara, Anglosaxon tir, tyr, splen-
dor, decus.
tense. 1) A temporal form, Old-French tens, tans. 2) Stretched, tight,
Latin tensus.
tarry. 1) Verb; In this verb the Anglosaxon terjan, tirigan, vexare
irritare, Old -French tarier, taroier meets with the Old -French
targier, tarjer, from the Latin tardus; in Old-English targen is
found for it (ROMANCE OF OTUEL p. 79). 2) Adj., from tar,
Anglosaxon teru, pix fluida.
tart. 1) Adj.; Anglosaxon teart, asper. 2) Subst.; French tarte,
tourte, Medieval-Latin torta.
tap. 1) Verb, subst.; Middle-Highdutch tappe, paw, Old-French taper;
tape. 2) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon tappa, Hollandish tap, Old-
norse tappr, tappan, tappjan, Old-norse tappa.
ton. 1) Subst : a measure or weight, also tun, Anglosaxon tunne,
Old-French tone, tonne. 2) French ton.
toll. 1) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon toll, vectigal, privilegium telonium
dictum-, Old-norse tolla, tributum imponere, pendere. 2) Verb; to
take away (a law term) ; whence Subst. : toll, Latin tollere , Me-
dieval-Latin tolta, breve quo Us tollitur e curia baronis. 3) Verb,
Subst.; of a bell. In Old -English tollen, tolen occurs in the
meaning of draw, figuratively to incite. Perhaps it is wrong to
think of the Latin tollere. Compare Old-norse tolla, haerere,
cohuerere; or may we think of tol-cettan, titillare?
trump. 1) Subst, verb; Old-English trumpen (PiERS PLOUGHMAN),
Old-norse trumba, tympanum, Old-Highdutch trumba, Middle-
Highdutch trumbe. 2) Subst.; in cards, French triomphe.
Die. ll Verb, Old-norse deyja, mori. 2) Commonly dye, Anglosaxon
deagjan, tingere. 3) Subst.; Old -English also dee, French de,
Italian dado.
defile. 1) Verb, Subst.; French defiler, defile. 2) Anglosaxon fylan,
inquinare.
206 Doctrine of the, Word. — Mnmtics. Part 1. Sect. 1.
dear. Adj. and Subst.; Anglosaxou deore, dior, dyre. 2) Noxious,
Old -English verb deren = to curt, injure, Anglosaxon derjan,
nocere.
dam. 1) Subst., verb; Old-norse dammr, alluvies, Anglosaxon dem-
man, obturare, Gothic faur-dammjan. '2) Mother, especially of
brutes, Old-French darne, Latin doinina.
date. 1) Subst ; French date. "2) A sort of fruit, Provencal datil,
French datte, dactylus.
down. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon dun, mons, to which belongs the par-
ticle down, compare Anglosaxon adune and ofdune, deorsum. 2)
Light hair, Old-norse and Lowdutch dun.
Thus. Adverb; Anglosaxon pus, sic. 2) Subst.; incense, Latin thus.
thrum. 1) Verb; to play badly (an instrument), jingle, Old-norse
pruma, anhelare, intonare. 2) Subst.; (the end of yarn cut off
from the weft); verb: to warp, Old-norse prom, margo, Old-
Highdutch, Middle-Hi ghdutch drum, Lowdutch drom, drom, dram,
draum, dromt.
thrush. 1) Subst. ; Anglosaxon prysce, Old-Highdutch drosca, droscela.
2) Pustules, also spavin (inflammation of the feet of horses);
perhaps belonging to the Anglosaxon priscan, ferire, percutere.
See. 1) Subst.; benefice of a bishop, Old-French sed, sied, siez, se.
2) Verb; Anglosaxon se'on. 3) Subst.; Old-English instead of
sea, Anglosaxon sse.
seam. 1) Subst.: fat, Anglosaxon seim (BoswoRTFi), Old-norse seimr,
ductile quid, Lowdutch sem. 2) Subst.; verb, Anglosaxon seam,
sutvra. 3) a measure (8 bushels of corn), provincial, a horses
load, Anglosaxon seam, onus, sarcina jumentaria, Old-Highdutch
soum.
seal. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon seolh, phoca. 2) Subst.; Anglosaxon sigel,
Gothic sigljo, sigillum; Anglosaxon sigeljan, Gothic sigljan, ob-
signare.
sew. 1) Verb; Anglosaxon sivjan, seovjan, suvan. 2) Verb; alongside
of sue, to follow, pursue, Old-English sewen, suwen, Old-French
sevre, seure, Modern-French suivre. 3) Verb; to let down (a
pond &c.), whence the Subst. sewer, Old-French sewiere, seu-
wiere; on the other hand sewer, Old-Scottish sewar, a carver,
is perhaps originally nothing else than the Old -English suer,
that is follower, adherent, servant (THE CREED OF PIERS PLOUGHM.
p. 459.), and Palsgrave wrongly explains WI sewe at meate" by
Je taste", which certainly might belong to the obligations of the
officer, called a sewer. The dish of minced flesh, which Gower
calls sewe (see LYNDSAY Poet. Works ed. Chalmers 3. p. 461.), might
be named from the Old-French soef, soeve, Latin suavis, or might
be the broth, which in Cymric was called sug, sudd; Anglosaxon
sogoda, succus.
sallow. 1) Subst.: a sort of tree, Anglosaxon salig. 2) Adj.; An-
glosaxon salu, fuscus, niger.
sage. 1) Subst.; French sauge, Anglosaxon salvige. 2) Adject, and
Subst.; Old-French sage, saige, sapiens. 3) North-English subst.;
for saw, Anglosaxon sage, serra.
sack. 1) Subst, verb; Anglosaxon sacc, saccus. 2) Plundering, verb:
11. The Elements of the Word. — Assimilation of different words. 207
to plunder, Old-French sac, probably belonging to No. 1. Com-
pare Diez, Dictionary p. oOO. 3) Subst. : a sort of wine, whence
the Old-English sack-posset and sack-whey in Devon, French
sec, Italian secco.
some, 1) Indeterminate pronoun; Anglosaxon sum. 2) In the for-
mula some and all (HALLIWELL s. v. sum), all and some, some
answers to the Old-French somme, sume, some, Modern-English
sum, so that it might be formed after the French somme toute.
The Old-English has som, sum, some, and uses it also adjec-
tively, Schropschire som and half Warwikshire al so (ROB. OF
GLOUCESTER I. p. 5). Compare: And of his mynde he shewed
me all and some (SKELTON I. p. 39.). Of all good praiers God
send him sum (IB. p. 69.). The formula stands adverbially for
completely.
sole. 1) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon sole, solea. Hence springs the
name of a fish sole, French sole, Italian soglia. 2) Adj. ; Old-
French sol, sul, seul, solus.
sod. 1) Old preterite and participle from seethe, Anglosaxon seafr,
sudon; soden. 2) Subst.; Hollandish zode, zood, zoo, Lowdutch
sode.
soil. 1) Subst.; Old-French soel, suel, sueil, Modern-French seuil.
2) Subst., verb, Old-French souil, a slough, provencal solh, dirt,
whence the verb souiller; mixed with the Anglosaxon sol, volu-
tabrum, sordes; syljan, foedare, Gothic bi-souljan, inquinare, whence
the Romance forms are derived. 3) Verb: to lead a horse to
graze, Old-French saoler, Modern-French souler.
sound. 1) Adj.; Anglosaxon sund. 2) Subst.; Anglosaxon son, sonus,
Old-French son, sun; soner, suner, sonner, Old-English sounen.
3) Subst.; Anglosaxon and Old-norse sund, mare, vadum. The
same Anglosaxon word lies at the root of the meaning, swim-
mingbladder, since sund in Anglosaxon and Old-norse also means
swimming; Old-norse sund-uggar, pinnae piscium', sund-fseri, cauda
et pinnae piscium; synda, nare, natare. The meanings of casting
the soundingline, lean not on the French sonde, sender, but the
Romance words, Span., Port., Ital. sonda, French sonde — son-
dar, sonder themselves are descended from the Germanic sund.
Anglosaxon sundgerd and sundline denote the rod and line for
measuring the depth of the sea, like the English sounding line.
Sound, as the name of the cuttle-fish, may have the same origin.
4) Subst.: swoon, even in the Vicar of Wakef c. XI, belongs
to the Old-norse sundl, sundli, vertigo, verb sundla, vertigine tur-
ban, alongside of the subst. svim, verb svima; compare the An-
glosaxon svima, vertigo, deliquium, along with svanjan, evanescere,
according to Sommer also asvunan, deficere animo.
sow. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon sugu, sus. 2) Verb: sow, Anglosaxon
savan.
smelt. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon smelt, smylt, sardina piscis, salmo eper-
lanus. 2) Verb; Anglosaxon smeltan, smyltan, liquefacere, 3)
Participle; alongside of smelled, from smell, with which is com-
pared the Lowdutch smolen, to smoke, smsel, the reek of damp stuff.
smack. 1) Verb, Subst.; Anglosaxon smac, sm'acc, sapor, gustus; smec-
208 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. 1.
can, ffustare; Old-norse smacka, the same; alongside thereof the
verb, subst., Lowdutch smacken, Middle-Highdutch smackezen,
Hollandish smakken, (on the other hand the Hollaudish smaken),
smak, a blow. 2) Subst. ; Anglosaxon snacc, Old-norse snakr,
Hollandish smak, Danish srnakke. 3) Subst; Lowdutch smack.
snow. 1) Subst.; verb, Anglosaxon snav, nix. 2) Hollandish snaauw,
Danish snau, perhaps properly a snoutship, compare the Hol-
landish snaauwen, to snub.
slough. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon slog, volutabrum, English also sludge,
slush and slosh. 2) (pronounced sluff) (of snakes, who cast the
skin, formerly of beasts generally) scab, in Northern -English also
pod, Middle-Highdutch sluch throat, skin of the snake.
spill. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon spindel, spinl, fusus; Hollandish spil,
compare the Middle-Highdutch spilmac, Lowdutch spille, Modern-
Highdutch spille, spindel. 2) Verb; Anglosaxon spillan, Old-
norse spilla, corrumpere, consumere, Lowdutch verspillen.
spoke. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon spaca. 2) Preterite and Participle from
speak, Anglosaxon spac; spocen.
spright. 1) Subst.; the same as sprite = spirit. 2) Perhaps confounded
with sprit, Anglosaxon spreot, trudis, contus', or belonging to
sprig, see spray.
spray. 1) Subst.; also sprig, Cymric brig = top, but compare also
the Anglosaxon spree, sarmentum, Old-norse sprek, ramentum. 2)
(of the sea), belongs to the Anglosaxon spregan, fundere-, com-
pare the Middle-Highdutch sprouwen, sprewen, spargere, made-
facere.
swallow. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon svaleve. 2) Verb, Subst.; Anglosaxon
svelgan, svilgan, devorare, imbiber e; Middle-Highdutch swalch,
-ges, swale, grudiness, swalken, crapulari, svelge, vorago.
still. 1) Adj., Adv. and Conj.; Anglosaxon stille, quietus-, stille, tacite;
Verb; Anglosaxon stillan, compescere, also Subst. (poetic); Old-
Highdutch stilli, Middle-Highdutsh stille. 2) Subst.; Old-norse
stilli, agger, vallus. 3) Verb; Latin stillare.
stern. 1) Adj ; Anglosaxon sterne, severus, asper, rigidus. 2) Subst.
(of a ship), Anglosaxon stearn, gubernaculum^ compare stior, the
same, and steorern, gubernaculi locus, as well as stearnsetl, pup-
pis. 3) Old-Epglish, Subst.; Stella, else sterre, Modern-English
star, Old-norse stiarna, Anglosaxon steorra.
stale. Old-English stele. 1) Subst., (obsolete), Anglosaxon ste'l, cau-
lis, manubrium. 2) Bait (SHAKSPEARE). These meanings belong
to the Anglosaxon stelan, surripere, furari, compare stalu,/wrftm;
Longobardic astalin, fraus. Here too seem to belong the adjec-
tive stale = old, worn out; substantively, sour beer, bad woman;
and as a verb, to wear out, in which the image of the deceit-
ful, spurious, may lie at the root. 3) Verb, Subst.; Danish stalle,
Swedish stalla, Italian stallare, probably borrowed from the dirti-
ness of the stable.
stable. 1) Adj.; Old-French estable, stdbttis. 2) Subst.; (in the chase);
verb, Old-French estable, Modern-French etable, stabulum.
stud. 1) Subst.; verb, Anglosaxon studu, postis, clavus. Lowdutch
stiit (on the other hand stut). 2) Subst. ; formerly also studderie
II. The Elements of the Word. — Assimilation of different words. 209
a large stable; Anglosaxon stod, armentum equorum, Old-High-
dutch, Middle-Highdutch stuot, (here belongs steed, Anglosaxon
steda).
scale. 1) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon scalu, lanx, trutina, Medieval-Latin
scala, bilanx, Old-norse skal, bilanx and patera, hence in Somer-
setshire, also: a drinking bowl. 2) Subst.: of a fish, Anglosaxon
scealu, scala, putamen; compare the Old-French escale, escaile,
Modern-French ecaille, ecale, a nutshell; whence the verb. 3)
Subst., verb; Old-French eschele, eschiele, Latin scala; whence
the verb escheller, Italian scalare, Modern-French escalader.
Shackle. 1) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon scacul, columbar, Hollandish
schakel, limb of a chain, Modern-Highdutch schake; whence
figuratively in Northern -English, the wrist. 2) Stubble; compare
shack, right of pasture in winter and to the shattered corn at
harvest; it belongs to the Anglosaxon scacan, quatere, excutere
and volare, Old-norse skaka, quatere, agitare, and denotes pro-
perly the battered out and flown away corn. The dialectical
verb shack, to rove about, and subst. vagabond, confirms this.
shoal. 1) Adj., Subst.; (compare shallow), belongs to the Old-High-
dutch scalljan, to cause to sound, Middle-Highdutch schal, hollow,
Modern-Highdutch schal. 2) Subst.; Anglosaxon scolu, caterva,
multitudo.
shock. 1) Subst.; from the Anglosaxon sceacga, caesaries, compare
"West-English shacked instead of shaggy, Anglosaxon sceacged,
comatus, Old-norse skeggi, barbatus. 2) Subst.; whence the verb,
to set corn in shocks, Danish skok, Swedish skock, Middle-High-
dutch schoc (60 pieces), Lowdutch schocken. 3) Subst, verb; Here
Germanic and French elements mix, Old-Highdutch scoc, Middle-
Highdutch schoc, Middle-Highdutch schocken, schoggen, to be
in swinging movement, with the Anglosaxon scacan, related to
the Old-norse skaka; along therewith the Old-French cheque, a
stem, choc, a thrust, choquer, to thrust against.
Check. 1) Subst.; Old-French eschac, eschec; to which belongs check,
on a Bank, from the Old-French verb eschequer, to divide by
lines, like a chessboard (eschequier), compare the Highdutch
scheckig, English cheeky. 2) Verb: to impede, Subst.: hindrance,
are likewise taken from the game; compare the Middle-Highdutch
schachen, to give check.
chap. 1) Obsolete verb: to deal; Subst.: a dealer, figuratively: com-
panion; compare chapman, Anglosaxon copman, ceapjan, emere,
negotiari. 2) Subst.: a chink; verb: to come open, seem to belong
to the Anglosaxon cippjan, secare and to a root cippan ,• compare
Old-norse kippa, elevare', kippr, inter stitium loci.
chase. 1) Subst.; Old-French chasse, casse, Modern-French chasse
Latin capsa. 2) Verb, Subst.; Old-French chacier, cacier; Me-
dieval-Latin caciare, Subst. chace, cace, of unclear origin.
Jet. 1) Subst.; French jais, jayet, gagates. 2) Verb, Subst.; Old-
French Jeter, geter; get, giet, jactus. In the meaning: a henroost,
the French jet seems taken collectively; compare Latin jactus
retis, all fish caught, French jet d'abeilles, a swarm of bees; jet
de voiles, a complete set of sails.
Miitzner, engl. Gr. T. 14
210 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I.
jetty. 1) Subst, French jetee. 2) Adj., from the Subst. jet.
jar. 1) A large jug or glass vessel with a wide opening; French
jarre, Provencal, Span., Port, jarra; of Arabic origin from garrah,
a water vessel. 2) Verb; to tick (of the clock) [SHAKSPEARE],
Subst. This word points to the French jars, also jar (Nicox),
"Walloon gear, a gander, Breton garz; according to Tarbe a verb
jargauder and iargauder is used in Champagne of the gander,
which treads the goose with gabble, as if g belonged to the root.
In Cymric the verb jar is rendered by ysgortio, ysgordio.
d) Words with initial throat-sounds.
Cart. 1) Subst., verb; French carte, charte. 2) Subst., verb; French
carde; carder, also chardon; chardonner, Old-French escharder,
to scratch up with thistles, from the Latin carduus.
cape. 1) Subst.; French cap alongside of chef, Latin caput 2) Old-
French cape, chape, Old-norse kapa, Medieval-Latin capa, cappa.
caper. 1) Subst.; French capre, Latin capparis. 2) Subst., verb;
from the Latin caper; compare the French cabrer and cabriole,
cabrioler.
case. 1) Subst.; Old-French cas, quas; casus. 2) Subst., verb; Old-
French casse, chasse, Latin capsa. 3) Dialectic for because.
compt. 1) Subst., verb; (commonly count), Old-French conter, Modern-
French compter. 2) Adj. (obsolete), Latin comptus, Old-French
cointe.
console. 1) Verb, French consoler. 2) Subst.; French console, from
sole, Latin solea.
corn. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon corn, granum; whence the verb corn.
2) On the feet, Old-French corn, cornu.
corporal. 1) Subst.; corrupted from the French caporal. 2) Adj.; for
the more usual corporeal, and Subst., Medieval-Latin corporale,
palla qua sacrificium tegitur in altari.
cope. 1) Subst., verb; Old-English copen, Medieval-Latin capa, cappa;
incappare = operire, compare Anglosaxon cappa, cappe, pileus^
cucullus; see cape. 2) Subst; (SHAKSPEARE), Old-French cope,
copel = cime, Anglosaxon copp, culmen. 3) Verb; commonly
construed with with*), perhaps means originally as much as
chap or chop, chaffer, to haggle with any one. In Eastern dialects
cope is still used for to chop, exchange. Compare English cope-
man alongside of chapman, Anglosaxon copmann, mercator^ an
Anglosaxon verb copjan (compilare?) of dubious meaning, also
occurs. All these forms belong to the Gothic kaupon, to follow
trade.
cob. 1) Subst.: head; little lump of hay (in Oxford), stone (East of
England); applied to beasts: a small, strong pony; a seamew,
perhaps also: a spider (in cobweb); in a wider meaning: an un-
gelded horse; further, chieftain (= leader, chief, in Cheshire),
hence cob-swan, the leading (male) swan &c., seem equally to
*) Note by the translator: Whether does "cope with" flow from No. 2,
the root meaning being head, as we say to "head", to make head
against.
11. The Elements of the Word. — Assimilation of different words. 211
belong the obsolete cop, Anglosaxon copp, calix and culmen,
Old-Highdutch koph, Middle-Highdutch kopf, a globular vessel,
Breton cab = tete, bout, Old-Highdutch chgepf, cacumen, Cymric
cop = summit. Compare also Old-friesic kop, Lowdutch kop, a
tree. 2) The verb cob, to strike; dialectically Subst. blow, be-
longs on the other hand to the Old-norse kubba, amputare, per-
fringere. Compare also the Swedish kuffa, ferire, trudere, English
cuff.
cost. 1) Subst.; obsolete and dialectic (East of England) rib, Old-
French coste, Latin costa. 2) Verb, Subst.; Old-French coster,
couster, Latin constare and Subst. cost = frais, depense.
count. 1) Subst.; Old-French cuens, conte, cunte, cumte, Latin comes,
-it-is. 2) Verb, Subst.; Old-French center, cunter; conte.
counter. 1) Subst.; Old- French conteres, conteor, in the sense of the
Modern-French conteur. 2) Adv. and Prefix; Old-French contre,
cuntre.
cleave. 1) Verb; Anglosaxon cleofan, clufan; Lowdutch kliwen. 2)
Anglosaxon clifan and clifjan, adhaerere, Lowdutch klewen.
crowd. 1) Subst. : a string instrument, also croud, crouth in Halliwell,
Cymric crwth, Medieval-Latin chrotta, Old-French rote; whence
also a verb crowd, to fiddle, was in use. 2) Verb; Anglosaxon
creodan, premere, premi; croda, compressio.
kennel 1) Subst.; compare channel, Old-French chenal, Latin cana-
lis. 2) Verb; French chenil, Latin canile.
kern. 1) Subst. (Irish) soldier. 2) Instead of quern, Anglosaxon
cveorn, cvyrn, mola.
keel. 1) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon ceol, carina, navis; Old-norse kioll,
carina, navis; kiolr, carina, dor sum montis. 2) Verb; Anglosaxon
celan, algere.
knoll. 1) Verb; Anglosaxon cnyllan, cnellan, signum dare campana;
whence Subst.: knell, Anglosaxon cnyll, campanae signum. 2)
Subst.; Anglosaxon cnoll.
Quail. 1) Subst. : a sort of bird, figuratively, a strumpet, Old-French
quaille, Modern-French caille, Medieval-Latin quaquila, Hollandish
kwakkel, kwartel. 2) Verb: to despond, belongs to the Anglo-
saxon cve'lan, pati, mori and cveljan, trucidare, compare English
quell, kill; Old-norse qvol, cruciatus; qvalrsedi, angor, cruciatuSy
qvelja, torquere-, qvilli, infirma valetudo. 3) Verb: to curdle (of
milk), particularly dialectically in East-English, French cailler,
Italian quagliare, cagliare, Latin coagulare.
Gore. 1) Subst.: curdled blood, Anglosaxon gor, tabum. 2) Verb:
to but with the horn, from the Anglosaxon gar, hasta. 3) Here
belongs the meaning of a Subst. gore, a wedgeshaped piece of
cloth let in, a wedgeshaped piece of a field; the Middle-High-
dutch gere, means the same, which is derived from the Old-
Highdutch ger, Anglosaxon gar, Gothic gais, Latin gaesum,
hasta.
Gum, 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon goma, Old-norse gomr, palatum. 2)
French gomme, Latin gummi, gummis.
gull. 1) Verb, Subst.; belonging to the Old-norse gyllinger, adulator,
as Adj. splendidus-, Old-Swedish gylla, decipere-, Old-English guile
14*
Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part L Sect. I.
= gay, fine (HALUWELL). 2) Subst. : a mew; dialectically it
means the callow fowl and the gosling. Cymric gwylan.
-gust. 1) Subst.; Old-norse gustr, giostr, aura frigida, Anglosaxon
gist, procella, ventus. 2) Taste; along with which gusto also oc-
curs, Latin gustus.
grin. 1) Subst.: a trap, Anglosaxon grin, gryn, laqueus. 2) Verb,
Subst.; Anglosaxon grennjan, ringi; (grynn, odium, malum]) com-
pare Old-norse grina, intentis oculis intueri.
ground. 1) Preterite and Participle from grind, Anglosaxon grand,
grundon; grunden. 2) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon grund, fundus,
solum; gryndan, fundare.
Hind. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon hind, cerva. 2) Anglosaxon hina, do-
mesticus. 3) Adj.; Anglosaxon hind-veard, posterus; hindan, post,
retro; hinder Adverb and Preposition.
hip. 1) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon hype, hyp, hyppe; femus. 2) Also
written hep, Anglosaxon hiope, heope, rosae silvestris bacca, rubus.
3) Interjection, as an invocation. 4) Verb: to hip, popular ab-
breviation of hypochondriac.
hide. 1) Subst.; Anglosaxon hyd, cutis. 2) Verb (derived from the
Subst. just named), Anglosaxon hydan, abscondere; Old-norse
hyda, excoriare, flagellare and pelles superinduere; dialectically
still in English, to whip. 3) Subst.: a measure of land, Anglo-
saxon hyd, Medieval-Latin hida, hyda, terrae portio, quantum
sufficit ad arandum uni aratro per annum', compare the Old-norse
haudr, terra inculta.
helm. 1) Subst. (of a ship), verb; Anglosaxon healma, helma, guber-
naculum. 2) Subst.: a helmet, Anglosaxou helm, galea.
hamper. 1) Subst.; instead of hanaper, Medieval-Latin hanaperium,
from the Anglosaxon hnapp, calix. 2) Verb: to fetter, impede,
North -English beat; Subst.: impediment; compare Old-norse
hampa, manibus volvere, terere.
harrow. 1) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon hereve, occa, Danish harve. 2)
Verb; obsolete alongside of harry, to worry, Anglosaxon herjan,
hergjan, vastare, bello premere, and herevjan, hyrvjan, vexaret
affligere. 3) Interjection; as a cry for help, also haro, an Old-
Norman cry of distress, Old -French haro, harou, hareu, hari,
whence the verb harier, harer = harceler, provoquer un combat.
The cry is derived from ha Rous! that is ha! and the name of
Duke Rollo. See Du Cange s. v. haro. This disputed opinion
seems to receive confirmation by the exclamation : haroll alarome !
quoted by Palsgrave.
haver. 1) Subst.; from the verb have, Anglosaxon habban, habban,
habere. 2) Oats; (compare haver-bread, haversack, French havre-
sac, properly High dutch habersack), Old-norse hafrar, Danish
havre, Old-Saxon havaro.
haggard. 1) Adj. and Subst.; according to Diez from hawk with the
termination ard, French hagard. 2) Subst. ; in the meaning rick-
yard or stack-yard: space for hay or cornstocks, perhaps corrupted
from hay-gard, compare Anglosaxon geard, sepes, to which be-
longs the English garden; Old-English and Old-Scotch, also garth,
as still in the North of England, and the English orchard. ;
II. The Elements of the Word. — Assimilation of different words. 213
hawk. 1) Subst., verb; Anglosaxon hafuc, accipiter. 2) Verb; com-
pare Lowdutch Subst. hak, Danish hokre, belonging to hocken.
3) Verb, Subst.; This word is an expression imitative of the
noise.
holni. 1) Subst.: an island in a river, Old-norse holmi, Danish Swe-
dish holm, insula, Anglosaxon holm, altum mare and insula. 2)
A tree, commonly taken for the evergreen oak, but wrongly,
according to Halliwell, who thereby will have only the tree, else
called holly, to be understood. The latter is the Hollandish hulst,
Old-Highdutch holis, French houx. The form holm, with the
change of the n into m, corresponds to the Anglosaxon holenr
used for several trees and shrubs (sambucus, aquifolium, alnus),
whence cneoholen or holm, English kneeholm, ruscus.
hop. 1) Verb,' Subst.; Anglosaxon hoppan, satire, sahare. 2) Subst.;
Old-Highdutch hopfo, Middle-High dutch hopfe, Hollandish hoppe,
hop, Medieval -Latin hupa, humlo, Old-norse humall, Danish
humle.
host. 1) Subst., verb; (SPENSER, SHAKSPEARE), Old-French hoste,
oste, Latin hospit-em. 2) Subst.: in the Catholic ritual, Latin
hostia. 3) Old-French ost, host, from the Latin hostis.
hue. 1) Subst.: colour, Anglosaxon hiv. 2) a cry; a hue and cry,
legal pursuit, arrest, Old-French hu, huz along with huee, verb
huer from the Interjection hu!
B) Double forms of the same Word.
Among the assimilated words enumerated, as before, many of
the same origin have been already cited in different forms. We
content ourselves here in general with classifying the English words
of this sort which annex different meanings to distinct forms, although
the latter occasionally flow into one another, passing over those words
in which the different forms have received no essential differences of
meaning, as abysm and abyss, guard and ward, guile and wile,
sludge, slush, slosh &c.
a) Such are those which several contemporary forms, perhaps
following one another, in one of the root tongues of English, or dif-
ferent iorms of the fundamental word in different tongues serve to
support, among which those words are to be disregarded whose dif-
ferent meanings have already given rise to dissimilated forms of
another tongue. The following may serve as examples:
outer, opposed to the word inner, and to utter in the meaning of
extreme, complete, which are based upon two Anglosaxon forms
uter and ytra, but from the same root and of like meaning
(exterior}.
morrow, to-morrow, and morn, poetic subst , along with morning, An-
glosaxon morgen and morn, matutinum tempus.
lance, to throw as a lance; especially, thrust, prick, open with the
lancet, and lanch, launch, to hurl; particularly, to float a vessel,
Old-French lancer and lanchier, that is, frapper avec uiie lance,
darder.
214 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Part I. Sect. I.
wine and vine, have the allied Anglosaxon vin and Latin vinum,
French vin, for fundamental forms.
wind and vent, likewise lean upon the Anglosaxon vind and Old-
French vent, Latin ventus, of like meaning.
wise, mostly used now only in compounds, stands alongside of guise.
The Anglosaxon vise, modus, consuetude and Old-French guise,
Modern- French guise, maniere, facon, are the same word.
why and how, Anglosaxon hve, hvy, hvu (Instrumental from, hva,
hvat, quis, quid), cur, quomodo.
waggon or wagon, commonly waggon, and wain, a carriage, Charles'
swain, a constellation, Anglosaxon vagen, vagn, vsen, plaustrum.
villan, also villein, is by modern Lexicographers distinguished from
villain, a rascal ; both rest upon the Medieval-Latin villanus, Old-
French vilain, vilein, villain, that is, laboureur and rustre.
deploy, to exhibit (troops), and display, to Jay out, Old-French desploier,
with the collateral forms pleier, plier; compare the Modern- French
deployer alongside of deplier.
cattle and chattel, moveable possessions, Old -French catel, chatel;
biens, biens mobiliers.
convey and convoy, Old-French conveier, convoier; conduire, accom-
pagner.
quaint and compt (obsolete), Old-French cointe, Latin comptus, comtus.
cross and cruise (by sea), Old-norse krossa, signo crucis notare, Old-
French crois, cruiz, Old-Highdutch cruci, cruzi.
humor, humidity, has recently been distinguished from humour, a frame
of mind. In Old-French the terminations or, our, eur, run along-
side of each other: humor, -our, eur; but the Latin humor is
perhaps here regarded alongside of the French form &c.
b) Other double forms are of a kind that they proceed from one
and the same form of the word, and with a difference of meaning are
distinguished from one another by a change of vowel or consonant.
While the first-named often interchange their forms with one another
in Old-English, we still find here the same fundamental form in the
older language, with a diversity of meaning. The following are
examples :
milk and milch, are distinguished in sense, but both seem to be related
to the Anglosaxon miluc. Lowdutch has the Subst. melk and
the Adj. melke alongside of each other.
mean and moan, Anglosaxon maenan, indicare and queri, dolere; Old-
English menen in both meanings; likewise bemenen instead of
signify and bemoan.
make was formerly used for companion, consort; match expresses the
notion of the equal, adequate to another, as well as the abstract
notion of a consortment of a pair in marriage; both still exist
in makeless and matchless, of like meaning; Old-norse rnaki,
aequalis and conjux, Anglosaxon maca, consors, conjux. According
to Bosworth there was also an Anglosaxon ge-ruacca, which
would chime in with the Old-English macche = match.
metal, rarely used figuratively, and mettle, only figuratively, come from
the Latin raetallum, French metal.
//. The Elements of the Word. — Double forms of the same word. 215
nib and neb, Anglosaxon nebb, caput, vultus, os', compare the Low-
dutch nibbe, a beak.
person and parson, Old -French persone for personne and cure; in
Old-English the clergyman is also called persone.
beacon and beckon, both point to the Anglosaxon beacen, signum, nutus,
and beacnjan, becnjan, indicare, annuere.
flower and flour, point primarily to the Old-French flour; yet it is
remarkable that the form flur is in use in that double meaning:
flores and tenuissimum triticum.
to, Preposition and too, Adv., answer to the Anglosaxon to used as
a preposition (ad} and adverb (insuper').
ton, fashion, tone and tune, are borrowed from the same word, Greek
rovof, French ton, Anglosaxon dyne, tonitru, sonus*), Middle-
Highdutch don.
discreet is distinguished from discrete; French discret and Latin discre-
tus, the former of which corresponds in sense with the English
discreet.
sing and singe: like sving and swinge, are allied in meaning to the
Anglosaxon singan, canere and se.ngan, ustulare, as well as svin-
gan, vibrare, flagellare and svengan, quassare, jactare, but dissi-
milate only the consonant g as a guttural and as a dental.
sauce and souse, Old-French sause, Modern-French sauce, from the
Latin salsus.
scatter and shatter, Anglosaxon scateran, dissipare.
school and shoal, Anglosaxon scolu, schola and caterva; Hollandish
school, schola and caterva, scholen, congregari; Old-Highdutch
schuole, also: meeting.
stick and stitch, are only apparently dissimilated forms from the An-
glosaxon sticjau, pungere, transfigere and haerere, the former be-
longing rather to the Anglosaxon stecan, pungere, icere, and as
it has become unfaithful to its origin in conjugation (stung; stung,
Anglosaxon stac; ste'cen), rather assimilated to the form stitch.
It is otherwise with pick, and pitch, both coming from the An-
glosaxon pyccan, pungere; compare Old-norse picka, frequenter
pungere.
cap and cape, Anglosaxon cappa, pileus, cucullus.
cot, otherwise cote and coat, answer to the Anglosaxon cot, casa,
Old-norse kot, casa and at the same time pectorale.
cup and cop, Anglosaxon copp, calix and culmen.
kill and quell, Anglosaxon cvellan, cveljan, necare, trucidare, Old-
English quellen = to kill.
glass and glaze, from the Anglosaxon glas, vitrum.
grass and graze, from the Anglosaxon gr'as, gramen; compare grasjan,
gramine vesci, and other dissimilations.
*) Note by the translator: the connection of these Germanic words with
the Greek T'.I",^ seems more than questionable, fdi-oc, in the sense of the
differentiated sound produced by the different degrees of tension of the chord,
is an intellectual development of the Hellenic mind; whereas the dyne, din,
tonitru, and stun-grou pseems to be onomatopoetic from a sudden, explosive
sound.
216 Doctrine of the Word. — Phonetics. Parti. Sect. 1.
c) In conclusion I must mention the peculiar double forms, aris-
ing when the verbal root, in the one case, as it presents itself in the
infinitive of Romance or Latin words ; and alongside of that, the Latin
and, less frequently, the Romance participial form of the same verb
are employed to form English verbs. The most frequent par-
ticipial form is that in ate (Latin atus), which gives verbs answering
to the Latin in at- are; yet others also occur. These double forms
belong chiefly to verbs compounded with prefixes, and those leaning
upon participial forms are peculiar to the modern tongue. Many
represent no notional differences, and perhaps are only distinguished
by their more or less frequent use. To those scarcely distinguishable
in meaning belong, for instance: immerge — immerse; incurve — in-
curvate; inhume — inhumate ; enounce — enunciate; enerve (MILTON)
— enervate; announce — annunciate; administer — administrate-, oblige
— obligate (litle used); prejudge — prejudicate; promulge (PEARSON)
— promulgate-, transfund (BARROW) — transfuse; subduce — subduct;
complane — complanate &c.
Others diverge more decidedly, in part at least : impregn; impreg-
nate^ infringe (a contract, a law), and check; infract, more rarely used.
intone, intonate, the same, collaterally to sound loud, thunder; incarn,
to cover with flesh; incarnate, to humanize; illume (formed after the
Old-French alumer), also figuratively, is more poetic; illuminate (also
of illumination with colours), to enlighten, include, to shut in; enclose
(inclose), from the French participle enclos, which has also become
a substantive, to fence in; aspire, to strive after; aspirate (of pronun-
ciation), predestine, to determine before hand (generally) ; predestinate,
to determine before hand by an immutable resolve (in the dogmatic
sense); transfer, to remove (to another place), to convey (to a per-
son) &c.; translate, (also an official person) or (from one tongue into
another); comprehend, to include, also to take in (with the under-
standing); comprise, from the French participle compris.
In transmew (SPENSER) and transmute of like meaning, the same
infinitive, first in the Old-French from muer, and then in the Latin
mutare, lies at the root.
It is rare that a double participial form produces two verbs, as
in the two obsolete adjute (Latin adjutum) and adjuvate (Latin
adjuvatum, rare); and in depaint (French depeint) and depict (Latin
depictum), which are distinguished only by the usage, not in meaning,
like the first named.
L The Parts of Speech and their Inflective Forms. 217
SECOND SECTION.
THE DOCTRINE OF FORMS.
Phonetics has to do with the body of the word according to its
material nature. The Doctrine of forms considers the word according
to its notional nature and its destination withiu speech, as conditioned
or partly conditioned by the form of the word, and as a part of
speech.
]) We distinguish different parts of speech, or classes of words,
which are named according to their predominant destination in
the sentence, while they are not precluded from occasionally in-
terchanging their functions in the sentence.
The parts of speech are divided into Nouns, Verbs and Par-
ticles.
a) The noun names or denotes objects given in external reality
(concrete objects), or imagined analogously to these (abstract
objects), and the qualities inherent in them, which by their
form or meaning indicate their attributive reference to the
objects.
Objects are denoted by substantives, the qualities formally
referred to them by adjectives.
If the object is not named, but merely denoted by a word
passing for a sign pointing back or away to an object, either
a person or a thing, this representative word is termed a sub-
stantive pronoun.
If the object is determined attributively, not according to a
quality inherent in itself according to its nature, but extrinsi-
cally, that is, quantitatively, or demonstratively in the amplest
sense of the word, this is effected by a numeral, an adjective
pronoun or an article.
b) The Verb, or time-word, the essential word of the predicate,
whereby a judgment is accomplished, serves in the sentence to
express the activity of the subject, which falls in the sphere
of Time, as the subject with its qualities is originally imagined
in the sphere of space.
c) The remaining parts of speech are called particles, which, al-
though commonly of small outward compass, are not of small
import in speech, but essentially contribute to determine the
character of the tongue. They are divided into words of cir-
cumstance, or, adverbs; words of relation, on prepositions;
connecting words, or, conjunctions; and sounds of emotion,
or, interjections.
The adverb serves essentially to determine the verb more
particularly, with reference to the space, the time, the manner,
and the cause and aim of the action. Its further functions in
218 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
the sentence flow from this its original destination. The pre-
position stands in an essential relation to the substantive, and
determines, in the same aspects as the adverb, the more general
character of the case more nearly and closely, as, in the ab-
sense of case-inflection, it undertakes the function of such inflec-
tion. The conjunction is the means of expressing the relation
of the sentences to one another, coming, apparently, out of
the sentence, although in fact acting as an adverb or a prepo-
sition. The interjection had the meaning of a subjective ut-
terance of emotion, or of an affection, without any notional
defiuiteness, and stands, in fact, outside of the sentence, although
it may appear as the unconcious abbreviation of a sentence.
This characterising of the parts of speach considers them
according to their more general syntactical relations within
speech. la the aspects of their form and of their original na-
ture, as determinate thereby, the doctrine of forms has to
develop them further, as syntax has to set forth their more
particular destinations and their partial interchange among each
other.
The more ancient tongues, as well as those generally which
have preserved their inflective forms more complete than the
English, distinguish nouns and verbs, as parts of speech capable
of inflection, from particles, as forms incapable of inflection.
This distinction is in English no longer completely applicable,
nouns being in great part to be reckoned among the parts of
speech incapable of inflection, unless we confound the substitu-
tion of case prepositions, (like of and to) for cases with the
notion of inflection. But only the change of the body of the
word by additional sounds or syllables can be called inflection,
whereby the part of speech, without change of its notional
determination, enters into distinct relations within the sentence.
2) Another aspect in which the parts of speech are to be considered
in the doctrine of forms is the change of the body of a word,
produced by derivation and composition.
Under the name of a root we comprehend the similar con-
stituents of a larger or smaller number of words, in which a change
or variation, or a dimming of the vowel, as well as a change
of consonants, conditioned or explainable physiologically is cer-
tainly not excluded. All words belonging to the same root leade
us to the conclusion of their original notional connection. The
image of a root, with a meaning permeating all its stems and
ramifications, is, however, solely of theoretic value. No root as
such appears in speech; there every word appears as a definite
part of speech, whose radical abstract meaning is separated and
individualized, even when the radical sounds alone apparently
constitute a word.
The simple word proceeding from the root may, as such, be
augmented by inflective forms. The unaltered part is then the
stem. That even derivative words may be capable of inflection,
is readily to be understood, and we call the verbal body,
amplified materially and more closely determined notionally, the
/. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. 1. The Substantive. 219
stem of the word, as distinct from the inflective termination.
We commonly term both the fundamental form.
a) "When the stem is amplified by means of sounds or syllables,
so that distinct notions and parts of speech arise, these further
formed stems are called derivative words.
b) But when to a selfstanding word of any sort another, or even
more than one more word is added, so that these words coalesce
into one phonetic and notional whole, compound words arise.
The task of the doctrine of forms is accordingly to represent
the single parts of speech in the aspect of their capacity or
incapacity of inflection, as well as the doctrine of the derivation
and composition of words.
I. The Parts of Speech and their inflective forms.
A) The Noun.
I. The Substantive.
The noun substantive denotes externally real, sensuously per-
ceivable, or concrete objects, which are primarily apprehended as
existing in space, and are therefore Persons, or Things.
It further serves to denote the notions of qualities, actions or
beings, gained through the action of thinking, and which, as abstract
objects, are imagined analogously to things sensuously perceivable,
and are employed as subjects or objects in the sentence.
The limit between concrete and abstract substantives is hard
to draw, since the perceivable, such as sound, noise, smell, light
&c., may in their origin be conceived as the utterance of an activity,
and, in regard to the subject apprehending, appear sensuously per-
ceivable. Thus abstract substantives, denoting an action, are often
used to signify the sensuously perceivable result, as in drawing,
painting, embroidery; and the action is even put for the material
in which it is effected. The abstract term even becomes the term
for an individual to whom an abstract quality belongs: compare
Majesty, Highness, instead of Prince, and so on. In these regards
ancient and modern tongues agree; in the last-named the English
goes, however, further than Highdutch. Thus youth (Anglosaxon
geogufr, juventus) denotes not only youth abstractly and collectively
(see under c), but also the individual in the youthful age; witness
(Anglosaxon vitness, testimonium) testimony and the person bearing
it, compare temoin = testimonium; acquaintance, personal know-
ledge, abstractly and collectively, and the person known, relation;
the affinity and the person related, compare Anglosaxon sibb, consan-
guinitas, cognatus; fairy, formerly abstractly fayry (see HALLIWELL
s v.), French feerie, stands now in the place of the otherwise more
usual fay.
A further organic division of substantives is that into names of
sorts, projer names, collective names and names of materials.
220 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 1L
We can regard there as, on the one hand, distinct classes of sub-
stantives, while on the other hand they pass in part into one another.
We may likewise regard them as sorts of concrete substantives, while
abstract substantives may also partially take their place.
a) Names of sorts is the term for those substantives which denote,
according to their notion, objects which are to be apprehended as
individuals of a sort or kind. Concrete objects are of course
mostly of this sort; yet even abstractions, such as virtue, vice,
bias, sickness &c., so far as they are individualized or imagined
as appearing as manifold, may become names of sorts.
b) Proper names are those substantives whereby persons or other
objects are denoted, not according to their notion, but in an ex-
trinsic, conventional manner, without their essence or quality
needing be touched. They mostly arise out of concrete names of
sorts, but also out of abstract names. But by several objects hav-
ing the same proper name, the notion of a sort does not on the
contrary arise; but, if the proper name is employed metaphori-
cally, in remembrance of the characteristic qualities of the person
or thing bearing it, the proper name becomes the name of a sort,
as Nero represents the notion of a tyrant.
c) Collective names comprise a number of single objects under one
total image, when the image of the individual beings recedes, as
in forest, army. If these totalities are apprehended as manifold
in number they appear as names of sorts: forests, armies; a thick
forest, a formidable army. So far as abstract substantives can be
regarded as terms for the common nature or activity of individuals,
they frequently assume the character of collective names, as, Priest-
hood, Knighthood, Christendom, Mankind, Clergy.
d) Names of materials are substantives absolutely denoting the homo-
geneous matter or mass of which objects consist. They must be
regarded as names of sorts, when the matter is separated by
distinct qualities or localities, as, black earth, white glass; or,
when they denote objects prepared from a material, as, a glass,
= a drinking vessel.
The character of the substantive in these respects has an in-
fluence upon its inflective forms.
Declination of the substantive in general.
As regards, in the first place, the fundamental form of the En-
glish substantive, as opposed to its inflective terminations, we must
draw a distinction between the Anglosaxou and the Romance elements
in genuine English words of this class, to which we oppose words
subsequently introduced and not assimilated to the great majority.
The substantives of Anglosaxon origin, attach themselves in
their English form essentially to the Anglosaxon nominative of the
singular of simple as well as of derivative substantives. The simple
or derivative form of the substantive, common to the Anglosaxon cases,
is mostly presented in them. We disregard here the rejection of
the vowels of formation e, a, u, o as well as the partial substitution
/. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. I. The Substantive. Declension. 221
of .the mute e, and also the annexing of an inorganic e, which we
have mentioned above. Derivative forms have seldom suffered a loss
in consonants, as dross, Anglosaxon dros-n, game, Anglosaxon
gam-en; mill, Anglosaxon myl-en; anvil, Anglosaxon anfil-t; seal,
Anglosaxon se'ol-h, but also se'ol, syl; mare, Anglosaxon mer-ihe,
but also mere, myre, and some others. The u in the nominative,
arising form a derivative v} has sometimes been thrown off, as in
meal, Anglosaxon mel-u, -eves; ale, eal-u, -eves and others. Forms
of this very sort (which in Anglosaxon have also o instead of u in
the nominative singular) prove that English was wont to adhere pri-
marily to the form of the substantive prominent in the nominative.
Rarely has any other form become the standard; this is however the
case in breech, commonly, breeches, Old-English breek (MAUN-
DEV.) and breech (IB.) (compare the Anglosaxon nomin. singul. broc,
in the genitive, as in the nominative and accusative plural brec), in
which the ee of the plural seems transferred to the singular; as also
in the plural brethren, the vowel of the dative singular appears;
compare the nominative singular brotfbr, dative brewer, whereas every-
where else 6 is found.
In. regard to the substantives borrowed from the Old -French
we find the same course pursued in English as the French early
began to take. Old-French had to a great extent suffered the stem
of Latin words appearing in the oblique cases to become the standard
for the form of substantives, where it did not appear in the nomi-
native; (compare maison, Latin mansion-is &c., nuit, Latin noct-is
&c., citet, Latin civitat-is &c.); but alongside of these, particularly
with masculines, the nominative (and vocative) of the singular, di-
stinguished from the other cases by a subjoined s or x, mostly according
to the analogy of the second Latin declension, but also of the other
forms with s in the nominative, whereby a preceding consonant was
often excluded (compare coc — cos [Modern-French coq], fils —
fix [filius], clo, clou — clox [clavus]). The Old-French also pre-
served a long time distinct forms for the nominative of the singular
and for the other cases, quens, cuens (comes), and conte (comit-
is &c.); enfes (infans) and enfant (infant-is &c.); sires (senior
with s) and signeur, signour &c. (senior-is &c.), bers (baro, with s)
and baron (baron-is &c.) and others. But, as even Old-French puts
the forms of the French oblique case in the place of the nominative,
and Modern-French has almost wholly lost the forms with the letter
8 in the nominative singular, and, where preserved, uses them for all
cases (compare fils, filius), English has adopted the oblique case of
the French as the fundamental form of the substantive. Compare
host, Old-French os, osz, oz — ost, host; ray, Old-French rais —
rai; glutton, Old-French gloz, glous, gluz — glouton, giuton; baron,
Old-French bers — baron; emperor, Old-French empereres — ernpe-
reor; traitor, Old-French trahitres, traistres — traitor, trahitour &c.
Even where forms like virge, virgine stand alongside of each other
without distinction of case, English has chosen the oblique form: vir-
gin (virgin-is). Remnants of the letter s of formation in the nomi-
native are rare as, in fitz (fils, fix, fiz).
The inflective forms of the substantives which have remained
222 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
to the English tongue rest essentially upon the Anglosaxon strong
declension of the masculine gender. The formation of the common
plural termination s, es of almost the entire number of substantives
found decided support in the French plural s (#), which was almost
always given, even in Old-French, both to the nominative and to the
oblique cases of the plural.
Anglosaxon distinguished a strong and a weak declension of
the three genders, exhibiting different forms of declension for mas-
culine and for feminine substantives. The case-terminations of An-
glosaxon essentially employed, and among them also one for the rare
instrumental, are exhibited in the first strong declension of mascu-
line and feminine substantives, as well as in the first weak one of
masculine ones; examples of which are here given:
Angl. strong declension I. masc.
L fein.
weak declension I. masc
Sing. Norn, fisc (fish)
den-u (den)
drop-a (drop)
Gen. fisc-es
den-e
drop-an
Dat. fisc-e
den-e
drop-an
Ace. fisc
den-e
drop-an
Instr. fisc-e
Plur Noin. fisc-as
den-a
drop-an
Gen. fisc-a
den-ena
drop-ena
Dat. fisc-um
den-um
drop-um
Ace. fisc-as
den-a
drop-an
Old-English has already ceased to distinguish the case termina-
tions of the forms in the singular, down to the genitive, which
also occasionally vanishes; but in the plural terminations the weak
still continues to appear alongside of the strong plural termination,
as is more particularly elucidated below.
Modern-English possesses now only one genitive termination, 5,
which arose out of the Anglosaxon es of the genitive of the singular, and
has even invaded the plural, as well as a plural termination s, es, answering
to the termination of the strong first declension, alongside of which also
the weak termination en (Anglosaxon an) here and there appears.
For the genitive termination in both numbers the case preposition of
with the accusative, analogously to the French de, the Danish and
Swedish a/, and the Hollandish van is substituted. The accusative
coincides in form with the nominative. The accusative likewise partly
takes the functions of the dative; else the dative relation is expressed
by to before the noun, analogously to the French a and the Hol-
landish aan. The Modern-English substantive is accordingly inflected
in the following manner, the more particular discussion and limitation
whereof is next to be stated:
/. The Parts of Speech, A. The Noun. 1. The Subst. Formation of the Plur. 223
IL
Sing. Nora. Ace. book name day
Gen. book's name's day's
Plur. Nom. Ace. books names days
Gen. books' names' days'
leaf branch spy fancy hero
leaf's branch's spy's fancy's hero's
leaves branches spies francies heroes
leaves' branches' spies' fancies' heroes'
The regular formation of the plural.
By far the most substantives form their plural by an s affixed
to the fundamental form. Here belong those ending in consonants,
with the exception of sibilants and hissing sounds, and of / in part,
as well as those ending in Towels, with the exception of substantives
ending in y and y, as well as of a number of those ending in o.
The words in fe of Anglosaxon origin which assume s, change
/into v: life — lives; wife — wives; knife — knives. Excep-
tions are: strife (Old-French estrif), and fife (from pipare, Anglo-
Saxon pip (BOSWELL), Old-norse pipa, Old-Highdutch phifa), safe,
Old-French salf.
Those which append es to the fundamental form are therefore
now to be considered as exceptions, whose e is partly preserved for
the sake of the convenience of the pronunciation, and partly has
remained faithful to the older orthography of the singular.
a) Accordingly those in s, ss, #, a dental ch and sh, among which
those in s are mostly foreign words and retain in part their foreign
termination in the plural (see below), have the plural termination
es: genius — geniuses (eminent minds); isthmus — isth-
muses; kiss — kisses; glass — glasses; witness — wit-
nesses; fox — foxes; box — boxes; watch — watches;
church — churches; fish — fishes; brush — brushes. —
A single s is doubled: Douglas — Douglasses (W. SCOTT).
Among the words ending in $, one has preserved the old plu-
ral in es alongside of that in s: cloth — cloths, but, in the
meaning of dress: clothes. Clothes is by Walker and others
falsely derived from another singular. Compare the Anglosaxon
clad" (strong neuter, in the nom. and ace. plural clatf), vestimen-
tum; Old-English: Tentes made of clothes (MAUNDEV. p. 233).
Clothed in clothes of gold (IB.), the others in th have s merely:
smith — smiths, hearth — hearths, path — paths.
b) In words in /, with a long vowel, except oo, preceding, of Anglo-
Saxon origin, and in (/", / is changed into v with the accession of
es : leaf — leaves; sheaf — sheaves; thief — thieves;
loaf — loaves; elf — elves; shelf — shelves; calf — cal-
ves; half — halves; wolf — wolves. To these is to be ad-
ded the French beef — beeves.
Usage is, however, not consistent; alongside of elves and shel-
ves we also find elfs and shelf s. Also reef, Old-norse rif, has
reefs; waif, thing without a master, although referred to the
Anglosaxon vafjan, fluctuare, perhaps reposes primarily, as a law
term, upon the Old-French gaif, Medieval-Latin wayfium, res vai-
224 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part L Sect. II.
vae, in the legal sense: a stray head of cattle, and has likewise
•waifs in the plural.
Words of Romance origin likewise retain / with a single s:
brief — briefs; fief — fiefs; relief — reliefs; chief —
chiefs; handkerchief — handkerchiefs; mischief — mis-
chiefs; grief — griefs; coif — coifs; gulf — gulfs.
Words ending in oof, / and rf, without regard to their origin,
commonly receive only s in the plural in Modern-English, and
preserve the/: roof — roofs; hoof - — hoofs; proof — proofs;
reproof -- reproofs; whiff — whiffs; skiff -- skiffs;
cliff — cliffs; sheriff — sheriffs; bailiff -- bailiffs;
mastiff — mastiffs; distaff — distaffs; muff — muffs;
ruff — ruffs; puff — puffs; snuff — snuffs; stuff — stuffs;
cuff — cuffs; wharf — wharfs; dwarf — dwarf; scarf —
scarfs; turf — turfs &c.
Deviating from this we find the plural of wharf — wharves,
Anglosaxon hveorfa, hverfa, mola, verticillus; hvearf, reversio, spa-
tium; Middle -Highdutch warf; Old-norse hwarf, colliculus &c.;
likewise turf — turves; Anglosaxon turf, plural tyrf, cespes, as
in Old-English. Staff, commonly forms staves, but also staffs
(compare hand-staff — handstaffs) (WEBST. a. WORCEST.), Anglo-
saxon st'af — stafas, Old -English o staf — two staves (PiERS
PLOUGHMAN p. 350). Even the strikingly formed mastiff (Old-
French mastin, properly house dog, from maison), in North-En-
lish dialects masty, besides the plural mastiffs (DRYDEN, SWIFT)
has also rnastives (JOHNSON).
c) Substantives ending in y and y with a consonant immediately
preceding transform their vowel into 2, i in the plural, and assume
es: fly — flies; spy — spies; ally — allies; outcry —
outcries; body -- bodies; city — cities; fancy — fan-
cies; story — stories. The latter preserve the old orthogra-
phy of their singular: citie, fancie (phantasie), storie.
In proper names a final y is commonly preserved and s only
added: Henry — Henrys; Weakly -- Weaklys; Petty —
Pettys; Pretty — Prettys; Lovely — Lovelys; Quickly
- Quick lys (LOWER Engl. Surnames p. 115); although, along-
side of these, plurals of names originally generic, Freebodies,
Goodbodies (IB.) occur.
If another vowel immediately precedes the ?/, s is added to the
of unchanged fundamental form: key — keys; kidney — kid-
neys ; journey — journeys; day — days; ray — rays;
boy — boys. The derivative termination ey is, however, often
treated like y, so that we meet here and there the forms: attor-
nies, monies, monkies, vallies, pullies, chimnies, which
are rejected as incorrect by grammarians.
The rarely occurring final \ is treated like y: alkali — al-
kalies.
The e in simile is likewise occasionally transformed into ies:
similies (MACKLIN), yet the plural iiji commonly similes,
d) Words in o, mostly foreign words, commonly receive es in the
plural, where e only serves to symbolize the lengthening of the o.
/. The Farts of Speech. A. The Noun. I. Substantive. Formation ofplur. 225
This happens where no short i immediately precedes the o: echo
— echoes; niagnifico — magnificoes; manifesto — mani-
festoes; motto — mottoes; negro — negroes; potato —
potatoes; buffalo — buffaloes; flamingo — flamingoes;
vulcano — vulcanoes; hero — heroes; calico — calicoes;
on the contrary with a i preceding: intaglio — intaglios;
nuncio — nuncios; folio — folios; portfolio — portfo-
lios; seraglio — seraglios.
But the usage is settled only in the more familiar forms of
substantives of the former sort; we find likewise: mosquitos, por-
ticos, virtuosos, dominos, cantos, grottos &c.
Of particles in o used substantively we sometimes find plu-
rals which mostly assume a single s, but also es. The s is then
often separated from o by an apostrophe, in order to render the
particle form recognizable: The pros and cons (WEBST.) from
the Latin pro and contra. 0, that your face were not so full of o'sl
SHAKSPEARE ed. Collier, Love's L. L. 5, 2.). The aye's and no"1 s
of Parliament (CHALMERS). All yon fiery oes and eyes of light
(SHAKSP. Mids. N. Dr. 3, 2.). In russet yeas, and honest kersey
noes (SHAKSP. Love's L. L. 5, 2.).
The 0' prefixed to Celtic proper names takes an s in the plural:
Even the whigs allowed that, for once, the O's and Macs were
in the right (MACAULAY Hist, of Engl. 7. p. 208. TAUCHN.).
The substantives in oo follow the main rule: cuckoo —
cuckoos; Hindoo — Hindoos.
Note In general, parts of speech of all kinds used substantively con-
form to the rules above laid down when they assume a plural form.
Yet with particles and other parts of speech the separation of s from
a previous vowel or consonant by the apostrophe sometimes occurs,
as above remarked with regard to the s after o: The shes of Italy
(SHAKSP. ed. Collier Cymbel, 1, 4.), that is, women. Happy are the
she's that can number amongst their ancestors counts of the Empire
(LADY MONTAGUE). Your whole conversation is composed of if 8, buts,
perhapses, and supposes (JAM. COBB). Talk'st thou to me of Ifs, auda-
cious traitor? (ROWE). But me no buts, unless you would pass o'er
The bridge which few repass (L. BYRON). Our to-days and yesterdays
Are the blocks with which we build (LONGFELLOW).' Yeas and Nays
(those voting yea and no) (WEBST.).
Old-English, after it had made general the plural termination
in s without regard to the final sound of the singular, used chiefiy
in the first place the full form es, for which it also substituted
«'s, ys; these terminations often occur alongside of each other in
the same writer. It also transferred them to French words, which
had not the vowel; erles, wateres, wodes, lordes, Brito-
nes, felawes, faderes, foules, townes, kynges, knyjtes,
Picardes, emperoures (Ros. OF GLOUCESTER), londes, ber-
des, weyes, townes, hilles, relikes, cubites. castelles
&c. (MAUNDEV ), werkes, wordes, weddynges, goodes,
hestes, lordes, preestes, shereves (sheriffs), bargaynes,
burgeises; beggeris, bidderis, londleperis, flatereris &c.
(PiERS PLOUGHMAN). Alongside of these a single s, also £, appears
more frequently in Romance words: persons, sisours, cura-
Matzner, eugl. Gr. I. 15
226 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. II.
tours, bailliffs, artz, experimentz, sergauntz &c. (PiERS
PLOUGHMAN); resons, conditions, surgiens, phisiciens ,
officers, perils, conseils, subgets, cosins, germains ,
testaments, contracts &c. (CHAUCER). Words ending in a
single consonant, as, particularly, r in an unaccented syllable, often
reject the e, as beggers, singers, kaysers, flaterers, lad-
ders &c.; but others, as evils, hyls, maydens, lordings,
stirrops &c.; which often stand alongside of the fuller forms,
compare hillys and hyls (PERCY REL. p. 2. II.), flatereris
and flaterers (PiERS PLOUGHMAN p. 271.). Even in the sixteenth
and the first half of the seventeenth century no fixed principle
prevails, even in Romance words, in the choice of s and es. Skel-
ton still writes: lyppes, wormes, buyldynges, frendes and
frendis, yeres and yeris, knyghtes, hartes and hartis,
princis and lordes, actes, barones, seruauntes &c. along
with seruants, castels, waters, cofers, systers &c. Nuts,
peares, plumbes, greene beanes are found in TAYLORS WORKES
1630. I. 97. STEPHEN'S ESSAYES and CHARACTERS 2. ed. 1650.
In the second half of the seventeenth century the principle is
established to let es come in chiefly after sibilant and hissing
sounds, and thenceforward e is gradually restricted to a few other
cases.
Irregular Formation of the Plural.
Forms departing from the above mentioned formation of the plu-
ral appear at present as irregular. They are of various kinds.
a) Some plural forms rest solely upon a variety of spelling;
whereby there arise some duplicate forms, which have been made
use of to distinguish separate significations. Here belong:
penny, Anglosaxon pending, pening, penig, a small coin; the
plural pennies denotes only the single concrete piece of money;
the form pence is the term for the value. The latter proceeded
from the former and was spelt pens in Old-English: Thei boughte
Jesu for 30 penyes (MAUNDEV. p. 83.). There caste Judas the
30 pens before hem (IB. p. 93.). It hathe cost me pence And
grotes many one (SKELTON I. p. 236.). For one shot of five pence
thou shalt have five thousand welcomes (SHAKSPEARE Two Gentlem.
of Ver.).
die, French de, forms the plurals dice and dies, a stamp; the
Old-English has the plural deys (WEBER), dees (PiERS PLOUGHM.
and GOWER in Halliwell s. v.) and dis (CHAUCER). He won it
me with false dice (SHAKSPEARE Much Ado ab. N.)
pea, Anglosaxon pisa, piosa, Old-French pois, peis, Latin pisum
forms the plural peas and pease, the latter of which is regarded
as collective. The Old-English has the singular pese and the
plural pesen (Anglosaxon pisa, -an) (MAUNDEV. p. 199), but also
peses ( PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 128.) alongside of pesen (p. 129.).
Even Maundeville uses also pese as a plural; peasen was still in
use in the seventeenth century (J. WALLIS p. 69).
b) A few irregular plural forms are remnants of the strong declen-
/. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. J. The Subst. Irregular Plur. 227
sion of the Anglosaxon. To the second strong declension of the
masculine correspond:
man, plural men; Anglosaxon mann, plural menn, men. Com-
pound substantives follow the simple: woman — women, Anglo-
Saxon vifmann, vimmann, vimmann, vemman, with which we may
compare magdenmann, virgo; merman — mermen, placed by the
side of mermaid, which in Anglosaxon was meremenn, nympha,
compare the Old-Highdutch merminni; and so a great multitude
of others: alderman, nobleman, yeoman, penman, footman, oarsman,
boatman, seaman, countryman, kinsman, huntsman, coachman,
chapman, churchman &c., to which also names of nations, as
Frenchman, Englisman, Scotchman &c. belong. Yet here Norman
— Normans, German — Germans are excepted, whose names, in
as much as they have passed through the Romance, no longer
remind us of their origin, although the Anglosaxon possessed Nor-
mann alongside of Norfrmann. Those not compounded of man
are of course not regarded, as Ottoman — Ottomans, Mussulman
Mussulmans &c.
Proper names compounded of man are likewise withdrawn
from the old plural form; whence the plurals Brightmans, Flat-
mans, Wisemans, Truemans, Goodmans &c.
The old word leman, Old-English lemman, also lefmon, that is
lefe man, leef man (originally used of both sexes), takes s in the
plural, as even in Old-English it received s and es: He hadde 300
lemmannes (MAUNDEV.p. 72.); lemmans of knyghtes (PiERS PLOUGH-
MAN p. 431,); lemmannes (IB. p. 303.).
foot., plural feet, Anglosaxon fot, plural fet; Old-English foot —
fete; along with which old plural forms are also found: fotez, fot-
tis (HALLIWELL s. vv.), and so occasionally in Modern-English
foots : By these dear fragrant foots and little toes (OxwAY Venice
preserv. London 1796. p. 107), in a comic scene. In proper names
s likewise appears in the plural: Lightfoots &c.
tooth., plural teeth; Anglosaxon tofr, plural tefr.
To the second strong declension of feminines belong:
mouse, plural mice; Anglosaxon mus, plural nays; Old-English
mous — niys, mees; myse in Skelton I. 61. Likewise compounds,
as shrewmouse, rear-mouse &c.
louse, plural lice; Anglosaxon lus, plural lys; Old-English lous
— lys; also compounds, like crab-louse &c.
goose, plural geese; Anglosaxon gos, plural ges; Old-English gos
— gees; to which compounds, as stubble-goose &c.
cow, plural kine alongside of cows; Anglosaxon cu, plural cy,
(genitive cuna); Old-English ku — kyen; PERCY Rel. p. 120. I.
has the plural kye from the 16th century. The form kine is
chiefly to be found in poets, but it is also met with in prosewriters;
in poetry, for instance: And there he blasts the trees . . And makes
milch-kine yield blood (SIIAKSPEARE Merry Wiv. 5, 1.). The kine
of the pasture shall feel the dart that kills (BRYANT). Round
about him were numberless herds of kine (LONGFELLOW); and in
prose: His stores of oatmeal were brought out: kine were slaugh-
15*
228 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forma. Part 1. Sect. IL
tered (MACAULAY Hist, of Engl. 5. p. 30.). The ne (en} perhaps
springs from the weak declension.
<c) Other plural forms rest upon the weak Anglosaxon declension,
which has already penetrated into substantives originally strong,
which sofar unite a double plural form.
eye', plural, sometimes even in Modern-English eyen, eyne along
"with the usual eyes-, Anglosaxon eage, plural eagan; Old-English
eighe, igh, also e, ee, even now Scottish ee, plural eygen, eighen
and eighes (PIERS PLOUGHM.) also eyen, eyenen, ein, eene, Scottish
een. Eyen and eyne in Skelton; eyne in Spenser and Shakspeare
Love's L. L. 5, 2. Mids. N. Dr. 1, 1. 2, 2. alongside of eyes. The
forms ee, plural een, are used by W. Scott and Byron, and are
still in use in Lancashire, Westmoreland and Cumberland.
ox, plural oxen', Anglosaxon oxa, plural oxan, has remained till
now faithful to the ancient form.
hose, plural hosen, for which hose is now substituted; Anglosaxon
hose, plural hosan, Old-English hose — hosen.
shoe, has a more ancient plural shoon alongside of the modern
shoes', Anglosaxon scoh, sco, plural scos, but also scon; Old-En-
glish sho, scho — shoon, shone and shoos; Scottish sho — shoon;
shoon is even now in use in Westmoreland, sheaun in Yorkshire.
W. Scott uses shoon ; alsof Lord Byron : He wore his sandal-s^oon
(CHILDE HAR.).
child, plural children, Anglosaxon cild according to the strong
form of declension, plural cild and, with r (er} inserted, as often
in Anglosaxon, cildru. The en is added, and is often wanting in
Old-English: Yt was no childer game (PERCY Rel. p. 94. II.). His
childre three (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 35). Thus, moreover, Old-English,
instead of lambs, has the plural lambren, for which also lamben
occurred, formed, after the Anglosaxon lamb, plural lambru, (PiERS
PLOUGHM. p. 307.; LYDGATE Minor Poems ed. Halliw. p. 169.),
Xen, eyren alongside of egges, eggys, after the Anglosaxon ag,
ral agru, ageru, instead of eggs, of which eyren in Caxton's
time was the usual form in Kent; calveren, according to the An-
glosaxon cealf, calf, plural cealfru, instead of calves.
brother, plural brethren alongside of brothers, Anglosaxon anoma-
lously, broftbr (dative singular brewer), plural broSru and brofrra;
Old-English sing, broder, brother, brether, plural breder, brether,
bredere (TOWNELEY MYSTER) and bretheren, brethren. The Old-
English formed analogously suster, sister — sustren, sisteren, An-
glosaxon sveostor, svyster — sveostra; and dojter, doughter —
do3tren, doughtren, Anglosaxon dohter — dohtra. — In prose
brothers is now commonly used of brothers as children of a family;
brethren in a lofty style and ecclesiastical language, mostly figu-
ratively. Compare in the proper sense: Joseph . . the which had
VII brethren (SKELTON I. p. 203). For who is amongst them
whose brethren, parents, children, wives or sisters Have not partook
oppression . . ? (L. BYRON) ; and figuratively in comparison with
brothers: Call not thy brothers brethrenl Call me not Mother (ID.)
The number of plurals in en is pretty considerable in Rob. of
Gloucester. Besides the forms above named, still to be met with
1. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. 1. Substantive. Irregular Plur. 22$
in subsequent writers, there are here found by way of example
forms in part justifiable, belonging in Anglosaxon to the weak
declension, as arwen, Anglosaxon areve, -an (I. 48,); steden,
horses, Anglosaxon steda, -an (I. 185.); schiren, Anglosaxon
scire, -an (I. 60.); sterren, Anglosaxon steorra, -an (I. 229);:
ameten, Anglosaxon semete, -an (I. 296.); chyrchen, Anglo-
saxon cyrice, -ean and -an (I. 319.); h ass en, Anglosaxon assa,
-an (11.404.); mass en, Anglosaxon masse, -an (11.405.); been,
Anglosaxon beo, -n and -an (II. 493.); and in part such as are
not justifiable through the Anglosaxon, as belonging to a strong
form of declension: tren, Anglosaxon treov, -es (I. 1.); lesen,.
common partures, Anglosaxon laesu, -ve, now dialectically lease
(IB.); h eue den, heads, Anglosaxon heafud, -es (I. 261.); applenr
apples, Anglosaxon appel, -es (I. 283.); candlen, Anglosaxon
candel,-e feminine and -esneutr. (1. 290.); soul en, souls, Anglosaxon
savel, -e (I. 319.); honden, hands, Anglosaxon hand, -e (I. 345.);
hyden, of land, Anglosaxon hyd, -e (II. 374.); benen, beans,
Anglosaxon bean, -e (II. 495.) and others. Even Romance words
are referred here, as unclen, Old-French oncle, uncle (I. 87.):
lancen, Old-French lance, lanche (I. 1 85.) and others ; adjectives
which have become substantives, as fon, enemies, ^Anglosaxon fa
adject. &c. These plurals are proportionately numerous even at
the end of the fourteenth century. Many still live only dialecticallyr
as ashen, housen, still in use in the seventeenth century, and
others.
d) Some plurals are of the same sound as their singulars.
1) These are such Anglosaxon neuters of the strong form as are
not distinguished in the nominative and accusative of the plural
from the like cases of the singular. Here belong some names
of beasts, as:
neat, plural neat, Anglosaxon neat, pecus, bestia; now little used
in the singular: for ex. neat's tongue, taken collectively in the
plural.
deer., plural deer, Anglosaxon deor, bestia.
sheep, plural sheep, Anglosaxon scaep, ovis. The form sheeps
is rare; compare: Two hot sheeps. (SHAKSP. Love's L. L. II. 1.);
Old-English also shep.
swine, plural swine, Anglosaxon svin, sus; Old-English also swyn.
horse, plural horse, alongside of the usual horses, Anglosaxon
hors, equus. Horse occurs in the plural only collectively of caval-
ry, as is wont to be regarded.
Of another kind are Anglosaxon neuters, which had already the
character of collectives in the singular.
folk, plural folk &ud folks, Anglosaxon folc, populus, gens. Com-
mon usage gives the plural an s, if the image of the individuals
comes into the foreground. The singular is commonly used for
people in general: Not to thinketh the folk of the village (LONG-
FELLOW). — I'll make him marry more folks than one (SHERIDAN).
There are some gentlefolks below to wait upon Lord Foppington
(ID.). The weeping isle That sends the Boston folks their cod,
shall smile (BRYANT). Old-English uses the plural form with s,
230 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 11.
primarily in the meaning of nations: Where dwelleu many dy-
verse Folkes, and of dyverse Maneres and Lawes (MAUNDEV. p. 4.).
Yet folk and folkes are used for people in general : Thanne longen
folk to gon on pilgrimages (CHAUCER C. T. 12). What thar the
recch or care How inerily that other folkes fare? (IB. 5911.). To
the word folk the word people has been early assimilated, and
used in the general meaning without s. Compare the Old-Engl.:
Fyve thousand peple (PiERs PLOUGHM. p. 3*28.). Modern-English
These people, however fallen, are still men (GOLDSMITH). These
people of the northern parts of Scotland were not one nation,
but divided in two (W. SCOTT). I have given over fifty people
in my time, who have recovered afterwards (JAMES COBB.). The
plural peoples stands for: nations in the translation of the Bible;
Chambers used it in his Information for the People, Lond. 1849:
Considering the remoteness of the various peoples from one another
(p. 29. II.) et ibidem (p. 31. I.).
kindred, is given by Worcester with the double plural kindred
and kindreds. In the Anglosaxon I do not find cyndrsed; as a
compound of rseden it would be of the feminine gender, yet hivred,
familia, and hundred, centum, of the neuter gender, occur. The
Old-English form is kiurede, kynrede, kunrede.
An Anglosaxon neuter of another sort is pound, Anglosaxon
pund in singular and plural, which sometimes, even in the plural,
sounds pound, but commonly pounds. Old-English: Folle-prytty
pousend pound (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 297.). Thritti thousent
pound askede he (PERCY REL. p. 90. I.). For singulars of like
meaning, used instead of the plural, see below.
2) An Anglosaxon feminine substantive attaches itself to these forms:
score, which remains unchanged in the plural; Anglosaxon scor,
plural scora, incisura, numerus vicinarius. The likeness is ex-
plained by the loss of the final vowel, hence: They reign' d the
monarchs of a score of miles (H. WALPOLE) and threescore, 60;
fourscore, 80 &c. So too in Old-English: Many score thousand
(PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 349.). Twenty score paces (PERCY REL.
p. 46.).
3) The great number of adjectives nsed as substantives do not to
a great extent change their form in the plural. They are for
the most part originally Anglosaxon, but also Romance adjectives.
First of all belong here the comparatives and superlatives, as
well as the participial forms in ing and ed. The vestiges of
an ancient inflection have long been lost. For particulars see
below; on the Adjective, where mention is made of those which
have completely passed over into the inflection of substantives.
For the sake of example compare: The proud are taught to
taste of pain (GRAY). Lamentations ill become us, When the
good are ravish'd from us (H. WALPOLE). The rich with us
have two sources of wealth, whereas the poor have but one
(GOLDSMITH). The brave should ever love each other (ID.). The
vile are only vain; the great are proud (L. BYRON). At the hour
of council . . I shall not Be found among the absent (ID.). And
must they fall, the young, the proud, the brave? (ID.). Blessed
/. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. I. Substantive. Irregular Plur. 231
are the pure before God (LONGFELLOW). And I was healed as
the sick are healed (ID.) — Though twenty thousand worthier
came to crave her (SHAKSPEARE). The vilest here excel me
(MILTON). — But how to think of what the living know not,
And the dead cannot, or else may not tell (J. HUGHES). For
the blinded and the suffering Alone were at his side (WHITTIER).
Old-English still frequently inflected with a plural e, which ap-
pears to correspond to the Anglosaxon e of the adjective in the
plural of the strong form of declension; compare Anglosaxon bald,
plural balde; audax, audaces; blind, plural blinde; coecus, coeci
&c. Old-English : Of alle manere of men The meene and the riche
(PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 2.). And the povere fede (IB. p. 6.). Amonges
poore and riche (IB. p. 278.). The gode shulle gon to Paradys,
and the evele to Helle (MAUNDEV. p. 132.). Yet the e also was
early cast off: Though it be songe of old and yonge (PERCY REL.
p. 97. II.). This e is also extended to participial forms: One
of Goddes chosene (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 209.); it is often wanting
in those in ed in Piers Ploughman.
Some few original adjectives fluctuate; here belong: heathen,
plural heathen and heathens, Anglosaxon hsefren, Adj.
4) The case is rare that substantives ending in hissing sounds lose
their s in the plural, as is sometimes the case in the geni-
tive, if the substantive ends in s or ce. Older instances are:
Madame regent of the scyence seuyn (CHAUCER I. p. 363.). These
two Antipholus', these two so like (SHAKSPEARE Com. of Errors
extr.); whereas elsewhere Antipholuses stands in the same
author.
5) Latin words of the fourth and fifth declension sometimes retain
their forms of the same sound in the nominative of the plural
as in the singular, as apparatus, hiatus, series and others,
but apparatuses', hiatuses, serieses &c. also occur.
e) Many foreign words have irregular plurals, alongside whereof
forms gradually Anglicised become gradually more current.
1) Here we reckon Latin and originally Greek words, which follow
the second and third Latin declension, like many in us: incu-
bus — incubi and incubuses; radius — radii and radiuses;
focus — foci and focuses; fungus — fungi and funguses;
chorus — chori and choruses; genius — genii, but ge-
niuses &c.j so too triumvir — triumviri and triumvirs; on the
other hand the plural magi from magus is usual, as also antis-
cii, periscii, antceci, anthropophagi &c., which usually
occur only in the plural. Words in um, on often have their ori-
ginal plural in #, but also in s: elysium — elysia and ely-
siums; memorandum — memoranda and memorandums;
stratum — strata, rarely stratums, and others, but forms
like exordiums, millenniums, decorums are not unusual;
automaton (um) — automata and automatums; criterion
(um) — criteria and criteriums; phenomenon — pheno-
mena, very unusually phenomenons. The plurals effluvia,
errata, arcana, data, and some others, from words in um are
still very common. Words in is, not increasing by a syllable in
232 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. IL
inflection in the Latin, retain es, in the English plural: axis —
axes; oasis — oases; ellipsis — ellipses; parenthesis
parentheses; hypothesis - - hypotheses and the like.
Words in x (ix, ex}, increasing by a syllable in the Latin, com-
monly have an English regular form alongside of their Latin one :
calx — calces and calxes; calix — calices and calixes;
vortex — vortices and vortexes; to the double plural forms
index: indices (Exponents of numbers) and indexes (to books)
different meanings are annexed; with others the English plural
form is hardly found, as from apex — apices. Latin or Greek
words in is, increasing in inflection, retain their Latin and Greek
inflection: iris — irides; ascaris — ascarides; cantharis
— cantharides. Words in en with an increasing form of in-
flection incline towards the English inflection: omen — omens
(GOLDSMITH), stamen — stamens (this only in Botany) else
stamina. Dogma forms dogmas and dogmata, exanthema
— exanthemata and so others in ma; genus has genera;
regale — regalia, in the Latin form.
2) Some originally Hebrew words have preserved their plural in
im alongside of the regular English one: seraph — seraphim
and seraphs; cherub — cherubim and cherubs. The form
im has also been treated as a singular and formed a plural che-
rubims.
3) A few French words which have become naturalized in English
are here and there found with a French plural termination, as
beau — beaux and beaus; manteau — manteaux, on the
other hand commonly portmanteau - - portmanteaus &c.;
monsieur — messieurs and the like.
Italian plurals in i from singulars in o or e are likewise used:
banditto — banditti; virtuoso — virtuosi; dilettante
dilettanti; cognoscente — cognoscenti; conversazione
— conversazioni &c.
Plural formation of compound substantives.
The plurals of compound substantives present upon the whole
no peculiarities, so far as these words, as inseparable bodies, must
regularly subjoin the inflective termination to their last constituent,
where they have to assume a plural form. Yet the English com-
pounding is partly of a looser kind, so as to let the syntactical relation
of their elements glimmer through, whereby some anomalies arise in
the inflection. In general the following rules obtain:
1) If a substantive is compounded of substantives, standing in a
direct relation to each other, that is to say, appearing joined to
each other, either by way of apposition or of addition, the last
alone is inflected:
peacock — peacock; cuckoo-bird — cuckoo-birds (SHAKSPEARE);
oaktree — oak-trees; fellow-servant — fellow-servants; merchant-
man — merchant-men; my fellow -scholars (SHAKSPEARE Merry
Wives); to encrust the bones of merchant- dukes (L. BYRON Ch.
Har.). The shepherd kings of patriarchal times (ID. Sardanapal).
I. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. I. Subst. Use of the Numerals. 233
Earl-Marshal — Earl- Mar -shals; hence we find also, with the pre-
fixing of the word Lord in the plural Lord Lieutenants (CRABB
Hist, of Engl. Law p. 541.); on the other hand also; the power
of the Lords Marchers (IB. p. 441).
2) If the substantives stand in an indirect relation, the fundamental
word is inflected: gunstock — gunsfoc&s; fruit-tree — fruit-trees;
cabinet-maker — cabinet-wafers. Hence, when the determining
substantive is subjoined with a preposition, the preceding sub-
stantive is inflected: sister-in-law — sisters-in-law, commander-in-
chief — commanders-in-chiet
3) If a substantive is compounded with an adjective preceding it,
only the substantive is capable of inflection: blackbird — black-
birds; wild-geese; if the adjective follows the substantive, the sub-
stantive is ordinarily provided with the plural termination, as in
knight-errant — knights-errant ; court-martial — cowrte-martial ;
yet no agrement is here to be sound. Halliwell forms the plural
knights-errants (see HALL. Diet. s. v. Graal), and with regard to
words compounded with ful: mouthful, handful, spoonful,
ladle ful, lapful &c. opinions diverge about the annexing of
the s to the first or the second word. But in general the spel-
ling hand/w/s is preferred to handsful: Tond same cloud cannot
choose but fall by pailfuls (SiiAKSP. Temp. 2. 2.). Hand/w/s or
small parcels of anything (HALLIWELL s. v. culpons); mouth/w/s
(WEBST. and WORCEST.). Handful is also found unaltered in the
plural: For of the lower end two handful It hat devoured, 'twas
so manful (BUTLER); and this is the Old-English mode: pritti
schipful of men (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 39.); myd pre schipful
of kny3tes (IB. 111.)
4) If the composition consists of a substantive with a particle sub-
joined the substantive receives the sign of the plural: holder-
forth -- holdersforth (WEBST. and WORCEST.); hanger-on —
hangers-on.
5) If a preceding verbal element is compounded with a substantive,
the inflection goes to the substantive: spend-thrift — sipend-thrifts ;
it likewise goes to the last element if no substantive at all is
contained in the compound : Lazy lubbers, good-for-nothings (FouR
OLD PLAYS. Cambridge 1848. Gloss, s. v. slowches) The lovely
stars, the forget-me-note of the angels (LONGFELLOW").
Peculiarities in the use of the Numerals.
The singular supposes the image of an individual, apart from
the further determination of the object imagined, as a unit: the plural
contains the image of a plurality of individuals. The nature of the
object governs the possibility of imagining it in the plural; whence
all classes of substantives are not alike capable of the plural for-
mation.
The plural changes in general naught in the notion of the object;
yet the image of a thing as a whole, conditioned by the plural, may
give the noun a modified or a different meaning.
The plural supposes indeed a singular; but objects which are
234 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I Sect. II.
wont to occur in the plural in common experience, may lose their
singular form, or, at least, the use of them may become very limited.
Primitive plurals may excite the image of a single, though com-
pound object, and thence take the character of singulars; as, conversely,
a single object may excite a collective image, thereby taking the nature
of a plural. Negligence in speech may also in familiar words cast
off the inflective termination, a singular form thereby taking the place
of the plural. We shall consider numerals from these four points
of view.
a) The various classes of substantives have in various degrees the
capacity of forming a plural.
1) Names of sorts, in the narrower sense, or concrete names of
sorts are most capable of the plural formation, since their sin-
gulars denote concrete individuals: man — men; house —
houses; flowrer — flowers; field — fields &c. The terms
for individuals too, belonging to a people or a place, are names
of sorts, and have a plural form, unless they are adjectives used
substantively, and retaining, as such, the adjective form: Celts,
Germans, Saxons, Londoners &c.
2) Proper names form a plural according to two regards:
«) when they denote a plurality of individuals of the same name:
As I hate hell, all Montagues and thee (SHAKSP.). The revolu-
tion which drove out the Tarquins (TYTLER). One Macdonald
is worth two Camerons (MACAULAY). In the midland counties
of Scotland, such as the three Lothians (W. SCOTT). If a sub-
stantive determination in this case precedes the proper name,
as a title or a second name, only the last proper name is usually
inflected: Three doctor Faustuses (SHAKSP. Merry Wives). If
he were twenty sir John Falstaffs (IB.). The two doctor Thom-
sons (GOLDSMITH). One of the miss Flainboroughs (ID.). Yet
in regard to names with a title preceding no complete agree-
ment obtains; we also say, especially in superscriptions: to the
Misses Howard; to Messrs Thomson &c., with an inflection of
the title merely. If another name of a sort precedes the name
of a sort, as a determination of it, only the first name of the
sort is inflected: the brothers Thomson; the cousins Wilberforce.
/?) if they become names of sorts in a figurative meaning: I
demanded who were the present theatrical writers in vogue,
who the Dry dens and Otways of the day? (GOLDSMITH), Not
so are Molieres and Shakspeares allowed to manifest their strength
(LEWES). Even here prefixed titles and proper names remain
unchanged: May there not be Sir Isaac Ncwtons in every
science? (WATTS.).
3) Collective names are of course capable of the plural formation,
if totalities of individuals exist in a plural, as armies, assem-
blies, forests, tribes, crowds &c.
4) Names of materials appear in the plural, if. they are distinguished
in kind, as oil, oils (different sorts of oils); or if subjects con-
sisting of materials are named simply by their material: copper,
coppers, silk, silks, iron, irons, sand, sands. The Poetic
view often takes names of materials in the plural as the expres-
/. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. I. Substantive. Use of Numerals. 235
sion of separate masses or of such as are renewed repeatedly:
As in the summer-time the thirsty sands Drink the swift waters
of the Manzanares (LONGFELLOW). White as the snows of heaven
(J. HUGHES). Cool shades and dews are round my way (BRYANT).
No more the cabin smokes rose wreathed and blue (ID.). Come
when the rains Have glazed the snow (ID.). This manner of
expression is also not foreign to the nobler prose.
5) Abstract substantives appear in the plural, partly if the notion
is distinguished by sorts, partly if properties or activities are
represented as belonging to different persons or as activities
repeated: Local jealousies and local interests had brought his army
together (MACAULAY). The dog is ever the friend of his friend,
and enters into all his predilections and animosities (MAYOR).
It is chiefly in warm or temperate latitudes that all the beauties
of his form, aod the energies of his character are displayed (with
regard to the horse) (IB.). I'll see Castalio, tax him with his
falsehoods (OTWAY). Vasco de Garna, a man of great abilities
(J. BARROW). -- Wherein has Caesar thus deserved your loves'?
(SHAKSPEARE Jul. C.). Sure, something more than fortune joined
your loves (Rows). Our lives are rivers gliding free To that
unfathomcd, boundless sea, The silent grave (LONGFELLOW). I
better bore The deaths of the two sous Heaven took from me
Than Jacopo's disgrace (L. BYRON). — Indeed! — By all our
lovesl (OTWAY). Twere ten thousand pities (SHERIDAN). The
wills above be done (SHAKSP. Temp.). 0 let the soul her slum-
bers break (LONGFELLOW). If the abstract substantive is taken
concretely, the plural needs no further explanation: On the legs
(of the camel) are six callosities (MAYOR). Yet the substantive
is often taken concretely only in the plural, as, in effect, effects;
sweeping, sweepings.
b) In connection with the plurals above discussed stands the apparent
transmutation of the meaning of the substantive in the plural.
But a difference arises through a notion's being taken either in a
metaphorical, restricted or amplified meaning in the plural, or
because subjects express in the plural a single compound thing.
Here substantives of all classes come under review. Many of
these plurals have been taken from other tongues.
1) Taken in a metaphorical, restricted or amplified meaning, for
example, are substantives like respect, respects; honour, honours;
state, states; part, parts; attack, attacks; force, forces ; spirit, spi-
rits; vapour, vapours; grain, grains; ground, grounds, and many
more. The number of these words is great.
2) A compound whole is likewise often expressed by denoting the
single ingredients, which must likewise often be taken in a meta-
phorical meaning. Compare lead, leads; colour, colours; stock,
stocks; chap, chaps; blind, blinds; stay, stays; bead, beads; scale,
scales; drawer, drawers; spectacle, spectacles; stair, st airs; nipper,
nippers; table, tables; letter, letters. Even abstract substantives
present in the plural the image of a totality of activities, as
draught, draughts; in a metaphorical meaning even the place to
236 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. II.
which the repeated activity relates may be present in the total
image: sounding, soundings-, inning, innings
c) Many substantives occur only or hardly ever save in the plural.
English owes many plurals of this sort to its fundamental tongues,
whereby the nonexistence of an English singular is explained. In
a grammar it suffices to characterize this numerous class in general
terms.
1) They are partly names of kinds, denoting persons or personified
beings, which are commonly mentioned only in their totality, al-
though they may also be mentioned here and there in the sin-
gular; and partly adjectives used substantively, and among them
foreign words, which belong to scientific usage. Instances are:
ancients; moderns (both seldom in the singular); parents
(certainly usual in the singular for father or mother); ostmen,
Danish settlers in Ireland; commons (used as a substantive
in the singular for a common pasture); waits (Old-French gaite,
waite); the Latin manes, penates &c. Hyades, Pleiades,
also in the English form Hyads, Pleiads; caryatides and
caryates (in the singular also caryatid); the geographical terms
ascii (also ascians with the singular ascian), amphiscii,
antiscii, periscii, antoeci, perioeci, antipodes, (rare in
the singular antipode) and others, as anthropophagi, acephali
(the name of a sect), literati, and many more.
With these are associated names of mountains, islands, coun-
tries and so forth, which are to be regarded as proper names
of a multitude: Alps (rarely alp = mountain), Apennines,
Pyrenees &c. Azores, Maldives, Ladrones, Hebrides &c.
Netherlands, Low Countries, Indies (East Indies, West
Indies) as distinguished from ancient India &c.; further, geo-
graphical terms, as Dardanelles &c.
2) Concrete names of things of this class are divided into several
groups.
«) Many substantives relate to a dual, or double articulation, in
which the objects appear.
Here belong organic double members: meninges (Greek
/uijj'iyyfi; from ziij^yl, skin), the integuments of the brain; lights,
lungs (Anglosaxon lungen, only plural); reins, kidneys
(compare Latin reues); hypochondres (Greek vnoxovdytK)^
hence also perhaps posteriors, Latin posteriora; genitals,
Latin genitalia, as mustaches (alongside of mustach) and
whiskers (compare the Highdutch wisch). The clothing of
two limbs: mittens (French mitaine); spatts and spatter-
dashes; especially the names for the clothing of the legs:
breeches (Anglosaxon plural brec from broc, Latin braccae),
in the singular commonly meaning buttock; also brogues (in
Suffolk; elsewhere brogue is a wooden shoe); trowsers,
French trousses; slops (Anglosaxon slop, indumentum); over-
alls; galligaskins (gallo-vascones, caligae Vasconum) now
facetiously; in conversational speech: inexpressibles, non-
descripts &c. Tools having two legs or levers: scissors
/. The Parts of Speech. A. The Nouns. 1. Substantive. Use of Numerals. 237
French ciseaux) and shears (rarely in the singular, Old-High-
dutch scari, Middle-Highdutch schaere; compare Anglosaxon
scar, vomer); snuffers (in the singular one who snuffs); pin-
cers, pinchers (compare the French pincette), tongs (Anglo-
Saxon tange); pliers, plyers; tweezers (compare the High-
dutch zwicke); calipers (compare caliber from the Arabic
kalbah, French calibre); hence also perhaps nutcrackers.
Pells mean the parchments of the treasury, pellis acceptorum
and exituum.
/5) Others express objects existing together in an indefinite multi-
tude, or consisting of several parts.
Here belong expressions for organic parts, particularly:
entrails (French entrailles); intestines (rarely in the sin-
gular, Latin intestina); inwards (rarely in the sing.); bowels
(Old-French boel, boiele); whereas guts (Anglosaxon guttas,
only plural) in English is in use also in the singular gut; chit-
terlings (compare Anglosaxon cvio*", uterus and the Highdutch
kutteln); numbles also humbles (compare the French nomble,
Latin lumbulus); giblets (compare the French gibelotte; vitals.
Pieces of clothing, as compounded of several parts: weeds
(Anglosaxon vsed, vestimentum) , rare in the singular; regi-
mentals; pontificals, Latin pontificalia; canonicals; hence
also weapons, as arms, even in Latin arma, rare in the sing.;
greaves, also graves (Old-French greves, Medieval-Latin gre-
vae) (perhaps because of the double piece), as also tasses
(Old-French tassetes de corcelet = corselet?), legplates (properly
from the waist to the knee). Here also belongs trappings,
properly from the saddle cloth (compare the span. port, trapo,
French drap).
Compound products of human activity generally: clayes
(French claie); shambles (Anglosaxon scamol); stews (Anglo-
saxon stov).
Agglomerations or aggregates of all sorts : ashes, embers,
cinders (also cinder); raments; dregs (Old-English dregg),
lees (unusual in the sing.), faeces; molasses, melasses;
spraints; hards, hurds; lesses.
Provisions: victuals; eatables; drinkables; viands;
greens; delicates; groats (compare Anglosaxon grytt, grot,
fragmentum); oats, rarely oat, save in compounds (Anglosaxon
ata); fesels (compare Latin faselus).
Moneys and Revenues: annats; estovers (Old-French verb
estofer), legal maintenance; esplees (Old-French espleit), com-
plete income of an estate; emblem ents (Old-French embler);
proceeds; thirdiugs, the third of the produce of the harvest,
which falls to the landlord at the death of the tenant; vails,
vales; wages (Old-French gage, wage); pentecostals (to
the clergy) &c.
Materials and subjects, which are commonly used collectively:
materials (in use also in the sing.); woollens; movables;
combustibles; abstergents (commonly, adjectives used as
substantives).
238 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
Games, in which the subjects are to be imagined as multi-
plied: nine-holes; ninepins; billiards; loggats; hot-
cockles (French hautes coquilles?) &c.
Diseases, so far as they are determined by their symptoms,
when abstract substantives also appear: measles (in the sin-
gular, a leper); jardes (French jardon); lampers, also lam-
pas, a disease of horses; vives, fives (French avives), ahorse
disease; whites; shingles; hemorrhoids, emeroids, erne-
rods.
Extensions in space: environs; marches (Anglosaxon
mearc).
Literary productions: annals, memoirs, epics.
3) Abstract substantives occur more rarely in the plural only. Yet
there belong here:
A considerable number of names of Sciences, as totalities of doctrines,
of principles or of knowledge, as ethics, optics, oeconomics,
politics (formerly, in the sing, a politician), mathematics,
metaphysics, mnemonics, numismatics, dialectics (also
in the sing.), dioptrics, hydraulics, hydrostatics, gno-
monics, and other adjectives in ic used as substantives; even
in iac: genethliacs.
Feasts, solemnities and formalities occur, mostly after the
precedent of other tongues, likewise in the plural: Baccha-
nalia and bacchanals, orgies (rare in the sing.), Luper-
calia (sing. Lupercal in Shakspeare), encenia &c., exequies
(Latin exsequiae), obsequies, rarely in the sing. (French obse-
ques), espousals (French epousailles), nuptials (compare Latin
nuptiae); with which determinations of time are associated, as
calends, ides, nones (nonae), matins (French matines),
vespers (French vepres) &c., in which the activities falling on
them are in part disregarded.
We must also apprehend as a comprehension or repetition
of activities plural substantives like thanks (Anglosaxon pane);
attentates, a judicial process after an injunction or appeal,
and similar ones; as also the facetious sullens (from the Anglo-
saxon syljan), is to be taken like the dumps, also in use in
the singular.
d) The use of the plural instead of the singular, and conversely,
is on the whole limited. Many forms which are reckoned here
are of unknown origin.
1) Some plurals have in fact become singulars in speech. They
then partly run in the plural the same as in the singular, and
have partly developed a new plural out of the original plural
form. Here belong: odds, sing, and plur. (perhaps belongs to
the Gothic aups, Old-norse audr, Old-Highdutch odi, Modern-
Highdutch ode = desertus, vacuus ; also at present edd means in
dialects, lonely, alone; the Cymric od seems borrowed from the
English), inequality, difference, advantage: — means, sing, and
plur. (Old-French meien, moien) : — news, commonly treated as
a singular, but also as a plural in the same form. Compare: Thus
answer I . . But hear these ill news with the ears of Claudio
/. The Parts of Speech. A. The Nouns. 1. Substantive. Use of Numerals. 239
(SiiAKSPEARE Much Ado ab. Noth.); as a singular even in Skel-
ton: I am glad to hear that newes (MEKIE TALES). — bellows,
singular and plural (Old-norse belgr, Anglosaxon belg, bulga),
wrongly contended to be a singular. Compare: Flattery is the
bellows blows up sin (SHAKSPEAKE Pericl. 1, 2.). They watch-
ed the laboring bellows, And as its panting ceased . . Merrily
laughed (LONGFELLOW). — gallows, with a new formed plural
gallowses, even in SHAKSPEARE Cymb. 5, 4. (Anglosaxon galga).
— pox and small-pox, alongside of which the proper singular
form pock occurs,, are regarded as singulars (Anglosaxon pocc,
poc). — Other words are here and there treated as singulars,
as amends (French amende), even sessions. Compare: I'll try
him only for a sessions or two longer, upon his good behaviour
JOHN GAY); even the names of books Apocrypha and Hexa-
pla. — Here a few compounds are also to be reckoned, which,
as terms for coins according to the number of units composing
them, have assumed quite the nature of singulars and form new
plurals: sixpence, plur. sixpences; ninepence, plur. nine-
pences; twopence, plur. twopences. Compare: Of seven
groats in mill-sixpences (SHAKSPEARE Merry Wiv. 1, 2.).
We must regard as a cognate syntactical license the use of a
multitude in the singular as the term for a college: The Forty
hath decreed a month's arrest (L. BYRON Mar. Faliero). The
Forty doth salute The Prince of the Republic (ID.); on the other
hand: The Forty are but men (ID). Thus too other enumerated
units are construed as totalities with the singular of the verb:
Every twenty paces gives you the prospect of some villa, and
every four hours that of a large town (LADY MONTAGUE). Here
three parts of the business is left for me to do (GOLDSMITH).
Other apparent combinations of a verb in the singular with plu-
rals have to be explained in the Doctrine of the Verb and in the
syntax.
But another class of these words consits of original singulars:
alms passes for the sing, and the plur. (Anglosaxon almasse,
ifavifioavvri} Old-English sing, almesse, plur. almesses; in Shak-
speare alms as a singular). — riches is now taken as a plural
(Old-French richesce, ricece, Old-English sing, richesse, plural
richesses; riches in Shakspeare sing, and plur.). — summons
is rightly treated as a proper singular, from which the plural
summonses has been formed (Old-French semonse, semonce).
eaves is universally regarded as plural, although it is naught
else but an Anglosaxou singular (yfes, ofes, e'fes and yfese, margo ;
Old-Highdutch opasa, tectum).
2) Singulars on the contrary are oftener treated as plurals.
«) Here belong words taken in a collective sense and which are
also referred to a determinate number of individuals, and however
they may be combined with the plural of the verb, without fur-
ther determination, as infantry, cavalry and others: The force
of Hannibal consisted of fifty thousand infantry and nine thousand
cavalry (GIFFORD). And he loved his queen . . And thrice a
thousand harlotry besides (L. BYRON Sardanapal.). And the rope
240 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
with its cordage three (LONGFELLOW). Compare Old -English
Througlie a hondritli archery (PERCY Rel. p. 4. I.). Concrete
names of kinds, except in the case specified undes /?, are more
rarely construed with the plural {especially of attributive deter-
minations). Genuine plurals, as deer, sheep, swine and even
horse, in spite of its collateral form horses, cannot, be referred
here (see p. 229), but some other names of animals certainly
occur here. To the word horse (for cavalry) the word foot
has been early assimilated: There were Beaumont's foot, who
had . . refused to admit Irish papists among them (MACATILAY).
Compare the Old-English: In this firste hoost . . what of hors,
what of fote (MAUNDEV. p. 240 ). Of other names of sorts there
belong here fish, fowl, hair and some others; Mine are the
river-fowl (LONGFELLOW). Ay, when fowls have no feathers,
and fish have no fin (SHAKSPEARE Com. of Err.). Of course these
words have also plural forms, which even necessarily appear,
where the individuals, as such, become prominent: The beasts,
the fishes, and the winged fowls (SHAKSPEARE Com. of Err.).
She has more hair than wit, and more faults than hairs (ID.
Two Gentlem. of Ver.). On the contrary, collective names are
more frequently taken collectively, where they do not appear as
subjects of the sentence: I have always found . . great plenty,
particularly of wild boar (LADY MONTAGUE). There is no catching
trout without wetting one's trowsers (LONGFELLOW). Will ye pro-
mise me this before God and man? (ID.). A hundred of the/oe
shall be A banquet for the mountain birds (BRYANT). About
the cliffs Lay . . shaggy skins of wolf and bear (ID.), where the
individual stands as the representative of his kind, a syntactical
license common to many tongues.
/?) Some names of kinds, denoting a determinate quantity, a mea-
sure or a weight, even a space of time, were used formerly
more than at present in the singular instead of the plural
forms after preceding numeral determinations, in literary and
educated conversational language. Here belong: pair, brace,
couple, yoke (a yoke of Oxen, an Anglosaxon neutral,
of the same sound in the singular as in the plural), do-
zen, score (as a genuine plural, always), groce or gross;
quire, ream (of paper); foot, fathom, mile; pound (as
a primitive plural), stone, last; tun, hogshead; bushel;
week, year fan Anglosaxon neuter, the same in the plural as
in the singular). With these are joined names of sorts, as, shil-
ling, piece (mostly of things), head (of men and beasts, an
Anglosaxon neuter, the same in the plural as in the singular),
sail (of ships), cannon, shot. The language of common con-
versation cannot be determined by its boundaries, the literary
and educated speech is constantly abandoning these forms more
and more, which moreover are not without an etymological origin.
The English account-books decline such words regularly, and
grammarians in part reject the non-inflection as quite false.
Compare Murray's Grammar &c. by Gartly. Lond. 1851. p. 111.
In lieu of many examples compare: The ball always concludes
/. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. L Substantive. Use of Numerals. 241
with English country, dances, to the number of thirty or fourty
couple (LADY MONTAGUE). Five hundred yoke of oxen (JOB. 1, 3.).
A constant cascade of about thirty foot (FIELDING). Full fathom
five the father lies (SFIAKSPEARE Temp.). I have known when
he would have walked ten mile afoot to see a good armour (ID.
Much Ado ab. Noth.). Twelve year since Thy father was the
duke of Milan (SHAKSPEARE Temp.). Hundred head of Aristotle's
friends (POPE). That cost me two shilling and two pence a piece
(SHAKSPEARE Merry Wiv.). The fleet . . consisted of 92 sail
(MRS. MARKHAM). One hundred cannon were landed from the
fleet (BURCHELL) Several shot being fired (ID.). (See Wagner's
Grammar of the English tongue, elaborated by Herrig p. 108.).
Forms of this sort are familiar to Old-English, especially where
primitive plurals of strong forms in a, u, rarely in «s, are at
the foundation, for whose vowels e is mostly substituted: That
is an hundred fadme of lengthe (MAUNDEV. p. 23.; Anglosaxon
fadem, plural -as), A rib of his side, that is 40 fote longe (ID.
p. 31.; Anglosaxon fet instead of fete). The folk that ben but
3 span long (ID. p. 211.; Anglosaxon spann, plural spanna). And
a lytylle thens, 28 pas, is a chapelle (ID. p. 96.; Old-French
pas). 20 myle (ID. p. 7.; Anglosaxon mile, plural mila); but also
myles (p. 30.). He was per sene nyjt (Ron. OF GLOUCESTER 1.
p. 158.; Anglosaxon neaht, plural neahta). Fourty winter (PIERS
PLOUGHMAN p. 277.; Anglosaxon vinter, masculine plural vinter)
along with wyntres (IB.). Guendolyn was kyng fiftene $er po
(RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. p. 27.; Anglosaxon gear, plur. gear). By
forty e shilling a yere (PERCY Rel. p. 116. I.; Anglosaxon scilling,
plur. scillingas). An hondred pousend marc (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER
II. p. 393.; Anglosaxon marc, plural marca). Fro thens toward
the est a 3 bow shote (MAUNDEV. p. 97. ; Anglosaxon scyte, plur.
scytas or gescot, plural gescotu).
y) In connection with the usage above cited stand some compounds
of numerals with substantives, wherein both stand in a direct
relation to each other and the substantive should therefore as-
sume the (present) inflection of the plural. Here belong: seven-
night, sennight (Anglosaxon seofonniht, properly plural femi-
nine = hebdomas); fortnight = fourteen nights, two weeks;
twelvemonth (Anglosaxon tvelfmonfr according to Bos WORTH);
compare. Old-English: Al this fourtenight (CHAUCER v. 931.). A
fevere That taketh me al a twelve monthe (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 266.)
Upon cognate phenomena see below, the doctrine of the Numeral.
But the noninflection of the substantive is common, even where,
the composition appears loosened, if numeral and substantive
become an attributive determination of a succeeding substantive,
so that the whole receives the character of a single compound:
You have seen the faces in the eighteen penny gallery (FIELDING).
I protested I could see no reason for it neither, nor why Mr.
Simpkins got the thousand pound prize in the lottery (GOLDSMITH).
Compare the Old-English: And forth he goth a twenty divel way
(CHAUCER v. 4255. ed. Tyrwh.). Hence the expressions: a four
wheel chaise; a three foot rule; a thirty pound note; an eighty
Matzner, engl. Gr. I. j
242 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. 11.
gun ship &c. "Where the genitive relation is denoted by 's, s\
this immediate reference ceases; where the plural stands, an ap-
positive relation of the last substantive usually enters.
The Formation of the Genitive.
A remnant of the Anglosaxon case-formation is the socalled An-
glosaxon Genitive, -which enters instead of the substantive with the
case preposition of, but only where it precedes the latter as the deter-
mination of a substantive, or where no substantive follows or is to
be supplied. This case form is found more in names of persons
(names of kinds as well as proper names) than in names of things.
The sign of the genitive s belongs originally to the singular of
masculine and neuter strong substantive forms. In English it was
early transferred to all substantive, even of the feminine gender, in
the singular. Herein the English agrees with the Danish and Swe-
dish, of which the Danish especially makes the declension of the
masculine and the feminine substantive almost wholly coincide. Even
in Hollandish in conversational language, the s of the genitive is
often given, especially to feminine substantives preceding the sub-
stantive determined by them, but which does not belong to them;
the Lowdutch proceeds similarly. The Modern-Highdutch of northern
Germany is acquainted with genitives like mutter's, tante's haus
&c., as proper names of the feminine gender in general adopt in
Modern-Highdutch the s and ens of the masculine gender. The An-
glosaxon knows nothing of genitives of this sort, but has nevertheless
sometimes even in adverbial genitives the termination es, as in nihtes
(neaht, niht, -e, f.); whereas gevealdes, his gevealdes, sua sponte
may certainly be refered to geveald m. alongside of gevealde f.
a) Modern-English accordingly puts this s in the singular, without
regard to the original gender of the substantives, to names of
kinds and proper names, more rarely to abstract nouns, with an
apostrophe preceding (this with an almost entire consistency since
the seventeenth century): Drinking is the soldier's pleasure (DRY-
DEN). A lawyer's is an honest employment (JOHN GAY). Thy
sire's maker, and the earth's — And heaven's (L. BYRON). To
know no more Is woman's happiest knowledge (MILTON). You
say, you do not know the Lady's mind (SHAKSPEARE Rom. and
Jul.). The sports on occasion of the Queen's marriage (W. SCOTT).
Blest be your mother's memory (OTWAY). They knew something
of the death of Macbeth's father (ID. Macb.). He trembles, he
glows, Amidst Rhodope's snows (POPE). Encamped beside Life's
rushing stream In Fancy's misty light (LONGFELLOW). In my
youth's summer I did sing of One (L. BYRON),
Even adjectives used as substantives receive this s: Into the
future's undiscovered land (LONGFELLOW); even other parts of
speech used substantively : Yesterday's sun Saw it perform'd (OT-
WAY). To-morrow's rising sun must see you all Deck'd in your
honours (ID.).
If a word ends in a sibilant, as s, #, more rarely in ce, se, even
/. The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. 1. Substantive. Formation of the Genitive. 243
a dental ge, the annexed s is sometimes wanting in Modern-En-
glish, and ' is added as a sign of elision: Read o'er the volume
of young Paris' face (SHAKSPEARE R. and J.). "With joy I see it
in Eumenes' hands (J. HUGHES). And he, the last of old Lycur-
gus' sons (THOMSON). Look, in this place ran Cassius' dagger
through (SHAKSPEARE Jul. C.). And hard unkindness" altered eye
(GRAY). I did not know the princess' favourite (CONGREVE). They
could scarcely attend to the Prior of Torvaulx' question ("W. SCOTT).
There is one tree the phoenix"1 throne (SHAKSPEARE Temp.). At
least for that resemblance' sake embrace me (H. WALPOLE). Prayer
is Innocence' friend (LoNGF.). O'er Venice' lovely walls (L. BYRON).
Venice' Duke! Who now is Duke in Venice? (ID.). Only for praise'
sake, when they strive to be lords o'er their lords? (SHAKSP. Love's
L. L.). There's a partridge' wing saved, for the fool will eat no sup-
per that night (SHAKSP. Much Ado ab. Noth.). With regard to the
treatment of the s the Anglosaxon led the way, which often left
proper names in s unchanged in the genitive: Urias vif; Mattheus
gerecednys; whereas else es is appended; Re muses &c. — Yet
no agreement prevails in this respect, even in one and the same
author, and the annexing of an s to substantives of this sort is
very common, although the collision of several sibilants offers a
difficulty in pronunciation. In poetry, the subjoined s, with the
apostrophe, after sibilants and hissing sounds, counts (either
with or without a preceding, otherwise mute e) as a full syl-
lable; compare prose instances: Randolph agreed to act by Dou-
glas's counsel (W. SCOTT). Her mistress's bell rung (FIELDING).
Your Grace's name is the best protection this play can hope for
(Rows). Thus Wallace's party grow daily stronger (W. SCOTT);
and passages from poets: Sighing for Phillis's or Cloe's pity (RowE).
Just sense and sober piety still dictate The Countess's command.
With truth I say it (H. WALPOLE). Man, who rejoices in our
sex's weakness (Rows). According to the Church's rev'rend rite
(ID.). Inheriting a princess name and riches (L. BYRON). Nor
was it my intention To wound your Reverence's saint-like organs
(H. WALPOLE). Here certainly also occur instances, where no
full syllable in verse arises: At every hazard; and if Venice's Doge
&c. (L. BYRON Mar. Faliero I, p. 25. ed. Tauch.).
The Old-English early transferred the genitive termination es
(is, ys), sometimes even a simple s after consonants, to all sub-
stantives in the genitive of the singular, although at first more
rarely to ferninines: Alias, myn hertes queen! (Anglosaxon heorte,
-an Fern., cor [CHAUCER v. 2777.]). As the berstles of a sowes
eeres (Anglosaxon sugu, -e fern., sus, perhaps sug, -es, n. [IB.
v. 558.]). That knew this worldes transmutacioun (Anglosaxon
veorold, -e fern., mundus [IB. v. 2841.]). And at the kinges modres
court he light (Anglosaxon modor, gen. the same mater [IB. v.
5206.]). His sistars son was he (Anglosaxon sveostor, gen. the
same soror (PERCY Rel. p. 4. II.]). Seynte Anne oure Ladyes
modre (Anglosaxon hlaefdige, -an, domina [MAUNDEV. p. 15.]). In
Hermingildes chambre whil sche slepte (CHAUCER v. 5015.). And
by Custaunces mediacioun (IB. v. 5104.). The images hond (MAUN-
16*
244 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 11.
DEV. p. 9.). Marthaes and Maries (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 217.). But
genitives without s, not merely of the feminine gender are often
found also earlier and later: Ys broper dep. (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER
1. p. 121.). To Dauid kyndom (IB. p. 9.). pe queue fader (IB.
p. 26.). pe entrede in at Temse moup (IB. p. 47.). pi kynde lond
(IB. p. 85.). For Marie love (IB. p. 28.) Thrugh Adam syn and
Eve foly (TOWNELEY MYST. p. 160.). His fader wille thou must
nedes wyrk (IB. 167.). My fader ordynance thus it is (IBID).
The masculines and generally proper names in s frequently remain
unchanged in the genitive, as in Chaucer: markis, Sathanas,
Peneus, Theseus, Melibeus, Ceres, Yenus, although also
markeses, Peneuses, Cereses &c. occur; so too ferninines in
ce: Sith the pestilence time (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 6.); still in Skel-
ton: in Magnyfycence syght (I, 268.). Even other feminines are
also found sometimes late without the sign of the genitive: For
my fansy sake (SKELTON I, 261.) The not denoting the genitive
of words in s is termed very common even in the seventeenth
century, as in Priamus daughter, Venus temple &c. The
genitive termination es is familiar, along with the mere s, down
to the sixteenth century: In wedlockes sacred state (JOCASTA, 1566).
Wisedomes sage aduise (IB.). My ladyes grace (SKELTON I. p. 36.).
Goddes passion (A new Enterlude called THERSYTES). A mannes
mighte (IB.).
Another sort of absence of mark of the genitive relation, not
properly concerning the doctrine of forms, is the employment of
the uninflected case after substantives which operate like prepo-
sitions, either with or without attributive determinations: He has
left you all his walks on this side Tiber (SHAKSPEARE Jul. C.).
That all was over on this side the tomb (L. BYRON). Leaving
Cornorn on the other side the river (LADY MONTAGUE). Thus po-
pular speech uses 'on board a ship' instead of 'on board of a ship'
and the like. Of yet another kind is the transition from the
genitive relation into that loose combination of substantives, wherein
the preceding one operates as the determining word of a com-
pound: Hard by, at street end (SHAKSPEARE Merry Wiv. 4, 2.).
Thou com'st from Jersey meadows (BRYANT).
b) The inflection s is also transferred to the genitive of the plural,
without distinction of the original declension or gender of the
substantives. After the Anglosaxon plural inflection had ceased
to enter into the genitive in Old-English, so far as this could be
the reason for a distinction from the nominative, the genitive
generally was left uninflected, but soon gave to those plurals not
ending in es in the nominative the inflection of the genitive sin-
gular. Modern-English in point of fact also leaves the genitive
plural in s without inflection, but adds the mark of elision,
as if an s were wanting. The seventeenth century, inversely,
mostly put a mark of elision before the s, which modern copies
commonly transpose according to the modern fashion. Instances:
And with the brands we'll fire the traitors' houses (SHAKSPEARE
Jul. C.). That dawn never beam'd on your forefathers' eye (W.
SCOTT). These happy masks, that kiss fair ladies' brows (SflAK-
/. The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. I, Substantive. Formation of the Genitive. 245
SPEARE R. and J.); on the other hand according to John Wallis
(sec. XVII): the Lord's House = the House of Lords; the Com-
mons House = the House of Commons, whereby he adds, that the
fundamental forms are: the Lords's House, the Commons's House.
The complete absence of the mark of elision has moreover not /
yet quite ceased: Who was the cause of a long ten years war? \
(OTWAY). They passed this way ! I hear their horses hoofs (LONG-
FELLOW).
Plural forms without s adopt completely the genitive form of the
singular: Young men's love then lies Not truly in their hearts
but in their eyes (SHAKSPEARE R. and J.). The white hands of
gentlemen's daughters (W. IRVING). More than a hundred children's
children rode on his knee (LONGFELLOW).
Adjectives used as subjectives, adopting no s in the nomina-
tive of the plural, sound in the genitive of the plural, as in those
of the singular: The poor's rate obliges us to give so much charity
(FIELDING). We may take forms of this sort for collective sin-
gulars.
Occasionally other parts of speech used as substantives, which
in themselves, we must take to be plurals, also receive this s:
A mark'd man to the Forty's inquisition (L. BYRON Mar. Faliero).
Let it live on . . till the hour of nature's summons, but the Ten's
is quicker (IB.).
Old -English still sometimes used the termination ene, cor-
responding to the Anglosaxon weak genitive termination ena, which
was also frequently found in the strong form of declension, and
Jewene joye (IB. p. 384.), But the usage was soon adopted of
employing the plural form in es (s) and to let the genitive rela-
tion be inferred solely from the position of the substantive: Of
whom the book of fadres lyfes spekethe (MAUNDEV. p. 79.). Thei
ben now in paynemes and Sarazines honds (IB.). On the olif antes
bakkes (ID. p. 191.). Cristes lore, and his apostles twelve, He
taught (CHAUCER v. 529.). The plurals in en were also treated
so: With gode men almesdede (DAME SIRIZ p. 7.). Judas he japed
With Jewen silver (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 19.); but the transfer of
the singular es to such forms is old : Ye . . Rende mennes clothes
(PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 13.). And putte it in to Cristene mennes
hondes (MAUNDEV. p. 104.).
Peculiarities in the use of genitive forms.
a) So far as attributive determinations, preceding a substantive in
the genitive, are wholely incapable of inflection, of course the
substantive alone receives the sign of the case : By the blue lake's
silver beach (LONGFELLOW).
If substantives to be taken attributively precede a substantive,
Modern-English likewise inflects only the substantive determined
by them. The most frequent case of this sort is the determina-
tion of a proper name by preceding proper names or names of
246 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part L Sect. II.
kinds: After Edward Bruce 's dead (W. SCOTT). I am sir John
Falsta/'s (SHAKSPEARE Merry Wiv.). So perish all Queen Eliza-
beth's enemies! (ROBERTSON). Is this the tenant Gottlieb's farm?
(LONGFELLOW). Like god Bel's priests (SHAKSPEARE Much Ado
ab. Noth.). Of Amanda our friend Loveless' s wife (SHERIDAN).
The outside of doctor Belioso's house (J. COBB). He bears a most
religious reverence To his dead master Edward's royal memory
(Rows). In a conversation at dinner, at your cousin Campbell Mc
Kenzie's (MACKLIN). — This was common even in Old-English:
The desertes of Prestre Johnes Lordschipe (MAUNDEV. p. 122.).
By king Henries day (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER 2. p. 532.). Yet not
the proper name, but the name of the kind was inflected: pe
emperoures August (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER 1. p. 61.), especially
where another name of a kind came between the proper name
and the name of the kind: Harald, pe kynges sone Knout (ID. 1.
324.). That our kinges moder Henri was (ID. 2. p. 530.).
A name of a kind may also precede a name of a kind as an
attributive determination, when the same inflection of the last
takes place: To his, the tyrant husband's reign succeeds (RowE).
His brother pirate's hand he wrung (L. BYRON).
b) If a genitive substantive is followed by a determination consisting
of a preposition with a substantive, the substantive with its
determination is taken as a whole to whose last substantive con-
stituent the s of the genitive is added: The king of Great Bri-
tain's dominions (MURR\Y). The Count of Lara's blood is on thy
hands (LONGFELLOW). Here are some fine villas, particularly the
late prince of Liechtenstein's (LADY MONTAGUE), A field of battle's
ghastly wilderness (L. BYRON). Do my eyes deceive me, or have
the enemy besieged my father-in-law's house? (J. COBB.). — Old
English deviated frequently herefrom, in so far as it could insert
between the genitive and its further determination the substantive
to which the genitive was referred. In this case the preceding
substantive received the sign of the genitive: The kinges soster
of Spaine (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER 2. p. 532.). The erle's sone of
Gloucestre (IB. p. 530.).
c) If a substantive apposition follows a substantive, the termination
of the genitive is commonly given to the apposition, unless it is
separated from its substantive by the substantive to which the
genitive is referred: St. John the Evangelist's day, John the Bap-
tist's head &c.; and so too with proper names with appositions,
as: "William the Conqueror &c. Weeping again the king, my father's
wreck (SHAKSPEARE Temp.) Forgiveness of the queen, my sister's
wrongs (L. BYRON Sardanap.). I was yesterday at Count Schon-
brunn, the vice-chancellor's garden (LADY MONTAGUE). On the con-
trary: For the queen's sake, his sister (L. BYRON Sardanap.). It
is Othello's pleasure, our noble and valiant general (SHAKSPEARE
Oth.). Compare Old-English: In Piers berne the Plowman (PiERS
PLOUGHM. p. 417.).
This rule is, however, often departed from in common life, and
grammarians permit, for instance, to say: I left the parcel at Mr.
/. The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. I. Substantive. Use of the Genitive. 247
Johnson's, the bookseller, as at Mr. Johnson, the bookseller's (CROM-
BIE); others do not even acknowledge the latter to be right. Com-
pare Guy's English Grammar: London 1833 p. 80. If the apposi-
tion following a proper name is more comprehensive, the former
appears indeed preferable: The Psalms are David's the king , priest
and prophet of the Jewish people (MURRAY). See Murray's Gram-
mar, revised by Herrig p. 122.
The double inflection of a substantive and the apposition at the
same time is rare: A small and old spaniel, which had been Don
Jose's, his father's (L. BYRON).
d) If more than one substantive stand in the genitive relation to
one and the same substantive, either only one, and that the last,
of the genitives assumes the inflectional mark, or all are equally
inflected. The last receives it, if all genitives are apprehended
as the totality of the subjects or individuals referred, whether they
are connected by a copulative or a disjunctive conjunction, or
are placed asyndetically beside each other. All are inflected, if
either the word of reference (in the plural), is referred distribu-
tively to the genitives, or if the genitives, in their common re-
ference to a substantive, must be thought as separate or as ap-
posed. The intention of making the single members of a totality
prominent likewise effects the repetition of the mark of inflection.
It is clear that play is given here to individual apprehension.
«) Nonrepetition of inflection: Keep your loialty, And live, your
king and country's best support (RowE J. Shore). Woman,
sense and nature's easy fool (IB.). In wonderworks of God and
nature's hand (L. BYRON). Dry den and JKowe's manner, Sir,
are quite out of fashion (GOLDSMITH). Oliver and Boyd's
printing-office (M' CULLOCH). And Otway, Raddiffe, Schiller,
Shakspeare's art Had stamp'd her image in me (that of Venice)
(L. BYRON). — When the contending nobles shook the land
with York and Lancaster's disputed sway (RowE J. Shore).
After a fortnight or three week's possession (GOLDSMITH). Whose
arch or pillar meets me in the face Titus or Trajan's1? (L.
BYRON).
/?) Repetition of inflection: That hereditary feud Between Valen-
tia's and Granada's kings (CONGREVE). Here repose Angela's,
Alfieri's bones, and his The starry Galileo (L. BYRON). Moun-
tains above, Earth's, Ocean's plain below (ID.). For honour's,
pride's, religion's, virtue's sake (ID.). Beyond or love's or
friendship's sacred band Beyond myself, I prize my native
land (RowE). They find themselves happy when they can
enjoy a pantomime, under the sanction of Johnson's or Shak-
speare's name (GOLDSMITH).
If articles precede the genitives, the inflection is likewise
repeated: The sage's and the poet's theme (ROGERS).
If other particles than and, or, come bet\veen the genitives,
the repetition of the inflection is likewise of course: He has
two sons, that were ordain'd to be As well his virtues' as his
fortunes' heirs (OTWAY). They are Thomas's as well as James's
iooks (GuY).
248 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
The gender of substantives.
Anglosaxon distinguished a threefold, Old-French a twofold gram-
matical gender of substantives; English has preserved the three gen-
ders, the masculine, the feminine and the neuter, mostly, however
with the obliteration of the differences of gender formerly fixed by
the verbal form or the usage of the language.
With, the abandonment of the differences of gender in the form
/ of the article, the adjective and the attributive pronoun, and with
the complete assimilation of the declension of all genders, the recol-
lection of the former grammatical gender must have been almost to-
tally lost. The language of common life and of poetry has partly
preserved the memory of them. The conception of the gender is
certainly hardly perceivable save through the personal pronouns
referred to a substantive (he, she, it &c.) and their possessive forms
(his, her, its &c.).
With few exceptions the language of conversation of the well-
educated and of common prose has returned to the natural distinc-
tions of sex in the determination of the gender of substantives. The
gender is expressed in a limited measure by substantive terminations.
Accordingly, substantives expressing male beings pass in general
as masculine; those expressing female beings, as feminine, so that
here only animal nature is considered. A few names of things are,
in the more general usage, masculine or feminine. All other substan-
tive are regarded as of the neuter gender; even animal beings, where
the regard to their natural gender retires, are treated as neuters.
Yet the common names of the different races of animals (nomina epi-
coena) are occasionally determined from other points of view.
Poetry and the more noble prose not rarely depart from, the
common mode, treating names of things as masculine or as feminine
substantives.
a) As regards the masculine and the feminine gender with reference
to their distinct forms, the natural distinction of sexes is expressed
in various ways.
1) This is done partly by words of different roots, or by words,
whose termination denoting gender has been effaced. They
originate mostly with the Anglosaxon, but partly from the Old-
French. The one form is exceptionally of Anglosaxou, the other
of Romance origin.
«) Here belong terms for men, as father (Anglosaxon fader);
mother (Anglosaxon modor); — brother (Anglosaxon broker);
sister (Anglosaxon sveostor); — son (Anglosaxon sunu); daugh-
ter (Anglosaxon dohter); -- uncle (Old-French uncle, oncle);
aunt (Old-French ante, Latin amita) ; — boy (Old-English boye,
boy [PIERS PLOUGIIM. p. 214 and 6.J, compare Swedish bof,
Lowdutch bow, spitzbow); — girl (Old-Engl. gerl, of both gen-
ders, compare the Lowdutch gor, unadult girl, small child, gore,
daughter); — bachelor (Old-French bacheler); — maid, maiden
(Anglosaxon magefrf., magden n.). — king (Anglosaxon cyning,
1. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. I. Substantive. Genders. 249
cyng); queen (Anglosaxou even, perhaps belonging to the same
root as cyning). — earl (Anglosaxon eorl, erl); countess (Old-
French contesse, cuntesse). — friar or monk (Old-French freire,
Anglosaxon munec, monc); nun (Anglosaxon nunne, Old-En-
glish nonne). — wizard (Old-French guiscart, guischart, from
the Old-norse viskr, sagax; the Anglosaxon vigelere and hveo-
lere, divinator, is, on the contrary, abandoned) in Lancashire
he- witch; witch (Anglosaxon vicce).
From the same stem with an obliterated derivation are:
nephew (Old-French nief, niez, nevod, neveu, Latin nepot-is,
compare Anglosaxon nefa); niece (French niece, Latin neptis).
Thus also sloven (compare Anglosaxon slav, piger); slat (com-
pare Dieffenbach G. Dictionary 2. p. 266), and lad (Old-En-
glish ladde, Old-Scottish laid, Anglosaxon leod, vir); lass Scot-
tish the same) seem to belong to the same stems.
A masculine has been formed upon an original feminine in:
widower (compare Middle-Highdutch witewaere, Old-Highdutch
witowo); widow (Anglosaxon viduve, vuduve, Latin vidua).
To other simple forms compounds stand opposed, as in:
man (Anglosaxon mann); woman (Anglosaxon vif man); whence
nobleman, gentleman &c. ; noblewoman, gentlewoman &c.; and
conversely in: husband (Anglosaxon husbonda); wife (Anglo-
saxon vif, n.); bridegroom (Anglosaxon brydguma, procus), yet
also groom alone and groomsman (LONGFELLOW); bride (An-
glosaxon bryd, uxor, sponsa, femina). — sir (Old-French sires,
sire); madam (ma dame).
Compounds stand opposed to other compounds in: lord
(Anglosaxon hlafveard, hlaford); lady (Anglosaxon hlafveardige,
hlsefdige). - - gaffer (not from the Anglosaxon gefadera, m.
patruelis, but from godfader), in Lincolnshire also gaff, god-
father, old man, grandfather, often in the address, neighbour,
friend; gammer (not from the Anglosaxon gemeder, f. commater,
but instead of godmodor), old woman, grandmother. Here also
belong: grandfather; grandmother. — grandson; granddaughter.
— grandsire; grandam, jocosely grannam, granny, grandmother;
whereas the simple sire; dam, mother are now only used poe-
tically of men, and the latter even with contempt. Both are
now used on the other hand of beasts, as, male (Old-English
maylle) and female (Old-English femaylle), where they are
used substantively.
/?) The names of beasts, coming into consideration here are of
Anglosaxon stem, and not numerous. They mostly belong to
mammals: ram (Anglosaxon ramm, aries, vervex), and wether
(Anglosaxon vefrer, aries, vervex) ; ewe (Anglosaxon eovu, eov).
- boar (Anglosaxon bar); sow (Anglosaxon sugu). - - bull
(Old-norse boli); cow (Anglosaxon cu). — bidlock (Anglosaxon
bulluca, m. vitulus), gelded bull, and steer (Anglosaxon steor,
juvencus), the same, likewise ox (Anglosaxon oxa, bos, taurus),
also a general name for neat cattle; heifer (Anglosaxon heah-
fore, heafre). — buck (Anglosaxon bucca); doe (Anglosaxon
da, dama). — dog (Old-norse doggr, m.), as the name of a
250 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
kind, to denote the masculine gender in compounds; bitch (An-
glosaxou bicce, canicula). — stallion (Old-French estalon), also
horse (Anglosaxon hors, n. equus) instead of stone-horse in:
to take horse = to be covered, as a mare; mare (Anglosaxon
merihe, mere, equa). — stag (Old-norse steggr, mas plurium
ferarum; the cock is also called stag in North-English) and
hart (Anglosaxon heorut, heort); hind (Anglosaxon hind), also
called roe (Anglosaxon rah, ra, caprea), yet this is also a
general name for stag; the male animal also roebuck. — colt
(Anglosaxon colt); filly (compare also fola, pullus, equuleus,
English foal; Old-Scottish fillok, Cymric ffilog).
Of birds there occur: drake (Old-norse andriki); duck (from
the verb duck, Lowdutch duken, Hollandish duiken; on the
Baltic [Warnemuende] the wild duck is called diiker; Swedish
Danish dukand). — cock (Anglosaxon cocc, coc); hen (Anglo-
saxon henn, gallina, compare hana, gallus). Of the same stem
are: gander (Anglosaxon gandra, m. anser; Old-English .also
gant: with a gose and a gant (SKELTON 1. p. 111.), Lowdutch
ganter and gante, gantje; goose (Auglosaxon gos). — ruff, the
cock bird of the fighting snipe has its name from its great ruff
(English ruff; Old -English ruff, rough: compare Old-norse
rufinn, hirsutus, Anglosaxon hreof, callosus and hreoh, hreov,
asper; the hooded pigeon is called in English ruff); reeve, the
hen bird (although without a ruff), seems formed after ruff.
Of other animals such different denominations hardly occur;
but of fishes: milter (Anglosaxon milte, otherwise named after
milk, Old-norse miolk, lactes piscium, compare Danish melke-
fisk; spawner (from English spawn; Old-English spane, com-
pare Anglosaxon spen, fibra; spon, Old-Highdutch span = cre-
mium, fomes &c., Old-norse sponn = ramentum ligni). Among
insects are distinguished : drone (Anglosaxon dran, drsen, Danish
drone), for the male of the bee; bee (Anglosaxou beo, f.) also
a general name, bee.
2) Not a small number of substantives distinguishes the female from
the male sex by a derivative termination.
«) Names of persons are here principally distinguished. Distinc-
tions like that of the Anglosaxon masculine and feminine sub-
stantives in Declension, for example: gat, -es, caper and
gat, -e, capra, were no longer possible; varieties of the no-
minative, as of those in a, m. and e, f. : maga -- mage,
cognatus, -a; ne'fa -- ne'fe, nepos, neptis, were like-
wise abolished by the treatment of the final vowels. The femi-
nine termination, by derivation by means of en (n): munec
— municen, mouachus, nonna; alf, elf — elfen, incubus, la-
mia; god — gyden, deus, -a; casere — casern, imperator,
iinperatrix, has scarcely been otherwise preserved than in the
name of an animal (see /* farther below). The derivative term-
ination estre, istre, developed into ere (English er), asinveb-
bere — vebbestre, textor, textrix; bacere — bacistre,
pistor, pistrix, is in great part abandoned, but has partly
passed over directly into the nominative and has even adopted
1. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. I. Substantive. Genders. 251
a new feminine form (see below). To distinguish the genders
therefore Romance derivative forms have therefore essentially
been chosen.
Of Anglosaxon terminations accordingly ster, Old -English
stere, are here seldom considered: spinner — spinster.
Old-English has several feminines in stere: bakstere; brewe-
stere (PIERS PLOUGHMAN); knitster is in use in the Devon
dialect. In Skelton tappyster (Anglosaxon tappestre, cau-
pona from m. tappere) is still a barmaid: A tappyster lyke
a lady bright (1, 239). Now the most of those remaining are
masculine, sometimes alongside of masculines in er, for in-
stance rhymer and rhyinster; weaver and webster; sin-
ger and songster &c. See, moreover, the doctrine of deriva-
tion.
Among Romance terminations is the feminine form ine,
ina, wherein the Latin, the French and the Germanic form
(ina, ine, in, compare rex — regina; Old-French roi, rei, rai
— ro'ine, re'ine, rai'ne; German markgraf — markgrafin) mingle:
czar — czarina; hero — heroine (French heroine, Greek
and Latin heroine); margrave — margravine; landgrave
— landgravine. Some of them have adopted other feminine
forms along with them. (See below.) Sultan — sultana rests
upon the Medieval -Latin sultanus, -a; infant -- infanta
upon the Spanish and Portugese infante, -ta.
The termination ess, Old-English esse, French esse has received
a wide diffusion, corresponding to the Latin issa, Greek 6<jacf,
inoct. It is also found in Anglosaxon in foreign words, as ab-
bad (od, ud) — abbudisse (abbas -- abbatissa). From
words in or and er arise the terminations oress and eress, cor-
responding to the French eresse (oresse), as from words in
tor and ter, the termination tress, which goes back to the French
trice, Latin trix, the last of which from substantives in lor
still often stands along with tress. The these are joined some
in dor and der with the termination dress. English here con-
founds Romance and Germanic words, regarding the termina-
tion ess in all forms as the homogeneous mark of the femi-
nine.
The termination ess is added to masculines in n ending in
a consonant (on, an, in, en, am): patron -- patroness;
baron — baroness; deacon — deaconess; champion
— championess; canon (Old-French canone, Modern-French
chanoine) — cano ness (French chanoinesse): sultan — sul-
taness, alongside of sultana; compare Old-English soudan —
soudannesse (CHAUCER); guardian — guardianess; dau-
phin — dauphiness; citizen — citizeness (rare); chief-
tain — chieftainess (Miss SEDGWICK); to substantives in t
(st, ni): poet — poetess (French poetesse), for which also
poetress occurs; prophet — prophetess (French prophe-
tesse); hermit -- hermitess; priest (Anglosaxon preost)
— priestess (compare the French pretresse) ; host — hostess
(French hotesse); count — countess (Old-French contesse,
252 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. 11.
cuntesse); viscount — viscountess; giant — giantess;
saint — saiutess (FISHER); regent — regentess (COT-
GRAVE). -- Irregular is here abbot — abbess according to
the French fashion (abbesse); in tyrant — tyranness (AKEN-
SIDE) the older masculine form tyran, as in anchoret — an-
choress the old masculine an ere, ancor (Anglosaxon ancor and
I (, ancra, solitarius, anachoreta) is the foundation.
A few other substantives ending in a consonant, but not
in the derivative terminations or and er belong here, as god
- goddess (compare French deesse, Anglosaxon gyden), Old-
English even goddesse (CHAUCER); chief — chief ess (CAR-
VER); herd - - herdess (BROWNE), Old-English hierdesse
(CHAUCER); shepherd — shepherdess; czar — czaress
alongside of czarina; peer -- peeress (French pairesse);
heir — • heiress. Some, ending in a mute e, are associated
with them; they take ess instead of e: advocate — advo-
catess; ogre -- ogress (from the French ogre, from the
Latin Orcus, whence the Anglosaxon ore = goblin); prince
— princess (French princesse); duke — duchess (Old-
English duchesse, Old-French ducesse, duchoise, ducheise);
Old-English constable — constablesse. Some substantives,
which in the masculine gender end in a vowel, annex the
feminine termination ess, to it: Jew — Jewess; Hebrew —
Hebrewess; hero — heroess (rarely alongside of heroine).
In negro — negress (French negresse, from negre) the o
(4 of the masculine is not regarded, as in votary — votaress
the y.
With the feminine formation of names of persons in or, er
those ending in tor, dor, as well as in ter, der, are to be
distinguished.
Those in or, er assume ess in the feminine, like those above
named, commonly without further change of form: author —
— authoress; mayor — mayoress; prior — prioress;
warrior — warriouresse in Spenser; tailor — tailoress;
archer — archeress; avenger — avengeress; peddler
— peddleress; farmer — farmeress; diviner — divi-
ner ess; Old-English has more of these forms, as charme-
*-'' resse, jangleresse &c.
Substantives in er-or, er-er, to which even some in ur-er
are joined, throw off their masculine termination or, er, before
the termination ess: conqueror — conqueress; adulterer
adulteress; murderer — murderess; sorcerer — sor-
ceress; caterer — cateress; fosterer — fostress; (B.
JONSON); procurer — procuress; treasurer — treasu-
ress. Even governor casts off or in governess; emperor
has empress (Old-English emperice, compare Old-French em-
( I pereres, empereor — empereris, empereis).
Masculine names of persons in tor, dor, ter (ster) der with
the assumption of the feminine termination ess usually cast out
the o or e preceding the r, ending therefore in tress and dress:
inventor — inventress; inheritor — inheritress; in-
1. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. 1. Substantive. Genders. 253
structor — instructress; emulator — emulatress; edi-
tor — editress; executor — executress; exactor —
exactress; actor — actress; auditor — auditress;
orator — oratress; mediator — mediatress; monitor
— monitress; nonienclator — nornenclatress; legis-
lator — legislatress; rector — rectress; preceptor
preceptress; proprietor — proprietress; protector
protectress; fautor — fautress; fornicator — forni-
catress; traitor — traitress; director — directress;
detractor — detractress; solicitor — solicitress;
suitor — suitress; spectator — spectatress; coadju-
tor — coadjutress; competitor — competitress; con-
ductor — conductress; creator — creatress and others;
enchanter — enchantress; arbiter — arbitress; mi-
nister — ministress; waiter — waitress (rare); chanter
— chantress; comforter — comfortress; hunter (An-
glosaxon hunta) — huntress, Old-English hunteresse (CHAU-
CER). To these words are added some original femiirfnes in
ster, now treated as masculines: seampster, sempster —
seamstress, sempstress (compare Anglosaxon seamere,
sartor — seamestre, sartrix); songster — songstress (com-
pare Anglosaxon sangere, cantor — sangestre, cantatrix); huck-
ster — huckstress (compare Danish hoker, Swedish hokare
— Danish hokerske, Swedish hokerska). -- Master has mi-
stress (Old-English maister — maistresse, Old-French maistre
maistresse).
embassador, ambassador — embassadress, ambas-
sadress; offender — offendress (SHAKSPEARE); founder
foundress; commander — commandress. Alongside of
the feminine launder (Old-English lavender, laundre in Pals-
grave, French lavendiere) a new feminine laundress has been
formed, which has been the occasion of the masculine laun-
derer.
Words in tor have - in part, along with the feminine tress
the Latin termination trix, as: inheritrix, executrix, ora-
trix, mediatrix, monitrix, rectrix, protectrix, spec-
tatrix; in part they have only the latter, as the less popular:
adjutor — adjutrix; administrator — administratrix;
arbitrator — arbitratrix; testator — testatrix and
some others. Some have even assumed the mere ess (there-
fore toress'), although they are wont to have the collateral form
tress: victor — victoress (SPENSER), victrice (B. JONS.)
and victress (SHAKSPEARE); elector — electoress, elec-
, tress; tutor — tutoress and tutress; doctor — docto-
ress, doctress.
A final t has been the occasion for the termination tress
instead of tess in: poet — poetress (see above), architect
— architectress. To neatherd the feminine neatress
has been formed (compare Anglosaxon geneat, bubulcus).
Marquis, marquess (Old-English markis, Old-French mar-
254 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part L Sect. II.
chis, markis) has the feminine marchioness (from the Me-
dieval-Latin marchio, Old-English markisesse (CHAUCER).
p) Names of beasts are rarely distinguished by a derivative ter-
mination.
The Anglosaxon feminine termination en has been preserved
in fox — vixen, (Anglosaxon fox — fixen, compare vulf —
vylpen).
Some have the feminine termination ess: lion — lioness,
tigre — tigress (French tigresse); imitations are hardly ven-
tured upon for other mammals. Of birds belongs here eagle
eagless.
3) The distinction of the male and the female sex by a formal
difference in the substantives does not go far enough for the
necessities of speech. There is a great number of them, even
among those capable of a feminine formation, which must be
regarded as double-gendered, even when having an originally
masculine derivative termination. Here belong, for example:
parent, child, cousin, servant, slave, neighbour, com-
panion, friend, enemy, favourite, darling, rival, heir
(she is heir of Naples [SHAKSPEARE TEMP.], orphan, thief,
fool, novice &c.; astronomer, painter, flatterer, weaver,
teacher, dancer &c.; apologist, botanist &c., as well as
the great number of names of beasts, and in general all substantives
denoting animal beings and not distinguished by their meanings
or by forms of gender. The gender of such words may be
known partly by a feminine proper name, partly by their refe-
rence to a personal or possessive pronoun, as in: The slave
loves her master (L. BYRON). She is a peasant (LONGFELLOW):
or the contrary to such a one: She loves her cousin; such a love
was deemed Incestuous (BRYANT). But if the object is to make
the natural gender perceivable by the substantive immediately,
this is done in various ways:
«) by union with a prefixed or suffixed substantive.
The sex of human beings is distinguished by man and maid
or woman: man-servant, maid-servant; maid-child (LE-
VITIC.), compare Anglosaxon mancild and maedencild, Old-En-
glish also knave child (CHAUCER), even man-midwife; ser-
vant-man, servant-maid; washer-woman. Words like:
kinsman, kinswoman; dustman, dustwoman; milk-
man, milk-maid, fish-wife, f ish- worn an &c., with which
moreover we may compare Anglosaxon compounds like : Isering-
mann, laeringmaeden ; discipulus, discipula, do not belong to
the same category, man, woman not standing to distinguish
the gender of their preceding determining word, that is, not
in direct relation to it. Sometimes such a determination of
sex stands withont a contrary, as fisherman.
To distinguish the sex of animals, in mammals dog and
bitch serve of the canine race; buck and doe of stags, rabbits
and hares; boar and sow of pigs; colt and filly of foals; some-
times sexual terms are denoted by human proper names, more
rarely by names of kinds of persons: dog-fox, bitch-fox;
L The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. 1. Substantive. Genders. 255
(by dog-ape a particular sort of ape is denoted); even the
masculine bee is called dog-bee (HALLIWELL s. v.); roebuck,
buck-goat, buck-rabbit, buck-hare, buck-coney; doe-
rabbit &c.; boar-pig, sow-pig; colt-foal, filly-foal; —
Jackass; Jennyass, Jinnyass; Tomcat; Tib-cat (Tibby
= Isabella); the northern dialects still have carl-cat, like the
Anglosaxon, which used carl (mas) and even (uxor) of mam-
mals and birds: carlcatt, catus; carlfugol, avis mas;
cvenfugol, avis femina. Maiden cat is also quoted for a
she-cat. She else commonly bears the pet-name puss, pussy.
Bird are sexually distinguished by cock and hen; cock-
sparrow, hen-sparrow; cock -partridge, hen-par-
tridge; peacock, peahen; turkey-cock, turkey-hen
(turkey alone denotes this animal). In gor-cock, gor-hen;
moor-cock, moor-hen, the sexual determination perhaps
takes place, but not in the direct relation.
fy by the prefixed adjectives male and female, which are referred
to mankind as well as to brutes, when however used as sub-
stantives not compounded, mostly of brutes : male- child, fe-
male-child; male-servant, female-servant; male des-
cendants, female descendants; female anchoret; male
cat, female cat; male fish, female fish; used as substan-
tives: the male of the roe; the female of the horse; the male
of the turkey; the female of the turkey. So the French use
male and femelle.
y) by the pronouns lie and she, which are prefixed to names of
brutes, more rarely of men: he-bear, she-bear; he-deer,
she-deer; he-goat, she-goat; he-animal; she-ass &c.
The more noble speech hardly uses these pronouns of men;
we find: she-neighbour, she-friend, she-slave (LADY
MONTAGUE), as well as she-devils (BULWER); in poets face-
tious expressions of this sort, as : Be brief, my good she Mer-
cury (SHAKSPEARE Merry Wives). She is otherwise, when, ad-
ded to names of persons, it operates as an expression of con-
tempt: The she-king, That less than woman (L. BYRON Sar-
danap.). The pardon'd slave of she Sardanapalus (IB.).
It is readily understood that there are also substantives, par-
ticularly names of persons, which can only be referred to the
one or the other natural sex, without particularly indicating
this by their form. Thus substantives pointing to activities
or qualities belonging only to men are of course of one gender,
as well as conversely those, relating to activities or qualities
pertaining only to the female sex. Compare: pope, pon-
tiff, parson, knight, champion, general, corporal,
Cyclops, Triton &c. with matron, virgin, courtesan,
concubine, muse, syren, Naiad, Nymph, Fury,houri
&c., the enumeration whereof has a mere lexicographical
interest.
For names of beasts which are comprehended under one
common grammatical gender, feminine or masculine, see
under b.
256 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
Names pf things are rarely regarded as masculine or feminine sub-
stantives in common speech and writing. Yet the sun (Anglosaxon
sunne, /em.) appears regularly, as even in Old-English sonne, sone
masculine, as in Gothic sunna, alongside of the feminine sunno, in
Old-Highdutch sunno alongside of sunna and sometimes Middle-High-
dutch sunne, although also feminine. The Old-French soleil, solol masc.
may here not have been without influence. There are however found
instances, even in Old-English, in which the sun appears feminine : And
lo! how the sonne gan louke Hire light in hirselve (PIERS PLOUGHM.
p. 384.)- The mone and the sterren with hire bereth the sonne bright
(WRIGHT Popul. Treatises on Science 1841. p. 132.). The moon, moon
(Anglosaxon mona, masc.') is regularly feminine in Modern-English, as
in Old-English, departing from all old-Germanic tongues, in Danish
maane is masculine and femmine4 in Middle-Highdutch mane rarely
feminine, in Hollandish maan has become feminine; the Old-French
lune may have cooperated here. The different names of ships are also,
at least in technical nautical language, treated as feminine, as ship
(Anglosaxon scip, neutr.}, vessel (Old-French vessel, veissiaus rnasc.),
boat (Auglosaxon bat, masc.'), brigantine, brig, frigate, three-
decker (fee., and even merchantman, Indiaman, man-of-war
&c., as ships, even when bearing a masculine proper name, are used
femininely; thus even in Shakspeare: Bring her to try with main course
(Temp. 1. 1.). Lay her ahold; lay her off (IB.). Where we, in all her
trim, freshly beheld our royal, good, and gallant ship (IB. 5, extr.) —
The stability of the ship, and the strength of her masts (CHAMBERS).
She was a small schooner, at anchor, with her broadside towards us
(W. IRVING) The Better ophon (ship of war) dropt her stern anchor in
the starboard bow of the Orient (SOUTHEY). The Majestic (ship of war),
Captain Westcott, got entangled . . but she swung clear (ID.). In Old-
English, at least in Chaucer, a ship bears a feminine name: His barge
yclepud was the Magdelayne (C. T. 412.); barge is certainly originally
feminine. In King Home 123. it is seemingly neutral: that ship,
yet that is not referred to neuters alone; compare on that other side
(CiiADCER C. T. 113.); that lusty sesoun of that May (IB. 2486.). Com-
pare also a place, in which the ship is masculine: And jif a schipp
passed be tho marches, that hadde outher iren bondes . . he scholde
ben perisscht (MAUNDBV. p. 163.), Outside of nautical language ship
passes moreover as a neuter; as a masculine it is also found with a
reference to a masculine denomination: Commodore also denotes the
convoy ship . . who carries a light in his top (MOORE Mariner's Yoca-
bulary). But the people apprehend inanimate things which they handle,
and with which they are familiar as objects of their predilection, as
feminine beings, for instance, the miller his mill. For the usage of
the nobler language see below.
b) The neuter gender comprises in general all lifeless objects, and
even animal beings, when considered without regard to their sex.
The language of poets and the nobler prose, even the language
of the people deviates from this; since, on the one hand, the do-
main of poetical and rhetorical personification has been little limi-
ted in the English tongue since its first development; on the
other hand, the recollection of the original gender of Anglosaxon
as well as of Romance forms has kept itself more or less obscure;
but poetry, as well as prose, frequently follows the more general
apprehension.
Concrete names of things stand here in the first rank: The sea
has its pearls, The heaven has its stars: But my heart . . has its
/. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. 1. The Substantive. Genders. 257
love (LONGFELLOW). Even abstract and collective terms are thus
considered: Clamorous labor Knocked with its hundred hands at
the golden gates of the morning (ID.). Humanity with all its
fears (ID.). The freighted vessels departed, Bearing a nation, with
all its household goods, into exile (ID.).
Names of beasts of all sorts are in a general sense treated as
neuters: The conductor of the elephant, who is usually mounted
on its neck (MAYOR). In its natural state the hedgehog is nocturnal,
remaining coiled up in its retreat by day (CHAMBERS). The brown
rat made its first appearance in Paris about the middle of the
eighteenth century (ID.). The domestic pigeon is wonderfully pro-
lific: it lays two eggs &c. (MAYOR). That bird is called the cross-
bill . . In the groves of pine it singeth Songs, like legends, strange
to hear (LONGFELLOW).
Even names of children, as child and, strange to say, even boy,
are regarded as neuters: 'This Fancy's child, and Folly is its fa-
ther (COTTON). A simple child . . What should it know of death?
(WORDSWORTH). She was always extravagantly fond of this boy,
and a most sensible, sweet tempered creature it is (FIELDING).
It is to be understood, that, with reference to the natural gender
the corresponding pronoun is referred to it: We shall behold our
child once more: She is not dead! (LONGFELLOW).
It is most remarkable, when beings conceived as feminine, as
the Hydra, are taken as neuter: You must strike, and suddenly,
Full to the Hydra's heart — its heads will follow (L. BYRON).
In Old-English the neuter of the pronoun (hit, it), to distinguish
which from the masculine in its possessive genitive (his) is cer-
tainly not possible, is already often transferred to names of things,
abstract nouns, and names of beasts of genders originally dif-
ferent : Thi lufty chere makes my hert glad, And many a time so
has it gart [made] (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 37.). Egeus That knew
this worldes transmutacioun, As he hadde seen it torne up and
down (CHAUCER 2840.). Theseus hath i-sent After a beer (An-
glosaxon bser fern.; feretrum), and it al overspradde With cloth
of golde (IB. 2872.). The long peper (Anglosaxon pipor, m.) co-
methe first . . and it is lyche the chattes of haselle (MAUNDEV.
p. 168.). But Cristes lore . . He taught, and ferst he folwed it
himselve (CHAUCER 529.). If that sche sawe a mous Caught in
a trappe, if it were deed or bledde (IB. 144.).
The departures from the more general processes just exhibited
deserve a more particular consideration, although giving little sup-
port to the establishment of a fixed rule. It is, however, not without
interest to pursue in their various classes the glimmerings of the
original genders of substantives now for the most part treated as
sexless from the more abstract manner of expression. The hitherto
deficient observation of the genders of substantives in popular dialects
would render the consideration of them more instructive
1) Names of beasts must in the first place be discriminated from
the rest of substantives. They often appear in poetry, and even
in prose, and in common life in the masculine or feminine gender,
if the general name of the beast is used to denote both natural
Matzner , engl. Gr. I.
258 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
genders (genus epicoenum). Here it is not alone the peculiarly
poetical manner of viewing, which attributes the masculine gender
to the strong or the powerful, the feminine to the smaller and
the lovely, but the Auglosaxon and Old-French gender is often
regarded. Even works upon natural history frequently retain
the masculine, less so the feminine names of beasts.
«) Mammals and reptiles are mostly assigned to the masculine
gender, as genus epicoenum, as in the Germanic tongues gene-
rally. Thus even the general beast (Old-French beste, f.) as
well as other original feminines, is early assimilated to the mas-
culine: The beast is laid down in his lair (COWPER). Old-En-
lish: And whan a beste is deed, he ne hath no peyne (CHAUCER
1321.). So commonly elephant (Latin elephas, Anglosaxon elp,
elpend, m.); elk (Old-norse elgr, m., Middle-Highdutch elch);
ape (Anglosaxon apa, m.); ass (Anglosaxon assa, m., -e, f.);
otter (Anglosaxon otor, ottyr, m.); lion (French m.); lamb (An-
glosaxon n.); rat (Anglosaxon rat, Old-Highdutch rato, m.);
even roe (Anglosaxon ra, f.) : Like the roe when he hears . . the
voice of the huntsman (LONGFELLOW); panther (Greek -Latin
panther, m., but Latin -era, French -ere, f.) : The forest's leap-
ing panther . . Shall yield his spotted hide (BRYANT); bison
French m., Old-Highdutch wisant, m.): In these plains The bison
feeds no more . . yet here I meet His ancient footprints (BRYANT);
beaver (Anglosaxon befer, m.); bear (Anglosaxon be'ra, m.); ba-
boon (Medieval-Latin baboynus, m., French babouin, m.); fox
(Anglosaxon m.); wolf (Anglosaxon vulf, m.); whale (Anglosaxon
hval, m.); tiger (Latin gen. comm. French m.); dog (Old-norse
doggr, m.) ; dormouse (see mus, f. ?) ; sloth (compare Anglosaxon
slav6v'=pigritia, f.): The sloth . . He lives upon the leaves . .
of trees (PERCIVAL) ; steed (Anglosaxon steda, m.); squirrel (Old-
French escurel, m.); sheep (Anglosaxon scaep, n.); calf (An-
glosaxon cealf, n.); catamount (wild cat, Anglosaxon catt, m.);
The . . catamount, that lies High in the boughs to watch his
prey (BRYANT); goat (Anglosaxon gat, es, m.); hors (Anglosaxon
n.); hyena (Latin French f.): I have seen the hyena's eyes of
flame And heard at my side his stealthy tread (BRYANT); —
asker, dialectically a lizard (from aftexe, with a masculine ter-
mination) ; lizard (French m.) : The lesarde . . sayd that he must
. . ley all in the dust (SKELTON 1, 365.); newt and eft (Anglo-
saxon efete, m.?); basilisk (0«oft/"xoc, m.); blindworm (Anglo-
saxon vurm, m.); although vorm itself is also sometimes femi-
nine; frog (Anglosaxon frocca, frogga, m.): The frog has changed
his yellow vest (Dr. JENNER); tortoise (compare French tortue,
f.); dragon (French m.); serpent (French m.); snake (Anglosaxon
snaca, m.); cayman (French caiman, m.); crocodile (xyoxcdukos,
m.); chameleon (Greek m.).
The feminine gender is rarely employed exclusively or chiefly.
Mouse (Anglosaxon mus, f.) remains also usually feminine as
a general name; hare (Anglosaxon hara, m.) as in the language
of hunters. So too mole is found (Old-norse moldvarpa, f.;
Hollandish mol, m.) : The mole 's a creature . . she digs i'th'dirt
/. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. A. The Substantive. Genders. 259
(A BOOK FOR BOYS &c. 1686. p. 26.), as mule (Anglosaxon
mul, m., French mule, f.). Deer (Anglosaxon deor, n.) is com-
monly masculine, but also feminine: Beneath a hill . . A deer
was wont to feed. She only came when on the cliffs The
evening moonlight lay (BRYANT). "We have moreover to notice
with the sexual term, whether in point of fact the genus epi-
coenum is before as, or one of the natural genders is to be
defined.
p) The names of birds not only present, in comparison with the
last class, as in the Germanic tongues generally, more feininines,
but the usage of the genus epicoenum fluctuates much between
both genders. A discrimination of the strong and great and
the weak and lovely is here scarcely considered, so that usage
seems to be without any sure support. Even the general names
bird (Anglosaxon bridd, m.) and fowl (Anglosaxon fugol, m.)
and those compounded therewith, are sometimes masculine, some-
times feminine in the genus epicoenum: The bird has sought
his tree (BRYANT); The mocking-bird . . Shook from his little
throat such floods of delirious music &c. (LONGFELLOW); As
the hunter's horn Doth scare the timid stag, or bark of hounds
The moor-fowl from his mate (ID.) ; and on the otherhand : The
wild beast from his cavern sprang, The wild bird from her grove
(WHITTIER); A bird Betrays her nest, by striving to conceal it
(L. BYRON); Bnt the sea/owl is gone to her nest (CowpER).
We find both among the larger fowls: eagle (French aigle, m.);
owl (Anglosaxon ule, f.); raven (Anglosaxon hrafen, m.); hawk
(Anglosaxon hafuc, m.) ; pelican (French m,) ; stork (Anglosaxon
store, m.); swan (Anglosaxon svan, m.); as well as among the
smaller ones: dove (Anglosaxon dufe, f.); lark (Anglosaxon la-
verce, f.); throstle (Anglosaxon prostle?); thrush (Anglosaxon pry-
see, m.); sparrow (Anglosaxon spearva, m.); starling, stare (An-
glosaxon star, m.); cuckoo (French coucou, m.); swallow (An-
glosaxon svaleve, f.); even nightingale (Anglosaxon nihtegale, f.)
and others, used masculinely and femininely: The royal eagle
draws his vig'rous young (THOMSON). Jealous as the eagle Of
her high aiery (L. BYRON). Mourn not for the owl, nor his
gloomy plight (BARRY CORNWALL). The moping owl does . .
complain Of such as . . Molest her ancient solitary reign (GRAY).
That raven . . Curse on his ill-betiding croak ! (GRAY). A thing
O'er which the raven flaps her funeral wing (L. BYRON). When
a hawk hits her prey (HALLIWELL s. v. ruff. cf. SKELTON 1, 157.).
Ask of the bleeding pelican why she Hath ripp'd her bosom?
(ID.). The swan . . rows her state with oary feet (MILTON).
The stock-dove . . cooes oft ceasing from his plaint (THOMSON).
A dove, sent forth . . to spy Green tree or ground, whereon
his foot may light (MILTON). To hear the lark begin his flight
(MILTON). The throstle with his note so true (SHAKSPEARE Mids.
N. Dr.). The threstyl with her warblyng, The starlyng with
her brabling (SKELTON 1, 65). And the night-sparrow trills
her song (BRYANT). The cuckoo returns from her flight (ANON.).
The swallow . . to build his hanging house Intent (THOMSON) &c.
17*
260 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 11.
Yet a number of names of birds are certainly used chiefly
masculinely, sometimes not according to their original gender;
among them the names of larger, but also many smaller birds :
ostrich (French autruche, f.) ; bittern (French butor, m.) ; vulture
(Lat. French m.); cormorant (French m.); heron (French m.);
kite (Anglosaxon cita, m.); rook (Anglosaxon roc, m.}-,jay (French
geai, m.); parrot (French perroquet, m.); — oriole (French
aureole, f.) : The oriole should build and tell His love-tale close
beside my cell (BRYANT); martlet, martinet (French martelet,
martinet, m.); redbreast, robin redbreast, robing finch, bullfinch
(Anglosaxon fine, m.) and others ; grouse (Cymric grugos, heath ;
grug-iar = grouse, heathcock) : The grouse that wears A sable
ruff around his mottled neck (BRYANT).
The boundary is here hard to determine. As feminines we
find: partridge (French perdrix, f.); philomel (Latin French f.);
turtle (Anglosaxon turtle, f.) and many others, especially small
birds: The white -winged plover wheels her sounding flight
(THOMSON). Far from her nest the lapwing cries away (SnAK-
SPEARE Com. of Err.). The mauys with her whystele (French
mauvis, m.) (SKELTON 1, 64.). The wren that dips her bill in
water (Anglosaxon vrenna, m.) (BRYANT), and many more, even
the fabulous phoenix (Latin m.) has been feminine from the most
ancient time.
y) The names of fish, of which in general only a few, and those
mostly the larger ones, have to be considered, incline towards
the masculine gender, as the general word fish (Anglosaxon
fisc, m.) may pass for masculine, although it is also used femi-
ninely: To see the fish Cut with her golden oars the silver
stream (SHAKSPEARE Much Ado ab. Noth). So too in other
Germanic tongues the larger and better known are mostly of
the masculine gender; in English they are termed by far the
most frequently neutrals (it). For instance, we find eel (An-
glosaxon sel, m.); pike (from the Anglosaxon pic = acicula, com-
pare French brochet, a spit, m.); pearch, perch (Latin perca, f.,
French perche, f., but Anglosaxon bears, m.); trout (French
truite, f., Anglosaxon truht, f., tructa); salmon (French saumon,
m., Latin salmo, m.); shark (Latin carcharus, Greek xap/apta;)
and some more.
<?) With regard to the names of low kinds of beasts, which are
wont to be defined as worms, insects and the like, the manner
of regarding them as a genus epicoenum is still more undecided,
and sexlessness frequent. Thus, for instance, worm (Anglosaxon
vurm, vyrm, m.) appears sometimes as a masculine, sometimes
feminine: The glow-worm lights his gem (THOMSON). Thou
dost teach the coral-worm To lay his mighty reefs (BRYANT).
Why ev'n the worm at last disdains her shattered cell (L. BY-
RON) ; like the bee, bee (Anglosaxon beo, f.) : The bee . . loads
yellow thighs For thee (BRYANT). The bee with honied
thigh, That at her flowery work doth sing (MILTON); and the
butterfly (Anglosaxon buttorfleoge, f.): The idle butterfly Should
rest him there (BRYANT); the emmet, ant (emmet, Anglosaxon
/. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. 1. Substantive. Genders. 261
semete, f.) and others. Yet others prefer the masculine gender
originally belonging to them, as beetle (Anglosaxon betel, m.);
spider (spinner); cricket (French criquet, m.); insect (French
m.); mosquito (Spanish m.); and even primitive feminines like
wasp (Anglosaxon vaps, vesp, f.); fly (Anglosaxon fleoge, f.);
snail (Anglosaxon snsegel, f.); of Crustacea shell-fish remains
masculine, as lobster (Anglosaxon loppestre, f.); oyster (French
huitre, f.) and others are becoming.
2) Other concrete names of things, which, alongside of their neuter
conception, appear in the masculine or the feminine gender, can
hardly be comprised under general points of view. It is fre-
quently arbitrary, and the occurrence of one gender alone is
hard to guarantee, but the original gender is often retained.
«) The names of the world, the heavenly bodies, the earth, and
the elements of its surface, are often masculine or feminine.
Chaos (Greek-Latin n., French m.) is of two genders; world
(Anglosaxon veorold, f.); nature (French f.); universe (French
m.) are feminine. Heaven (Anglosaxon heofon, m.) is sometimes
masculine, sometimes feminine, of the names of stars star (An-
glosaxon steorra, m.) remained commonly masculine, although
not without exception: Now the bright morning-star . . leads
with her The flowery May (MILTON) ; as also comet (Greek La-
tin m., French f.); feminine on the other hand planet (French
f.). For son and moon see above p. 248.
The earth, earth (Anglosaxon eordfe, f.) remained feminine,
as expressions for its surface remained or became, as plain
(French plaine, f.); vale, valley (French f.); soil (French sol,
seuil, m.); so too land and island (Anglosaxon land, n.): Never
shall the land forget How gushed the life-blood of her brave
(BRYANT). He arose To raise a language, and his land reclaim
From the dull yoke of her barbaric foes (L. BYRON). God bless
the seabeat island I And grant . . That charity and freedom
dwell . . upon her shore (WHITTIER); Old-English has treated
land also as masculine (ROB. OF GLOUCESTER 1, 1.). Country
also remains feminine (Old -French contreie, f.), as republic
Latin French f.) and nation (French f.), to which state (Latin
French m.) is joined: There you saved the state; then live to
save her still (L. BYRON). Conformably to these the proper
names of quarters of the world and countries, as, Europe,
Afric, Italy, Egypt, Albion, Russia, Poland, France, Spain &c.
are likewise feminine. The terms for towns are also feminine,
as, city (Old-French cite, f.); capital (French f.); to which castel
(French m.) is assimilated: And Belgium's capital had gather'd
then Her Beauty and her Chivalry (L. BYRON) and thence also
their proper names: Our late-burnt London, in apparel new,
Shook off her ashes (WALLER f 1687). Delphi, when her prie-
stess sung &c. (L. BYRON). I lived and toil'd a soldier and
a servant Of Venice and her people (ID.). Here Ehrenbreitstein
with her shatter'd wall (ID.). — Names of heights are mascu-
line, as, mountain (French f.); hill (Anglosaxon m.); peak (French
pic, m.), although proper names of mountains are often feminine
262 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
as Aetna, Jura, Ardennes : And still his honied wealth Hymettus
yields (L. BYRON). Vesuvius . . whose fount of fire, Outgush-
ing, drowned the cities on his steeps (BRYANT). Kearsage Lif-
ting his Titan forehead to the sun (WHITTIER). On the other
hand: And Jura answers, through her misty shroud, Back to
the joyous Alps, who call to her aloud (L. BYRON). And Ar-
dennes waves above them her green leaves (ID.). The desert is
masculine (French m.), and the meadow (Anglosaxon meadu,
m.); on the other hand the beach (?) is usually feminine.
The sea (Anglosaxon sse, m. and f.) has remained of two
genders, hence perhaps ocean (Greek Latin French m.), although
frequently masculine, is also used femininely, and even deep
(Anglosaxon deope, f. — mare profundum), mostly feminine, also
masculinely: When at thy call, Uprises the great deep and
throws himself Upon the Continent (BRYANT). Hence single
seas are sometimes masculine, sometimes feminine: Again the
Aegean . . Lulls his chafed breast from elemental war (L. BY-
RON), and: The spouseless Adriatic mourns her lord (ID.) The
lake (Anglosaxon lacu, ?, Modern-Highdutch die lache) is femi-
nine, as well as the wave (Anglosaxon vseg, m., compare woge,
f.); the drop (Anglosaxon clropa, m.) masculine: Like a drop
of water . . Who . . confounds himself (SIIAKSPEARE Com. of
Err.), as well as, the/ood (Anglosaxon flod, n. = flumen). Thus
too the river (French f.) is apprehended masculinely: The swel-
ling river, into his green gulfs . . Takes the redundant glory
(BRYANT), like the bay (French baie, f.): Where his willing
waves yon bright blue bay Sends up (ID.) and proper names
of rivers likewise mostly pass as masculine: Thames (Anglo-
saxon Temese, f.), the most loved of all the Ocean's sons By
his old sire, to his embraces runs (JoriN DENHAM f 1668). Nor
Ouse on his bosom their image receives (COWPER). Mid the
dark rocks that watch his bed Glitters the mighty Hudson
spread (BRYANT). Dark Guadiana rolls his power along In sul-
len billows (L. BYRON). Where the quick Shone has cleft his
way (ID.). Yet Lethe (MILTON), the English river Isis, the
Brenta (BYRON) and others are also found used femininely.
Localities of another sort are the grave (Anglosaxon graf,
n.), which has become feminine, as hell (Anglosaxon hell, f.)
has remained, while Tartarus has retained its masculine gender,
/s) Light, air, wind and appearances in the atmosphere are per-
sonified rhetorically : light, twilight (Auglosaxon leoht, lyht, n.),
have become feminine, dawn has continued so (Old-norse dagan
f.). The ray (Old -French rais, m.) remains masculine, and
the fire becomes so too, (Anglosaxon fyr, n.): Alone the fire
. . Gathers his annual harvest here (BRYANT). Air (French
m.) has become feminine; likewise the cloud (Anglosaxon clud,
m. = rupes) and welkin (Anglosaxon volcen, n.): By welkin and
her stars (SHAKSPEARE Merry Wives). On the other hand the
terms for winds have remained masculine: wind (Anglosaxon
vind, m.); storm (Anglosaxon m.): With thee on high the storm
has made his airy seat (BRYANT); zephyr (Latin French m.):
/. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. I. Substantive. Genders. 263
The zephyr stoops to freshen his wings (ID.); tornado (Spanish
m.): Till the strong tornado broke his way Through the gray
giants of the sylvan wild (ID.), as also gale (Old-norse gola, f.)
is found masculine. The name of the quarter of heaven put
in the place of the wind, north (Anglosaxon norfr, m.); east
(Anglosaxon m.), often retains its gender: And the loud north
again shall buffet the vexed forest in his rage (BRYANT); but not
without exception: When the recreant north has forgotten her
trust (WHITTIER). Thunder (Anglosaxon punor, m.) remains
masculine.
y) Plants and minerals often remain true to their original gender.
The names of trees, as tree (Anglosaxon treov, n.) even fluctuate.
"We find in the masculine oak (Anglosaxon ac, f.), elm (Anglo-
saxon m.) and elmtree, sumach, pine (Anglosaxon pinn, ?), tulip,
tuliptree (French tulipier, m.); but compare: The tuliptree . .
Opened . . her multitude of golden chalices (BRYANT); also al-
ley (French allee, f.) is masculine, whereas wood (Anglosaxon
vudu, m.) commonly appears as feminine. Other plants, espe-
cially flowering ones, mostly remain feminine, or pass into this
gender. Here belong ivy (Anglosaxon ing, m.), which however
is also found in the masculine : A dainty plant is the ivy green
. . of right choice food are his meals [DICKENS], vine (Anglo-
saxon vin , n.) , grape (French f.) , which also stands for the
plant; eglantine (French f.), viburnum (Latin n.): The viburnum
, . to the sun holds up Her circlet of green berries (BRYANT);
spice-bush (Medieval-Latin buscus, m.): The spice-bush lifts her
leafy lances (ID.); liverleaf (Anglosaxon leaf, n.); The liverleaf
put forth her sister blooms (ID.); mistletoe (Anglosaxon mistelta,
f.), rose, primrose (French rose, f.), lily (Anglosaxon lilje, f.),
which, however, is also masculine; lotus (Greek Latin m. and
f,): The lotus lifted her golden crown (LONGFELLOW); cowslip
(Anglosaxon lippa, m.), gentian [/lower] (Latin f.) &c. Among
the metals we find silver (Anglosaxon silfor, n.) left in the
feminine; among the precious stones ruby (French rubis, m.),
sapphire (French saphir, m.) in the masculine. Even dust (An-
glosaxon n.), is so met with.
rf) Among the members of the animal body the hand (Anglosaxon
f.) remains feminine, whereas the eye (Anglosaxon eage, n.):
Dark night that from the eye his function takes (SHAKSPEARE);
as well as the nose (Anglosaxon nasu, f.): Whenever the nose
put his spectacles on (COWPER), are used as masculines. The
heart (Anglosaxon heorte, f.) is, mostly in a figurative sense,
of two genders. The lap (Anglosaxon lappa, m.), strictly used
of the clothing, is feminine: The flowery lap of some vigorous
valley spread her store (MILTON).
*) Human works and tools are seldom considered. Of edifices
dome is masculine (French m.), tower fluctuates (French tour f.,
Anglosaxon torr, m.). The church, mostly in a transferred sense
(Anglosaxon cyrice, f.) remains feminine. Hammer (Anglosaxon
hamor, m.), and sword (Anglosaxon sveord, n.) are treated as
264 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Form. Part 1. Sect. 11.
masculines in poetry; the needle (Anglosaxon nsedl, f.), pin
(Anglosaxon pinn, ? = stylus) remains feminine. The bottle
(French bouteille, f.) is masculine in Shakspeare Temp. 2, 2.
f) Among fabulous beings sphinx (Greek Latin f.) has remained
feminine, nightmare (Anglosaxon maru, m.) has become so.
Fantom, phantom is, like the corresponding French word, mas-
culine.
3) Time and definite spaces of time for the most part persevere
in their original gender. Time (Anglosaxon tima, m.) is com-
monly, although not universally, masculine; likewise year (An-
glosaxon gear, n.), and day (Anglosaxon dag, m.). Of the Seasons
summer (Anglosaxon sumor, m.), winter (Anglosaxon vinter, n.),
automn (French automne, m. and f.) appear frequently, although
not always, masculine; compare: Who joys the mother Autumn's
bed to crown, And bids old Winter lay her honour down?
(YoiiNG.). Summer sheds for me her beams (MONTGOMERY);
whereas spring (Anglosaxon m., = fons) is usually taken as femi-
nine: When I . . saw . . the Spring Come forth her work of
gladness to contrive (L. BYRON). Among the months, April,
October and others remain masculine; May, on the other hand,
is found in the feminine : May with her cap crowned with roses
(LONGFELLOW). The times of the day mostly follow the old
gender: morning, after the feminine evening (Anglosaxon sefnung,
i., on the other hand aefen, m.), as morn (Anglosaxoii morgen,
m.): Morn . . Lifts up her purple wing (LONGFELLOW). The
meek-ey'd Morn . . mother of dews (MILTON), night (Anglosaxon
neaht, f.), midnight and hour (Old-French houre, f.) are feminine.
4) The wide domain of those abstract substantives, which do not
represent the corporeal, if they themselves denote processes in
outward nature, the expressions for states, feelings, affections,
activities and essences, which fall under mental intuition, offer
peculiar phenomena. At one time the feminine gender prepon-
derates in the treatment of them as sexual beings; at another,
the influence of the original gender operates with them, espe-
cially so far as it is characterised by perceptible terminations;
thirdly, the Romance, hence, the Latin determination of gender
is of preponderant influence in Modern-English, perhaps under
the operation of classic studies, whereas more latitude prevails
in Old-English. But even in Modern-English strict consistency is
not to be found.
r<) If, in the first place, we consider abstract terms according to
their sensuous terminations, the Romance stand in the first
rank as a foundation for the genders, whereas Germanic termi-
nations operate less universally.
1) Abstract terms in y (ry, ty, sy, ory &c.), corresponding to
French feminines in ie, e, oire &c., are used chiefly in the
feminine, as: astronomy, melancholy, modesty, poesy,
fancy, folly, philosophy, jealousy, sympathy, har-
mony; misery, luxury, penury, poetry, flattery, sla-
very, chivalry; — impiety, necessity, liberty, piety,
1. The Parts of Speech. A. The Aoun. I. Substantive. Genders. 265
pity, plenty, prosperity, beauty, vanity, duty, so-
ciety, cruelty, charity, chastity, humility; — me-
mory, victory, glory, history &c , also mercy (Old-French
mercit, mercis f.).
Exceptionally words of this sort pass over into the mascu-
line, as, industry, poverty, folly, tyranny, drudgery, jealousy,
conspiracy, knavery, hospitality &c., mostly, certainly, when the
image of the rough, untender or of masculine gravity inheres
in the word: All is the gift of Industry . . Pensive Winter,
cheer'd by him, Sits at the social fire (THOMSON). Here Folly
still his votaries inthralls (L. BYRON). Tyranny himself, Thy
enemy (BRYANT). But Jealousy has fled; his bars, his bolts
. . Have pass'd to darkness (L. BYRON). Knavery cannot . .
hide himself in such reverence (SHAKSPEARE Much Ado ab. N.).
Open-eyed conspiracy his time doth take (ID. Temp.). In that
mansion used to be freehearted Hospitality • His great fires up
the chimney roared (LONGFELLOW). This is often the case in
Old-English: Theologie Whan he this tale herde (Piious PLOUGH-
MAN p. 35.); even in Skelton: If liberte sholde lepe and renne
where he lyst (I. 230.). Fansy with his fonde consayte (= con-
ceit?) (I. 247.). Thus Young calls eternity the father of time:
Eternity his Sire (Night 2.).
Abstract terms in ion (tiori), on remain likewise inclined to
the feminine gender of their French termination (Lat. ion-em) :
opinion, oblivion, religion, decision, oppression,
passion, compassion, imagination, inspiration, in-
quisition, ambition, affection, presumption, fiction,
dissimulation, devotion, desolation, sedition, super-
stition, caution, consideration, corruption, creation;
— fashion (Old -French faceon, fachon = factio), reason,
treason (Old-F'rench traison = traditio) &c.
Substantives of this class are rarely used in the masculine
also, as, passion, contemplation, action and some others: In his
lair Fix'd Passion holds his breath (L. BYRON).
Abstract terms in ice (French ice, Latin itid) also remain
feminine, as avarice, justice, injustice; although Old-
English also occasionally treats thuse as masculine: Coveitise
(Old-French coveitise, convoitise, Latin, as if cupiditia) . . caste
how he myghte Overcome (PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 432.). Com-
pare also: Largesse is he that all prynces doth auaunce (SKEL-
TON I. 234.).
"Words in ic (French ique, f.) are likewise used femininely,
as magic, music, rhetoric &c. Yet logic commonly appears
in the masculine.
Words in ance and ence (French the same, Latin antia, en-
tia) likewise retain regularly the feminine gender: ignorance,
repentance, temperance, impertinence, impudence,
innocence, existence, penitence, pestilence, pa-
tience, prudence, benevolence, science &c.; to which
silence (Latin silentium) is added: Silence and Darkness,
solemn sister s\ (Yoi»NG N. 1.).
266 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms, Part I. Sect II.
Yet romance, prudence, vengeance, providence,
conscience and some others are also sometimes found
used in the masculine: This sir Prudence (SHAKSPEARE
Temp.). Young Romance raised his dreamy eyes (WHITTIER).
And then comes repentance, and with his bad legs falls (SHAK-
SPEARE Much Ado ab. Noth.).
Abstract terms in or, our retain in part the masculine gender
corresponding to the Latin, as error, terror, horror, ho-
nour, labour &c.; yet labour is also found feminine, and
thus commonly, following their French gender, languor,
splendor, and others.
Also those in ude (Latin udo) and ure (Latin ura) commonly
preserve the feminine gender, as lassitude, rectitude, for-
titude, servitude &c. scripture (as a concrete term), sculp-
ture &c. To the words in ure is also joined future (Latin
futurum): The cheerful future . . with all her promises and
smiles (BRYANT); as well as pleasure (French plaisir), whereas
leisure (French loisir) is found masculine: Leisure, That in
trim gardens takes his pleasure (MILTON).
Abstract terras in ment (French m.), few of which occur
determined as to gender, chiefly follow the masculine gender:
contentment, atonement, astonishment &c.; but they
also pass over into the feminine: Therefore . . descended the
Prince of Atonement . . aud she stands now . . and battles
with Sin (LONGFELLOW).
2) Also among the more sensuous Anglosaxon derivative termina-
tions some shew themselves effective.
Abstract substantives in ing (Anglosaxon ung, ing, f.) are
used in the feminine, as: understanding, learning, feel-
ing and some others: Why should feeling ever speak When
thou (Music) canst breathe her soul so well (Tn. MOORE).
Still more frequently occur substantives in ness (Anglosaxon
ness, niss, nyss &c., f.) as feminines, as madness, lewdness,
wilderness (concrete), darkness, sickness, conscious-
ness, gentleness, cheerfulness, happiness &c. yet they
partly oscillate. Compare: Where brooding darkness spreads
his jealous wings (MILTON) on the other hand: Silence and
Darkness, solemn sisters (YOUNG). Old-English: Falsnesse is
fayn of hire (sc. Mede), For he woot hire riche (PiERS PLOUGH-
MAN p. 32.).
The combination of the neuter with the feminine is striking
in: Not happiness itself makes good her name (YOUNG N.
Th. 1.).
The few words in dom (Anglosaxon dom, m.) and hood
(Anglosaxon had, m.) betray their original gender: Princely
wisdom, then, Dejects his watchful eye (THOMSON) Where
manhood, on the field of death, Strikes for his freedom (WHIT-
TIER). Yet freedom (perhaps on account of its affinity of
meaning with liberty) prefers the feminine gender: Thus Free-
dom now so seldom wakes, The only throb she gives Is . . To
show that still she lives (TH. MOORE). Where Freedom weeps
/. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. 1. Substantive. Gmders. 267
her children's fall (WHITTIER); so too in Byron and others.
Also wisdom is feminine: Wisdom, . . What is she, but the
means of Happiness? (YOUNG). The termination ship (Anglo-
saxon scipe, m.) so rarely of determinate gender, becomes
feminine in friendship: This carries Friendship to her noon-
tide point (YOUNG).
Substantives ending in the derived fh (Anglosaxon ft), many
whereof point to Anglosaxon feminines, and wherein the deri-
vation is still sensible, have retained pretty decidedly the
feminine gender, as wealth, health, truth, sloth, youth;
to which is also added the Romance faith: When wanton
wealth her mightiest deeds had done (L. BYRON). Sloth, drew
her pillow o'er her head (WHITTIER). Ere youth had lost her
face (L. BYRON). Faith, she herself from on high is descended
(LONGFELLOW). With a correct feeling the usage of the tongue
separates death (Anglosaxon deafr, in.) from the above words,
and uses it mostly in the masculine, as Milton, Young, Byron,
Longfellow &c., although it is sometimes taken as feminine;
compare : The painful family of Death more hideous than their
queen (GRAY). It is remarkable that the older language often
deviates with regard to those feminines: Truthe is therinne . •
he is fader of feith (PIERS PLOUPHM. p. 15.). Sleuthe . . An
hard assaut he made (p. 438.). Feith . . he fleigh aside (p. 351.).
Welthe . . wolde bere hymselfe to boJde (SKELTON I. 229.).
Sloth, as a concrete substantive, is masculine.
p) Abstract terms, which either have no derivative termination,
of in which it is no longer felt as such by linguistic conscious-
ness, or, finally, those whose derivative termination has no
definite gender, are still frequently used in poetry as masculine
or feminine. Many masculines and neuters pass over into the
feminine gender, a few feminines, on the contrary, are mascu-
line. Words of all three original genders are here and there
fluctuating. We cite examples, having regard to their original
gender, without respect to the distinctions of notion.
1) Anglosaxon masculines appear masculine: hunger, thirst,
sleep, dream (Anglosaxon dream, m., gaudium), anger (An-
glosaxon only an g-niss), fear, lust (Anglosaxon lust, m.; lyst,
f.), laughter, pride, the original neuter murder and the
undefineable in gender want (Old-norse vanta, deesse); like-
wise the Romance masculines: order, danger, character,
power, use, vice, commerce, spirit, sport (Old-French
deport, m.), despair (compare French desespoir). Examples:
Sleep give thee all his rest (SHAKSPEARE Mids. N. Dr.). And
let some strange mysterious dream Wave at his wings an airy
stream &c. (MILTON). Next Anger rushed, his eyes on fire
(COLLINS). First Fear, his hand, his skill to try, Amid the
chords bewildered laid (ir>.). Laughter, holding both his sides
(MILTON). Pride brandishes the favours he confers (YOUNG).
Wither'd murder, Alarum'd by his sentinel, the wolf (SHAK-
SPEARE Macb.). Power at thee has launched his bolts (BRYANT).
Grey-bearded Use . . Leaned on his staff and wept (WHITTIER).
268 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part L Sect. II.
Son of Eternity . . the Spirit Tugs at his chains (LONGFELLOW).
And Sport leapt up and seized his beechen spear (COLLINS).
With woeful measures wan Despair . . his grief beguiled (ID.).
Yet even here transitions into the feminine gender are found,
and we find, for instance: pride, fear, murder, power, vice,
commerce, spirit, despair often used in the feminine: Which
. . makes weariness forget his toil And fear her danger (L.
BYRON). But here, where Murder breathed her bloody steam
(ID ). Daughter of Jove, relentless Power (GRAY). Within
Avails Power dwelt amidst her passions (L. BYRON). Jbftce
that digs her own voluptuous tomb (ID.). When the trembling
spirit wings her flyght (ROGERS). Despair extends her raven
wing (THOMSON).
Among the original feminines, which become masculine, are
the Anglosaxon heat, love (perhaps not without the influence
of the personification of love) care, war, the Romance fraud.
Instances: Tyrant Heat . . his burning influence darts On man
&c. (THOMSON). Love has no gift so grateful as his wings
(L. BYRON). Ere War uprose in his volcanic rage (L. BYRON).
And War shall lay his pomp away (BRYANT). Fraud from his
secret chambers fled (WHITTIER).
Here and their we find the feminine gender, as, for instance,
of war.
2) A number of Anglosaxon feminines commonly remain feminine,
as, mind (Anglosaxon n. and f., Old-norse f.), law, rest, sin,
sorrow, soul and especially Romance ones, as, revenge,
rage, peace, pain, prayer, fame, form, fortune, mis-
fortune, virtue, trade (?), disease (Old-French desaise),
joy, concord, discord, quiet (Old -French quiete) and
others. The transition into the masculine gender is here a
rarer exception, although it occurs. Compare: The mighty
Mind) that son of Heav'n (YOUNG). The eternal mind Who
veils his glory with the elements (BRYANT); as often in the
even in Anglosaxon double-gendered mind. Revenge impatient
rose . . He threw his blood-stained sword in thunder down
(COLLINS) Last came Joy's ecstatic trial: He . . First to the
lively pipe his hand addressed (ID.).
Some Anglosaxon neuters pass over into the feminine gender,
as, evil, life, wit, as well as some which might belong to
the masculine or neuter grammatical genus, as, thought,
wrong, and the masculine will, guilt, knowledge (Old-
norse kunnleiki, in.), hope, slumber and slaughter (?).
Still more numerous are the Romance masculines: art, ex-
ploit, repose, pardon, praise, fate, delight, sense,
strife, carnage, crime, habit &c. The adjectives used
as substantives ideal, ridicule, also words like havoc,
scorn and others. Instances: Then well may Life Put on
her plume (YOUNG). Hail, memory, hail! . . Thought and her
shadowy brood thy call obey (ROGERS). The mark where
wrong Aim'd with her poison'd arrows (L. BYRON). The ocean
has his chart, the stars their map, And knowledge spreads
/. The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. IL The Adjective. The Declension. 269
them on her ample lap (ID.). Hope . . Does what she can
(LONGFELLOW). Pardon, clad like a mother, gave you her
hand to kiss (ID.). Praise . . with her soft plume (YOUNG).
Accuse . . not thy fate — she may redeem thee still (L. BY-
RON). God hath yoked to guilt Her pale tormentor misery
(BRYANT"). And Havoc loathes so much the waste of time,
She scarce had left an uncommitted crime (L. BYRON).
The masculine gender appears to be here rare; compare:
Life mocks the idle hate Of his arch-enemy Death (BRYANT).
Old-English: Hope cam . . Ac whan he hadde sighte of that
segge (=man) (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 351.)
2. The Adjective.
The adjective, or word of quality, which expresses the quality
inherent in an object, solely in reposing upon a substantives into the
notion of which the quality is to be taken up, is for this reason both
thought in unity with its substantive as regards sex, and shares its
changing relations in the sentence. In the languages phonetically
more complete it has therefore terminations of gender, and also marks
of case, to express its unity with the substantive. Anglosaxon distin-
guished more or less distinctly three genders of the adjective, with
which the participle, as a verbal adjective, is also to be reckoned.
Old-French distinguished, at least partly, two genders by the termi-
nation. Anglosaxon distinguished a strong and a weak declension
of adjectives, whose cases certainly often coincided in point of form,
the comparative following however the weak declension only. Old-
French still distinguished in part the nominative of the singular and
of the plural from the oblique cases of the adjective. Modern-En-
glish has completely abandoned the distinction of gender, number
and case by terminations, with adjectives not used substantively.
If the nature or quality which the adjective expresses is attri-
buted absolutely to an object, the word of quality, as positive, stands
in its fundamental form. If, however, that quality is attributed to
one or several objects, by way of comparison, in a greater measure
than to one or several objects placed over against them, this greater
measure is expressed by the comparative of the word of quality, in
which case two spheres only of comparison are proposed, whether
the objects compared in quality belong to the same or to different
classes of things. If, finally, a quality common to all objects coming
under review is ascribed to one or to several of them in the greatest
measure, the adjective expresses this highest measure by the super-
lative. The comparative and the superlative need therefore a dif-
ferent form from the positive. The Anglosaxon distinguished them
by Suffixes, like the Latin; French, which lost the Latin suffixes
down to a few traces, distinguished them by the prefixed adverbs
plus, le plus. English combined both modes.'
270 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forma. Part 1. Sect. II.
Tho Declension of Adjectives
In Modern-Englisch the adjective, as such, appears always in
the same form: a virtuous man; a virtuous woman; virtuous men &c.
They rather look like vagabond gipsies, or stout beggars, than regular
troops (LADY MONTAGUE). Thus the adjective has become unknow-
able by its form. To this is to be ascribed the misunderstanding, by
which substantives, which often appear in a loose connection before
others as words of determination, are frequently cited at the same
time as adjectives in dictionaries, as, gold, silver, stone &c., al-
though it is a matter of course that substantives, in their effect as
words of determination, may express the same import as the adjec-
tive combined with the substantive. In iron (Anglosaxon subst. and
adject, isern, iren) the substantive certainly coincides in form with
the adjective.
Anglosaxon has bequeathed hardly a trace of its case termina-
tions even to Old-English. Here belongs, for instance: Dame, have
you godne dai! (DAME SIRIZ p. 7.). The Anglosaxon strong form
m. god, f. god (u), n. god has in the accus. sing. masc. godne.
To the weak form m. -a, f. -e, n. -e, gen &c. -an might i'th' olden
time (SHAKSPEARE Macb. 3, 4.) be referred, since there is no Anglo-
saxon aid en, but only aid, so that olden had developed itself out
of the cases. On the contrary an e, which seems to occur more
frequently with the feminine than with the masculine, has been pre-
served more obstinately in the adjective used in the plural, so that
we can see therein a mark of distinction of the two numbers. Com-
pare: God corn . . wateres he hap eke gode (Roe. OF GLOUCESTER
I. 1.); pe strengeste me (=men) (I. 111.); lawes he made ry^tuollere
and strongore pan er were (I. 266.). A sotil thing — the sotile craftes
(PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 294. 297.). In raggede clothes (p. 204.). Povere
men to fede (p. 273.). Of avarouse chapmen (p. 300.). 4 princi-
pally cytees (MAUND'EV. p. 27.). Many perilouse passages (IB.). Many
goude hylles and fayre (p. 127.). Into Cristene mennes handes (p. 104.).
This comes out especially, when adjectives are used as substantives:
Of alle manere of men, The meene and the riche (PIERS PLOUGHM.
p. 2.). Amonges povere and riche (p. 274. 278.). Whan thise wik-
kede wenten out (p. 22.). Oon of Godes chosene (p. 209.). We may
certainly consider this e as a remnant of the inflective termination,
which in the plural of the weak declension was -an, in the strong
-e, -e, -u.
Adjectives are in English, as in other tongues, also used as sub-
stantives. It is indebted for many adjectives used as substantives
even to the Anglosaxon, still more to the French. Yet on the whole,
among adjectives used as substantives only a small number assumes
also the form of inflection of the substantive.
a) To the adjectives used as substantives which adopt these inflec-
tive forms belong mostly Romance, fewer Germanic words. Here
belong :
«) those, which become personal names for a people, as Ionian,
Italian, Dorian, Spartan, German, Roman, Euro-
J. The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. 11 The Adjective. The Declension. 271
pean <&c. They are commonly already Romance or Latin
substantives. Words like Scot, Greek &c., although partly
occurring as adjectives, do not belong here as Anglosaxon sub-
stantives: Scott as (plur. tantum), Grec. Even Swiss is a
substantive.
Such as end in a sibilant or a hissing letter (also ese) do
not assume the plural s: the Irish, the English, the French,
the Dutch, the Portuguese, the Chinese, the Bengalese;
on the other hand Tunguses.
Words ending in sh and ch do not occur otherwise than
generalized with the article the, or universally negatived by
no (the Dutch; no Dutch).
Otherwise determined, or used predicatively, man in the
singular, men in the plural is annexed to them: an Irish-
man, these Englishmen, two Frenchmen; they are En-
lishmen.
£) Names of persons, denoting the members of a sect or party :
Christian, Presbyterian, Lutheran, Stoic, Cynic, Ja-
cobin &c. They have also mostly been taken from the Ro-
mance or Latin, as forms already used as substantives.
?) Names of persons of another sort are: impertinent, in-
curable, ignorant, ancient, modern, mortal, immor-
tal, native, noble, saint, sage, criminal &c.; which are
joined by a few Germanic ones, as, heathen, (Anglosaxon
hsefren, adj.), black, white. Latin comparatives also, as
inferior, superior, senior, junior, to which the Anglo-
saxon elder, better are added, and which we often meet
with in combination with my: my inferiors, my betters &c.;
but also otherwise : The juniors of their number (L. BYRON).
The elders of his own tribe (W. SCOTT). If many of these
words are found chiefly in the plural, the use of the singular
is not thereby excluded , which dictionaries therefore do
not hesitate to cite also as a substantive. But some are of
course limited to the plural, as commons, infernals and
others.
<?) Concrete and abstract names of things likewise occur in the
form of adjectives used as substantives, the latter indeed very
commonly in the plural, like the Latin neuters of adjectives:
eatables, drinkables, combustibles, materials, mer-
curials, pentecostals, vitals, substantials, valuables,
movables, woolens, as the plural often stands with a par-
ticular meaning alongside of the singular: green, greens;
white, whites; sweet, sweets = home-made wines, mo-
lasses &c. Of abstract nouns belong here the names of
sciences, as mathematics &c. (see p. 230.); universal s:
Universals have no real substance (LONGFELLOW); dialectically
dismals = melancholy feelings and others. Lexicography
has to bestow a particular notice upon words belonging here,
which withdraws them from grammatical rules.
b) The great number of adjectives, especially of the Anglosaxon
origin, as well as the participial forms, does not share the in-
272 Doctrine of the Word, — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
flective capacity of the above named. Anglosaxon declines them
in its own manner; the usage of the Old-English we have above
observed. English has at least refused them the plural termi-
nation.
«) Adjectives of this sort used as substantives seldom appear in
the singular as names of persons, as is often the case in Old-
English: The poore is but feeble (PIERS PLOUGIIM. p. 287.).
The poore is ay prest To plese the riche (IB.). In Modern-
English the positive sometimes, but especially the superlative,
is found thus used: None but the brave deserves the fair
(DRYDEN). And Work of wonders far the greatest, that thy
dearest far might bleed (YOUNG N. Th.). The great First-
Last (ID.).
In the plural this is common, and even where the adjective
used substantively does not appear as the subject of a plural
verb, we mostly have to take it as a plural: The poor of the
parish, who were ranged on benches in the aisles (W. IRVING).
Yet there is one, And he amongst the foremost in his power
(Rows). 0 ye deadl (Yoimo). There will a worse come in
his place (SHAKSPEARE). Yet for the foulest of the foul He
dies, Most joy'd, for the redeemed from deepest guilt (ID.).
Thy songs were made for the pure and free (TH. MOORE).
Upon the combination of the adjective with one see further
below.
/?) Even in the. sense of the Latin neuter the adjective used as
a substantive is employed in the singular: This my hand will
rather The multitudinous seas incarnadine Making the green
one red (SHAKSPEARE). Expose the vain of life (YOUNG). The
fathomless of thought divine (ID.). Nor that the worst (Io.).
Ambition makes my little less, Embitt'ring the possessed (ID.)
The adjective used substantively, incapable of the plural
formation with s, may however, assume the s of the genitive,
both in names of persons and in the neuter, although this
does not frequently happen. See p. 235. With the otherwise
uninflected comparative and superlative this could hardly be
the case.
The Comparison of the Adjective.
The denoting of the comparison of the adjective, that is, the
formation of the comparative and the superlative, happens in two
modes, the one answering to the Anglosaxon, the other to the Romance
mode. The one is effected through derivational terminations, the other
by the combination of the adverbs more and most with the positive,
a) The derivational terminations of the comparative and superla-
tive are er and est, which are joined to the positive: great,
greater, greatest. They correspond to the Anglosaxon termi-
nations ir (commonly er) and or for the comparative, ist (est)
and ost for the superlative, whose e and 6 however before the r
in the terminations -ra, -re, -re almost always, often also in the
1. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. II. Adjective. The Comparison. 273
superlative, was thrown off: heard: heardra, heardre, heardre;
durus: durior, durius; lang: lengra &c.; lougus: longior
&c.; on the other hand hefig: hefigera &c.; gravis: gravior
&c.; halig: haligosta &c.; sanctus: sanctissimus &c.; strang:
strengsta &c.; durus: durissimus &c.
Old-English still preserves remnants of the termination or, ost
alongside of er, est: po pis kyng Leir eldore was (Ron. OF GLOU-
CESTER I. 32.). pe stalwordore (191.). Lawes he made ry3tuollere
and strengore (266.). po was he & al hys gladdore (358.). pys
lond nede mot pe pouerore be (II 370). & so pe feblore were
(372.). pe jongost Cordeille (I. 29.). pe eldoste (105.). pe wy-
sost kyng (266.). The forms in o, alongside of which those in e
were of course constantly in use, were nevertheless soon completely
lost. Instead of the termination est, yst is also found: The man-
fullyste man (PERCY Rel. p. 3. II.).
With the English forms of comparison the vowel of the stem
remains unchanged: long, longer, longest. The Anglosaxon
here frequently let the modification of the vowel, known in High-
dutch as the Umlaut, and in Sanscrit as the guna, enter: strang
(strong): strengra, strangosta, strengsta; lang: lengra,
lengesta, lengsta; aid, eald: yldra; yldesta.
Old-English preserved traces of this for a long time: strong,
stronger strengere (MAUNDEV. p. 278.); strengore (RoB. OF
GLOUCESTER 1.266.); strongest (ID. 15.); strengeste (111.); thus
also we find lang, lenger, lengest, lengost, and others. Con-
nected with this is the shortening of long vowels of the positive,
which is not justified through the Anglosaxon, as swete: swet-
ter, swettest (Anglosaxon svet, svetra, svetesta); depe: dep-
per, deppest (Anglosaxon deop); grete: gretter, grettest
(Anglosaxon great); wide: widder, widdest (Anglosaxon vid);
forms which we frequently meet in Piers Ploughman, Maunde-
ville, Chaucer and others.
Modern-English has in the forms: old: elder, eldest, as well
as in better, best (pointing to a positive with a, Anglosaxon
betera, betsta), traces of the ancient vowel modification.
The changes which the English positive undergoes in the forms
of comparison, are essentially of graphical nature. Words ending
in a mute e lose it before er and est: polite, politer, poli-
test. This is also the case in adjectives ending in le with a
consonant preceding: able, abler, ablest. The same happens
if a vowel is followed by an e: true, truer, truest. If an ad-
jective ends in y with a consonant preceding it, y transmutes
itself into i: happy, happier,' happiest; not so in gay,
gayer, gayest. -- The simple consonant doubles itself after
a short vowel of the accented syllable: big, bigger, biggest;
hot, hotter, hottest. The same takes place also with / in
an unaccented syllable: cruel, crueller, cruellest (however
with an elided e before / only one /appears: cruel' st racks and
torments [OrwAY]); cheerful, cheerfuller, cheerfullest.
The Anglosaxon forms of comparison were early transferred to
Romance stems, and Old-English took no offence at the lenght
Matzner, eugl. Gr. I. 18
274 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
of the forms: pe noblest bacheler (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 30.).
feblore (II. 372.). pouerore (370.). Are no men avarouser than
hii (PIERS PLOUGHMAN p. 26.). The marveillouseste metels [Dream]
(p. 155.). Awntrouseste (plus avantoureux) (MoRTE ARTHURK in
HALLIWELL s. v.).
Modern-English also transfers these forms to Romance stems,
but, both in Anglosaxon and in Romance adjectives, has restricted
the use of them more and more from euphonic reasons, although,
even in prose no agreement obtains in the employment of them.
Modern- Grammarians allow the terminations of comparison to
h e following classes of adjectives:
«) to monosyllabic adjectives: poor, poorer, poorest; sweefc,
sweeter, sweetest; wise, wiser, wisest.
/s) to disyllabic ones, whose last syllable has the accent: gen-
teel, genteeler, genteelest; severe, severer, severest.
y) to disyllabic ones, ending with the glib syllable formed by
le with an initial consonant preceding it: able, abler, ab-
lest.
<?) to disyllabic ones, ending in y with a consonant preceding it :
worthy, worthier, worthiest; lovely, lovelier, love-
liest. Many of these adjectives are, by reason of their notion,
not easily susceptible of comparison, especially those with the
derivational termination y (Anglosaxon ?</), sofar as they refer
to materials, as balmy, skinny, woody, earthy &c.
We however permit those terminations also to other adjec-
tives whose forms of comparison cause no ill sound, which
certainly furnishes only an indefinite standard. But when JOHN-
SON completely excludes the participial terminations ing and ed,
the terminations ive, id, ent, ain, al, ate, ous, as well as those
in ful, less and some, which have properly arisen through composi-
tion, from this mode of comparison, he manifestly goes too far.
As regards the participial forms, the comparison of adjectives in
ing is confined to the Old-English fittingest (CHAUCER A. F. 551.);
and rarely appears with the moderns : the lastingst wine (HowELL
sec. XVII.); a cunninger animal (GOLDSMITH Vie. of W.); but is
not uncommonly in the mouth of the people. See DICKENS Master
Humphrey Clock 3, 73. Fiedler's Wissenschaftliche Grammatik
der englischen Sprache 1. p. 246. The comparison of those in
ed is familiar to Old-English : Bettre and blesseder (PiERS PLOUGH-
MAN p. 217.). The contree is the cur seder (p. 421.); and has
not become foreign to Modern - English : The damned1 st body
(SHAKSPEARE Meas. for Meas.). The wickedest caitiff (from Anglo-
saxon viccjan = veneficiis uti) (IB.). Matter, the ivicked'st offspring
of thy race (JOHN WILMOT f 1680). The wretched1 st of the'race
of man (from the Anglosaxon vreccan, persequi) (OTWAY); and
so with the people: tireder (HALLIWELL s. v.) &c.
Of others of the above cited adjective terminations may serve
as Modern-English examples: The solidest bodies (W. IRVING),
compare: The soueraynst things (SKELTON I. 38). — Nothing cer-
tainer (SHAKSPEARE Much Ado &c.); those compounded with some
and ful: The best and wholesom'st spirits of the night (SHAKSPEARE
/. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. II. Adjective. The Comparison. 275
Meas. for Meas.). The handsomest and genteelest footman (FIEL-
DING). The unhopefullest husband that I know (SHAKSPEARE Much
Ado &c.). The beautifullest race of people upon earth (SHERIDAN).
I yearn'd to know which one was faithfullest Of all this camp
includes (COLERIDGE). And be this peal its awfullest and last
sound (L. BYRON). The cellar's a cheer/utter place than the cell
(LONGFELLOW). In Old-English all such forms are used without
hesitancy.
Others also of the twosyllabled adjectives not named above
frequently form their degrees of comparison by derivational ter-
minations; thus adjectives in ow, el, il, er, ant, t (ct), st, even
threesyllabled ones in er-y: In a narrower sphere (L. BYRON).
And hollower grew The deep-worn path (BRYANT). Cruel 'st racks
(OTWAY). The cruellest mortification (GOLDSMITH). Their people's
civiller (BUTLER) ; especially frequent in er : Bitterer remembrances
£L. BYRON). In its tenderer hour (ID.). The proper'st observa-
tions (BUTLER). The properest means (GOLDSMITH). The sobe-
rest constitutions (FIELDING). With bitterest reproaches (CONGREVE).
'twixt bitterest foemen (L. BYRON). The tend'rest eloquence (Rows).
The cleverest man (LEWES). — A pleasanter tune (CAMPBELL).
The pleasanfst angling (SHAKSPEARE Much Ado &c.). One of
the pleasantest figures in German literature (LEWES). Silence is
the per/ectest herald of joy (SHAKSPEARE Much Ado &c.). Full
of reptiles, not less loathsome, though Their sting is honester (L.
BYRON). - - To find there is a slipperier step or two (ID).
The elision of the e in the superlative termination est is not
rare in verse.
It. will be understood with this mode of comparison that it is
now here absolutely necessary, but frequently yields to the second
mode (see b.).
Among the anomalous forms of comparison Modern -English
reckons :
«) those diverging in the vowel:
old; elder, eldest (Anglosaxon eald, aid; yldra, yldesta)
on account of the otherwise extinct vowel-modification. Beside
these forms stand the regular older, oldest. The Old-En-
glish has eldore, eldoste; eldere, eldeste; yet even early the
unmodified derivation is used: The oldest lady of hem alle
spak (CHAUCER 914.).
With the various forms in themselves of the same meaning dif-
ferences in usage are connected, which, however are not decisively
fixed. Elder, eldest commonly form an opposition to younger and
newer, but do not include the notion of old as of stricken in
years: Nothing! thou elder brother ev'en to Shade (JOHN WILMOT).
I have . . a son . . some years elder than this (SHAKSPEARE). In
the elder days of Art (LONGFELLOW). The faded fancies of an elder
world (ID.). My eldest daughter (GOLDSMITH), whereas older, oldest
frequently has in itself the meaning of age, of the no longer fresh,
new, therefore also occasionally that of maturity: I did not know
you. You look older (LONGFELLOW). He was the oldest monk of
all (ID.). One of the oldest of Prince John's followers (W. SCOTT).
With all the oldest and ablest critics (LONGFELLOW). The oldest as
18*
276 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 11.
well as the newest wine (ID.). But that this boundary is oversteped,
is proved by such passages as: Their brother . . proved that she
was two years older (BURNEY). The eldest, some five years older
(BULWER).
late, latter, last, alongside of later, latest (Anglosaxon
lat, latra, sup. latemesta; latost is only an adverbial form) of
which the latter forms may be regarded as the regular ones,
whereas in the former the vowel lengthened in English appears
sharpened again. Compare above the shortened Old-English
forms of comparison.
Even these are distinguished by usage, although likewise not with
decision; latter, last, stand analogously to the forms former, first,
whereas later, latest, signify degrees in time merely, the former
importing more the ordinal succession, the latter more the time
opposed to the early. Both may certainly, especially in the super-
lative, be readily interchanged with each other: The latter end of
his commonwealth forgets the beginning (SHAKSP. Temp.). I atn the
last that will last keep his oath (SHAKSP. Lnve's L. L.). Rienzi!
last of Romans (L. BYRON). The first, last, sole reward of so much
love! (ID.). The felon's latest breath Absolves the innocent man
who bears his crime (BRYANT). As my first glance Of love and
wonder was for thee, then take My latest look (L. BYRON). Then
turn we to her latest tribune's name (ID.).
/?) Forms of comparison which agree in meaning with a positive
of a different stem, while themselves having no formally cor-
responding positive:
good, — better, best (Anglosaxon god — betera, betra,
betesta, betsta).
The comparative form existing in Old-English bot, bette (Anglo-
saxon bett, bet) is an adverb.
evil, ill, bad, — worse, worst, Old-English werse ; werste,
werreste (Anglosaxon yfel, Old-norse illr -- vyrsa, vyrsesta,
virresta; bad, which is regarded as an English positive, dia-
lectically = sick, ill, perhaps belongs to the Anglosaxon bid-
dan, humi prosterni, whence bedd, lectus, and bedling, bad-
ling, effeminatus. Compare Dieffenbach's Worterbuch I. p. 282.).
In Old-English bad also forms degrees of comparison: to the bad-
der ende (CHAUCER 10538). Old-English has in a striking manner
a comparative werre, worre and war: Of thilke werre In whiche
none wot who hath the werre (GowER in HALLIWELL s. v.). The
world is much war than it woont (SPENSER). Even Old-Scottish
and dialectical in North-England, Lancashire and Scotland is war.
These forms correspond to that in use as a positive in Anglosaxon
veorr, veor, but which, according to the Old-norse comparative verri,
Danish vaerre, is itself originally a comparative. In the collateral
form worser a gemination of the comparative termination is con-
tained; compare the Old-Highdutch wirsiro. It is often found in
Shakspeare, Dryden and in dialects, and corresponds to the super-
lative vyrsesta, Old-Highduteh wirsist. The grammar of the seven-
teenth century cites it as regular along with worse; at present it
is noted as a barbarism.
much, (mickle), — more, most, Old-English mechel, mekil,
michel, mochel, muchel — more, mest, most (Anglosaxon mi-
1. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. II. Adjective. The Comparison. 277
eel, mycel, mucel — mara, msera, msesta; in English we also
regard many, Anglosaxon maneg, multus, as a positive).
The form mickle, in use in Shakspeare as still in the North of
England, Old-Scotch mekil, mikel, now rnuckle, niickle, has early
the abbreviated moche, muche, which also corresponds to the An-
glosaxon adverb micele, alongside of it. The meaning magnus in
relation to extension in space is still proper to the Old-English:
Inde the more (MAUNDEV. p. 50.). He is not mecheles more than
an egle (p. 48.). But the meaning multus soon preponderates.
The form mo, moo, moe, also ma, as well as Scottish, formerly
also used adjectively along with more, is the Anglosaxon adver-
bial form ma alongside of mare. It is early found frequently in
the plural or before substantives in the plural: Of him camen mo
generaciouns than of the othere (MAUNDEV. p. 222.); as well as later:
Many mo unto the nombre of ten thousande and moo (were slayne)
(CAXTON). Hence the grammarian Alexander Gil at the beginning
of the seventeenth century puts the forms of comparison: much,
more, most; many, mo, most together, as corresponding to
each other. See Mommsen's Romeo and Juliet p. 12. The age
after Spencer and Shakspeare gradually abandons this form.
little, — less, lesser; least, Old-English lite! — lasse,
las, lesse; leeste, thereafter also lest, Anglosaxoii lytel, litel
— lassa, lasta.
In Old-English the positive lite, lyte, is also found, as still in
Scottish and North-English, Anglosaxon lyt adverb and adjective;
also Hie, Danish lille, occurs still in Modern-English, as well as iu
northern dialects (HALLIWELL s. v.). The comparative lesser with
a geminated comparative termination is censured by grammarians,
but has become indigenous; it is chiefly limited to the meaning
smaller: The more my prayer, the lesser is my grace (SHAK-
SPEARE Mids. N. Dr.). It is the lesser blot (ID. Two G. of Ver.).
'The lesser lights', as opposed to the moon (DRAYTON). Things of
lesser dignity (L. BYRON). That less coincides with the adverbial
comparative, as least with the superlative (Anglosaxon las, last),
is a matter of course. Lesser is striking as an adverb in Shaks-
peare. See adverb. The adjective occurs at present as well as
formerly. Old English: Babyloyne the lesse (MAUNDEV. p. 42.). A
lasse fowel (PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 243.); Modern-English: How to name
the bigger light and how the less That burn by day and night
(SHAKSPEARE Temp.). — Dialects, besides the form lesser have
an other comparative lesserer and the superlatives lessest and les-
serest, for instance in Norfolk. Dialects also form regular degrees
of comparison from little: littler, littlest (compare Dialect, of Craven.
Lond. 1828. s. vv.) Shakspeare has littlest: Where love is great,
the littlest doubts are fear (HAMLET 3. 2.). In Old -English the
degrees of comparison are also expressed by rnin — minnist (Old-
norse minni = rninri, minor). TOWNELEY MYST. ^
. . further, furthest (Anglosaxon comparative furcTra, major,
along with the adverb furo^or, ulterius), allied with the adverb
forth, Anglosaxon forcF, are forms to which the degrees of
comparison belonging to the Anglosaxon adverb feorr, English
far — procul, perhaps on account of the nearly allied meaning,
are assimilated (Anglosaxon fyrre, feorrest), which in Old-
English sound as fer — ferre, ferrere — ferrest and there cor-
278 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
respond to the dere (dear) — derre, derrere — derrest. For
furthermost see further below.
Compare : Let us not leave them time for further council (L. BY-
RON). 'This the furthest hour of Assyria's years (ID.). Farther is
erroneously deemed a collateral form of further. These occur in
their nature also as adverbs, but are likewise adjectives : From the
farthest steep of India (SHAKSPEARE Mids. N. Dr.).
y) Here belongs also the positive arising from a comparative form,
with the degrees of comparison developed out of it.
near, — nearer, nearest, beside which next still stands
as a superlative, Old-English — nere, narre; narrest, beside
which the adverb mostly sounds ner, nar; whereas the other
forms also stand adverbially (DIALECT OF CRAVEN II. 3.);
Anglosaxon adject, comp. neara, nyra, superl. nyhsta, nexta.
These forms belong to the Anglosaxon neah — near, nyr, ner
— neahst, next, whence the originally adverbial nigh comes, to
which a comparative nigher (SMART Diet. s. v.) and a superlative
nighest is given (compare nighest-about = nearest way in northern
dialects). The Old-English nigh — nerre, nere — next corresponds
in form to the Old-English high, hie, hey — herre — hexte, An-
glosaxon heah — heahra, hearra — hehsta, as nigh — nigher —
nighest to the Modern-English high — higher — highest, for which
Old-English presents also heire — heiste.
<f) Finally the superlatives in most, Old- English m-est, m-yst,
are to be reckoned here, which originally correspond to the
Anglosaxon ones in (e)m-est. which point to a positive (e)ma,
which itself had a superlative character. In this superlative
even in Anglosaxon the termination mast, most is certainly
found along with mest. Anglosaxon medema, medemra, me-
demost, medemast — mediocris; Gothic innuma — Anglosaxon
innemest; Anglosaxon forma — formest, formest, fyrmest; An-
glosaxon hinduma, hindema - - Gothic hindumists; Gothic
aftuma — Anglosaxon aftemest, aftemost.
The termination mest has been in English gradually con-
founded with the adverb most, Anglosaxon msest. It was ap-
pended to comparative adjective forms, often of the same sound
as adverbs and prepositions, and containing a determination
of space (compare innermost), and therefore to the correspond-
ing adverbs positives were further annexed (compare high-
most), and by reckon of Anglosaxon forms, like suflmest (south-
most), which points to a positive suftema, also put to nouns
(compare topmost). In that was seen the particle, otherwise
prefixed to the positive, as the periphrasis of the superlative,
and the corresponding comparative in more was even formed
(compare the English adverb furthermore, Old-English forther-
more). Here belong the following, which occasionally offer
double forms for the same meaning.
foremost, the comparative to which former is still in use,
Old-English also the positive: forme — former (compare
formerwarde = vanguard. WEBER) — formest, foremest;
1. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. 11. Adjective. The Comparison. 279
Anglosaxon forma — comparative is wanting — formes ta, fyr-
mesta, primus.
Old-English: Adam oure forme father (CHAUCER Tale of Melib.);
still in Skelton: his forme foote (forefoot) (I. 385.)- Adam oure
foremest fader (MAUNDEV. p. 303.); and still in Skelton: That wonte
was to be formyst (I. 230.). The allied in sense first, primus, be-
longs to the Anglosaxon fyrra — fyrrest, fyrst, Old-norse fyrri —
fyrstr, prior, primus, which corresponds in sound with the Anglo-
saxon fyrre — feorrest, fyrrest, from feor, English far, yet related
to the Anglosaxon forma, belongs to for, Old-norse fyri. — First
and formest are often put together even in Old -English (PIERS
PLOUGHM. p. 403.).
hindmost and Undermost (Anglosaxon Mndema, hinduma, ul-
timus; compare hind-veard, posterus; Gothic hindumists; hin-
der is in the Anglosaxon an adverb and preposition, in English
an adjective).
Old-English also formed the superlative hinderest, like innerest,
overest, upperest, utterest.
inmost and innermost (Gothic innuma — Anglosaxon inne-
mesta; with it is found the Anglosaxon comparative innera and
superlative innosta). In English inner is in use as an adjec-
tive.
outmost and outermost (Anglosaxon utemest, to which the
adjective comparative utera, uttra belongs in meaning. The
adverb ut forms utor - - utemost, utemest). The adjective
outer still belongs to the English.
utmost and uttermost (Anglosaxon ytemesta, with which the
positive yte and the comparative ytra agree); the adjective
utter continues.
utmost is distinguished in usage from outmost in part by the
former's being more appropriated to the determination of degree,
the latter to the determination of space as such.
upmost^ uppermost and overmost (Anglosaxon is up, uppe only
an adverb, sursum; it borrowed its forms of comparison from
ufa, supra; ufor, yfemest. As an adjective the superlative
ufemesta, yfemesta along with the comparative ufora, ufera
was usual). In English the comparative upper is in use as
an adjective, over essentially as an adverb and preposition;
compare the Old-English overest alongside of upperest, see
above. Upmost is rare.
endmost (Anglosaxon is endemest [endemes?], to which ende-
mestness = extremitas as a substantive belongs, an adverb; it
is hardly a compound from ende-maest).
In Old-English a comparative form ender, endir, is found:
this ender dai = lately. See Halliwell s. v., to which endermost.
dialectically = undermost, is still in use.
midmost and middlemost, Anglosaxon medemosta, see above,
lies at the root of the former form; compare also the adjective
mid, me'd; the second leans upon the adjective middel —
midlesta.
280 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. 11.
aftermost (Anglosaxon aftemesta, aftemosta, to which aftera
as a positive, afterra as a comparative occur).
undermost (Anglosaxon under is a preposition; in English
under preserves essentially the nature of a preposition and
an adverb).
nethermost, in Scottish dialects nethmist, nedmist (Anglosaxon
nio^emesta, along with the comparative nicFera. neodera, whence
the English adjective nether).
lowermost, as the superlative of low — lower along with
lowest, without any Anglosaxon precedent, from the Old-norse
lag, locus depressus, compare lagreistr, humilis, English dialec-
tical loff, loffer.
hithermost (Anglosaxon hider, hue, adverb; a comparative
hiderer is cited). In English hither is also employed adject-
tively. A form thithermost over against it (Anglosaxon pider,
illuc) seems not to have been formed by the older language.
furthermost, is a collateral form of furthest (see above) beside
which the adverb furthermore still stands as a comparative.
The adverbial comparative, resting upon a misunderstanding of
most, is already old: Yit i-peynted was a litel forthermore. How
Atthalaunce huntyd the wilde bore (CHAUCER 2071.)- Chaucer has
Backirmore: Belle Dame sans Mercy 85. Dialectically we have bet-
termer, bettermest, uppermer, nighermer, lowermer, innermore and
many more.
highmost, Shakspeare has from high instead of highest; dia-
lectic in Yorkshire.
southmost (Anglosaxon suftmest, like vestmest); westmost is
also found in Rob. of Gloucester 1. 220. On the other hand
in English westernmost, northernmost, also southernmost are formed
out of the corresponding adjectives (Anglosaxon adj. vestern,
norcJern, suthern).
topmost (Anglosaxon top); weathermost = furthest to wind-
ward; sternmost = farthest astern, and more dialectically, are
formed out of substantives.
b) The periphrastic formation of the degrees of comparison is that
in which more and most with the positive serve to represent the
comparative and the superlative: frugal, more frugal, most
frugal. A sharp boundary is not to be drawn between the use
of derivative forms and the periphrastic formation, although mo-
nosyllabic adjectives commonly prefer derivative terminations.
Even with monosyllabic adjectives however the periphrastic com-
parison is frequent: Ingratitude, more strong than traitors arms
(SFIAKSPEARE Jul. C.). The silver swans her hapless fate bemoan
In notes more sad than when they sing their own (POPE). There
shall lie welcome thee . . With smiles more sweet Than when at
first he took thee by the hand (BRYANT). By accident most
strange (SHAKSPEARE Temp.). Most poor matters (IB.). 0, most
dear mistress! (IB.). To their most great and growing region
(L. BYRON). cTis but to feel that one most dear Grows needful
L The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. II. Adjective. The Comparison. 281
to the heart (TOWNSEND). The Majesty of the Most High Shall
overshadow thee (LONGFELLOW). With participles the periphrasis
is naturally preferred : His heart . . more bent to raise the wretched
than to rise (GOLDSMITH). Most damned Angelo! (SHAKSPEARE
Meas. for Meas.).
If one object is not compared with the other with regard to
equality, but rather one quality with the other, more in general
appears: Our authors make a doubt Whether he were more wise
or stout (BUTLER); yet even here the other mode of comparison,
especially before than, takes place: Your company is fa irer than
honest (SIIAKSPEARE Meas. for Meas.).
The periphrastic comparison is very old in English and runs
parallel with the other without visible distinction: Of fayrost
fourme & maners, & mest gentyl & fre (Roe. OF GLOUCESTER II.
420.). Man is hym moost lik and: And made man likkest (PiERS
PLOUGHMAN p. 161.). 0 Griffoun hathe the body more gret and
is more strong thanne 8 lyouns . .; and more gret and strongere,
than an 100 egles (MAUNDEV. p. 269.). Compare also: Upon a
lowly asse more white then snow; Yet she much ivhiter (SPENSER
p. 10. I.).
As with forms of comparison by derivative terminations a double
comparison occurs, a reduplication of the comparison by the com-
bination of more and most with a derived comparative and
superlative form takes place. Modern grammarians reject it. It
is very old and is frequently inoffensive in the written language
down to the seventeenth century: That lond is meche more hot-
^re- than it is here (MAUNDEV. p. 29.). Another sege more lowere
p. 217.). The most faires damyselles (p. 280.). Moost clennest
flessh of briddes (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 276.). I was more wr other
(SKELTON I. 146.). The yonge man is more folyssher (p. 200.).
He is more vahappyer (p. 20.); very common in Shakspeare: To
some more fitter place (Meas. for Meas.). Instruments of some
mare mightier member (IB.). I am more better than Prospero
(Temp.). His more braver daughter (IB.). More fairer than fair
(Love's L. L.). The most unkindest cut of all (Jul. C.). The
calmest and 'most stillest night (Henr. iv.). The longest night . .
and the most heaviest (Two Gentl. of Ver.) &c. The most straightest
sect of our religion (ACTS of the Ap. 26, 5.). The aim of the
reduplication was, as ever, strengthening. Ben Jonson deemed
such geminations to be English Atticisms. The warning of Mo-
dern-English grammarians against expressions of this sort proves
that they are still frequently in use in writing, although not in
literature, as they still abound in dialects.
To the comparison effected by more, most we may oppose
the reduction to a lower and lowest degree by Jess, least: Of
feelings fierier far but less severe (L. BYRON). Some less majestic,
less beloved head (ir>.). The tree of deepest root is found Least
willing still to quit the ground (MRS. THRALE). On loftiest and
least sheltered rocks (L. BYRON).
A strengthening of the comparative is brought about by ad-
verbs and adverbial determinations, as much, greatly, incomparably,
282 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. H.
yet, still, far, by far, a great deal &c. : Your hair has grown
much grayer (LONGFELLOW). England is greatly larger than Scot-
land (W. SCOTT). A living death And buried; but 0, yet more
miserable (MILTON). With arm stitt lustier (L. BYRON). Of feel-
ings fierier far (ID.). There are maidens in Scotland more lovely
by far (W. SCOTT) &c. Even the superlative is strengthened
adverbially: A self-mastery of the very highest kind (LEWES). Epa-
minondas was by far the most accomplished of the Thebaus (MUR-
RAY) &c.
The formerly widely diffused strengthening of the superlative
by composition with alder, aller, which is still met with in
Shakspeare in alderliefest (see above p. 176), has been aban-
doned. The same sense is effected, by annexing the positive with
a plural substantive, or even used as a substantive with of, to
the superlative, whereby, as by alder, the whole sphere of ho-
mogeneous objects is denoted. In poets this is not rare: Love-
liest of lovely things are they, On earth, that soonest pass away
(BRYANT). The bravest of the brave (L. BYRON). Well doth the
Spanish hind the difference know 'Twixt him and Lusian slave
the lowest of the low (ID.). Old-English: Fairest of fair e, o lady
myn Venus (CHAUCER 2223.). An other strengthening is the com-
bination of the superlative with the positive: My dearest-dear
Victorian (LONGFELLOW).
Many adjectives are, from their meaning, incapable of degrees
of comparison. Here belong all those, whose intensity is not
capable of a more or a less, especially those expressing definite
relations of time, space and number, as yearly, square,
second, or referring to material, possession or descent as woo-
den, paternal, French, as well as those, which by themselves
express the highest measure of the notion or negative determi-
nations, as infinite, eternal, immense, consummate, om-
nipotent, boundless &c. Yet here an abstract rule does not
suffice. The superlative, especially, of many words of this sort,
in spite of the censure of grammarians, is used to strengthen the
meaning conveyed by the positive, and even comparatives are
not wanting which seem to mock the literal conception. Com-
pare: A purpler beverage (L. BYRON). Once bloody mortals —
and now bloodier idols (ID.). . . Lest the dead under the sod,
In the land of strangers, should be lonely ! Ah me ! I think I am
lonelier here! (LONGFELLOW). — My chief est entertainment (SHE-
RIDAN). The grave shall bear the chief est prize away (L. BYRON),
The perfectest herald of joy (SHAKSPEARE Much Ado &c.). Hail!
divinest Melancholy! (MILTON). You divinest powers (OTWAY).
I am the falsest, veriest slave (ID.). I'm the veriest fool (LONG-
FELLOW). When deeds are wrought Which well might shame
extremest hell (WHITTIER). — I live and die unheard with a most
voiceless thought (L. BYRON). No discord in the three But the
most perfect harmony (LONGFELLOW); and in a descending scale
of comparison: The Roman friend of Rome's least mortal mind
(ID.). Nothing is more frequent than the employment of chief est,
extremest, which the narrowmindedness of grammarians rejects,
L The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. HI. The Numeral. 283
who rather have to comprehend the mode of viewing things, repre-
sented by the living language, than to fix limits to it.
The Modern-English adjective cheap, at the comparison of which
no one is now offended, is properly a substantive (Anglosaxon ceap,
pecus, pretium, negotium) and was originally compounded with great,
good, like bon marche; wherefore no comparison appeared in the
preceding adjective. Old-English: Thei ben there grettere cheep (MAUN-
DEV. p. 49.). Clothes . . ben gretter chep there (p. 233.). He made
of hem bettre cheep (p. 83.). Compare also good-cheap in Halliwell
s. v. Chief is indeed originally a substantive too, standing, however,
in a direct relation with another substantive.
3) The Numeral.
Next in order to the adjective comes the numeral, so far as it
gains, as a determination of magnitude, characterizing objects under
the point of view of their unity or multiplicity, the nature of a
qualifying word, and stands like the latter in formal relation to the
substantive.
English has adjective cardinal numerals, ordinal numerals
and numerals of multiplication. They are, almost without excep-
tion, of Anglosaxon origin.
a) The cardinal number serves to express Unity and the number
of units. In their older of succession they present themselves in
the following manner:
1. one, Anglosaxon an, Old-English one, oone, on, o, ane, a
&c. 2. two, Anglosaxon tvegen, tva, Old- English twey, tway,
tweie, tweine, two. 3. three, Anglosaxon pri, preo, Old-English
pre. 4. four, Anglosaxon feover, Old-English foure. 5. five, An-
glosaxon fif, Old-English five. 6. six, Anglosaxon six, Old-English
sixe, syxe. 7. seven, Anglosaxou seofon, Old-English seven. 8.
eight, Anglosaxon eahta, Old-English ei^te, &$, aughte. 9. nine,
Anglosaxon nigon, Old-English nyne, nine. 10. ten, Anglosaxon
ten, tin, tyn = tehon, Old-English tene. 11. eleve, Anglosaxon end-
lif, dative endlifum, endleofon, endlefen, Old-English endleue, el-
lene, endleuene. 12. twelve, Anglosaxon tvelf, Old-English tuelue,
twolf, twelf. 13. thirteen, Anglosaxon preotyne, Old-English prot-
tene, thretene. 14. fourteen, Anglosaxon feovertyne, Old-English
fowrtene, also fourte (WEBER). 15. fifteen, Anglosaxon fiftyne,
Old-English fiftene. 16. sixteen, Anglosaxon sixtyne, Old-English
sixtene. 17. seventeen, Anglosaxon seofontyne, Old English seven-
tene. 18. eighteen, Anglosaxon eahtatyne, Old-English eigtetene,
ayttene. 19. nineteen, Anglosaxon nigontyne, Old-English nyen-
tene. 20. twenty. Anglosaxon tventig, Old-English tuenty, tuenti.
21. &c. twenty-one, -two, -three &c. 30. thirty, Anglosaxon pritig,
prittig, Old-English pritty. 40. forty, Anglosaxon feovertig, Old-
English fowertie, fourty. 50. fifty, Anglosaxon fiftig, Old-English
fifty. 60. sixty, Anglosaxon sixtig, Old-English sixty. 70. seventy,
Anglosaxon seofontig, Old-English seventy. 80. eighty, Anglosaxon
eahtatig, Old-English eijtety. 90. ninety, Anglosaxon nigontig,
Old-English ninty. 100. (a, one) hundred, Anglosaxon hundred,
284 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. IL
hundrid = centuria, is a substantive. The cardinal number was
teontig and hund, Old-English hondred, hondrith. 1000. (a, one)
thousand, Anglosaxon pusend, Old-Engl.pousaud, pousant, thousend.
The higher numbers million, Old-English the same, billion^ tril-
lion &c. are borrowed from the French.
Compound numbers stand either in the additive relation, as
twenty-two, or in the multiplicative relation, as ten thousand.
In the additive relation the smaller number commonly stands
after the greater, whereas in the mnltiplicative the multiplier
stands before the multiplicand : twelve thousand twelve hun-
dred and twelve. The tens standing after thousands or hun-
dreds with their units or even units alone are connected by and:
three hundred and sixty-five; eight thousand and fourty &c. The
tens with the following units are commonly connected by a hyphen:
sixty- five, yet this is also omitted.
In the additive relation the units may also come before the tens,
in which case and is put betwixt both; here too hyphens either
stand or are absent: They have each of them received one-and-
twenty shillings (G. FARQUHAR). But six -and -fifty pounds (J.
VANBRUGH) Four and forty men of war . . were assembled in
the harbour (MACAULAY). If a greater number precedes the then,
this is not permitted. That manner is also commonly limited to
the numbers up to fifty inclusive. In Anglosaxon it was usual
with all tens, also after a preceding greater number: tva and
hundseofontig (=72) (Luc. 10, 1. 17.); nigon and hundnigontig
(= 99). Ceorles vergild is cc and vi and LX pryrnsa (= 266
Threepenny piece).
The Anglosaxon numbers teonting, enlufontig, tvelftig are
like huud (centumj, which was also superfluously united with
the numbers from seofontig — twelftig, have been abandoned;
yet the hundreds have not merely been numbered up to 900:
twelve thousand twelve hundred, and twelve, especially in the
numbers of years. In Old-English even twenty hundred, and
the like are found. Compare: Of fifteen hondrith . . Went away
but fifti and thre; Of twenty hondrith . . But even five and fifti
(PERCY Rel. p. 4. I.).
In the calculation of percentage cent stands for 100: five per
mtf = five in the hundred.
0 is expressed by cipher, cypher, zero, also by nought.
The numeration by scores (score, Anglosaxon scor, incisura,
numerus vicenarius), which was familiar to the Celts, and is still
in use in a limited measure in French (compare quatre-vingts,
six-vingts &c.), as well as in Danish (compare tresindstyve ab-
breviated from tres = 3 x 20 &c.) is still in usual, has established
itself since early times alongside of the common method of nume-
ration, although now in narrower bounds. Old-English: Four
hundred &c. four score (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 139.). Syxe score
paces (PERCY Rel. p. 46.). Twenty score paces (IB.). The sheriffe
with seven score men Fast after him is gone (p. 22 ). The gere
of oure lord a thousand thre hundred foure score and five (TRE-
YISA). Modern-English: They reign'd the monarchs of a score of
/. The Parts of Speech, A. The Noun. HI. The Numerals. 285
miles (H. WALPOLE). JSinescore and seventeen pounds (SiiAK-
SPEARE Meas. for M.). Sixty of my fourscore years (L. BYRON).
An old man of threescore (LONGFELLOW). Score was to the old
archers the expression for twenty yards; it now signifies in western
dialects twenty pounds else, generally the stairs. In Old-English
we even find twenty multiplied: In the date of oure Drighte . .
A thousand and thre hundred Twies twenty and ten (PiERS
PLOUGHM. p. 262.).
Two definite or already known objects are comprehended by
both; Anglosaxon m. begen, f. and n. ba (bu in compounds),
Old-norse m. bafrir, f. badar, n. baedi, compare Gothic bajops;
Old-English bey, beye along with bothe (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER),
also boo, bo; compare, from section the 15th: Into the dyche they
falleth bo, in two Mss. in Halliwell p. XXVI.; also beie and be-
then (IB. s. vv.): Old-English still used the genitive (Anglosaxon
bega, begea, begra): poru her beyre red (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER
I. 262.); which there after adopted the form botheres: Hir botheres
myghte (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 340.). Hir botheres right (p. 371.),
along with bother (HALLIWELL s. v.). The Anglosaxon compound
butvu, butu = both two, often appears in Old-English as bothe
two: We han the deth deserved bothe tuo (CHAUCER 1718). Sche
saugh hem bothe two (4298.). With bothe rnyn yen tuo (10259).
So too in Shakspeare: Neither of either; I remit both twain (Lo-
VE'S L. L. 5, 2.).
In Anglosaxon the numbers 1 — 4, 10 — 12, as well as the
round tens tventig &c. in part, and the substantives hundrid,
pusend were capable of inllection.
In English one as an indefinite pronoun is capable of the geni-
tive inflection one's and of the plural formation ones. (Seethe
Pronoun).
Alongside of two we still find of old forms twain (Anglosaxon
tvegen nom. and ace.): We tweyne (SKELTON 1.42.). Did he not
send you twain (SHAKSPEARE Love's L. L. 5, 2.). You seek it
of the twain of least respect and interest in Venice (L. BYRON).
Let there be No farther strife nor enmity Between us twain
(LONGFELLOW); and so often in twain alongside of in two, Old-
English a two = entzwei: What hinders me from cleaving you in
twain? (L. BYRON). It is king Herod's only son That ye have
cleft in twain (LONGF.); on the other hand: Bruce cleft his head
in two with his sword (W. SCOTT). He may not hew his love
a two (CHAUCER Rom. of the R. p. 251.). Thus too Old-English
used a tre, a seuene &c. with divisions (into two &c. parts).
Compare Rob. of Gloucester I. 23. 213.
The remaining numerals, considered as proper adjectives, are
capable of inflection only when used as substantives. This may
happen if they are considered as names of figures, or abstractedly
as the expression of quantities. Of figures are used: the two,
the six, a two, three eights &c. As terms for definite quan-
tities in an abstract manner, as, unit, five, ten &c., when the
image of the figure may sometimes lie at the root, compare : I al-
ways took three threes for nine SHAKSPEARE Love's L. L. 5, 2.).
286 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
The first place is for the units, the second for the tens, the third
for hundreds (CKOSSLEY). The number, used substantively, may
also be referred to objects or persons, as in to go on all fours ;
fives: a play with a ball, in which three fives, or fifteen, are
counted to a game (WEBSTER). A thirty dozen moons with bor-
rowed sheen About the world have times twelve thirties been
(SiiAKSPEARE Hamlet); also distributively : The ascent had been
long and toilsome; for even the foot had to climb by twos and
threes (MACAULAY).
The numerals used as substantive hundred, thousand, mil-
lion, billion &c. have in the singular one or the a (= one)
weakened down to an article, before them; the former, if the
singular is to be made prominent and emphatic, perhaps also in
an implied or express antithesis, which moreover happens in the
numbers of years at present, even without this reason (not so in
Old-English, see above p. 276) ; the latter, if this is not the case.
Millions &c. however, seldom come under the former case. Com-
pare : The statutes continued to be published in the same language,
for above one hundred and twenty years (TYRWHIT ed. Chaucer
p. XXII.). The number was not less than one hundred thousand
men (W. SCOTT). They sent, therefore, one thousand men-at-arms
(ID.); on the other hand: About a hundred years after (MACAULAY).
I have a thousand things to do (Tn. HOLCROFT). At about a
hundred and sixty yards distance (FIELDING). The singulars:
hundred, thousand &c., stand without a preceding determina-
tion of this sort, if the definite article or possessive and demon-
strative pronouns precede: Where is the thousand marks, I gave
thee, villain? (SHAKSPEARE Com. of Err.). You saw me . . Ap-
parent sovereign of our hundred islands (L. BYRON). Only one
of all his hundred descendants (LONGFELLOW). These hundred
years (GOLDSMITH). Yet the article is also sometimes wanting:
When thousand worlds are round (POPE).
If more than a hundred or a thousand is involved, hundred
and thousand do not assume the plural termination, but have from
the oldest times passed as indeclinable, where standing adjectively,
with or without a succeding number in a direct relation to deter-
minate objects, which is the case wherever the cardinal stands
in the place of the ordinal number, as in the numbers of years:
Three hundred years. An extent of three thousand miles. An army
of sixty thousand men (MACAULAY). By many thousand men (W.
SCOTT). Yet in this life Lie hid more thousand deaths (SHAKSP.
Meas. for Meas.), So even in Old-English: pre honored men
(RoB. OF GLOUCESTER II. 476.). With fifteen hondrith archares
bold (PERCY Rel. p. 2. I.). In ei$te thousend ger (WRIGHT Popul.
Treat, p. 134 ). Ten hundrid thousand stories tellen I can (CHAU-
CER 10114.). They may, however, when used substantively,
assume the s of the plural, in which case they are either followed
by no substantive, or by one standing to it in the relation of the
periphratic genitive with of: What is the amount of a thousand
thousands? = Tausender (CROSSLEY). These poor ignorant wretches,
some hundreds in number (MACAULAY). The poor, blind slave . .
7. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. III. The Numeral 287
Expired and thousands perished in the fall (LONGFELLOW). The
hall not far from hence, which bears on high Hundreds of doges
(L. BYRON). All the offenders, hundreds of thousands in number
(MACAULAY). He had then deceived himself . . into the belief
that the English . . were eager to rise in arms by tens of thou-
sands to welcome him (ID.). Thus even in Old-English Hundreihez
fulle many (MORTE ARTHURE in HALLIWELL s. v. herbergage).
Gret multitude of peple, well ordeyned . . be thousandes, be hun-
dredes and be tenthes (MAUNDEV. p. 232.). — Million, billion
&c. are always substantives, which therefore had always to be
followed by another substantive in the genitive relation, as in:
Millions of spiritual creatures (MILTON). If, however, the millions
&c. are followed by still smaller numbers, the former never operate
upon a following substantive. Compare: Europe contains 2,793,000
square mites, and 227,000,000 of inhabitants (GROSSLEY). If the
million &c. is followed by a fraction of it, it again comes in of:
A million and a half of bricks (ID.).
In the discussion of the substantive, we made mention of com-
pound substantives, which, like twelvemonth, twelvepence,
as terms for a multitude, have a plural character. This substan-
tive formation stands in close connection with another phenomenon,
which is now to be discussed. The apprehension of any arbitrary
number of objects as a totality and unity is very familiar to Old-
English, with which especially an, a precedes, as the expression
of the unity: A 2 myle from Betheleem (MAUNDEV. p. 74.). A
fyve dayes or sixe (PIERS PLOUGHMAN p. 314.). The desertes
duren wel a 13 journey es (MAUNDEV. p. 63.). A twenty bokes,
clothed in black or red (CHAUCER 296., rightly, according to
Tyrwhitt, without A according to Wright). A sixty fedme (MAUN-
DEV. p. 71.). Sum tyme an 200, and sum tyme mo (p. 191.).
So pat per corn out of an wode — An six pousend of Brutons
(RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 2J1.). This form of expression, upon
which also a few alongside of few rests (see the pronoun) has
been partly preserved in Modern-English: A tedious twelve years
FLETCHER'S Poems p. 140.). This three months (DAVENPORT in
Dodsley 0. P. XI. 299.). Thay ware not so hack this seven yeere
(Mariage of Wit and Wisdome 1579.). A' has been a vile thief ^
this seven year SHAKSPEARE Much Ado &c.) where me may take * ''
year to be the old plural. We have . . most biting laws . .
Which for this fourteen years we have let sleep (Meas. for Meas.).
Here also belong: Go with me To bless this twain, that they may
prosperous be (Temp. 4, 1.). Though my letter may lie upon
my hands this two months (LADY MONTAGUE). In these cases we
must not think of the old plural form this instead of these (see
below). Thus Byron nses the plural all as singular: All are gone
forth, and of that all how few perhaps return.
Fractions are ordinarily expressed by a cardinal number as
numerator and an ordinal number as denominator; and if the
numerator is more than one, the denominator adopts the termi-
nation of the plural, £ receives half as its denominator. We
frequently find numerator and denominator united by a hyphen:
288 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I Sect. II.
What is one half of 30? What is one sixth of 30? If 24 be four
fifths., what is one fifth? 140Vo or four hundred and twenty-five
thousandths (CROSSLEY). When we speak of one fraction without
an antithesis, there stands instead of one also the unaccented a
or the article the: What is a fifth of the sixth of 30? What is
the half 'of a fifteenth of 30? (ID.)- Half also stands without an
article: Multiply a half-penny by a half-penny, that is half by
naif (ID.). Thus in common life we say half past six in
counting the hours For \ a quarter also comes in, especially
with the determination of time and space: aquarterofa hundred,
of an hour, of a year, of a mile, of a pound. The denominator
expressed by the ordinal number is, properly, always an adjec-
tive used as a substantive: the fifth = the fifth part. Half
also appears as a genuine adjective (Anglosaxon healf, half s. and
adj.): half a dozen &c. The Anglosaxon forms ofrer, healf,
priddehealf, sixtehealf &c , in which the adjective halves the
highest figure of the total number, as in anderthalb &c., are
usual in Old-English: Thritty winter and thriddehalf yer (HARRO-
WING OF HELL p. 15.). Yet a half was even then added to
the total number: A fote and a half long (MAUNDEV. p. 10.), as
now: A brick and a half; one and a half.
b) The ordinal numeral expresses adjectively the order or succes-
sion of the objects in space, in time, or, metaphorically, in an
ethical sphere, as determined by number.
With the exception of the first two numbers, Anglosaxon formed
the ordinal numbers from the cardinal numbers by annexing the
terminations da, ta, but mostly ofra, whereby a syncope of the
final n took place. Old-English still has in part the syncopized
forms, and also sometimes preserves t alongside of th; Modern-
English equally suffixes ih to the cardinal numbers, with the
exception of the three first. In the compound ordinal numbers
th is only added to the last constituent, whereas the preceding
cardinal numbers remain unchanged.
1. first, primus, Anglosaxon fyrsta, also seresta, beside these
forma and formesta, fyrmesta, see above p. 270, Old -English
firste, furste. 2. second, secundus, Anglosaxon offer = other, Old-
French secont (d, s, z), Old-English oper and secunde. 3. third,
tertius, Anglosaxon pridda, Old-English pridde, thrydde. 4. fourth,
quartus, Anglosaxon feorda, Old-English ferpe, verthe, fowrthe.
5. fifth, Anglosaxon fifta, Old-English vifte, fyfpe. 6. sixth, sextus,
Anglosaxon sixta, Old- English sixte, sixpe, sexte. 7. seventh,
Septimus, Anglosaxon seofocJa, Old-English seuethe and even sene
(RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 9.), yet also seventhe. 8. eighth, octavus,
Anglosaxon eahtofra, Old-English ei3tethe, eghte, also aughtene,
aughtende, eightetene (CHAUCER 4425. Wright). 9. ninth, nonus,
Anglosaxon nigocTa, Old-English nithe, nynthe. 10. tenth, decimus,
Anglosaxon teofta, teo*a, Old-English tethe, tenthe. Tithe still oc-
curs as tenth part. 11. eleventh, undecimus, Anglosaxon eudlyfta,
Old-English endlefte, endlefpe, eleventhe. 12. twelfth, duodecimus,
Anglosaxon tvelfta, Old-English tvelfthe. 13. thirteenth, decimus
I. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. III. The Numerals. 289
tertius, Anglosaxon preotteocTa, Old-English thretethe, thretenethe.
14. fourteenth, decimus quartus, Anglosaxon feoverteofra, Old-En-
glish fowrtethe. 15. fifteenth, decimus quintus, Anglosaxon fifteofra,
Old-English fyftethe. 16. sixteenth, decimus sextus, Anglosaxon
sixteofra (Old -English sixtethe). 17. seventeenth, decimus septi-
mus, Anglosaxon seofonteofra (Old-English seventethe). 18. eigh-
teenth, decimus octavus, Anglosaxon eahtateofra (Old-English eigh-
tetethe). 19. nineteenth, decimus nonus, Anglosaxon nigonteoda
(Old-English nintethe). 20. twentieth, vigesirnus, Anglosaxon tven-
tugo5*a, Old -English twentipe. 21. 22 sq. twenty-first, twenty-
second, twenty-third &c.
The tens from 30—90: thirtieth, fortieth, fiftieth, sixtieth,
seventieth, eightieth, ninetieth, Anglosaxon prittigoda (pritigoda),
feovertigoda &c., Old-English prittipe, fourtithe &c. need no more
particular discussion; but the hund prefixed to the ordinal
numbers from 70 upwards in Anglosaxon, has never, it seems,
been usual in English*).
Anglosaxou for 100 the ordinal number teontigofra, tentieth,
hund, hundred, pusend offer no numeral forms of this sort.
English offers for 100. hundredth, 1000. thousandth, 1,000,000.
millionth &c. ; hence 300. three hundredth, but with another number
after it, 120. hundred and twentieth, 20,010. twenty thousand and
tenth.
In ordinal numbers, as* well as in cardinal numbers, the unit
sometimes comes before the ten: We came the five-and-twentieth
to Mohatch (LADY MONTAGUE). Mr. Joseph Andrews was now in
the one-and-twentieth year of his age (FIELDING). Were I still in
my five-and-twentieth spring (L. BYRON). Old-English: Inpo/owr
& twentipe ser (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 23.) and so too in An-
glosaxon. In the reverse position, however, the ten and the unit
were inflected. See Rask Gramm. ed. Thorpe p. 65. That way
seems to be limited to the scores.
The transfer of the termination th to the scores, as in that cited
by lexicographers fourscorth, octogesimus.
The ordinal number may, in the appositive relation, assume the
s of the genitive: Henry the second's progress (GOLDSMITH).
Alongside of the Romance second, which took the place of other,
which continues to exist as alter, alius, prime is also in use,
mosly only in an ethical sense: My prime request, which I do
last pronounce (SIIAKSPEARE Temp.).
Instead of the ordinal numbers we find in Modern- as well as
in Old-English, the cardinal numbers as numbers of years : In the
year one thousand and sixty-six (W. SCOTT). In Old-English
we also find the formes confounded : the threttene artycul, the
fowrtene artycul, the fyftene articul — articulus XII1US XIIIU8
articulus quindecimus (HALLIWELL Early Hist, of Freemas. p. 21.).
In Chaucer 4424. one manuscript has: It was the eighte and twenty
day Of April. — The ten parte = tenth (TOWNELEY MYST. p. 7.).
*) I have not found the numerals in parentheses, but formed them by
analogy.
Matzner, engl. Gr. I. 1<)
290 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Parti. Sect. II.
c) The multiplicative numeral, called in another respect the nume-
ral of relation, which states how many whole parts an object
contains and how often the same magnitude is repeated in a whole
(see Matzner's French Grammar, p. 162.), are formed in English
by annexing the syllable fold, as in Anglosaxon by -feald, -plex,
Highdutch fait, faltig (belonging to the Auglosaxon fealdan, pli-
care) to the cardinal number: twofold, threefold, tenfold,
a hundredfold, a thousandfold &c., Anglosaxon tyifeald,
prifeald, tynfeald, with which manifold, Anglosaxon manegfeald,
multiplex is associated. The Anglosaxon anfeald (onefold) simple,
has been abandoned, as well as felafeald, multiplex (compare the
Old-English: by felefold fatter. (PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 243.). In-
stead of the former single and simple come in, Lat. singulus
and simplex, simplus, blended in the French simple. Other Ro-
mance forms are in use in a small number alongside of the Ger-
manic ones, as double, triple and treble (Modern-French triple,
Old-French treble), quadruple, quintuple, sextuple, sep-
tuple, octuple, decuple, centuple. Those going beyond
sextuple are very rarely employed.
Numerals ef division (distributiva) were not possessed by the An-
glosaxon; Old-French employed the Latin singuli, bini, terni &c. in
another sense, and made up for them in meaning- by juxtapositions,
as doi et doi, similarly to the Anglosaxon: fif and fif. Old-English:
Thei gon 2 and 2 togodre (MAUNDEV, p. 234.). A compagnie of ladies
twey and twey (CHAUCER); and so still: two and two, yet also: by
twos a nd threes; by tens of thousands (MACAULAY).
The Pronoun.
The pronoun, which represents a noun in the sentence, or, more
correctly, has the nature of a noun, and has thence its name, is, by
its value and idea, distinguished from a mere sign for a substantive
or adjective, although it partly serves to avoid the repetition of the
same noun.
In their form and descent the English pronouns rest upon the
Anglosaxon ; the Old-French, which introduced a few indefinite pro-
nouns, was here of little influence.
In their meaning the pronouns are divided into several classes:
A. the personal, with the possessive derived from them, B the de-
monstrative, C. the interrogatory, D. the relative, E. the indefi-
nite pronoun.
A. The Personal Pronoun:
It has forms for the so-called three persons: the person speaking,
the person spoken to and the person spoken of, not sharing in the
conversation, and, generally, the subject spoken of. The second per-
son, and even the first, can be used of the personified thing. The
personal pronoun becomes reflective, or referring backwards, if it
appears as the object in a sentence, in which the notion of activity
is imagined as reacting upon the subject, the active person or thing,
itself. For the pronoun used reflectively English has in part streng-
L The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. IV. Pronoun. A. Personal Pronoun. 291
thened pronominal forms, which we shall not consider till after the
discussion of the possessive pronouns proceeding immediately from
the personal ones, since they partly repose upon the latter,
a) The three persons of the personal pronoun, in the narrower sense,
or the fundamental forms for the possessive and the reflective
pronoun, are undistinguished in gender in the first and the second
person, but in the singular of the third person are of three gen-
ders, as in Anglosaxon. They form a plural of the first person,
in which the speaker comprehends himself with others; the second,
in which he comprehends several persons spoken to; and the
third, in which he comprehends several objects spoken about. It
is throughout without distinction of gender in form. The Anglo-
Saxon dual of the first and second person has been abandoned.
The plural of the third person is in Modern-English no longer
formed from the Auglosaxon he, heo, hit, which is still the
standard for the singular, but from another demonstrative pronoun
se (pe), seo (peo), pat, whereas Old-English long preserved the
genuine plural.
The genitive of the singular and of the plural comes, as such,
no longer under review, but has coalesced with the possessive
pronoun. Old-English still presents some decided genitive forms.
We exhibit the genitive forms with the rest.
First Person.
Sing. Nom. I, ego, Angl. ic, Old-Engl. ic, ich, iche, I
Gen. mine, mei, Angl. min, Old-Engl. min, mine
Dat. and Ace. me, mihi, me, Angl. Dat. me, Ace. me'c, me, Old-
Engl. me, mee
Plur. Nom. we, nos, Angl. ve, Old-Engl. we, wee
Gen. our, nostri, nostrum, Angl. user, ure, Old-Engl. oure
Dat. and Ace. us, nobis, nos, Angl. Pat. us, Ace. usic, us, Old-
Engl. us
Second Person.
Sing. Nom. ihou, tu, Angl. pu, Old-Engl. thou, thow
Gen. thine, tui, Angl. pin, Old-Engl. thin, thine
Dat. and Ace. ihee, tibi, te, Angl. Dat. pe, Ace. pec, pe, Old-
Engl. the, thee
Plur. Nom. ye, you, vos, Angl. ge, Old-Engl. ye, yee
Gen. your, vestri, vestrum, Angl. eover, Old-Engl. youre
Dat. and Ace. you, vos, Angl. Dat. eov, Ace. eovic, eov, Old-
~}ngl. you
19*
202 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. IL
Third Person.
Singular.
masc.
fern.
neutr.
Norn. he, is, Angl. he,
Old-Engl. he, hee
Gen. his, ejus, Angl. his,
Old-Engl. his
Dat. and Ace. him, ei, eum, Angl.
Dat. him (heom),
Ace. hine
she, ea, Angl. heo,
Old -English heo
(hoe), scho, she
her, ejus, Anglos,
hire (heore), Old-
Engl. hire, here
her, ei, earn, Angl.
Dat. hire (heore),
Ace. hi, hig.
it, id, Angl. hit,
Old-Engl. hit, hyt,
it
its, ejus, Angl. his,
Old-Engl. his
it, ei, id, Angl. Dat.
him (heorn), Ace.
hit, Old -English
him, hit, hyt.
hire, hir, here, Angl.
hira, (heora)
hem, Angl. Dat. him
(heoni), Ace. hie (hig,hi)
Plural.
masc. fern, neutr.
Norn. they, ii, eae, ea, Angl. pa, Old-Engl. heo, hei, hii, hi, Angl.
hie, hig, hi (f. heo)
Gen. their, eorum, earum, eorum,
Anglo, para, (psera)
Dat. and Ace. them, iis, eos, eas, ea, Angl.
Dat. pam, (psem), Ace. pa
The Old-English also had the forms thai, they, thei — thare,
theire — thaym, yet in the oblique case it a long time preferred
hire, hem. See the demonstrative pronoun. Upon she see above
p. 173. Moreover the Saxon Chronicle 1140 has scse = ea. For
the dative and accusative of pronouns the form of the dative has
in general early remained the standard, although both partly coin-
cided even in Anglosaxon.
In Modern-English the case common to the dative and the ac-
cusative with the particles of and to is employed as the substitute
for the genitive and the dative: of me, to me; of thee, to
thee; of him, to him; of her, to her; of it, to it; of us,
to us; of you, to you; of them, to them. In the dative rela-
tion this happens where its distinction from the accusative appears
needful. The denoting of the cases by of and to is also very old
with the pronoun: In the spyt of me (PERCY Rel. p. 2. IL). Thanne
" " [WRIGHT Popul. Treat, p. 13
you (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 8.). Many of hem (MAUNDEV. p. 13.).
ne seo we no3t of hire (WRIGHT Popul. Treat, p. 133.). Som of
Yt worp an other Troie to pe (Roe. OF GLOUCESTER I. 15.). Then
begynnys to grufe to us mery chere (TOWNELEY MYST. p. 32.).
Instances of the genuine genitive form are, on the other hand,
found; for example, in Piers Ploughman; hir neither (p. 67.); hir
eyther (p. 212. 446.); hir noon (= none) (p. 237.); hir oon for-
dooth hir oother (p. 373.).
In the first- person we find ich late: Ichyll (I will) (SKELTON
I. 95.). Ich am (102.). The oblique case mee with she e, thee,
1. The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. IV. Pronoun. A. Personal Pronouns. 293
wee, yee is still cited by the grammarian Wallis as a regular
form; in the seventeenth century, however, the enclitic forms
mostly appear with e: me, she &c. Mommsen Romeo and Juliet
p. 30. The plural has been long in use instead of the singular
as a plural of majesty: Duke: Our old and faithful friend, we are
glad to see you (SHAKSPEARE Meas. for Meas.). Sometimes us
has been shortened into '«: I'll bring thee to the present business
which now's upon's (SHAKSPEARE Temp,). Let's not quarrel
(OTWAY).
The second person is usual in the singular as the address
among quakers, in poetry in regard to persons and personified
objects, as well as in prayer as an address to God. It has also
not gone out of use as an expression for familiarity and affection,
even mixed with the plural: Thou say'st I preach, Lorenzo!
(YOUNG N. Th. 2, 62.). 0 Lord my God, Thou art very great
(Ps. 104, 1.). 0 holy Night! from thee I learn to bear What man
has borne before (LONGFELLOW). And thou, too, whosoe'er thou
art, That readest this brief psalin (ID.). Sophia, can I then ruin
theel (FIELDING T. J.). But it also becomes an expression of
depreciation and contempt: Damnation seize thee, fool, blockhead!
(ID.). Even John Wallis says: Singular! vero numero si quis
alium compellet, vel dedignantis illud esse solet, vel familiariter
blandientis (p. 92.). Now the plural serves in general as an ad-
dress without regard to station and relationship, like the singular
in Old-English. The plural, however, is also early found, as it
seems, as an expression of courtesy: And ye, sir clerk, lat be
your schamfastnesse (CHAUCER 842.). Even in the address to Venus
in Chaucer the plural stands mingled with the singular: And if
ye wol nat so, my lady sweete, Than pray I the . . Gif me my
love, thou blisful lady dere (2256.).
The nominative (also vocative) of the plural ye has in Modern-
English yielded to you. John Wallis still cites yee as the nomi-
native, but in the polite address lets you alone pass. Alexander
Gill gives, as the nominative and vocative ye and you, as the
accusative, you. You was in the first case used only emphatically,
as especially in Spenser. In common life, as well as in poetry
ye still continues alongside of you : And you, the brightest of the
stars above, Ye saints . . Be witness (Rows). Were you, ye fair,
but cautious whom ye trust (ID.). Descend, ye Nine! descend and
sing (POPE). Ye may no more contend (LONGFELLOW). In po-
pular speech y has been sometimes cast out: Lookee friend! (FiEL-
DING), Lookf e d'ye see = look ye ! do you see ? — Ye also some-
times appears with an elided e before vowels: Y'are always false
or silly (Ox WAY).
In literature even the interchange of the oblique case you with
ye is widely diffused: A south-west blow on yel (SHAKSPEARE
Temp.). Vain pomp and glory of the world, I hate ye (ID.).
Heav'n guard ye all! (OxwAY). The knaves . . laugh at ye (ID.).
Faith, I'll fit ye (Rows). This hour I throw ye off (CONGREVE).
I know ye all (I. HUGHES). Hold your tongues, both of ye, says
the mole (RICHARDSON). I fear ye not, I know ye (L. BYRON).
294 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
But where of ye, oh tempests! is the gaol? (ID.). I seek ye vainly
(BRYANT). Bethink ye, before ye make answer (LONGFELLOW).
For other confusions of cases see below.
The third person he, which sometimes appears before a con-
sonsonant shortened into h': Although he had much wit, //'was
very shy of using it ( BUTLER Hudibr.), is often confounded with
a («') by the older dramatists, as well as dialectically by the un-
educated: Who e'er a1 was, «' show'd a mounting mind (SnAK-
SPEARE Love's L. L. 4. 1.). Let him take no delight nor no
penance; but «' must fast three days a week (IB. 1. 2.); and often:
A troublesome old blade . . but a' keeps as good wines . . as any
in the whole country (GOLDSMITH). This a even serves for all
genders he, she, it, as, for instance, in Herefordshire, as well
as ou in Gloucestershire; a is also used for they in Shropshire.
A shortening of they into th' is not unknown to the more easy
style: And till th' were storm'd and beaten out, Ne'er left the
fortified redoubt (BUTLER).
In Modern-English we frequently find 'em instead of them in
poetry as well as in common life: He has lost his fellows, And
strays about to find "em (SHAKSP. Temp.). Go you, and give ''em
welcome and reception (OTWAY). Ere long I mean to meet 'em
face to face (Rows). ,,The sceptre and the golden wreath of
royalty Seem hung within my reach." — Then take ""em to you
And wear ''em long and worthily (ID.). Summon 'm, Assemble
'em: I will come forth and shew Myself among "em (Tn. SOUTHERN).
This em is widely diffused dialectically and answers to the old
hem (not them), which still lives in the Western dialects, where
it is also confounded with he and him.
In Old-English the dative form it: him, and the accusative
form hit, it were usual, yet both were frequently made equal to
each other in usage: It receyvethe into him 40 othere ryvers
(MAUNDEV. p. 7.). To don it (Dat.) worschipe and reverence
(p. 165.). An interchange of he with it is also found: And alle
be it so, that it (the tree, Anglosaxon n.) be drye, natheles 3it
he berethe gret vertue (ID. p. 69.). Dialectically even now he
appears for it in all cases.
The confusion of the oblique case of pronouns and the nomi-
native, specimens of which in the literary language have already
been cited, is widely diffused in the popular dialects. Thus I is
used instead of me, he instead of him, she instead of her &c.
and conversely, for instance, in Yorkshire, Hampshire, Gloucester-
shire, Warwickshire, Worcestershire, Herefordshire &c. This con-
fusion is also to be met with in the written language. The em-
ployment of the oblique case for the nominative is analogous to
the French manner of employing moi, toi, lui as nominatives, and
is old: Lord, y-worshiped be the (PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 181.). This
mostly happens where the pronoun does not proclitically precede
its verb, and, generally, where a particular emphasis seems to
rest upon the pronoun: Nor thee nor them, thrice noble Tambur-
laine, Shall want my heart to be with gladness fill'd (MARLOWE I,
p. 30.). Scotland and thee did each other live (DRYDEN). We
/. The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. IV. Pronoun. A. Personal Pronouns. 295
shall shortly see which is the fittest objeet of scorn you or me
(GOLDSMITH). Better than him, I am before, knows me (SHAK-
SPEARE As You like it 1 , 1 .). I would not be thee, nuncle (KiNG
L. 1, 4.). The converse case is more striking in the written lan-
guage. Passages of this sort, as well as of the former, in Spen-
cer and Shakspeare, have been expunged by critics; but even the
later confusion is not to be wholly denied, in which we of course
disregard those cases in which the adjectives are used substanti-
vely. One instance is the above mentioned form ye (see p. 284.).
and: That I kiss aught but he (SHAKSP. Cymb. 2. 3.). You have
seen Cassio and she together (Oxn. 4, 2.), where Collier has her;
Earth up hath swallowed all my hopes but she (RoM. AND JUL.
1, 2.), where Mommsen regards the words ,all my hopes but she'
as blended into one single uninflected substantive, to which I could
not assent. She as an accusative is found, even in the fourteenth
century, in Adam Davie. See Mommsen's Romeo and Juliet
p. 26. Delius's Shakspeare Lexicon p. XIX. Compare also the
striking passage: And the we, Following the signs, woo'd but the
sign of she (SHAKSP. Love's L. L. 5, 2.).
b) The possessive pronoun presents itself in two different forms,
one standing attributively in immediate connection with, and be-
fore the substantive, the other outside of this connection. Both
(with the exception of its) are derived from the Anglosaxon geni-
tive. They are, in Modern-English, incapable of inflection; case
prepositions, as well as other prepositions, stand before the attri-
butive pronoun and its substantive, as well as before the uncon-
nected pronoun, which can also be used substantively. In the
third person, three genders of the singular are distinguished.
Connected possessive pronouns are:
«) those proceeding from the singular:
my (mine), Anglosaxon min, Old-English min, mine, my, mi.
thy (thine), Anglosaxon pin, Old-English thin, tbine, thy, thi.
m. his, Anglosaxon his (but also possessive sin), Old-En gl. his.
f. her, Anglosaxon hire, Old-English hir, her, hire, here,
n. its, Anglosaxon his, Old-English his.
/?) those proceeding from the plural:
our, Anglosaxon user (ure), our, oure.
your, Anglosaxon eover, Old-English your, youre.
their, Anglosaxon para (psera), Old-English hir, her, hire, here,
heore (Anglosaxon hira) and their, theire &c.
Unconnected, corresponding to those:
mine — thine — his, hers, its -- ours — yours — theirs.
In the Anglosaxon his (English his), hire (English her) and
hira as well as para (English their, Old-English hire &c.) were
in use only as genitives. The adjective sin, suus, not ejus,
could hardly be found in Old-English. The Anglosaxon also, from
the dual of the first two persons formed the possessives uncer
and incer (Greek vMi'iin^s and affonrsnos^ which have not passed
into English.
29 G Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
My^ thy are abbreviations from mine, thyne, forms of the pro-
noun mostly appearing proclitically. Old-English fluctuated at
first between min, thin and mi, thi, where they stand before
the substantive: myn soule and my lif (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I, 30.).
pi sostren and pyn sustren (IB. 31.). Yet the usage speedily
establishes itself of bringing in the fuller form before vowels and
#, and of casting off the n before other consonants: Thin highe
pride (MAUNDEV. p. 18.). Do of thin hosen and thi schon (p. 59.).
Rys up, my wif, my love, my lady fre (CHAUCER 10012.). With
thin eyghen columbine (10015.). Thow hast me wounded in myn
hert (10019.)- Myn owne name (1558.). In Modern -English
before vowels and a mute h, mine and thine are still often used,
although Shakspeare, for instance, as well as moderns, have still
sometimes the full forms before an aspirated #, as well as before
a consonant y, like the Old-English: Give every man thine ear,
but few thy voice (SHAKSPEARE Haml.). Without the . . true
avouch Of mine own eyes (IB.). See Delius's Shaksp. Lex.
p. XIX. Thy glorious day is o'er, but not thine years of shame
(L. BYRON). My chiefest joy Is to contribute to thine every wish
(ID.). Look, then, into thine heart (LONGFELLOW). And tears
came to mine eye (ID.). The strength of thine own arm (ID.).
Grammarians reprove this usage, widely diffused, especially in
poetry.
If the possessive s derived from the first and second person stand
attributively after their substantive, they have the fuller form, as
in Old-English. Old-English: Brother myn (CHAUCER 9365.). Gri-
silde myn (8927.). Arcita, cosyn myn (1283.); in moderns: I say
that ye be seruauntys myne (SKELTON I. 231.). You brother mine
(SHAKSPEARE Temp. 5, 1.).
His was in Old-English the possessive pronoun referred to the
third person of the masculine and neuter gender. Its (often also
spelt it's, as her's, our's and your's was formerly frequently
written) referred to the neuter, occurring at first also without an
s as it, ith, and which was still unknown to Spenser, was formed
in Shakspeare's age, in whom it rarely occurs. The grammarian
Alexander Gil does not cite it; John Wallis, on the other hand,
calls it the possessive of it. See Mommsen's Romeo and Juliet
p. 22. It rarely occurs as an unconnected pronoun.
The connection of the possessive pronoun of the third person
(his) with a substantive, especially a proper name, in the genitive,
to which the inflection is then usually wanting, is peculiar: In
characters as red as Mars his heart (SHAKSP. Troil. and Cr. 5, 2.).
An if my brother had my shape, And I had his, Sir liobert his
(KiNG JOHN 1. ed. Collier). Vincentio his son (TAMING of the
Shr. 1,1. where Collier has Vincentio's). The duke his gallies
(TWELFTH N. 3, 3. in Collier The county's g.). For Jesus Christ
his sake (English Liturgy). In: Here repose Angelo's, Alfieri's
bones, and his The starry Galileo (L. BYRON) the position is
reversed. Strange to say, in the seventeenth century, as some
English grammarians do even now, the s of the genitive was de-
rived from this, which has still its analogy in Lowdutch: Yatter
I. The Parts of Speech. A. Nouns. IV. Pronoun. A. Personal Pronouns. 297
sin hiis; mutter er dok; den sm garen (ejus hortus) &c. Although
the subjoined pronoun in this case makes the inflection of the
substantive superfluous, it is originally nothing else than a pleo-
nastic repetition of the substantive notion by the pronoun, which
is especially familiar to Old -English in the personal pronoun:
He Tityus; lie Moyses &c. (CHAUCER). And there Sir Gawaine
Tie her wed (PERCY Rel. p. 201. I.). The tanner he tooke his
good cow-hide (IB. 111. II.). And slough him Oliphernus (CHAU-
CER 9242.). And made him Mardoche . . euhaunced for to be
(9247.). That ilke weddyng merye Of his Philologie and he (him
Tyrwh.) Mercuric (9608.).
The Old-English used particularly hire, here as the possessive
for the third person of the plural: They holden here grete con-
seilles (MAUNDEV. p. 16.).; yet the pronoun now in use is also
found: Thare provand (TOWNELEY MYST. p. 9.). With alle thare
entent (p. 22.).
The joining of the s in the unconnected pronouns hers, its,
ours, yours, theirs, which is wanting in mine and thine,
manifestly arose from the s of the genitive, and has been trans-
ferred from the genuine genitive his not only to it, but also to
the others, even Anglosaxon possessives and the genitives her,
their. Mine and thine might have been protected from the
joining on of the s by the attributive forms my, thy having been
early, with few exceptions, separated in usage from those standing
alone, mine, thine. The image of a syntactical genitive relation
perceptible in an s was, moreover, with the disconnected forms,
close, and was perhaps connected the recollection of the primitive
genitive forms, which certainly lacked s in Anglosaxon. The s
is found early even in Old-English, although not constantly: The
dyversitee that is betwene oure feythe and theires (MAUNDEV. p. 20.);
on the other hand: Noght aftir oure lawe, but aftir here (p. 80.).
— This gold is nought oures (4201.). Horn to myn hous, or ellis
unto y oures (14200.). He was, pardy, an old felaw of youres
(14087.). "Whether it be likir oure professioun Or heris that swyrn-
men in possessioun (CHAUCER 7508.); on the other hand: I wol
be your in all that ever I may (16716.). Whan ye been his all
hole, as he is your (ID. Troil. and Cr. II. 587.). So still later:
I am all yours (SK ELTON I. 204.). I ani your in every pointe
(IB. 49.). The forms, hisn, hern, ourn, yourn are dialectical.
The substantive use of the unconnected pronouns in the plural,
as a term for persons, without reference to a preceding substan-
tive (mei, tui, sui, nostri, vostri) is in use in Old-, as well as in
Modern-English: Old-English: pat where Brut and his (ROB. OF
GLOUCESTER I. 21.). To pe & to alle pyne (p. 15.). In the spyte
of thyne and of the (PERCY Rel. p. 3. I.). : Modern-English In a
few hours The tempest may break out which overwhelms thee
And thine and mine (L. BYRON). The deadliest foe of all our
race, And hateful unto me and mine (LONGFELLOW).
Anglosaxon declined the possessive pronouns and distinguished
in part the genders and numbers by their terminations. Old -En-
glish offers, except for my, thy, forms with and without e at the
298 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. II.
end, which however belong for the greatest part both to the sin-
gular and to the plural and to the different genders. Traces are
nevertheless to be found that the forms in e, which seein to belong
to the feminine oftener than to the masculine in the singular,
belong especially to the plural. This is decidedly the case in
Piers Ploughman with regard to the forms his and hise, the
latter of which as a plural formed after another word, belongs
adjectively and substantively to the plural. Compare: Hise wordes,
hise eris, hise bulles (p. 5.). Hise goodes (p. 288.). To God . .
And so to hise seintes (p. 289.). For hym and for alle hise (suos)
(p. 261.). Compare also passages like the following: As a mayde
. . Hire moder forsaketh, Hir fader and alle hire frendes (p. 289.);
•whereas hir, eorum, earum = French leur, remains unchanged:
Hir wittes (p. 297.). Hir robes (p. 309.).' Thus also min, thin
commonly stand alongside of my, thy in the singular and plural,
yet mine, thine seem used particularly in the plural: pine fon
bep in ech half (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER 1. 114.). Al pat ssal come
by pyne day (= Anglosaxon dagum) & by myne nogt (p. 291.).
'.§ sometimes appears as the abbreviation of his and even V of
our: How fares the king and \<? followers? (SIIAKSPEARE Temp.).
There's not a hair on 's head (Two Gentlem.). By V lakin!
(Temp. 3, 3.).
c) The reflective pronoun was originally naught else but the perso-
nal one in a particular syntactical relation. Although even in An-
glosaxon the pronoun strengthened by silf, sylf, ipse, which is
not merely reflective, likewise occurred in a reflective relation,
this was far from being deemed necessary.
Thus in Old-English also the un strengthened forms were com-
monly employed at the same time reflectively: Heo garkeden hem
(they made themselves ready) (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 15.). Hii
armed hem (II. 405.). Sche turned hire toward him (MAUNDEV.
p. 24.). Some men hasten hem and peynen hem (p. 58.). And 7
wole erely schappe me therfore (CHAUCER 811.). And thanne
schalfcw nought repente the (9360.). And spedith you faste (9801.).
A cook thei hadde with hem (381.). Modern -English has not
abandoned this usage in poetry, and has often preserved it even
in prose, especially if the reflective pronoun depends upon a pre-
position: There will she hide her (SHAKSPEARE Much Ado. &c.).
Signor Antonio commends him to you (Merch. of Ven.); and so:
/ do repent me; prepare thee\ haste thee; two such opposed foes
encamp them &c. (ID.). To their salute he bends him slightly
(L. BYRON). And sportive dolphins bend them through the spray
(ID.). They sate them down beside the stream (SOUTFIEY). Here
will we rest us (LONGFELLOW). He looks about him with doubt-
ful face (ID.). The captive yields him to the dream of freedom
(BRYANT). He speeds him toward the olive grove (ID.). - - The
young prince promised to take upon him the obligations &c. (W.
SCOTT). My uncle stopped here for a minute to look about him
(DlCKENS). f
The strengthened forms of the personal pronoun, which are
employed reflectively, especially in prose, have arisen from forms
1. The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. IV. Pronoun. A. Plural Pronouns. 299
of personal pronouns with self appended. They of course occur
unreflectively also, as is always the case in the nominative, partly,
appositively, as in: 'Tis he himself I (RowE). The townhall itself
. . was in imminent peril (MACAULAY); partly without a preceding
pronoun or substantive: Myself will decide it (WEBSTER). I ain
myself; but call me what you please (Tn. SOUTHERN). May male-
dictions fall and blast Thyself and lineage! (LONGFELLOW). They
form plural forms and are capable of the periphrastic case forma-
tion by of and to, as well as of the construction with other pre-
positions.
The strengthened personal pronouns, appearing only in one form
at once, and whose origin is not quite cleared up, are the fol-
lowing:
Singular: 1. Person myself. "2. Person thyself.
Plural: (ourself) ourselves. (yourself) yourselves.
Singular: 3. Person m. himself. f. herself. n. itself.
Plural: themselves, Old-En gl. hemself, hemselven.
In Anglosaxon silf, sylf, self, seolf was only an adjective, which
used to be associated with the personal pronoun in the same case
and number to strengthen it: ic silf, he selfa, his silfes, me sil-
fum &c , in which strong mingle with weak forms of the silf.
According to Rask ed. Thorpe p. 54. in the Anglosaxon nominative
the dative of the personal pronoun is sometimes found prefixed
to the silf: pu pe self &c., according to Grimm 4, 360. in the
gen. S. f. the possessive pronoun sometimes instead of the per-
sonal pronoun: minre selfre. Grimm in another place explains
the forms myself, thyself, ourselves, yourselves, them-
selves as genitive forms, when also the s in ourselves, your-
selves, at present passing as the sign of the plural, answering
to the s in ours, yours, would be to be regarded as that of
the genitive, and only it remain standing as the nominative, him,
them as primitive datives, whereas in her, the genitive and
dative are confounded. The confusion of cases might cause the
genitive forms at first dependent to be thereafter used indepen-
dent by, and the oblique cases him, them to find a farther sup-
port in the Old-French lui ineisme &c., as well as it to be pre-
served in distinction to him. However, since in Anglosaxon, as
well as in Old-Highdutch, the interchange of the genitive of the
Ssrsonal pronoun with the possessive pronoun occurs, and in
Id-English the distinction of a genitive from the possessive, allied
in form, in the pronoun standing before a noun, early disappeared,
so that the possessive alone was seen, the invasion of the posses-
sive in those forms might, not wholly without reason, be asserted,
to which the opinion that self was regarded as a substantive is
nowise requisite. I find, however, in Old-English, hardly even in
the latest times, an s in ours, yours analogous to the s in our-
selves, yourselves, themselves, as Old-English always offers self,
selve and selven; that s, as a real sign of the plural, seems to
belong to a modern period. A peculiar analogy to self is afforded
by one in Old-English, in alike sense: Walkyng myn one (= my-
self, alone) (PIERS PLOUGIIM. p. 154.). That oon doth, alle dooth,
300 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part L Sect. 1L
And ech dooth bi his one\ for which later stands by himselfe
(p. 341.). I mine on (CHAUCER Dr. 1019.). - - For themselves
northern dialects have theirsels, in analogy to ourselves &c. Com-
pare: They had gret desyre to prove their selfes (FKOYSSAUT'S
CRONYCLE). Self passes in English primarily as an adjective, ipse,
idem: In the selce place (CHAUCER 11706.). In that selve moment
(2586.). Thy selve neyghebour (4535.); and so stilt with the
moderns (see Hilperts Dictionary s. v.), also in composition with
same: The self-same thing (SHAKSPEAKE Love's L. L. 1, 2.). Thou
by the self-same means I learned, inay'st learn it (H. WALPOLE).
In Old-English the compounds of self, selve, selveu with
pronouns are commonly so employed that the import of a sub-
stantive is manifestly not attributed to the self: At po last he
was hym self yslawe (Roe. OF GLOUCESTER I. 19.). Righte as
him self seyde (MAUNDEV. p. 97.). Why I suffre or noght suffre
Thiself hast noght to doone (PIERS PLOUGIIM. p. 224.). He moste
himselven hyde (CHAUCER 1479.). I wot my selve best (9334.).
Scho bad me dereliche drawe, and drynke to Inrselfene (MoRTE
ARTHURE in HALLIWELL s. v. dereliche)^
Yet we cannot disguise that, even early, self is also regarded
as a substantive: Myself hath ben the whippe (CHAUCER 5757.).
Who so . . thurgh arghnesse his owne self forgetith (HOCCLEVE
P. p. 56.); and this is the case down to the latest time. Attri-
butive determinations frequently precede the self, when the pro-
noun always stands in the form of the possessive: Euin My verie
oune selfe it was (JACK JUGLER). To thine own self be true
(SHAKSP. Harnl ). The miuistery . . hurried thence me and thy
crying self (Temp.). Their proper selves (IB.). The substance of
your perfect self (Two Gentlem. &c.). To our gross selves (Meas.
for Meas.). What I show, thyself may freely on thyself bestow
(DRYDEN). My very self was yours (OTWAY). The truth . . Which
here to this my other self I vow (Rows). He feels of all his
former self possest (L. BYRON). The construction of self with the
genitive is not rare. It is also used as a substantive without any
more particular determination: Orpheus' self may heave his head
(MILTON). 'Tis Phoebus' self (THOMSON). Agis, who saw Even
Spartas"1 self to servile avarice sunk (ID.). Till Glory1 s self is
twilight (L.BYRON). Self is an eloquent advocate (MACKLIN). A
truth, which . . purifies from self (L. BYRON). Then, all forgetful
of self, she wandered into the village (LONGFELLOW).
The 61 in ourselves, yourselves &c. as a sign of the plural,
is by subsequent writers, and even in Modern-English, found to
be absent where a plural comes in question: Let vs not apply
our selfe therto (SKELTON I. 205.). County ng themselfe clerkes
(207.). Learning is but an adjunct to our self, And where we are,
our learning likewise is (SHAKSPEARE Love's L. L. 4, 3.). In
modern times ourself, yourself frequently appear instead of
the plural forms, where one (especially an exalted) person speaks
in the plural of himself, or the pronoun is referred to a one per-
son addressed as you: We create, in absence of ourself, Our
uncle York lord governor of England (SHAKSPEARE Rich. II.).
/. The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. IV. Pronoun. A. Plural Pronouns. 301
We have saved ourself that trouble (says the writer) (FIELDING).
You, my Prince, yourself a soldier will redress him (L. BYRON).
You have made yourself to me a father (Ox WAY). Yet this is
departed from with regard to ourselves.
To the indefinite pronoun, not referring to definite persons, one's
self is substituted, in which the substantive character attributed
to the self explains the genitive: Out of love to one's self, one
must speak better of a friend than an enemy (FIELDING).
B. The demonstrative pronoun points to the object as a sen-
suous one, present in space and time, then, in a wider sense, to the
object already named and known. So far as it points to an object
just about to be spoken of, it has been called pointing forwards
and determinative.
The demonstrative pronouns of Modern-English are this, that
and yon (yond, yonder), the two former of which have a plural form,
the latter remains unchanged in the plural. They stand both attri-
butively and absolutely. Yon, which occurs but seldom and mostly
only in poets, hardly ever appears except attributively. None of them
having any case forms, the case prepositions of and to serve to make
up for these.
Singular: this, hie, haec, hoc, Anglosaxon m Nom. pes, f. peos, n.
pis, Old-English this.
Plural: these, Anglosaxon m. f. n. nom. and accus.
pas, yet even in Anglosaxon pis stands
as the nominative of all genders of
the singular and plural; Old-English
this, thise, these.
Singular: that, ille, ilia, illud, Anglosaxon m. nom. se (pe), f. seo
(peo), n. that, Old-English that.
Plural; those, (Angl. pas) Anglosaxon m. f. n. nom. and accus.
pa, Old-English thai, thei, especially
tho, but also those.
Plural- ' I ^on'> y°nd-> yonder, Anglosaxou only adverb geond, jand,
ille, ilia, illud illuc, Gothic adverb jaind, jaindre,
= txu, pronoun jains, jaina, jainata,
Old-norse hinn, hin, hitt; Old-Engl.
yonne, yond, yonder.
This and these seem forms subsequently dissimilate'd, both having
the Anglosaxon pis for their foundation, since in Old-English they
both have the same sound or are only distinguished by an e sub-
joined in the plural, pis is commonly the plural in Robert of
Gloucester, and it is found even in the sixteenth century: Take this
our thankes (SKELTON I. 194.). Fye on this dyce (45.). This nonnes
(241.). This freers (IB.). Alongside of it thise is early in use:
Alle thise floodes (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 24.) in Piers Ploughman, Chau-
cer and so on. These is the later form, formerly theise also was
found: of theise 4 (MAUNDEV. p. 136.); theose is likewise cited.
These occurs dialectically for the singular.
That is the neuter in the singular of that pronoun which in
302 Doctrine of the Word, — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
thei, them has assumed the place of the personal pronoun of the
third person in the plural. The plural those, which is referred to
that, has developed itself from the Anglosaxon plural pas belonging
to this, while Old-English had also the genuine plural form tho:
po twei children (Rou. OF GLOUCESTER I. 110.). In the dust and
in the powder of tho hilles (MAUNDEV. p. 17.). Thou schalt be wed-
ded unto oon of tho, That have for the so moche care and wo (CiiAU-
CER 2353.); still in Skelton: All tho that were on my partye (I. 202.);
on the other hand even those: Of those that welle has wroght (Tow-
NEL, MYST. p. 22.).
The pronoun this is, like se, seo, pat even in Auglosaxon,
often weakened into an article in Old-English. See the article. In
Modern-English this and that (the latter along with its relative
signification) maintain their demonstrative character, and in opposition
this is applied to the nearer, that to the more remote abject: What
conscience dictates to be done, or warns me not to do, This teach
me more than hell to shun, That more than heaven pursue (POPE);
then they enter into the opposition generally without this reflection:
The clangorous hammer in the tongue, This way, that way beaten
and swung (LONGFELLOW), Where they stand alone, the employment
of them is more confided to the conception of individuals; yet the
immediately present is naturally mostly denoted by this, as the
reference to the temporal present especially demands this: This day,
be bread and peace my lot (POPE); when spaces of time also are
considered, which comprehend also the immediate present or extend
up to it: They told me . . that, without some traditional shrugs,
which had been on the stage these hundred years, I could never pretend
to please (GOLDSMITH).
As a pronoun pointing forwards and referred to a relative cor-
relative that, those, alone are used, alongside of which he, she
and they with their cases appear in the sense of the Highdutch
derjenige. In Old-English tho and the personal hii (plural) belong
also to this class. Old-English readily used the plural substantively
together with a substantive determination (with of) of persons: Hii
of Denemarch flowe sone (Roe. OF GLOUCESTER II. 378.). Frarn hem
of Denemarche (I. 295.). It was told us of hem of the contree (MAUN-
DEV. p. 298.). Whan thei of the contree herden it (p. 293.); in Shak-
speare: They in France, of the best rank (HAMLET).
Dialects still frequently substitute them for those.
Yon, yond, yonder, the Highdutch jener, seems to incline in form
chiefly to the Anglosaxon and Gothic pronoun ; the pronoun was wan-
ting in Anglosaxon as well as in Old-Saxon. All Modern-English
forms are found in the more ancient language: My trouth is plight
to yonne Skottish knyght (PERCY Rel. p. 8. I.). $om song kuyghte
(HALLIWELL s. v.). Tone man (PERCEVAL 1266.). Into yond hole
fayu wold I crepe (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 15.). Take yond ploghe (p. 18.).
Yond man (198.). Seest thou not Yonder hall, Ellen? (PERCY Rel.
p. 210. I.). The Old-Scottish has also yon, yond, they are also
cited in English dictionaries in the seventeenth century (Engl. Diet.
1691.). The moderns often write yon', as if d or even der were
cast off, whereas yon is certainly the genuine pronominal form, and
L The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. IV. Pronoun. B^emonstrat. Pronouns. 303
most frequently use yon and yonder: Tho' by yon Heav'n I love
thee (Rows). By yon great ruling planet of the night! (OTWAY).
View yon" vale of palms (J. HUGHES). Yon flow'ry arbours, yonder
alleys green (MILTON). Nigh yon mountain (POPE). Yonder angry
clouds Are big with spouting fires (H. WALPOLE). 1 will alight at
yonder spring (LONGFELLOW). Used substantively it stands in the
popular: What's yon?
Thilke, thilk, Anglosaxon pylic, pylc (i. e. py-lic), talis, was used
in Old-English in verse and prose for talis, is (qui), hie: Hors and
Hengist . . Come to Kent pil/ce tyme (Roo. OF GLOUCESTER I. 111.).
And dryve a3eyn ouer pe se pilke pat he nolde (124.). At thilke
tyme (CHAUCER 3542). Al goth thilke weye (3035.). Thilke juge is
wys, that soone understondeth a matier (Tale of Melib. p. 328. Wright).
The long abandoned pronoun has been preserved as thilk in Glou-
cestershire, in other dialects as thec, thick, thuck = that. —
Alongside of it ilke, ilk., .Anglosaxon ylc (i. e. y-lic), idem, which is
to be distinguished from ilk = each, was in use, commonly with this,
that before it, as in the Anglosaxon seylca, pat y lea: This like
worthi knight (CHAUCER G4.). That ilk man which that now hath
the (5600.). But tel me this ilke How I may save my soule (PiERS
PLOUGHM. p. 20.).
Their place is occupied in Modern-English by such, talis, un-
changed in the plural, Anglosaxon svelic, svilc, svylc (Gothic svaleiks),
Old-English swylke, swiche, also selke (DAME SIRIZ p. 5. 9.); slike
(HALLIWELL s. v.), and syke: Herde ye euer syke another? (SKELTON
I. 260.), which answers to the Highdutch: solcher, derjenige,
and the same, idem, likewise standing in the singular and plural,
which is wanting in Anglosaxon in which only the adverb: same,
item, pariter, saman, simul, and sam- in composition = Latin con
occurs, and whence the Old-English sam, same, in same, sarnen, sa-
myn = together is derived: Alle sam (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 27.). Trus
sam, pack together (IB. 28.). The pronoun corresponds to the Old-
norse sami, sama, sama, in the strong form samr, som, samt, Gothic
sama, samo, samo, 6 <:.-'ro,, with an article before it, as in English.
It is strengthened by the self, very prefixed: the self same, the
very same &c.; and, like the Old-English ilke has also the pronoun
that before it: That same Biron I'il torture ere i go (SHAKSP. Love's
L. L. 5, 2.). What lady is that same? (2, 1.). Those same precious
metals of the history of which he can so learnedly descant (BULWER).
The older language has also this same: This same is he that slo
his brother (TowNEL. MYST. p. 18.). The ancient pronominal form
samyne is remarkable: That samyne shalle bend Unto us (TowNEL.
MYST. p. 94.). \
C. The Interrogative Pronoun.
The interrogative pronoun refers to an object or its quality,
which is to be determined in another sentence, the answer. The
interrogative pronoun accordingly points to an object, a person or
thing, which is to be given by the answer, and is then used sub-
stantively, or disconnectedly; or, it has reference to the quality of
an object, which is to be contained in the answer. The pronoun
stands in a direct as well as in an indirect question. The pronouns
304 Doctrine of the W^d. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 11.
considered here are who, what, whether and which. Only wh'o
has preserved case forms, what and which make up by of and to
for the lost case forms; the obsolete whether no longer forms any
cases.
Plural forms are not distinguished from singular forms, so far
as these pronouns are used in the plural.
Singular and Plural: Nom. who, quis? Anglosaxon hva, Old-
Engl. wha, who, Old-
Scottish wha, quha
Gen. whose (of whom), Anglosaxon hvas, Old-
En gl. whas, whos.
Dat. (to) whom Anglos, hvam (hvam)
Ace. whom Anglos, hvoue (hvane),
Old-E n gl . wham , whom
Sing, and Plur.: Nom. what, quid? and qualis? qui? Angl. hvat, Old-
Engl. what
Gen. of what Anglosaxon hvas
Dat. to what Anglos, hvam
(hvain)
Ace. what Anglos, hvat
Sing, and Plur.: Nom. which, quis, quid? properly qualis, quale?
Anglosaxon hvylic, hvylc, hvilc, Old-English whilk,
whiche. Genitive of which. Dative to which. Ace.
which.
Singular: Nom. and Ace. whether, uter, utra, utrum? Anglos, hvafrer,
Old-English wether, wheder.
Who asks after persons; its old genitive corresponds only to the
possessive genitive relation: Whose shall Monimia be? -- No matter
whose (OTWAY). Whose is the crime, but the false satrap's? (L. BY-
RON). The Anglosaxon Instrumental, which was common to hva and
the neuter hvat, hvy, hve, hu, has transformed itself into the
adverbial why? and how? The form of the dative has, as with
other pronouns, become that of the oblique cases.
What, properly the neuter of who, still stands disconnected as
a neuter; it then asks after the What of the thing and the nature
of the thing: Whafs the matter? — What is it, my dear? (DICKENS).
What are you doing? (WEBST.). Yet this disconnected what also asks
*§ er the quality of persons: What are you? as in Old-Fnglish and
Anglosaxon: What is this womman, quod I, So worthili atired?
(PiERS PLOUHGM. p. 29.). But what they were, nothing yit he woot
(CHAUCER 1705.). Anglosaxoii: Hvat is pes? Quis est hie? (MATTIL
4, 41 ). And thus this neutral what passes from the predicative
into the attributive relation and stands as an adjective with substan-
tives, as qualis, qui? in the plural as well as in the singular: I know
what book that is (WEBST ). What cause withholds you then to mourn
for him? (SFIAKSPEARE J. C.). On the tendency of the same work,
what three people will agree? (BULWER). Whereas hvat in Anglo-
Saxon has only a genitive after it, Old-English even makes that transi-
tion: What man . . schuld of his wepynge stinte? (CriArcER 2, p. 324.
1. The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. IV. Pronoun. C. Interrog. Pronouns. 305
Wright). The union of what with an a added, often in an emotional
question, in use as in Highdutch for centuries, rests upon the same
process : What a fair lady ! and beside her What a handsome, grace-
ful, noble rider! (LONGFELLOW). Even Old-English has which a:
Either asked oother . . Which a light and a leme Lay bifore helle
(PiERS PLOUGHMAN p. 376.)- The fur inserted in was fiir ein in
Highdutch, to be pointed out in Germany since the sixteenth century,
is so also in English: What is he for a vicar? what is he for a lad?
(HALLIWELL v. for), even in Palsgrave. For here expresses originally
the determination of a purpose, which touches on the idea of equality;
united with the what, which asks after the quality of the thing, it
makes up the question for the notion of a sort: What is he, for a
vicar? What, in his purpose as a vicar, is he? For what as an
indefinite pronoun see below: somewhat.
Which even in its Anglosaxon fundamental form, unites with the
meaning qualis? the meaning quis?: Hvylc is mm modor ? (MARC. 3,
33) = Who is my mother? and the French quel? and lequel? It
asks partly after the quality of an object, partly after the object which
is to be determined among several with regard to its outward
existence, and stands, both connectedly and disconnectedly, both for
persons and things: Which woman was it? Which is the house?
(WEBST.). Which is the villain? . . Which of these is he? (SHAKSP.
Much Ado &c.). Butler consented to perform the salute without
marking for which of the two princes it was intended (MACAULAY).
The spring, the summer, The childing autumn, angry winter, change
Their wonted liveries; and the 'mazed world, By their increase, now
knows not which is which (SHAKSP. Mids. N Dr. 2, 1.). With the
last passage compare the Old-English: Sche wiste nat who was who
(CHAUCER 4299.); and below: whether.
Whether = which of two, which is equivalent to the conjunction
utrum, an, as well as in Anglosaxon, stood in Anglosaxon both con-
nectedly and disconnectedly, and, as being of three genders, referred to
persons and things. It is now obsolete; the translation of the bible,
presents it: Whether of them twain did the will of his father (MATTH.
21. 31.). Whether is greater, the gift or the altar? (23, 19.). Shew
whether of these two thou hast chosen (ACTS 1, 24.). The popular
language has: I can not tell whether is whether "I cannot distinguish
the one from the other."
D. The Relative Pronoun.
The relative pronoun points to a preceding or supposed sub-
stantive notion. It is adapted to avoid the repetition of a preceding
substantive, and, at the same time, undertakes the connecting of
sentences.
We discriminate adjective and substantive pronouns of this class.
Both sorts of pronouns have no peculiar forms, but are originally
interrogative pronouns, or a demonstrative pronoun, whose inflection
has been already glanced at.
The adjective ones, pointing back to a substantive notion, are
the interrogative which and the demonstrative that; to these the ori-
ginally substantive interrogative who has associated itself. Who and
Matzner , engl. Gr. T. 20
306 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 11.
what are substantive ones, for which, in their reference to a presup-
posed person or thing, a relative pronoun might be substituted. That,
as originally neuter, therefore also of a substantive nature, betrays
also here and there this twofold character. Moreover, relative sen-
tences often border hard on indirect interrogative sentences, whereby
many peculiar applications of pronouns originally interrogative are
to be explained.
In Anglosaxon a relative pronoun was wholly wanting. To
express the relation backwards it either used the indeclinable particle
pe, alone or in conjunction with the demonstrative se, seo, pat, to which
it was suffixed, as it was prefixed to the pronoun he, heo, hit.
Which is by its nature adapted to be referred to names both
of persons and of things, and thus it was used in reference to both
in Old -English, in which moreover that primarily prevailed as a
relative pronoun: She whiche salle bere a chylde (TOWNEL. MYST.
p. 67.). A preest . . which was so pleasant (CHAUCER 16482. Tyrwh.).
It was commonly accompanied by the article the, perhaps occasioned
by the Old-French liquels: That lond . . the whiche is the same
lond &c. (MAUNDEV. p. 33.). The lond of Judee in the whiche is
Jerusalem (p. 8.). Fro the sentence of this tretys lite After the
which this litil tale I write (CHAUCER 15371.); so too in modern
times: Of God the whych is permanent (SKELTON I. 199.). I could
point a way, the which pursuing You shall . . give the realm much
worthy cause to thank you (RowE). This is your brothers impudent
doctrine; for the which I have banished him &c. (MACKLIN). 'Twas
a foolish quest The which to gain and keep, he sacrificed all rest
(L. BYRON). This mode of expression is, on the whole, obsolete.
Even with a particle that after it, which was also frequently
given in addition to other relatives and conjunctions in Old-English,
which came in: A doughter which that called was Sophie (CHAUCER
II. p. 323. Wright). Thy frend, which that thou hast lorn (p. 325.);
this even late: Theis yatis . . which that ye beholde (SKELTON I.
384.). The more particular discussion of this particle, which, in the
dependent sentence, often appears superfluous, belongs to syntax.
Which is at present referred almost exclusively to things and
irrational beings; to persons only so far as they, like children, may
also be denoted by the neuter it. In the language of the Bible, as
in the Lords prayer (Our father which art in Heaven), in Shakspeare
and here and there afterwards the reference to persons takes place.
In adjective conjunction with a repeated substantive, we find, however,
no scruple: This man, which man, which very man &c. (SMART).
Such repetition of a preceding substantive is familiar to Old-English :
In Ebron ben alle the sepultures . . the whiche sepultures the Sarazines
kepen fulle curiously (MAUNBEV. p. 66.). Upon certain points and
cas: Amonges the which points &c. (CHAUCER 2973. Tyrwh.). It also
takes place in Modern-English where the name of a kind takes the
place of a proper name : She took the opportunity of the coach which
was yoing to Bath] for which place she set out &c. (FIELDING); and
so forth. As a neuter it is also referred to preceding sentences or
limbs of sentences: The man was said to be innocent, which he was
not (WEBST.). We are bound to obey all the Divine commands, which
1. The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. IV. Pronoun. D. Relative Pronouns. 3Q7
we cannot do without Divine aid (ID.). In such case a substantive,
comprehending the contents of a preceding sentence or limb of a
sentence as the subject of the reference, is also frequently given to
the relative: Douglas was then ordained to be put into the abbey of
Lindores, to which sentence he submitted calmly (W. SCOTT).
That from the earliest times has been, as a relative pronoun,
referred to persons as well as things. Old-English : He that wil pup-
plische ony thing (MAUNDEV. p. 2.). Seynt Elyne, that was modre
to Constantyn (p. 12.). Thise werkmen That werchen and waken
(PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 361.). For the life that thay leyd (TowNEL.
MYST. p. 30.). Modern -English: Are ye not he, that frights the
maidens of the villagery (SHAKSP. Mids. N. Dr.). Wake, wake! all
ye that sleep! (LONGFELLOW)." The songs and fables that are come
from father to son (ADDISON).
Since that is originally a neuter, is might be also employed
substantively for what. Old-English: po he hadde pat he wolde
(RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 166.). I wille not tyne that I have -wroght
(TowNEL. MYST. p. 72.). Tak thou thi part, and that men wil the
gyven (CHAUCER 7113.). Modern-English: Stand, Sir, and throw us
that you have about you (SHAKSP. Two Gentlem. &c.). Do that is
righteous, (SMART). This usage is obsolete.
The particle that is also found redundantly added to this pro-
noun. Old-English: Fro the lond of Galilee, of that that I have spoke
(MAUNDEV. p. 122.). Thus perhaps is also explained the turn of
Shakspeare : That that I did, I was set on to do't by Sir Toby (Tw.
Night).
Who, although of substantive nature, is chiefly used in Modern-
English as a relative pronoun in relation to substantives or substan-
tive pronouns. It is natural that this masculine and feminine pro-
noun, originally referred to persons, with its cases, remains, as a
relative, restricted to persons and personified objects alone. But that
the genitive whose is referred both to persons and things is no less
justified, the Anglosaxon hvas belonging to all three genders : Harold,
who had succeeded Edward the Confessor (W. SCOTT). Many gal-
lant knights, who were not his subjects (ID.). He who escapes from
death (FIELDING). — Plenty who was his first counsellor (ADDISON).
— Thy brown groves whose shadow the dismissed bachelor loves
(SHAKSP. Temp.).
Where the masculine and feminine who, whom are referred to
collectives, the reference to persons, which the collective name in-
cludes in itself, forms the standard, whereas, in another regard, another
relative may also come in: The multitude, who are more attracted
by the external . . sources of interest (BULWER).
Who is seldom employed as a relative in Old-English: This
clerk, whos rethorique swete Enlumynd al Ytail of philosophic (CHAU-
CER 7908.). More frequent is the who used substantively: Who hath
no wyf, he is no cokewold (CHAUCER 3154.); where the following
he does not quite degrade the who to a correlative; this emphatic,
repeating he is certainly rarely wanting. The particle that is also
annexed to the who: Who that janglis any more He must blaw my
blak hoille bore (TowNEL. MYST. p. 8.). A remnant of this substan-
20*
308 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. 11.
tive who is the, as who would say, still is use, French coinme qui
dirait. Compare Old-English: The name as yet of her Amonges the
people, as who sayth, halowed is (CHAUCER Troil. and Cr. III. 268.),
and often.
But in Old-English the adverb so is more common with the
substantive who: whoso, also whose, quicunque, whereby the gene-
ralization of the notion is indicated, corresponding to the Anglosaxon
sva hva sva, to which a neuter what so, Anglosaxon sva hvat sva,
quodcunque, stood opposed, in which Old -English cast off the
preceding sva, as the correlative of the succeeding hva, hvat. To
this was added sva hvylc sva (whichso), quicunque: Who so dothe,
put them in hold (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 67.). Who so wole my jug-
gement withseie (CHAUCER 807.). Let him say to me What so him
list (6872.) &c. Modern -English has whosoever, whatsoever, which-
soever; whoever, whathever, whichever, which are employed analogously
to the who, what, which. The forms with a simple so are now
rarer.
What stands in the first instance as a substantive pronoun : This
is what I wanted (MURRAY), Do what you will (WEBST.). All the
time that he had appeared so indifferent to what was going on
(DICKENS). Yet it also stands adjectively, like the interrogative what,
if the substantive of the principal sentence has been attracted into
the dependent sentence: The entertainer provides what fare he pleases
(FIELDING).
Where it is used alone with reference to a preceding substantive,
it regularly corresponds not to the which, but at the same time
takes the place of a demonstrative correlative : All fevers, except what
are called nervous (MURRAY), for which those which might stand.
To this substitution it is adapted by its primitive substantive nature.
Solitary interchanges of what with that or which certainly occur.
The details belong to syntax. Old-English also often adds the particle
that to the what: Every man crieth and clatereth what that him
liketh (CHAUCER II. p. 332. Wright).
E. The Indefinite Pronoun.
The class of indefinite pronouns, whose notional limitation it is
hard to define, comprises words which are employed partly adjectively,
partly substantively, but mostly in both modes. They denote objects
and qualities in the most general and indefinite manner, mostly ac-
cording to quantity, which, however appears neither as a definite
unity or multiplicity, nor as a totality measured by a fixed nume-
rical magnitude. So far as they refer to number generally they are
also called indeterminate numerals. They are also partly of negative
nature, with the meaning of the sublation of a determination of
quantity, as; none, neither, nought. By their origin they belong
primarily to the Anglosaxon, a few are taken from the Old-French.
They are partly simple, partly compound. Some belong originally
to other classes of nouns, as one, divers, several &c., and are
weakened in their meaning. As for their declination, one, other,
either and neither, and even others, may assume the s of the geni-
/. The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. IV. Pronoun. E. Indefinite Pronouns. 309
tive: one and other are also capable of forming the plurals ones,
others.
1. one, Anglosaxon an, properly the numeral, is used substantively;
its use as an indeterminate pronoun is of great extent only in
Modern -English. Anglosaxon certainly weakened an down to
aliquis, quidam, but more in the sense of the present article,
and used an — an substantively in the meaning of nnus — alter.
Old-English likewise often opposed that oon and that othur
to each other. Compare CHAUCER 1015. Unus quisque, unus
ex multis was in Anglosaxon mostly denoted by man (home).
The Plural ones, as in: And voices of the loved ones gone before
(BRYANT) is wanting in Anglosaxon; but a plural is found in the
Old-English: Herkneth, felaws, we thre ben al oones (CHAUCER
14111.); but on the other hand there stands: Bothe in oon armes
(CHAUCER 1014.); where Old-French would have put unes armes.
2. none, no, Anglosaxon nan, nsen = ne an, non unus, Old-English
non, none, no, substantively and adjectively even in Anglosaxon
as well as in English, is the same in the plural as in the sin-
gular: None there, said he, are welcome (WALPOLE). At present
none stands substantively or adjectively without a substantive
after it: None but the brave deserves the fair (DRYDEN). None
of their productions are extant (BLAIR); also none other: Achieving
what none other can (LONGFELLOW). Other hope had she none
(LONGFELLOW). And save his good broad-sword, he weapon had
none (W. SCOTT). On the other hand no stands attributively with
a substantive after it: She had no bonnet on her head (DICKENS).
Old-English also put non, none attributively before words begin-
ning with a vowel or an h, else commonly no: Sche dothe non
harm to no man (MAUNDEV. p. 23.). They have non houses
(p. 63.). I am non other than thou seest now (p. 25.); yet also
none so foule synfulle men (p. 62.). None erthly thing (TowNEL.
MYST. p. 66.). None excusing (p. 78.); so even in Skelton: None
excesse; none other shyfte; but no faute (I. 272.).
No one is pleonastic, in which one appears twice, unless we
would take no for the Anglosaxon na, no, nunquam. Of the com-
pounds nobody, nothing, the latter is the elder: I herd no thing,
lord, but goode (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 69.). What is better than a
good woman? A7o thing (CHAUCER II. p. 336. Wright). For body
the Old-English frequently had wight and persone: Ther is no
wight that hath soverein bounte, save God alone (^CHAUCER II.
p. 333.). Bywreye nought youre conseil to no persone (IB. p. 338.).
Wight is the Anglosaxon viht f, creatura, and is also found in
the neuter nought (naviht). Body, denoting the person, occurs
moreover often in another union, as my body. Compare the Old-
French mon cors.
3. aught, ought and naught, nought, Anglosaxon a- viht, auht, aht and
na-viht, naught, naht, Old-English aught, auht, oght, ought and
naught, noght &c., which we are now advised to spell aught
and nought (to distinguish them from the verbal form ought),
have been preserved down to the most modern times, and also
take a (neuter) adjective after them: But should ought impious or
310 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 12.
impure Take friendships name, reject and shun it (T. H. BAYLY).
Naught else have we to give (LONGFELLOW), like something, noth-
ing: Our ancestors hand achieved nothing considerable by land
against foreign enemies (MACAULAY).
4. some, Anglosaxon sum, aliquis, quidam, Old-English sum, sorn, is
used adjectively and substantively, although the latter only in the
plural, whereas in the singular the prose is denoted by some
one &c.: Some one comes! (LONGFELLOW). In the Anglosaxon
on the other hand the singular was also used, especially in the
reduplication sum — sum for alius — alius, alius — alter. More-
over it remains unchanged in the singular and plural: some bread;
some people; some persons (WEBST.). Some other give me thanks
(SHAKSPEARE Com. of Err. 4, 3.). Some slight advantages (MA-
CAULAY). Some of these moves were hazardous (ID.). Some thought
that Dunkirk, some that Ypres was his object (ID.). The Old-
English discriminates, as especially Piers Ploughman, the plural
somnie from the singular som. — Some is also united with car-
dinal numbers, in order to denote the number as inexact, like the
Latin aliqui: wHave you long sojourn'd there?" Some sixteen
months (SHAKSP. Two Gentlem. &c.). Is he within some ten or
twenty leagues Or fifty? (WALPOLE). Some five hours hence . .
we may meet &c. (J. HUGHES). So even the Anglosaxon sume
ten gear, circiter decem annos. — Familiar combinations of some
are some one (see above), somebody, something, and in the latter
sense also somewhat. Som thing is also familiar to the Old-
English (see 2.); and som what also occurs: Ther nys no crea-
ture so good, that him ne wantith som what of the perfeccioun
of God (CHAUCER II. p. 333.). The Modern -English somewhat
still contains the hva, hvat, aliquis, aliquid, appearing in Anglo-
Saxon as an indeterminate pronoun, which in Old-English, occurs
only in the neuter: But wite ye what? (CHAUCER 10305.). Ne
elles what = nor any thing else (ID. House of Fame 3, 651.);
Anglosaxon elles hvat. The what = partly, used now as well
as in Old-English adverbially is the accusative of this neuter.
5. enough, enow, Anglosaxon genoh, adject, and adverb, Old-English
ynough, ynow, enow &c., dialectically frequently enow, is used
adjectively and substantively as well as adverbially. The collateral
form enow, contrary to the nature of the thing and the older
linguistic usage, has, strange to say, passed among grammarians
for the plural of enough, and authors have frequently conformed
to this arbitrary distinction. Still stranger is the assumption that
enow does not stand after a substantive: Have I not cares enow,
and pangs enow (L. BYRON). We' re enough already (ID.). Enough
of danger (W. SCOTT). Enough, alas! in humble homes remain,
To meditate 'gainst friends the secret blow (L. BYRON).
6. few, Anglosaxon feave, Plural of fea, paucus, Old-English fewe.
The article often placed before the few is explained like the a
standing before cardinal numbers (see p. 278.). His wants were
few (L. BYRON). There are but few that can do that (GOLD-
SMITH). He . . was sent thence to Huy, where he passed a few
1. The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. IV. Pronoun. E. Indeterminate Pronouns. 311
days in luxurious repose (MACAULAY). Compare the Old-English:
A fewe of youre frendes (CHAUCER II. p. 340.). Dialectically few
is often treated as a singular: a few broth, a few pottage &c. ;
else it is hardly referred to the singular, as perhaps in: While
yet our race was few (BRYANT).
The Old-English fele, Anglosaxon fela, indecl., multus, opposed
to fewe (By dayes fele [CHAUCER 8793.]. Of fele colours [PiERS
PLOUGHM. p. 222.]), is replaced by many: Few, few shall part
where many meet (CAMPBELL).
7. any = ullus, Anglosaxon anig, senig, from an, Old-English ony,
any, eny, is, as in Anglosaxon, an adjective, but is sometimes used
substantively: Who is here so vile . . ? If any, speak (SHAKSP.
J. C.). It is a like both in the singular and the plural: Hath
Page any brains! hath he any eyes? hath he any thinking?
(SHAKSP. M. Wives). Such a collection . . as you will scarcely
find in any ten cabinets in Europe (LADY MONTAGUE). Old-
English has preserved many traces of a plural form : Anye rentes :
anye riche frendes (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 305.). The person is
readily denoted by any one (I did not speak any one that day
(LONGFELLOW) and anybody] Old-English any wight (CHAUCER II.
p. 338.); eny persone (IB.); whereas the notion of a thing is ex-
pressed by any thing.
8. many, Anglosaxon maneg, moneg, multus, Old-English many, mony,
used substantively of persons in the plural, as in Anglosaxon. In
the singular it assumes a before substantives : many a flower, many
a day &c.; referred to persons also a one: many a one (M\
CULLOCH p. 138.); compare many an oon (JACK JUGL. p. 9.).
Many one in the 3, 2. Psalm is construed collectively with the
plural of the verb. This many one was also referred to sub-
stantives of things: Tel us a tale, for thou canst many oon (CHAU-
CER 13734.). Ensamples many oon (13850.), if it followed the
substantive. The substantive a many, now commonly a great
many, is the Anglosaxon substantive menigeo, menigo. The plural
stands adjectively and substantively: many long cruel, and bloody
wars (W. SCOTT). Few shall part where many meet (CAMPBELL).
In Old-English the e of the plural (Anglosaxon manege) still often
comes out: Manye bokes (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 199.). So manye
maistres (p. 321.). Ther seighen it manye (p. 337.); although
also: many longe yeres (p. 312.). A genitive is also formed there-
from: That book in many^s eyes does share the glory, That in
gold clasps locks in thy golden story (SHAKSP. Rom. and JuL).
The opinion according to which many is taken to be the plural
of much and more passes as the comparative of many, is devoid
of etymological foundation.
9. each, every single one of a total number, Anglosaxon selc (= a-lic),
quisque, unusquisque, Old-English ilk, eche, ich, stands both con-
nected and disconnected, and is by its nature singular. It always
has a distributive relation to a preceding or succeeding substan-
tive or pronoun, where it does not attributively precede its sub-
stantive: Only eight thousand copies were printed, much less
312 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. II.
than one to each parish in the kingdom (MACAULAY). And isles
and whirlpools in the stream appear Each after each (BRYANT).
Come, good people, all and each (LONGFELLOW). Three different
nations, who where enemies to each other (W. SCOTT).. Of per-
sons and things we still use each one: There are two angels, that
attend unseen Each one of us (LONGFELLOW). The pages of thy
book I read, And as I closed each one, My heart, responding,
ever said "Servant of God! well done!" (ID.). In Old-English
echoon, ichon, ilkon, ilkane, ilka (= ilk a) is very common; ilkan
is still in use in Yorkshire and Northumberland, elcone in Cum-
berland. The fuller forms stand absolutely before persons or after
a substantive of a thing, the weakened ones ich a, ilk a before
substantives: each a persone (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 298.); ilk a
stede (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 68.).
10. every, a compound of each, which is generalized in an indeter-
minate manner by ever, unknown to Anglosaxon (= aefre, aefer
— selc), Old-English everilk, everich, is now mostly used attri-
butively: Every Colonel, every Lieutenant Colonel, was killed or
severely wounded (MACAULAY). Rarely, and that mostly in the
legal style, it stands disconnectedly, with of after it: all and every
of them; every of the clauses. In Old-English, where it is referred
to one of many, as also of two, which is still the case at present,
it also stands absolutely of persons: That every schuld an hundred
knightes bryng (CHAUCER 2098.). Everich in otheres hond his
trouthe laith (6986.). The person is commonly periphrased by
every one, every body, the neuter notion by every thing;
to Old-English everich on, every chone, every wight, every thing
are familiar. Modern-English has also the union every each =
every other, alternate (HALLIWELL s. v.).
11. either, each of two, and one of two, even every, the second of which
meanings, contrary to the very usage of the language itself, is main-
tained in modern times as the sole correct one, Anglosaxon segfrer
= seghvafrer, that is, a-ge-hvafrer, alongside of ahvhafrer, uterque
and alteruter, unusquisque, Old-English either, aither, ather (Old-
Scottish, North-English), stands attributively and disconnectedly.
With the meaning uterque, which is very common in Old-English,
it not rarely stands in Modern-English also: The king of Israel
and Jehosaphat sat either of them on his throne (2 CHRON. 18, 9.).
Either of these distinguished officers (Catinat and Boufflers) would
have been a successor worthy of Luxemburg (MACAULAY). On
either side of him there shot up . . houses (DICKENS). Old-English:
Enemyes and frendes Love his eyther oother (PiERS PLOUGHM.
p. 212). Either is otheres joie (p. 343.). Of course the mean-
ings uterque and alteruter often border on each other, the latter
whereof needs no exemplification. The Old-English genitive in
s (es) is also found in Modern-English: They are both in eithers
powers (SiiAKSP. Temp.); compare the Old-English: Till eitheres
(utriusque) wille wexeth keene (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 267.). The
relation to several, with the meaning of each (of any multitude)
instances of which are given in Wagner's Grammar, published by
Herrig p. 293., may be justified out of the Anglosaxon.
/. The Parts of Speech. A. Noun. IV. Pronoun. E. Determinate Pronouns. 313
12. neither, Anglosaxon nahvafFer, nafter, ueuter, Old-English neither,
nather &c., is, analogously to either, employed connectedly and
disconnectedly: On neither side was there a wish to bring the
question of right to issue (MACAULAY). They're both of nature
mild . . Neither has any thing he calls his own (OTWAY).
13. other, alius and alter, Anglosaxon offer, alius, alter and secundus,
Old-norse annar, Gothic anpar, Old-Highdutch andar, Old-English
other, alongside whereof andyr, ender, endir (HALLIWELL s. v.),
stands both connectedly and disconnectedly, may have the articles a
(an) and the before it, an.d, when used substantively, assumes the
.9 of the genitive and of the plural: Some are happy while others
are miserable (MURRAY). Old-English inflects it, but has the e
in the plural a long time: Either is otheres joie (PIERS PLOUGHM.
p. 343.). Ac per bep to fore alle opere pre (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER
I. 2.). Be the Cristene or othere (MAUNDEV. p. 74.). The plural
subsequently stands without s: Whan other are glad Than is he
sad (SKELTON I. 79.). Some other give me thanks (SHAKSP. Com.
of Err. 4, 3 ); thus in the union some — other some (Acr. XVII.
18 ). Compare DIALECT. OF CRAVEN s. v. Where one of two
is opposed to the other in reciprocal activity, we find one another,
where one of two or several is denoted, each other has its
place : The parson and the stranger shook one another very lovingly
by the hand (FIELDING). The reader may perhaps wonder, that
so fond a pair should . . never converse with one another (ID.).
Two blackbirds answered each other from opposite sides (GOLD-
SMITH). Three different nations, who were enemies to each other
(W. SCOTT). The meaning of the other as a second of the same
sort still has place: We need another Hildebrand (LONGFELLOW).
Here was a Caesar; When comes such another? (SHAKSP. Jul.
Caes.) Old-English often swiche another; syke another (SKELTON
I. 260.). Thus also the next in succession is determined as a
second: Four happy days bring in Another moon (SHAKSP. Mids.
N. Dr.). You have been deeply wrong'd, and now shall be Nobly
avenged before another night (L. BYRON); and on the other hand
the recently passed is denoted by other: the other day, com-
pare the French 1'autre jour. In the connection other than it
corresponds to the French autre que, different from.
14. such, Anglosaxon svylc, talis, Old -English swich, swylk, suilk,
selk, slik &c., also for idem, (see p. 294.), stands attributively,
predicatively and substantively, and has, as an adjective, also a
after it: Such was the general &c. (MACAULAY). Such curiosity
William could not endure (ID.). Cutts was the only man who
appeared to consider such an expedition as a party of pleasure
(ID.). The plural is the same as the singular; Old-English has
the plural in e: Selke (DAME SIRIZ p. 5.). They are not swylke
als they seme (Ms. in HALLIWELL s. v.). By alle swiche preestes
(PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 220.). Swiche wise wordes (p. 19.). The
connection such a one is frequent, in Modern-English often equi-
valent to the French un tel, tel et tel, whereby we indicate the
person whose more particular description we cannot or will not
314 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect IL
state, as such a is united with substantives in like manner: . .
that on such a day the assembly shall be at their house, in honour
of the feast of the count or countess such a one (LADY MONTAGUE).
Compare the Old-English: Such an on as is of gode maneres
(MAUNDEV. p. 287.).
15. all, Anglosaxon eall, eal, al, omnis, totus, Old-English al, all, is
unchangeable in Modern-English: All Europe was looking anxiously
towards the Low Countries (MACAULAY). All parties concurred
in the illusion (MURRAY). All was dark and gloomy (DICKENS).
Miss Arabella Wilmot was allowed by all, except my two daugh-
ters, to be completely pretty (GOLDSMITH); and may even have
the definite article as well as demonstrative pronouns after it:
All the time that he had appeared so indifferent &c. (DICKENS).
The moon . . shed her light on all the objects around (ID.).
Glancing at all these things &c. (ID.). This was also the case in
Old-English as well as in Anglosaxon: Alle the dayes of pore
men be wikke (CHAUCER 4538.). Anglosaxon: Ealle pa ping
(GEN. 1, 31.). The Old-English long declined: singular al, all,
plural nom. ace. dat. alle, gen. alre, aller (alder): To fore alle
opere pre (Roe. OF GLOUCESTER I. 2.). pat is aller mon worst
(p. 15.). Oure aller fader (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 342.). Your aller
heed (head) (p. 424.). Hence also the forms alderliefest, al-
derlast &c. see p. 185. The e of the plural is certainly often
cast off.
16. else is often cited in English dictionaries as a pronoun with the
meaning other, one besides. It is in fact originally the geni-
tive of the Anglosaxon el, ele, alius, which, however, mostly
occurs in compounds, and whose genitive elles stands as an ad-
verb (aliter); Old-English: elles, ells, els (even in Skelton).
It is therefore to be taken adverbially: Bastards and else (SHAKSP.
K. J. 2, 1.). As I have ever shared your kindness in all things
else (L. BYRON). In Old-English we frequently find elles what,
nought elles, as in Anglosaxon elles hvat, naviht elles, in which
the genitive still betrays itself as such. Modern-English: Naught
else have we to give (LONGFELLOW).
17. sundry, with the meaning of an indefinite multitude, Anglosaxon
synderig, singularis, in the plural singuli, Old-English sondry, has
in the plural several, Old-French several = separe, also used for
divers, plusieurs, Old-English several, divers, Old-French the same,
Old-English diverse, and different, Old-French, Old-English the
same, synonymous adjectives, in which the notion of variety has
been weakened down to that of separation.*) The Old-English had
the corresponding ser, sere, seyre, which is still in use in the
North of England for several, many: Fioures . . of seyre colours
(TOWNEL. MYST. p. 7.). Of many beestes sere present (p. 47.).
Romaunces, many and sere (Ms. in HALLIWELL s. v.). It seems
*) The notion of separation as that of the physical, nearest to the
sensuous, existing in space and time is the prius, and the notion of variety
as the metaphysical is the posterius.
/. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. V. The Article. 315
to have arisen by contraction out of the Old-French participle
sevre (compare the substantive sevree = separation). — Several
is also used substantively of persons: I met several on the road,
to whom I cried out for assistance; but they disregarded my
entreaties (GOLDSMITH). It is also joined iu the singular with
every, with the meaning singulus: He gives To every several
man seventy five drachmas (SHAKSP. J. C.).
18. certain, in the sense of the Latin certus for quidam, by which
the existence of the object alone is asserted, but its more parti-
cular determination not stated or, rather, disregarded, passed early
from the Old-French into the English: I am invited, Sir, to certain
merchants (SHAKSP. Com. of Err.). Compare the Old-English:
Or paide som certegn (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 268.). In Old-English
it was even used substantively as a neuter (aliquid): Beseching
him to lene him a certain of gold (CHAUCER 16492. Tyrwh.).
5. The Article.
The name article is given to the the, weakened from the Anglo-
saxon demonstrative pronoun se (pe), seo (peo), pat, and to the an,
a, likewise weakened from the Anglosaxon numeral an. They prima-
rily serve to single out for the imagination one single object or
several objects from the totality of objects of the same name. The
former, as the definite article, separates them from their total sphere,
as sensuous, or already known and present in intuition; the second,
the indefinite article, presents one object to the imagination, but
which may be any one from the total sphere of those bearing the
same name, without distinction. The transfer of both articles to the
total sphere of objects bearing the same name has to be more parti-
cularly discussed in the Syntax. Both are to be regarded as words
unaccented, or, rather proclitic in speech.
a) The definite article the proceeds from the Anglosaxon collateral
form of se, the pe. It has abandoned the forms for the different
genders, numbers and cases, and takes the case-prepositions of
and to before it, whereby the syntactic relation of its substantive
is denoted.
Old-English still has distinct traces of the se, sed, pat, used as
an article even in Anglosaxon: pe emperoures of Rome pat foste
and wonne Engelond, and pat lond nome (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I.
3.) (Anglosaxon pat land, ace. n.). pen toun nome (II. 409.).
(Anglosaxon pone tun, ace. m.). A3e pen op (p. 443.). pen castel
nome (p. 451.). Asayle pen false kyng (p. 453.). Atten ende
= at pen ende (409 and often) (Anglos, at pam ende, dat. m.).
The ancient language early employed the neuter that for all
genders: From pat on se to pat oper (Roe OF GLOUCESTER I. 98.)
(se, Anglosaxon sse, mare, is m. and f.). On that other side of
the strete (MATJNDEV. p. 90.) (Anglosaxon side, f.). And eek that
lusty sesoun of that May Made every wight to ben in such ples-
aunce &c. (CHAUCER 2486.).
The t before other, apparently arising from the article the,
316 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
is remarkable, which in Modern-English is often separated from
it by an apostrophe: And when he put a hand but in The one,
or t'other magazine (BUTLER). Your ladyship should except, says
t'other (GOLDSMITH). I saw Mother day the gala for count Altheim
(LADY MONTAGUE). We might regard it as equivalent to the th,
which even in Old-English appears before vowels instead of the
article: Thanne is thother half durk and thother is al ligt (WRIGHT
Pop. Treatis. p. 134.). Yet in Old-English before this tother,
beside which also a tone, tane (to, ta) stands, we commonly
find the article itself, which we could hardly take to be put twice:
The tone of us schall dye (PERCY Rel. p. 7. II.). Athe tother syde
(p. 4, I.). On the ta part or on the tothyr (Treaty of 1384. in
LINDSAY ed. Chalmers s. v. ta). And the tother hond he lifteth
(MAUNDEV. p. 9.). The tother "2 festes (p. 232.). The tothere ne
ben not so grete (p. 52.). A fole the tone, and a fole the tother
(SKELTON I. 260.). The tone agayng the tother (I. 313.). Naught
justifies us in believing this t inserted from phonetic reasons. I
should rather explain it out of the t of the that used as an article,
which in Old-English so frequently stood before one and other:
And rerde tuo nonneryes, Worwel pat one was, And Ambresbury
pet oper (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 291.). There is a gret weye
from that on to that othre (MAUNDEV. p. 63.). Compare also the
instances cited above. Thus there would here be the same sepa-
ration of the consonant of a preceding word, which we elsewhere
occasionally meet with in Old-English, for instance, in atte nale
for atten ale and the like. In modern times this origin has
been forgotten and the t regarded as an article. Tone and to-
ther are still popular in the North of England and South of
Scotland.
The instrumental of pe, py, pe, in. and n., having become
unrecognizable, has been preserved in the form the, as in Anglo-
saxon, before the comparative in the meaning of eo (eo-eo instead
of quo-eo) : So much the rather then, celestial light, Shine inward
(MILTON). The more I hate, the more he follows me (SHAKSP.
Mids. N. Dr.). I love not Man the less, but Nature more (L. BY-
RON). Even Old-English readily uses it in reduplication: pe lenger,
pe more (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 110.).
The e of the article in poetry, as well as in rapid speech ge-
nerally, often suffers syncope, not only before vowels, but even
before cousonants, as in Old-English : My Lord, ^'expected guests
are just arriv'd? (OTWAY). When, or how, shall I prevent or
stop ///approaching danger (CONCRETE). T^'industrious bees
neglect their golden store (POPE). In th? olden time Some sacri-
fices ask'd a single victim (L. BYRON). — Oh! that kind dagger
. . drench' d in my blood to ttflailt (OTWAY). Tth 'very minute
when her virtue nods (ID.). Who merit, ought indeed to rise iW-
world (ID.).
Old-English poetry often uses the more emphatic this, where
the article would be quite sufficient; compare, for instance Chau-
cer: Duk Theseus . . This duk (1696. 1706.). This worthy duk
(1744.). This Theseus, this duk, this worthy knight . . He festeth
1. The Parts of Speech. A. The Noun. V. The Article. 317
hem (2192.). It stands particularly readily before proper names:
This Arcite and this Palamon ben mette (1638.), where the an-
cient language even employed the unaccented article: At last the
Duglas and the Perse met (PERCY Rel. p. 3. II.).
b) The indefinite article an, a, Anglosaxon an, unus, Old-English
an, on, a, o &c. existing only in the singular, according to the
precepts of grammarians, stands, in its abbreviated form a, before
all words beginning with a consonant sound. Among these are
of course also reckoned those beginning with the semiconsonants
w and y, as well as accented syllables beginning with an h which
is not mute, and words beginning with u, eu, ew, an aspirate
sounding before these words, as well as one and once, since to
these a labial (w) is prefixed: a man, a tree, a heathen, a unit,
such a one, a oneness &c. The fuller form an stands before all
vowels (which are not heard with an initial consonant), before
words beginning with a mute h, as well as before words begin-
ning with an aspirated h, when the syllable beginning with h is
followed by the accented syllable: an inn, an umpire, an hour,
an heir, an harangue, an historical subject &c.
Usage is however not quite in harmony with this precept, since
we often find an used even before aspirated vowels and before
an aspirate h in the accented syllable: An useless waste of life
(MACAULAY). An eunuch (CONGREVE). An unanimous resolution
(GOLDSMITH). I'd rather be an unit of an united and imperial
,,Tena (L. BYRON); an hero &c.
Old-English early adopted the custom of retaining, an, on before
vowels and h, and of setting, on the other hand, a, o before other
consonants, and that even where not the unaccented article, but
the numeral came in. Robert of Gloucester often has an before
consonants: So pat per com of an wode . . an six pousend of
Brutons (I. 211.); and thus too subsequent writers, yet compare:
There scholde be but o masse sayd at on awtier, upon o day
(MAUNDEV. p. 19.). Hyre lord and sche be of a blode. — Thre
persones in a Godhede (Ms. in HALLIWELL s. v.).
From this assimilation of the proper numeral to the article,
with regard to form, is to be explained the still frequent use of
the article, where the numeral one, especially with the meaning
one and the same, seems to be required: For a day or two I've
lodg'd her privately (OTWAY). Halloo, said my uncle, falling back
a step or two (DICKENS); and this is common in similar combi-
nations. Compare: With a charme or twayne (SKELTON 1, 57.).
We are both of an age (FIELDING). Then the poor woman would
sometimes tell the 'Squire, that she thought him and Olivia extre-
mely of a size (GOLDSMITH).
In union with other an is -now treated as the ingredient of a
compound: In less than another year we had another daughter
(GOLDSMITH).
The indefinite article is capable of no change of form; of and
to, serving as substitutes for the case-inflection, come before it:
They made a bet of a new hat (DICKENS). These attentions . .
were directed to a young lady (ID.).
318 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
B) The Verb.
The verb, or time-word, is that part of speech which predicates
of a subject an activity falling in the sphere of time. But every
phenomenal mode of the subject, which is predicated of it, is to be
regarded as an activity of the subject, whether spoken of as its
action, its passion or its condition, since it belongs to the succes-
sive moments of time, therefore can only be apprehended as a move-
ment and a becoming. The division and separation of the sphere of
time into spaces of time from the most general points of view
produces the tenses, or time forms, of the verb.
Sorts of the Verb, and their interchange.
"With reference to their grammatical relation inside of speech,
verbs are divided into various sorts, a decision which is partly go-
verned by the relation to an object, partly by that to the subject of
the sentence.
a) "With regard to the relation to objective determinations of the
sentences, verbs are divided into transitive verbs, denoting an
activity directed outwards, and intransitive verbs, expressing an
activity concluded within itself.
1) Transitive verbs are accordingly those verbs which denote an
activity directed to an object as its goal, whether the object is
produced by the activity itself or is determined thereby as a being
existing independently.
Transitive verbs are distinguished into those which are such in
the narrower and those which are such in the wider sense. The
former are those whose object undergoes the effect of the activity
immediately, and therefore stands in the accusative with the active
of the verb : Hamilton murdered the old man in cold blood (MAC-
AULAY). The latter are those whose activity requires an object
participating mediately, which therefore stands to the verb in the
relation of another case (the genitive or dative): If solitude suc-
ceed to grief. Release from pain is slight relief (BYRON).
English frequently effaces the distinction of both sorts, especially
since the dative and the accusative, as in Lowdutch, are frequently
not distinguished from each other in form, and the original reference
of the verb to its object vanishes from the consciousness of the
language.
The transitive verb becomes reflective, if it has its subject for
its object; it then receives a personal pronoun for its object: He
hid himself (WEBST.). Here will we rest us (LONGFELLOW). They
defended themselves against the Saxons (W. SCOTT). Reflective
verbs, in the narrower sense, which can have only a personal
Sronoun for their object, are now hardly known to Modern-English.
Id-English had a multitude of impersonal reflective verbal forms,
whereof methinks, meseems are obsolete remains, along with
which it irks me, it lists him, and the like remain in use. Old-
/. The Parts of Speech and their Inflective Forms. B. The Verb. 319
English: Et this whan the hungreth(¥iERS PLOUGHM.P. 276.). Methur-
steth yit (p. 391.). That I makede man It me forthynketh, =poentiet
me (p. 167.). Lene hem whan hem nedeth (p. 185.). More rare
even in Old-English are personal verbs of feeling or of affection
in the reflective construction: I drede me (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 164.).
I repent me (SKELTON I. 304.); the latter whereof is still in use
in Modern-English: She will repent her of all past offences (FIEL-
DING).
The notion of the activity appears as reciprocal, when mutuality
of an activity, as the action of a subject upon an object and reac-
tion of this object upon that subject, is denoted. This happens
in English by the junction of one another and each other to the
transitive verb: If we love one another, Nothing, in truth, can
harm us (LONGFELLOW). They . . broke their spears without
doing each other further injury (W. SCOTT). The kings obliging
themselves to assist each other against all the rest of the world
&c. (ID.).
Transitive verbs, with the exception of the reflective ones, ap-
pear in a twofold shape: that of the active and that of the
passive.
The active is the verbal form whereby the grammatical subject
is represented as exercising the activity: The assassins pulled
off her clothes (MACAULAY). The active form also belongs to
intransitive verbs. The passive lets the grammatical subject ap-
pear as undergoing the activity: They were roused from sleep
by faithful servants (MACAULAY). The two kingdoms were divided
from each other (W. SCOTT). As you were told before (ID.). He
was succeeded by his son (ID.).
The freedom in forming the passive is far greater in English than
in other tongues. Passives are formed not only from transitive verbs
in the narrower and wider sense, but also from verbs in themselves
intransitive, which are construed in the corresponding active form
by prepositions with adverbial (objective) determinations: Starhed was
soon disposed of (W. SCOTT). The Highlands and Islands were parti-
cularly attended to (ID.). Had he not been called on to fill the station
of a monarch . . he might . . have been regarded as an honest and
humane prince (ID.). An old manor-house, and an old family of this
kind, are rarely to be met with at the present day (W. IRVING).
2) Intransitive verbs are all those which denote an activity not
directed to an object, and which therefore appears as concluded
in itself: That evening the great minister died (MACAULAY). The
punishment of some of the guilty began very early (ID.). By slow
degrees the whole truth came out (ID.). They are also called neuters.
Verbs may be termed, according to their import, frequentative
or iterative, diminutive, inchoative and desiderative. They
belong to the class of transitives or of intransitives, notwithstanding
such further notional determinations.
The specified sorts of the verb are however not distinguished
from each other in such a manner as not to be capable of pas-
sing into or changing places with one another. The question
whether a verb is originally transitive or intransitive in English,
320 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. 11.
is frequently not to be answered. Only by a recourse to the
tongues out of which English grew can this be in many cases
decided, while in others the more or less frequent or the older
use of a verb as transitive or intransitive may turn the scale where
forms and derivative terminations afford but little clew. No other
tongue avails itself, to the same extent as the English, of the
liberty of interchanging notions of activities.
An interchange of this sort is certainly known to most tongues,
although not to the like extent. It rests on the one hand on the
possibility that the activity which needs a completing object may
also in fact be conceived by itself or abstractedly, which is ever the
case when no definite object is added; but, on the other hand,
the activity concluded in itself, so far as it has any result at all, or
so far as it is imagined in contact with objects, may be regarded as
the activity producing that result or acting immediately upon those
objects. A wider limit will of course be conceded to poetry and the
naive speech of common life than to the strictly measured prose.
Yet even prose has possessed itself in a wider compass of these inter-
changes, when warranted by the living speech, and thereby has often
rendered the original nature of the verb imperceptible.
Some of the demonstrable interchanges of the sorts of verbs
may here be mentioned by way of example.
1. ct) The transitive active becomes intransitive, when no appro-
priate object is given to it, although this cannot, of course,
be absent from the activity: About, seek, fire, killl (SHAKSP.
J. C.). Instances of this sort are to be met with everywhere.
/3) The transitive active becomes intransitive, where the acti-
vity could have no other object than the subject itself;
wherefore this is also regarded as a transition into the reflec-
tive meaning. In Highdutch verbs like nahen, niichten, stiir-
zen, fiirchten, miinden, and the like, which run parallel to
sich nahen, and the like, form an analogy to this usage. In
English reflective formations likewise sometimes run parallel
to these intransitives, although they have been more restricted
in later times: Yeomen . . were induced to enlist (MACAULAY).
When the troops had retired, the Macdonalds crept out of the
caverns of Glencoe (ID.). She could not refrain from crying
out &c. (FIELDING). I will prove in the end more faithful than
any of them (W. SCOTT). Russell meanwhile was preparing
for an attack (MACAULAY). Two large brooks which unite to
form the river Tile (W. SCOTT). He stole away to England
(MACAULAY). The warlike inhabitants . . gathered fast to
Surrey's standard (W. SCOTT). Mark you he keeps aloof from
all the revels (L. BYRON). Instances of this sort are also very
frequent. If they can be interchanged with the reflective
construction, we must not attribute to them quite the same
mode of apprehension. The identity of the objective value
does not decide grammatically the identity of the apprehension.
These verbs are to be conceived as such whose reference to
outward independent objects is hindered by the context, and
therefore must be deemed to be concluded within the subject.
/. The Parts of Speech. B. The Verb. Its Sorts. 321
Single verbs, which may be referred here, as in: I shame
To wear a heart so white (SHAKSP. Macb.) have remained
true to their origin, the Anglosaxon scamjan, erubescere, being
intransitive, and not having received the common transitive
meaning till later.
7) Different from the usage just mentioned is the employment
of the transitive active as intransitive, when an activity seems
imputed to the subject, whose object it rather is. A trans-
mutation of the active into the passive being here sometimes,
though by no means universally, possible, this has been con-
ceived as a transition into the passive meaning: What a deli-
cious fragrance springs From the deep flagon, while it fills
(LONGFELLOW). I published some tracts . . which, as they
never sold, I have the consolation of thinking were read only
by the happy Few (GOLDSMITH). If the cakes at tea ate
short and crisp, they were made by Olivia (ID.). A godly,
thorough Reformation, Which always must be carried on, And
still be doing never done (BUTLER;. While any favourite air
is singing (SHERIDAN). While this ballad was reading, So-
phia seemed to mix an air of tenderness with her approbation
(GOLDSMITH). While a treaty of union . . was negotiating (RO-
BERTSON). A great experiment was making (MACAULAY). For
you I've a draught that long has been brewing (LONGFELLOW).
The periphrastic verbal forms with the participle in ing have
especially been thus employed from olden times. The use of
these verbs is to be explained by the subject's being considered
the mediate author of the activity of which itself is the ob-
ject. Thus the transitive-active borders partly on the reflec-
tive, partly on the passive and on the factitive meaning.
Compare above : it fills = it fills itself, il filled, makes
itself filled.
2. &) The intransitive verb receives the character of the transitive
active, if the result of the activity is made its object. Thus
the verb is often put to a substantive of the same stern, de-
noting the activity in the abstract form : Ye all live loathsome,
sneaking, servile lives (OrwAY). He had rather die a thousand
deaths (FIELDING). To let them die the death (L. BYRON).
How many old men . . sank down and slept their last sleep
in the snow (MACAULAY); as happened early with intransitive
and transitive verbs. Old-English: He aschede po pat same
asking (Ros. OF GLOUCESTER I. 30.); po kyng sende ys sonde
(156.). Suiche domes to deme (II. 562.). Yet objects of an-
other sort than products of the activity may also be considered :
In every tear that 1 do weep (SHAKSP. Love's L. L. 4, 3.).
Groves whose rich trees wept odorous gums (MILTON). What
he lived was more beautiful than what he wrote (LEWES).
The realm itself . . yawns dungeons at each step for thee and
me (L. BYRON). nTliou didst not say so." — But thou lookedst
it (ID.). Does the prophet doubt, To whom the very stars
shine victory? (ID.)
Matzner, engl. Gr. I. 21
322 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
|3) or the activity is referred to an object independent of it,
which it touches or upon which it mediately acts, and which
is only considered as that immediately aimed at or hit by
the activity: To sit a horse (WEBST.). Thou day! That slowly
waltfst the watersl March — March on (L. BYRON). Thou
shalt make mighty engines swim the sea (BRYANT). There's
not a ship that sails the ocean (LONGFELLOW). We . .fought
the powers Sent by your emperor to raise our siege (OTWAY).
Fight the ship as long as she can swim (MACAULAY). While
thou foughtst and foughtst the Christian cause (J. HUGHES);
when, as in the last instances, the sort of reference to the
object may be different,
7) or the notion of the activity is taken as factitive in its
reference to an object, that is, as effecting the activity ori-
ginally contained in the verb : I have travelled my uncle Toby
. . in a chariot and four (STERNE). During twenty six hours
he rained shells and redhot bullets on the city (MACAULAY).
Even at the base of Pompey's statua, Which all the while
ran blood, great Caesar fell (SHAKSP. J. C.). Men, who . .
have danced their babes Upon their knees (L. BYRON). Many
verbs, originally intransitive, are thus treated, as, to issue, to
lean (Anglosaxon hlinjan), to prosper &c. Here belongs also
the case in which an intransitive verb is at the same time
conceived as effecting a predicative determination of the object:
I have walked my clothes dry (BULWER).
&) Allied to the usage last mentioned is the transition of the
intransitive active into the reflective form by the addition
of a personal pronoun: Good Margaret, run thee to the parlour
(SHAKSP. Much Ado &c.). Hie thee home (SMART), Anglosaxon
hycgan, studere. Fare thee well, and think of death (J. HU-
GHES). Sit thee down (SHAKSP.). Go flee thee away into the
land of Judah (BIBLE). They sate them down beside the
stream (SOUTHEY). These and similar turns, still employed,
chiefly in the imperative, are censured by modern gramma-
rians. They are familiar to Old-English: This knave goth
him up ful sturdily (CHAUCER 3434.). Expressions like : Here
will we rest us (LONGFELLOW); Old-English: Where oure Lady
rested hire (MAUNDEV.p.71.), are originally regular; Anglosaxon
He hine reste (ExOD. 31, 17.), as well as the Old-English:
He went him home. The Old-English: haste thee has been
formed after the Old-French se haster.
b) With regard to the subject of the sentence we distinguish per-
sonal and impersonal verbs.
1) Personal verbs are those referred to a determinate person or
thing as their subject: The revolution had been accomplished (MA-
CAULAY). What is your illness? — nlt has no name" (LoNG-
FELLOW).
2) We call impersonal those having no determinate subject. Their
subject, not decidedly present in imagination, is indicated by the
neuter ft, and they stand only in the third person singular.
1. The Parts of Speech. R. The Verb. Its Sorts. 323
cc) Those verbs are impersonal in the narrowest sense, which can
occur only in sentences without a subject definitely imagined.
Here belong some of those which denote effects in the domain
of nature, to which we abscribe no clearly conceived subject, as
in: it rains, it lightens, it thunders, it hails, it snows, it freezes,
it thaws, it blows &c. Old-English: Now it schyneth, now it
reyneth faste (CHAUCER 1537.). They are however at the same
time partly personal. Hence all verbs are in a wider sense
impersonal which, although in themselves used personally, are
referred to activities whose subject is unclear to the imagination,
or, although demonstrable, is yet for the moment unclear or
indifferent to the speaker. Here also are found verbs with a
predicative completion: It is very cold (SHAKSP. Haml.). How
dark it grows (LONGFELLOW). It is growing dark (ID.). The
limit of the linguistic usage is hard to specify. There manifestly
belong here sentences like: How fares it with the holy monks
of Hirschau? (LONGFELLOW.) Is it come to this? (SMART.) Thus
it was now in England (MACAULAY). Reflective verbs used im-
personally, with which even the subject it may be wanting, and
which are not at the same time referred to a logical subject in
the sentence or clause, as in the Old-English me hungreth, me
thursteth, are unknown to Modern-English; since expressions
like methinks, meseems relate to such a subject. In sentences
like woe is me! compare the Old-English: Wo worth! — Ever
worthe thaym wo! (TOWNEL. MYST. p, 270.), woe (Anglosaxon
vava, va, miseria) is, properly, the subject.
/3) We must distinguish from impersonal sentences of the sort
specified sentences, similar in form, in which the grammatical
subject it points to a logical subject contained in the sentence
or clause. The logical subject is in this case frequently an in-
finitive or a dependent sentence: It is hard to go, but harder
to stay (LONGFELLOW). It was an aged man who spoke (ID.).
It was observed that two important classes took little or no part
in the festivities (MACAULAY). It belongs to syntax to discuss
this more particularly.
The Forms of the English Verb in general.
The various relations which the verb receives inside the sentence,
are expressed by its various forms, the conjugations. English is poor
in simple forms of this sort, frequently availing itself of so called
auxiliary verbs, to express periphrastically the syntactical relations
expressed, in tongues richer in forms, by the verbal stem and its
termination. Many of these forms are at the same time susceptible
of various relations, and therefore in themselves unclear, so that they
only become completely intelligible in the entire context of the sen-
tence.
The English conjugations rest upon the Anglosaxon ; the influence
of the Old-French upon the passive formation could hardly be pointed
out, although the auxiliary verb veorcFan, has been abandoned.
21*
324 Doctrine, of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
a) As to the sorts of the verb, even the Anglosaxon had no longer
a passive form, properly so called, as little as a form for the me-
dium (or reflective). It possessed only the expressed active form.
The Anglosaxon passive was formed by the assistance of the verbs
vesan and veorfran with the participle of the preterite; English
used the auxiliary verb to be, of several stems, and mixed with
forms of the verb vesan and its participles: I am loved; I was
loved. Old-English also employed for a long time the verb worthen,
worthe: His lif and his soule worthe ishend (DAME SIRIZ p. 7.).
Chastite withouten charite Worth cheyned in helle (PiEiis PLOUGHM.
p. 26.). No creature . . Withouten cristendom worth saved (p. 244.).
Ysaved worstow (p. 420.); as this verb also remained in use: What
shalle worthe on me! (TowNEL. MYST. p. 226. 263.) even in Chau-
cer and others.
The employment of all sterns of the auxiliary verb, now be in
the infinitive, mixed with the verb vesan, was natural: Sey, that
theise stones be made loves, ut lapides isti fiant panes (MAUNDEV.
p. 98.). Thei brennen his body . . to that entent, that he suffre
no peyne in erthe, to ben eten.of wormes (p. 170.). That hathe
ben preved (p. 100.).
b) The tenses of the verb specify the sphere of time into which the
activity falls. All activity belongs in fact either to the present or
to the past; but it can also be imagined as happening in the
future. But both the present and the past have their before and
after, therefore ever a past in the rear and a future before them.
There arise therefore two series of the tenses of speech, one
whereof makes the standing point of the speaker the centre, as
the present, the other takes a fact of the past as the centre.
The first series we may call the tenses of the present; the others,
those of the past.
English has, according to the precedent of Anglosaxon, only two
simple tenses, a present and a preterite: love, loved; swim,
swam. These form the centres of the other compound presents and
preterites. Compound present tenses have present forms ; compound
preterites, on the other hand, preterites of auxiliary verbs alongside
of the participle or infinitive, with which they together express
periphrastically the absent simple tenses.
The auxiliary verbs which come under review are : to have, shall,
will and, in intransitive verbs rarely: to be.
The tenses of the present are: the present: love; the perfect:
have loved; the first future: shall (will) love; the second future:
shall (will) have loved.
The tenses of the past are: the preterite: loved; the plusquam-
perfectum: had loved; the imperfect of the future, also the first
conditional: should (would) love; the plusquamperfectum of the
future, also second conditional: should (would) have loved. Both
conditionals are commonly apprehended as conjunctives. The nature
of these forms has to be more particularly discussed in the Syntax.
As to the formation of the periphrastic forms, the verb habban,
habban (to have) was employed with the participle periphrastically,
even in Anglosaxon, like as habere in Latin in habeo perspec-
1. The Parts of Speech. A. The Verb. Forms of the Verbs. 325
turn &c. Old-English early used to have with transitive and in-
transitive verbs: I have dwelled, habitavi (MAUNDEV. p. 110.). Where
has thou thus long be? (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 25.). He hathe . . and
alle weye hathe had (MAUNDEV p. 296.). 3if here
ben dronken, he hadde not yleye with hem (p. 102.).
alle weye hathe had (MAUNDEV p. 296.). jif here fadre had not
(P- " " !
The anomalous seal, sceal (shall) with the infinitive was also
used to form the future periphrastically, though not without the
recollection of its original meaning, namely of an ethical necessity
(debeo), which has not quite vanished, even in English. The An-
glosaxon villan (will) is not yet found used periphrastically, but
in English early took the place of scall, of course not without
reference to the notion of an inclination, tendency, and then of
aptness and appropriateness. In Old-English shal is early universal
as a periphrasis : That ne shal nevere be That I shal don selk falsete
(DAME SIKIZ p. 5.). That I have thoght I shalle fulfille (TOWNEL.
MYST. p. 1.). What art thou that thus telly s afore that shalle be?
(p. 24.). And whan he felte wel, that he scholde dye (MAUNDEV.
p. 228.). But will is also found early: As me (men) dep jet, and
euer more wole (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 24.). jiff the erthe were
made moyst and weet . . it wolde never berefruyt (MAUNDEV. p. 100.).
The distinction of the periphrasis in shall or will, when shall is
mostly restricted to the first person, is unknown to Old-English,
in which the use of shall generally preponderates. Even in Shak-
speare's age this distinction is less universal. See Mommsen's Rom.
and Juliet p. 1109. The details belong to Syntax. We shall speak
of further periphrastic forms below.
With regard to the employment of the verb to have, we must
observe that the active of all transitive and reflective verbs is con-
jugated with to have. With intransitives, on the contrary, to be
is also frequently found employed: The third day 's come and gone
(L. BYRON). When the sun is set (MILTON). She can not be fled
far (L. BYRON). This is founded upon an Anglosaxon precedent.
Some grammarians wholly reject this formation, others declare both
forms to be indifferent. Linguistic usage annexes syntactic differences
to each, which belong to Syntax.
c) The modes, which serve to express the subjective relation of the
speaker to the predicate in thought and will, are: the indicative,
which lays down the predicate objectively; the conjunctive, which
expresses it reflectively, and the imperative, which represents it
as an expression of will. Modern-English, besides the indicative,
has also a form of the imperative, coinciding certainly with others.
The forms of the conjunctive, except in the present of verbs, have
become almost totally unrecognizable, or those of the indicative
have taken their place, so that even the existence of a conjunctive
is denied. Old-English frequently drew a distinction betwixt in-
dicative and conjunctive forms, as Modern-English still sometimes
does.
d) The distinction of the three personal forms of the singular and
plural in the verb, which was frequently effaced in Anglosaxon, i&
still more so in Modern-English, where the plural has completely
cast off its inflective forms. The accession of the personal pronouns
to distinguish the speaker or speakers, the person or persons
326 Doctrine of the Word. - The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
spoken to and the person or persons spoken of is frequently
governed thereby.
e) The middle forms of the verb are those forms which border on
the one hand on the substantive; (the infinitive and the gerund)
on the other, on the adjective (participles).
The infinitive names the activity abstractly, without predicating
it immediately of any determinate subject, while it distinguishes it
according to the reference to present or past time : to love, to have
loved. It has almost entirely lost its characteristic terminations.
The gerund, likewise expressing the distinction of time, leans
upon the participial form of the present, but has preserved the
substantive meaning, originally belonging to this form, more than
the French gerund in ant (-ndum), which likewise coincided with
the participle of the present ant (-nteni): loving — having loved.
The participles, or adjective verbal forms, are that of the pre-
sent: loving, and that of the perfect: loved.
How far these forms diverge from the Anglosaxon will be pointed
out below.
The weak and the strong conjugation.
Like all Germanic tongues, Anglosaxon distinguished a weak
and a strong conjugation, the latter whereof, the old, or the primi-
tive, was in English more and more supplanted by the weak one,
which is now usually opposed to the strong one as the regular to
the irregular.
Both Auglosaxon conjugations are essentially distinguished by
the weak one's forming its preterite by appending the suffix de (Con-
junct, de) to the verbal stem, which receives ed (d), in the participle
of the perfect; and the strong one's, on the other hand, forming its
preterite by a change in the fundamental vowel, or a variation of
the vowel, while the participle of the perfect, which assumes the
termination en, mostly receives the stem vowel of the present or that
of the plural of the preterite.
The Anglosaxon weak conjugation has two different forms,
according as the vowel i (as e and J), or the vowel o (this however
only in the preterite and participle of the perfect as d) comes between
the stem and the suffix. The connecting vowel i commonly falls
out, if the syllable of the stem is long. Modern- English has preserved
the connecting vowel e in the termination of the preterite ed, the ,;'
still appears in the infinitive termination y. Old-English has the
latter in other forms and also still shews the connecting vowel o of
the second conjugation in the preterite.
The inflective terminations of the weak and of the strong Anglo-
saxon verb are, apart from the connecting vowels, alike in the in-
dicative, conjunctive, imperative and participle of the present, as well
as in the infinitive.
The following table places the Anglosaxon simple conjugations
beside the Old- and the Modern-English, by which the progressive
blunting and partial abandonment of suffixes will appear. The other
forms of the weak and of the strong conjugation in Anglosaxon and
English are discussed in detail further on.
327
Weak Conjugation.
Anglosaxon la.
Ib.
n-
Old-English.
Present Indicative.
S. 1. ner-j-e
hsel-e luf-ig-e
hel-e
2. ner-est
hsel-est
luf-ast
hel-est (es)
3. ner-eff
hsel-ed"
luf-afr
hel-eth
PI. 1. ner-j-adr
hsel-ao*'
luf-j-ad" |hel-eth
2. ner-j-afr
hsel-afr
luf-j-adT (or hel-en and
3. ner-j-ao**
hsel-adT
luf-j-ao** j hel-e
Conjunctive.
S. 1. ner-j-e
hsel-e I luf-ig-e
hel-e
2. ner-j-e
hsel-e
luf-ig-e
hel-e
3. ner-j-e
hsel-e
luf-ig-e
hel-e
PL 1. ner-j-an (en)
hsel-an (en)
luf-j-an (en) hel-en
2.' ner-j-an (en)
hsel-an (en)
luf-j-an (en) /or hel-e
3. ner-j-an (en)
hael-an (en)
luf-j-an (en) )
Preterite Indicative.
S. 1. ner-e-de
h«l-de
luf-6-de
hel-e-de (d)
2. ner-e-dest
haal-dest
luf-6-dest
hel-e-dest
3. ner-e-de
hael-de
luf-6-de
hel-e-de (d)
PL 1. ner-e-don
haal-don
luf-6-dun (don) \hel-e-den or
2. ner-e-dou
hael-don
luf-6-dun (don)[hel-e-de,
. 3. ner-e-don
hsel-don luf-6-dun (don))hel-e-d
Conjunctive.
S. 1. ner-e-de
hael-de !luf-6-de )hel-e-de (d)
2. ner-e-de
hsel-de
luf-6-de
3. ner-e-de
hsel-de
luf-6-de
PL 1. ner-e-den (don)
2. ner-e-den (don)
hsel-den (don)
hael-den (don)
luf-6-den (don)>hel-e-den, or
luf-6-den (don)jhel-e-de
3. ner-e-den (don)
haal-den (don)
luf-6-den (don) \hel-e-d
Imperative.
S. ner-e (ner)
hsel luf-a hel-e
PL ner-j-afr
hsel-adr
luf-j-a?T
hel-eth, hel-e
Participle.
Pres. ner-j-ende
hsel-ende
luf-ig-ende
hel-ende, -inde,
-ande, -end and
-and, hel-ing
Pret. ner-ed
lasel-ed
luf-6-d
hel-ed
Infinitive.
ner-j-an
hsel-an
luf-j-an
hel-en, hel-e
salvare
sanare
amare
sanare
328
Strong Conjugation.
Modern-English. |j Anglosaxon.
Old-English.
Modern-English.
Present Indicative.
hea! bind-e bind-e
bind
heal-est i bind-est (is) bind-est
j bind-est
heal-s j bind-eft (ift) con- bind-eth, ajgo
bind-s
tracted bint
bint
bind-ad >
heal
bind-aft bind-eth or bind-
bind
bind-aft
en and binde-e
Conjunctive.
)
bind-e | bind-e
heal
bind-e
bind-e
bind
i
bind-e
bind-e
)
heal
bind-an (en) «
bind-an (en) 'bind-en or bind-e
'bind
bind-an (en) \
)
Preterite Indicative.
heal-e-d i band
band (bond)
bound
heal-e-dst
bund-e
bond-e
boun-dst
heal-e-d i band
band (bond)
bound
!t bund-un (on)
heal-e-d bund-un (on)
1 bund-un (on)
bond-en or bond),
- -e, bond |bound
Conjunctive.
)heal-e-d
bund-e )
! bound
as in the indi-
bund-e ^bond-e
as in the indica-
'cative
bund-e
1 tive
)
bund-en (on) \
I
} heal-e-d
bund-en (on) (bond-en (e)
bound
\
bund-en (on) ?
|
Imperative.
Wal 1, .^a
f 1! biud-aft
bind
bind-eth
.bind
Participles.
heal-ing | bind-ende
bind-ende. inde,
bind-in g
ande, end, and &c.
heal-ed bund-en
bond-en, bond-e,
bound
1
bond (bound)
Infinitive.
heal II bindan
bind-en, e
bind
— I ligare
—
—
L The Parts of Speech. B. The Verb. Weak and Strong Conjugation. 329
From the foregoing table it appears that the weak English con-
jugation attaches itself to the first Anglosaxon one, especially in its
second form.
1 Of the connecting vowels i (e, j, ig) has in general been lost
in English, with the exception of e in the preterite, which some-
times, even in the preterite, took the place of the #, which also
interchanged with 6. We might certainly take the English e
in ed to have been subsequently inserted; but the older full forms
do not seem to allow this. The connecting vowel i (<?, j, ig), even
in Anglosaxon, was partly thrown out in verbs with a short syl-
lable of the stem, upon which anomalous forms of the weak
English conjugation, which will be discussed below, are founded.
This connecting vowel nevertheless was not only long pre-
served in Old-English, but has also, as y and i, penetrated into
Anglosaxon verbs and tenses to which it did not belong. Thus
we find y («') preserved for j and ig in the indicative and con-
junctive of the present; in the indicative in: Ich Tiopye, Anglo-
saxon hopjan, -ode (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 195.). We louieth;
3e ne louieth, Anglosaxon lufjan (II. 503.). Hii askyeth, Anglosaxon
ascjan, -ode (I. 200.); Therinne wonyeth a wight, Anglos, vunjan,
-ode (PiERs PLOUGHM. p. 18.). The world that wanyeth, Anglo-
saxon vanjan, -ode (p. 153.); in the conjunctive in: That thou
hatie, Anglosaxon hatjan, -ode (PiERs PLOUGHM. p. 120.). So
wonye (Roe. OF GLOUCESTER I. 41.) polye, Anglosaxon poljan
(IB. '205.). ansuenje (194.). makye, Anglosaxon macjan (II. 404.).
sparye, Anglosaxon sparjan (IB. 428.) &c. honty, Anglosaxon
huntjan (I JG.). bapi, Anglosaxon batfjan (IB. 146.). endy, An-
glosaxon endjan (187.). Where this ?/, i is transferred to the
preterite and participle perfect, the connecting vowel properly
appears twice, as y (i) and e at the same time: Tulieden (PiERS
PLOUGHM. p. 277.). My wit vtanyed, Anglosaxon vanjan, -ode
(p. 294.). YtiM, Part. Perf. (p. 301.). In analogy to such
verbs the Old-French verbs in ier were treated and other An-
glosaxon and French ones assimilated to them. Comp. p. 161.
The connecting vowel o in the preterite has been here and
there preserved in Old-English: He ascode (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER
I. p. 127.), and also transferred to other verbs: robbode (IB. 149.);
destruiode (3); buryode, Anglosaxon byrigan, byrigde (50.); dyo-
don (died) (TUNDALE p. 52.). Yet o is early lost
2. The suffixes of the Anglosaxon have been subjected to various
changes and interchanges in English.
In the present the first person singular of the indicative,
as well as the three persons singular of the conjunctive,
often offer e, not as a sign of lengthening, but as a remnant of
the e of inflection; compare axe, putte. walke, telle, sinke, kisse,
gesse &c , although forms without e are already becoming fami-
liar. An e is certainly frequently joined to the forms of the
preterite of strong verbs, where it was absent in Anglosaxon,
330 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. II.
us in halpe, stauke, dranke, felle &c., which may be derived
from the e of the second person sing, indie, and the conjunctive
forms of the sing, preter., since it must be granted that confu-
sion early prevailed in this respect. The hnbituatiou to a final
e> which for a long time was not silent, has caused it to be ap-
pended to other Old-English verbal suffixes, particularly to ter-
minations in eth especially of the third person singular, yet also
of the plifral and of the old imperative in eth; compare above
p. 325, and for the plural: Aftre arryvethe men (MAUNDEV. p. 54.).
Men gothe (p. 31.), for the imperative: And witethe wel (IB. p. 95.).
Makethe pees (p. 234.). To the oldest English language this is
foreign; yet up to the sixteenth century we find forms of this
sort: My simithe (seems) (JACK JUGLER p. 11.). In them that
dothe not me in lete (p. 17.). Dogges dothe barke (SKELTON I.
241.). Even to the second person in st e is often appended:
Thow byste (PERCY Rel. p. 6. II.).; frequently with the rejection
of the t: Thou saysse (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 4.).
The second person of the singular in the indicative still com-
monly appears in Old- and Modern -English in the form est:
grant, grant-est; love, lov-est. With verbs having a mute e
in the first person, this e, if we impute it to the stem, is thrown
off; the e in est being rather to be regarded as the characteristic
vowel of the suffix. The e of inflection is rarely thrown off after
a vowel, as in dost alongside of doest, mayst alongside of mayest
(properly a preterito-present) and in the contracted form hast
(Anglosaxon hafast), as well as in the preterito-present canst
(Anglosaxon canst). In Old-English we also find forms like seist
(PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 394.), saist, saiest, sayest beside each other.
Modern-English gives to verbs in ey, ay the full termination:
Which here thou viewest, beholdest, surveyest or seest (SHAKSP.
Love's L. L. 1, 1.). Even as thou sayestl And how my heart
beats when thou stayestl (LONGFELLOW). The casting out of the
e especially in poetry, both after a short and a long syllable of
the stem and ending in a vowel, is however, not uncommon,
where its rejection is signified by the mark of elision: bring'st,
stand'st, lov'st, giv'st, com'st, join'st, point'st, bear'st, wear'st,
sail'st, keep'st, strik'st, deny'st. We also find may'st and even
can'st. J. Wallis said: In terminationibus est, eth, ed vocalis e,
fere ad placiturn, per syncopen tollitur.
Old-English frequently offers the termination es, and alongside
thereof is, ys, instead of est; it was peculiar to the Northern
dialects. Is this a remnant of the rare Anglosaxon termination
is in the strong conjugation, or a mere rejection of the t? Wife,
come in, Why standes thou here? (CHEST. PLAYS). Thou drown-
nes myiie herte (MoRTE ARTHURS in Halliwell v. drownne). Thou
likes thi play (TRUE THOMAS in Halliwell v. lefe-long). Thou
gettes (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 14.). Lufes thou me? (p. 37.). Heris
thou (p. 9.). Knowys thou? (p. 273.); and with the e thrown
out: Thou says (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 271.). Thou gets hurr not
swa (PERCY Rel. p. 94. L). Thou speks (IB. II.). Scotch has
also the form of the second person is: Gif that be trew that
/. The Parts of Speech. B. The Verb. Weak and Strong Conjugations. 331
thow reporlis (D. LINDSAY 3, 4.). We often find thou united
enclitically with the second person, so that it remains uncertain,
whether, in the st which has arisen by assimilation, the t belongs
to the inflection or to the thou: Herestow not? (CHAUCER 3366.).
Sestow (PiERs PLOUGHM. p. 307.); as also in the preterite: her-
destow (WEBER), haddestow ( PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 226.). The
termination es, ys extends even beyond the seventeenth century:
Thou sees (SKELTON I. 144). Thou spekys; Thynkys thou (263.).
Thou has disarmed my soul (CONGREVE 1669=1729.). — As in
the third person s took the place of th, so th often takes the
place of this»s, especially thou doth, thou hath and the like, in
Skelton I. 260. 262. — The not denoting the second person of
the indicative by a suffix is very common in Old-English in
preterito-presents (see below): thou will, wille, wil; thou shall,
shalle, shal; thou can; thou mote &c., and extends into the six-
teenth century. It has also been extended to other verbs: I
trowe, thou knowe not me (SKELTON I. 43.).
The third person of the singular in the indicative appears in
the oldest time regular, with the suffix eth, in which also the
vowel y, i appears: he grauntheth, precheth, asketh, useth, as-
soileth, helpeth; benymyp, delyueryp (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER),
techyth (HALLIWELL Hist, of Fr. M. p. 23.), clevyth (HALLIWELL
v. eleven), approchyth (SKELTON I. 5.), excedyth, (307.), nedith,
dwellith (JACK JUGLER) &c., when eth and yth often stand along-
side of each other, and the vowel is cast off after vowels, as in
doth, goth, and in hath, hep, Anglosaxon haffr. It has been pre-
served down to the latest times as eth, but has remained only
in ecclesiastical language, poetry and solemn speech. Es, ys
early took its place, particularly in Northern and Eastern dia-
lects. In the Towneley Mysteries, which belong to the more
Northern dialects, ys, is run parallel to es, as the Scottish,
which always let the vowel i penetrate instead of e, used is.
Chaucer, in the Reeves Tale, puts the forms fares, makes, findes,
bringes, says, has into the mouths of the people of Cambridge.
The suffix is is found late, as in Skelton, alongside of others,
In Modern-English the suffix es is added to the stem when
it ends in a sibilant or a hissing sound: ss, z (22), x, sh, ch;
also after y, preceded by a consonant, es stands (with the trans-
formation of the y into i). Further, es appears, if the verb in
the first person ends in a mute e, where it then remains doubt-
ful whether the e in es is to be ascribed to the old suffix, which
however has been elsewhere preserved only for phonetic reasons :
he bless-es, wish-es, mix-es, tri-es, rag-e-s, lov-e-s &c. Else
after consonants and vowels only s now in general enters as a
letter of inflection. After a single o es stands: goes, does; after
oo s: She woos (SHAKSPEARE Two G. of V.) and so often in L.
Byron; but also es: The stock-dove . . cooes (THOMSON). The
verb ba in Shakspeare, now commonly baa, has baes (Mucn ADO
&c. 3, 3.).
The preterito-presents can, shall, may, will have assumed no
es, s, which did not originally belong to them (see below). The
332 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. 11.
verb to will, cupere, with its regular inflection, is not the pre-
terito-preseut verb, but answers to the Anglosaxon villjan, -ode,
-del. The preterito-present dare fluctuates (Anglosaxon 3. pers.
dearr). The collateral form to dare, is inflected regularly and
always has dares; but the justified dare has also been preserved
from the older form along with dares: Old-English: No man
dar eutren in to it (MAUNDEV p. 273. bis). She dare not . .
shryuen be (THE PARDONER AND THE FREEE 1533. p. 47.). Here
is none that dare well other truste (SKELTON I. 38.); and so in
Shakspeare: The duke dare No more stretch this finger of mine,
than he Dare rack his own (MEAS. FOR MEAS.). I know, thou
dar'st But this thing dare not (TEMP.). Who dare tell her so?
(MUCH ADO) &c.
More striking is the rejection of the suffix in need alongside
of needs, the former of which usually occurs intransitively, the
latter transitively, although needs stands intransitively, like the
Old-English needeth (CHAUCER 3599. 4159.). The rejection be-
longs, it seems, to a later period of Old-English. Compare : What
nede all this be spoken? (SKELTON I. 111.). What nede all this
waste? (249.) often in Shakspeare and subsequent writers: What
need a man care for a stock? (Two GENTLEM. OF V.). Why,
she has not writ to me. — What need she, when she has made
you write to yourself? (IB.) What need the bridge much broader
than the flood? (Mucn ADO &c.) One need only read (POPE).
He need not go (Wi.BST.). To fly from, need not be to hate
mankind (L. BYRON). With impersonal verbs the rejection is
not rare in Old-English, thus especially in: me thynk, me thynke
(TOWNEL. MYST. p. 271. 275. 277. SKELTON I. 39. 255. &c.).
It also occurs with other verbs, for instance: God take (MAUNDEV.
p. 295.). He dred hym (PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 270.); where,
however, dred might be the contracted form for drat.
In Old-English in the third person, the vowel of the suffix
often suffers syncope, if the verbal stem ends in t or d or even
s, and then offers t instead of th : sit or sitt (sitteth), smit (smi-
teth), list, lust (listeth, lusteth), rest (resteth), bint (bindeth,
compare above the Anglosaxon bint), fint (findeth), stant, stont
(standeth), bit (biddeth), rit (rideth), bitit (bitideth), holt (holdeth),
rist (riseth). Of these forms list has passed over into the modern
language: Go to bed when she list, rise when she list (SiiAK-
SPEARE Merry Wives).
The three persons of the plural in the indicat. present ap-
pear in the oldest language as eth, rarely oth or uth: Ase and
we vorleteth oure yelderes (Pater Nost. in the Kentish dialect,
according to Ellis)! We bep ybore (ROB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 111.
[even in PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 44.]). We honourep Venus (RoB.
OF GLOUCESTER I. 112.). Alle that beoth of huerte trewe . .
herkneth (PERCY Rel. p. 91. I. sec. XIV.). Ye . . that precheth
(CHAUCER Rom. of the R. p. 248. Tyrwh.). pe yle of Man pat
me (men) clepup (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 2.). pe stones stondep
. . and oper liggep (IB. 7.). pre wondres per bep in Engolond
(IB.). Lettred men it knoweth (PIERS PLOUGH M. p. 23.). These
/. The Farts of Speech. B. The Verb. Weak and Strong Conjugations. 333
forms extend into and beyond the sixteenth century, particularly
in the third person: Your clokes smelleth musty (SKELTON I. 250.).
Her eyen . . Causeth inyne hert to lepe (IB. b2.). Such tunges
. . hath made great diuision (134.). Ith, instead of eth is here
seldom met with. But afterwards we find es and is, ys along
with eth, particularly in the North, where these forms quite
coincide with the third person singular: We er richer men than
he, and mor gode haves (PERCY Rel. p. 93. II.). Ye . . beggys
(SKELTON I. 20.). 0 happy be ye, beastes wild, That here your
pasture takes (PERCY Rel. p. 106. II. sec. XVI.). Now alle wym-
men that has your wytte (Ms. in Halliwell v. myculle) ; Scottish:
Ye . . cryis (S. DAY. LINDSAY 3. p. 16.). Sum takis thair gait
to Gabriell (IB. p. 7.). Prelatis, quhilkis hes of thame the cure
(IB.). The employment especially of the third person of the
plural extends deep into the seventeenth century, particularly
with Northern writers: Now rebels more prevails with words
Than drawgoons does with guns and swords; and: Yea, those that
were the greatest rogues, Follows them over hills and bogues
(CLELAND'S Poems 1697. p. 30.). These considerations may serve
to explain many apparent singulars in Shakspeare, which edi-
tors have in part tacitly transformed into plurals, partly tried to
explain artificially : All his successors) gone before him, hath done
't (MERRY Wiv. 1, 1.). Words to the heat of deeds to cold
breath gives (OxH. 2, 1.) and others. S. Mommsen Romeo and
Juliet p. 26. Delius Shakspeare Lexicon p. XVII.
The plural suffix en, which belonged to the conjunctive, ap-
pears early in the indicative as well as the conjunctive. The
confusion of en and eth is shewn, for instance, in: If ye loven
leelly, And lene the povere, Swich good . . Goodliche parteth
(PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 25.); where the genuine conjunctive, the
rejection of inflection, and at the same time the indicative form
instead of the conjunctive stand; and thus we find en (from
which e is cast out after vowels) countless times alongside of eth
also in the indicative in all three persons : We seen it wel (PiERS
PLOUGHM. p. 18.). Ye men that ben murye (p. 13.). Whan ye
wenden hennes (p. 25.). In glotonye . . Go thei to bedde And
risen with ribaudie (p. 3.). Alle that helpen the innocent And
holden with the rightfulle, Withouten mede doth hem good, And
the truthe helpeth &c. (p. 57.). On the other hand the rejection
of the inflective termination gains great extension even in the
fourteenth century. The termination en disappears earlier from
the conjunctive and indicative than the termination eth from the
latter. In Lancashire the termination en is preserved, although
it is commonly mute, as it is still in use in Gloucestershire and
other counties.
The preterite of the weak conjugation appeared in the forms
of the indicative and conjunctive, which ended in e-de, e-de
(p-de), with the full termination ede(ode): folwede, fondede, jug-
gede &c.; ascode, robbode (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER); but the final
e was soon very frequently absent, even along with forms having
it. e was kept longer in the forms which suffered syncope,
334 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 11.
whose connecting vowel was thrown out, and of which we shall
speak hereafter: saide, paide, laide, herde, made, hadde &c.?
along with which however said, paid, laid &c. also here and,
there appear. In the fifteenth century the final e gradually dis-
appears. In Modern-English it has been abandoned. Along with
ed, id, yd also freqently shew themselves. The manteynid me in
my pride (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 7.). I storyd my cofers (SKELTON
I. 3.). I amendid Douer (IB.). Ye armyd you (8.). I folowid
him (JACK JUGL. p. 15.); particularly in Northern dialects, where
et and it (the latter also in Scotch, as in the perfect participle)
also occurs: Robin that dinet with me (Ms. in Halliwell s. v.);
Scotch: Quhen he belevit thay war brynt (S. DAY. LINDSAY 3,
p. 10.). In a few cases e before d (and t) in Modern-English,
as in Old -English, suffered syncope. See below. In poetry,,
however, this e is frequently thrown out, but its place is then
supplied, both after consonants and vowels, by the mark of eli-
sion: ask'd, wing'd, reach'd, seem'd, guess'd, cross'd. trimm'd,
fann'd, flow'd, delay'd &c.
In the second person singular of the indicative of the weak
conjugation Old-English joins edest to the verbal stem: folwedest,
fondedest, ravishedest, assentedest &c , when those forms in which
e before d suffers syncope preserve est : herdest, haddest, cridest,
dweltest, broughtest. The syncope of e before st is rare, as in hadst
and others. In Modern-English it has become the law, although the
rejected e is still often supplied by a mark of elision, as was
taught by grammarians in the seventeenth century. Hence would'st,
should'st, told'st, did'st are often found alongside of wouldst &c.
The transfer of this suffix of the weak conjugation to the strong
one belongs to the later Old-English. The oldest language here
regularly gives an e to the second person singular in the prete-
rite, as well as to the three persons of the singular of the con-
junctive: pou slowe, drowe; bede (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 133.).
Thow gete . . and breke . . and sete . . and eggedest (PiERS
PLOUGHM. p. 386.). Thou crewe (SKELTON I. 44.). Thou, sawe
(299.). Where gatte thou that mangey curre? (263.). E is rarely
cast off: Thou saw me not (PERCY Rel. p. 8. I., [compare IB.
p. 94. I.]). In Modern -English poets still sometimes use the
strong form without (e)st: Thou, who didst call the Furies from
the abyss, And round Orestes bade them howl and hiss (L. BY-
RON). In the fourteenth century we here and there meet the
transfer of the suffix est to strong verbs: Ful wrongfully bygon-
nest thow (CHAUCER 12370.); which subsequently became universal.
The e is sometimes preserved after vowels in Modern-English,
as in knewest, but commonly suffers syncope and has its place
supplied by the mark of elision: began'st, saw'st. The suffix
has thus penetrated into the conjunctive both of strong and
weak verbs. We find it even in the Romaunt of the Rose: For
certes, though thou haddest it sworne &c. (p. 257. ed. Tyrwh.).
Yet even in Modern-English the conjunctive form without est
has been preserved, against which modern grammarians however,
express themselves. See Murray p. 201.
L The Parts of Speech. B. The Verb. Weak and Strong Conjugations. 335
Conversely, even in Old-English we find an influence of the
second person of the strong form upon the weak conjugation,
which likewise often cast off the suffix est: Thou maide bothe
nyght and day (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 20.). This did thou (IB.).
Thou had (p. 270.). I thank the, Lord, . . that wold vowch
sayf &c. (p. 24.). Thou wisted nat right now (CHAUCER 1158.
Tyrwh., where Wright, contrary to the metre, gives wosf): Why
nad (= ne had) thou put the capil in the lathe? (4086. Wright).
Thou answered (ROM. OF THE ROSE p. 225. II.). The olde name
. . that thou had had (SKELTON I. p. 242.). What thou sayd
yester nyght (p. 42.). Thus the preterito-presents especially are
often put without the suffix. This usage is also sometimes found
in Modern-English: Detested as thou art and ought to be (POPE).
There thou . . once formed thy Paradise (L. BYRON).
Verbs which appear to have suffered syncope in the preterite,
like cast, burst, assume edst in the preterite, that is to say, they
pass into the regular form. They are, however, often found used
in the second person without this suffix, for which the avoiding
of the missound is quoted as the reason.
The plural forms of the indicative and conjunctive of the pre-
terite, which in Anglosaxon end in edon, odun (on) and eden
(also edon) and in the strong conjugation in un (on), mostly offer
in Old-English the forms eden, rarely oden (in the contracted
forms den, ten) and en, alongside whereof also edon and on, rarely
suffixes with yn occur: woneden, filleden, weyeden, hateden, re-
fuseden, consenteden, carrieden &c.; hadden, maden, criden, lai-
den, lepten (from leap) &c.; — clomben, ronnen, gonnen, eten
&c. ; destruiodon, robboden, dyodon (= died, see HALLIWELL s. v.),
clepton, clombon, eton &c.; daltyn (= dealt, see HALLIWELL s.
v.). Yet we very early find the rejection of the n alongside of
the fuller forms, as in ROB. OF GLOUCESTER: buryode, destruiode,
worrede, were, nome, wonne, overcome &c. Forms with en quite
cast off, in particular in the suffix eden, often stand promiscuously
with fuller ones, as in Piers Ploughman and Chaucer &c. The
complete casting off of the inflective termination en was soon
the result. The transfer of it to the singular, often met with in
Maundeville, is peculiar: As longe as the cros myghten laste
(p. 10.). Whan on overcomen, he scholde he crowned (p. 11.).
Compare p. 35. 63. 77. &c.
The Imperative is in Modern-English confined to one form,
that of the singular in Old-English. The plural form in eth was
long preserved: Armep you faste (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 18.).
And witethe wel (MAUNDEV. p. 42.). And undre stondethe &c.
(p. 51.). Now herkneth (CHAUCER 3138.). Avyseth you (3185.).
Sitteth alle stille, and herkneth to me (PERCY Rel. p. 90. I.).
The plural is also used in courteously addressing one person:
Cometh ner . . my lady . . And ye, sir clerk, let (contracted from
letteth) be your shamfastnesse, Ne studieth nat (CHAUCER 841.).
Northern dialects have also s for th: Drawes on (TOWNEL. MYST.
p. 8.). Herkyns alle (p. 49.). The form commonly referred to
the singular is however, sometimes found for the plural before
336 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part L Sect 11.
the end of the fourteenth century: Takethe a lytille bawme . .
and touche it to the fuyr (MATNDEV. p. 51.). For the first per-
son plural the conjunctive with we often stands, as now: Make
we here 3 dwellyng places ( = faciamus) (MAUNXXEV. p. 114.).
Cometh with me . . And holde we us there And crije we (PiERS
PLOUGIIM. p. 4*29.). Make we to him an help (CiiAiCER II. p. 335.
Wright). Modern-English: Then go we near her (SnAKSP. Much.
Ado &c.). Reap we not the ripened wheat, Till yonder hosts
are flying (BRYANT). Watch we in calmness, as they rise, The
changes of that rapid dreain (ID.). The sole imperative form
now in use not only takes the place of the plural, but is also
employed as a genuine singular: Be thou familiar, but by no
means vulgar (SriAKSP. Jul. C.). Yet fear not thou (LOVE'S L.
L.). Mischief . . Take thou what course thou wilt (JuL. C.).
The periphrasis with the verb let is also old: Let us gang (Tow-
NEL. MYST. p. 9.), Let us se which of hern hath spoke most
resonably (CHAUCER II. p. 348.). Modern -English: Let's stay
and hear the will (SHAKSP. JuL C.). Come, let me clutch thee
(MACB.).
Among the participial forms the gerund participle, at present
with the suffix ing, which in Anglosaxon is a substantive and
also sometimes an adjective, has proceeded from a remarkable
interchange of the suffix ende with the former. The interchange
is old; the Halfsaxon of Orm and Layamon has waldinge for
w aid end. Both however long ran parallel with each other.
Besides in the Southern dialects inde, ynde appears instead of
ende, as in the Northern ande\ as, for instance, in the Old-Kentish
Credo: lyf evrelestinde and in the Pat. Nost. cominde thi riche;
in Rob. of Gloucester sykynde, (I. 323.). Ofte wepynd (328.);
berninde tapers (II. 534.); — carvande, rydande (Ms. in Halliwell
v. carvande); prickand, speakand (ELLIS Met. Rom. II. 18.); sty-
rande (PERCY Rel. p. 93. II.); rydand (p. 93. II.); brenand,
thrustand (p. 94. I.); styncand (PiERS PLOUGHM. Creed p. 489.);
lepande (RoM. OF THE ROSE p. 225. L); sittand (p. 227. II.);
doand (p. 230. II.); criand (p. 233. II.) &c., as in Scotch: askand,
speikand, hopeand, growand, seand, sittand, provokand, tryumphand
&c., in D. Lindsay; alongside of which run comende, fynende,
contrariende &c., in Gower, losende &c. even in Skelton I, 407.
As in Scotch the forms in ing likewise ran alongside (compare
chusing, twy chin g = touching, pertening, remaning, using &c. in
Lindsay), so too in English. Could the frequent dialectical silence
of g in ing have supported the interchange of ind and ing, and,
on the other hand the Old-French form ant the use of and?
Thus in Lindsay triumphant stands along with triumphand
&c. Yet here the Old-norse participle in andi may have coope-
rated. In the fourteenth century ing was already widely dif-
fused, in Modern-English hardly a trace of the old terminations
has been preserved.
The suffix of the participle - perfect of the weak conjugation
was and continued ed (except in forms suffering syncope, whereof
below); alongside whereof we find earlier, and down to the six-
1. The Parts of Speech. B. The Verb. Weak and Strong Conjugations. 337
teenth century id (compare shewyd, clokyd, vexyd, annexyd in
Skelton; refreshid, disposid &c. in Jack Jugler), as well as in
the preterite, and likewise it, as in Skelton: Thy sword, enliarpit
of mortale drede (I. 11.), as in Scotch. Even ud is found; pat
Stonhengel is yclepud (Roe. OF GLOUCESTER I. 7.). Of the par-
ticiple of the strong conjugation in en we shall speak further on.
Before both participles moreover, y, i (Anglosaxon ge), is fre-
quently placed in Old-English; sometimes ye: yebent, (PERCY
Rel. p. 3. I.). Instances are very frequent in Old-English; in
Modern-English the particle shews itself in some archaic forms
as y. Compare: Spring ydad in grassy die (L. BYRON). And
he that unawares had there y gazed (ID.); see p. 158. In Anglo-
Saxon it frequently served to compound with verbs in all their
inflective forms; placed before some tenses it changed the pre-
terite into a plusquamperfect, the present into a futurum exactum,
and the like. Its fundamental meaning was that of completion
and duration In Old-English y also stands before other verbal
forms.
The infinitive suffix en, Anglosaxon an, at first blunted down
to e, has finally vanished in many verbs. In the fourteenth cen-
tury forms with and without n commonly stand immediately
beside each other: To bakbite and to bosten (PIERS PLOUGHM.
p. 33 ). And al day to drinken At diverse tavernes, And there
to jangle and jape (IB.). Besides see p. 175.
3. The changes produced in the stem, in weak as well as in strong
verbs, solely by the inflective terminations, are the following:
If a verb ends in an accented or unaccented y with a conso-
nant immediately preceding, the vowel y is changed into t in
Modern-English before suffixes originally syllabic, with the ex-
ception of ing: try, trying — triest, tries, tried; carry,
carrying — carriest, carries, carried. If e is elided and
the elision denoted by ', y remains: deny'st, deny'd.
If a simple or compound verb, whose last syllable is accented,
ends in a single consonant preceded by a single short vowel, the
final consonant is doubled before syllabic suffixes. Here the
double consonant contained in the infinitive in the fundamental
forms frequently reappears: whet — whettest, whetted,
whetting; remit — remittest, remitted, remitting; —
swim — swirnmest, swimming; bid — biddest, bidding,
bidden. — To these words other polysyllabic verbs with an
unaccented final syllable ending in simple consonants have been
assimilated, as: gossip, worship, kidnap, peril, counsel,
travel, rival, equal, carol and the like, also bias and verbs
in ic, as traffic, frolic, with which c is doubled as ck: traf-
fickest, trafficked, trafficking, in which phonetic reasons
partly prevail. English grammarians are not agreed upon the
extent of this usage, and the doubling of the consonant in poly-
syllabic verbs in ip, op, it, et is disapproved of.
The not doubling the consonant in the accented final syllable
with the elision of the e, as in stun'd, began'st &c., appears
a fault, so far as it may give occasion to confusion, since, for
Matzner, engl. Gr. I. 22
338 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. II.
instance, stil'd for still' d might also be taken for stiled (sty-
led), and so in many other cases.
Anomalous Verbs of the weak Conjugation.
Among the weak verbs is a multitude of anomalous ones, which
do not simply join the suffixes to the stem, but undergo partly syn-
cope in the suffix and the stem, partly changes of the suffixed con-
sonants, as well as of the consonants and vowels of the stem. They
rest essentially upon contraction and assimilation, and lean for the
most part on Anglosaxon forms.
In the citation of Old-English forms the fuller and therefore older are
chiefly stated, when the shortening of the suffixes going on even in Old-
English is not regarded. The verbal forms above cited are the infinitive,
the same as the present, the preterite and the perfect participle. What
is true of simple words is commonly true of the compounds also.
1) Some verbs regularly assume d instead of ed in the preterite and
participle.
a) Here belong verbs in ay, whose y is then changed into i; they
owe their origin to Anglosaxon verbs in eg, to which some Ro-
mance words are assimilated.
lay; laid; laid. Anglosaxon lecgan; legde, lede; leged, led.
Old-English leggen, leyen; leyde, leide; leid. For ei, ai often
appears in Old-English; even Anglosaxon sometimes has laede.
The compound belay is cited with the forms belaid and belayed ; An-
glosaxon belecgan, circumdare.
say; said; said. Anglosaxon secgan, seggan; ssegde, ssede; sagd,
ssed. Old-English seggen, seyen, siggen, sayen, sayn; seide,
saide; seid, said.
In Old-English the participle often passes into the strong form: Elde
. . hath me biseye, with rejection of n in PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 437.;
as with other verbs in ay. Your quene hath me betrayne (SiR TRYA-
MOURE 165.). The participle sain stands even in SHAKSPEARE Love's
L. L 3, 1.
pay; paid; paid. Old-French paier. Old-English paien, payen;
paide; paid.
stay; staid; staid. The Old-French estayer and esteir, steir
here mingle.
We also find the full form stayed: One scarce could say it moved
or stayed (LONGFELLOW). In Old-English the e suifers syncope also in
other corresponding verbs, as pleyen, pleide <fec., preyen, preide &c.,
as it generally throws out e after vowels: cryde, deyde &c in Robert
of Gloucester. Modern-English only exceptionally admits the syncope
of the e, when it does not employ the mark of elision.
b) Similar is the syncope of e after the vowels e and o in the fol-
lowing two verbs, when the vowel is shortened.
flee; fled; fled. Anglosaxon fleohan, fleon; see fleah, pi. flugon;
flogen, fugere. Old-English even mixes the strong and the weak
inflection: The Bretons fleede (MORTE ARTHURE in Halliwell s. v.).
1. The Parts of Speech. B. Verb. Anomalous verbs of the weak Conjugat. 339
In Piers Ploughman beside the infinitive fleen stands the preterite
plur. fledden, p. 42. See the strong verb fly.
shoe; shod; shod. Anglosaxon scojan, sceojan; scode; scod.
Old-English shoen; shode; shod (shode, shoed).
Old-English still has the long vowel, as the participle shews : Hosyd
and schode he was (Ms. in Halliwell s. v .). Weet shoed they gone
(PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 283 ).
c) The casting out of the connecting vowel before d after a con-
sonant concluding a syllable originally long, a standing usage
in Anglosaxon with regard to the preterite, is now found only
in one verb, ending in r, whose vowel is shortened in the deri-
vative forms in Modern-English.
hear; heard; heard. Anglosaxon heran, hyran; herde, hyrde;
hered, hyred. Old-English heren; herde; herd; even the y-form
sometimes presents itself as u: hurde (Roe. OF GLOUCESTER).
The Old-English acknowledges extensively, according to the Anglo-
saxon usage, this rejection, which may still occur with the substitution
of a mark of elision for the e-, compare reren; rerde, rerd, Anglosaxon
raeran ; raerde ; raered ; wenen ; wende ; wend, Anglosaxon venan ; vende ;
vened, which was then transferred to other verbs, as: answerde, (An-
glosaxon ansvarode), gaderde, conquerde &c.
d) Of the Anglosaxon verbs which received ea instead of e before
the suffix in d two have been preserved; the ea(P) changes it-
self into a long o(T).
tell; told] told. Anglosaxon tellan (= teljau); tealde; teald
and telede; teled. Old-English tellen; tolde; told, along with
the regular forms telde, teld in R. Brunne, Wicliffe, Spenser;
still, dialectically, telled.
sell; sold; sold. Anglosaxon sellan, syllan; sealde; seald. Old-
English sellen, also sullen (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER); solde; sold,
dialectically also, selled.
e) The three verbs make, clothe and have have, besides the con-
necting vowel (in the first two: o) lost or assimilated consonants
unlike the d: k (c), th, v (/).
make; made; made. Anglosaxon macj an; rnacode; macod. Old-
English maken; makede, maide (TOWNEL. MYST.), maade (WI-
CLIFFE), made; maked, maid, made, maad. The full forms ma-
kede, ymaked still stand in Piers Ploughman, Chaucer and even
later. The participle seems to have been the longest preserved.
clothe; clad; clad, along with which the regular forms clothed,
clothed are used. Anglosaxon clafrjan; claftode; cladod. Old-
English clothen, in Gower cloden (HALLIWELL v. clode); cladde;
clad, frequently cled, especially in Northern dialects, compare
Scotch claith = cloth and deed = to clothe, Old-norse klseda.
Along therewith the fuller form has ever been in use: worthiliche
yclothed (PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 28.).
I cannot shew an Old-English infinitive c la then, which may be
presumed. The assimilation of th to d is otherwise not unfamiliar;
compare Old-English: kithe; kidde; kid; Anglosaxon cydan; cydde;
cyded, cyd, declarare, narrare; for which in Old-English forms with u
22*
,340 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. II.
also occur, as kudde &c. Thus even now tod for toothed in po-
pular usage. The shortening of the a is easily to be explained,
have; had; had. Anglosaxon habban, habban; hafde; hafed.
Old-English habben, haven, han ; hevede, havede, hadde; haved,
had.
This verb has undergone various contractions, a part whereof belongs
to the Anglosaxon. It also passed in part from the first into the second
•weak conjugation.
Anglosaxon present ind. sing, 1. habbe. 2. hafast, hafst. 3. hafaft,
Mf<l. Plur. 1. 2. 3. habbad. Conj. sing. 1. 2. 3. habbe. Plur. 1. 2.
3 habban (en).
Pret. ind. sing. 1. hafde 2. hafdest. 3. hafde. Plur. 1. 2. 3 hafdon.
Conj. sing. 1 2. 3. hafde. Plur. 1. 2. 3 hafden (on). Imp sing. hafa.
Plur. habbad. Part. 1. habbende. 2. hafed, hafd. Inf. habban, hab-
ban
Modern-English pres. ind. sing. 1. have 2. hast. 3. has Plur. 1.
2. 3. have. Conj. sing. 1. 2. 3. have. Plur. 1. 2. 3. have
Pret. ind. sing. 1. had. 2. hadst 3. had. Plur. 1. 2. 3. had. Conj.
sing. 1. 2. 3. had. Plur. 1. 2. 2 had.
Imperat have. Partic. 1. having. 2. had. Inf. have.
Old- English offers in the present the indicative form habbe, habbest,
habbep, plur. habbef), haf> &c., also han in all persons, and alongside
thereof have, havest, haveth. Plur haveth; in the conj. sing habbe,
have. Plur. habben, han. In the imperfect hevede, hevedest &c, heve-
den are old alongside of havede &c. and hadde, haddest &c., hadden.
To these forms the others correspond. H is also sometimes cast off
in Old-English: aveden (HAVELOK 164). Anglosaxon also possessed a
conjugation contracted with the negation ne\ nabbe, nafast &c., still
found in Old-English: nevede (DAME SIRIZ p. 2.)- In Modern- English
the stem of have is sometimes partially or wholly thrown out in rapid
.speech after vowels, as well as in peotry, as in I've, she'd, thou'st,
thou'dst and the like But nothing is more familiar than the provin-
cial usage of a for have Compare : She might a been a grandam ere
she died (SHAKSPEARE Love's L. L. 5, 2.). The conjunctive forms
without est in the second person are already disapproved by modern
grammarians; even in the older language the conjunctive is often not
distinguished from the indicative: If thou haddest (SKELTON I. 145).
In Modern-English the compound behave is regular, wherein
a is lengthened, preterite and participle hehaved, Anglosaxon be-
habban, tenere, cingere.
:2. A number of verbs, whose stem ends in a single d, wholly cast
off the suffix in the preterite and perfect participle. The d is
always preceded either by a long vowel : ee, ea, i, or by a short one :
e, ea, i. They are mostly such as cast out a connecting vowel
in the preterite in Anglosaxon after a syllable originally long or
lengthened by position (with the change of dj into dd). In En-
glish the long vowel become short in the preterite and participle.
With a long vowel:
bleed; bled, bled. Anglosaxon bledan; bledde; bleded. Old-
English bleden; bledde; bled.
breed; bred; bred. Anglosaxon bredan; bredde; breded. Old-
English breden; bredde; bred.
1. The Parts of Speech. B. Verb. Anomalous Verbs of the Weak Conjugat. 341
feed; fed; fed. Anglosaxon fedan; fedde; feded. Old-English
fedeu; fedde; fed.
speed; sped; sped. Anglosaxon spedan; spedde: speded. Old-
English speden; spedde; sped.
lead; led\; led. Auglosaxon laedan; Isedde; laeded. Old-English
leden; ledde, ladde; led, lad.
read; read; read. Anglosaxon redan; redde; reded, legere, even
in Anglosaxon confounded with the strong verb rsedan, suadere,
dare consilium. Old-English reden; redde, radde; red, rad; Ro-
bert of Gloucester has the forms radde, rad in the meaning of
consilium dare.
hide; hid; hid. Anglosaxon hydan; hydde,- hyded. Old-English
hiden, huden; hidde, hudde; hid, hud, also hedde, see Halliwell
s. v.
This verb has also preserved a strong participle hidden, by false
analogy to ride, chide &c., so that it might be reckoned strong.
he-tide; be-tid; be-tid. Anglosaxon tidjan; tidede (?); tided,
contingere. Old-English tiden; tidde; tid, contingere. The com-
pound was likewise in use in Old-English. The Modern-English
regular verb tide &c. (even in Shakspeare) is derived from the
English substantive tide (Anglosaxon tid, tempus), therefore in
fact the same word, since tidjan comes from tid. The form be-
tided is also cited as the preterite of betide.
O'd-Engiish preserved more words of this sort with a (Modern-En-
glish) long vowel, as aweden, Anglosaxon avedan; avedde; aveded, in-
sanire, compare avedde (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER), awede (HALLIWELL s.
v.); greden, Anglosaxon graedan; graedde; graeded (?), whence gredde,
gradde; gred, grad and even the strong form gradden (Anglosaxon
graeden?) was in use. Also heden, Anglosaxon hedan; hedde; heded,
custodire, now heeded, seems to have been often confounded by moderns
with hide; the participle lied is still provincial. The participle of en-
shield is in Shakspeare enshield, with a long vowel, instead of enshielded,
Anglosaxon scildan, scilde; scilded
With a short vowel:
shed; shed; shed. Anglosaxoii only as a strong verb sceddan;
scod, sceod; scaden, effundere. In Old-English schedde is found
as a preterite in Robert of Gloucester, schedez = pours in Sir
Gawayne. It mingles in English with the Anglosaxon scadan,
secadan; sceod; scaden, sceaden, separare, dividere, whence still
in the North of England shed, separare, dividere. Old-English
sheden; shad; shad.
shred; shred; shred. Anglosaxon screadjan; screadode; screa-
dod, praesecare. I find the Old-English participle shrede in the
Morte Arthure in Halliwell s. v. All participles of this class
often have an inorganic e at the end.
spread; spread; spread. Anglosaxon sprsedan; sprsedde; sprse-
ded; Old-English spreden; spredde, spradde; spred, sprad; spredd,
spradd, — ysprode (SKELTON I. 146. in Rhyme).
stead, be-stead (obsolete); bestead; bestead. Anglosaxon has
only the paronymous substantive stede, locus, statio; the Old-
norse a verb stedja, statuere, firmare. In Old-English we find
342 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 11.
sted, stad and often bested, bestad, bestadde = situated, circum-
stanced, by later writers also = distressed, as a participle. Com-
pare the Highdutch best ell t. The infinitive sted = to stop stands
in the Towneley Mysteries p. 6.
rid; rid; rid. Anglosaxon hreddan; hredde; hreded, eripere,
rapere. Compare Swedish radda. The older language has red
= separate, clear, as in Old-Scotch; English = rid down to the
sixteenth century: It did not red my life (GrAULFRIDO AND BAR-
NARDO 1570), and so still dialectically, for instance, in Lanca-
shire.
Modern-English also offers wed for wedded: In Syracusa was I born;
and wed Unto a woman (SHAKSP. Coin, of Err 1, 1.) In Skelton
stands the participle wed I. 150 alongside of wedded I. 2ol. — An-
other remnant appears to be adread, which could not be a compound
of the substantive dread The Anglosaxou strong verb andraedan, on-
drsedari; -dred; -draeden is in the Old-English: dreden; dredde, dradde;
dred, drad ; the participle adred, adrad frequently occurs in Old-Scotch
and English. The verb has already passed into the weak from dreden ;
dradde; drad in Robert of Gloucester.
3. The Auglosaxon, after the final hard consonants p, t, x (/?s),
sometimes also s, in the verbal stem, changed the suffix de into
te^ in some also ed into t. Of two like consonants in the verbal
stem, as also before the suffix de one, was thrown out; but in-
stead of ct, ht arose, before which also a change of vowel ap-
peared. English early extended further the change of d into t,
so that now also after / (ve) of the stem, after s generally (in
Old-English also after sA), as well as after ?w, n, Z, r, the t in-
stead of d appeared. Many of the verbs belonging here have
also the regular inflection, which is stated in the notes. A
number of them has passed from the strong into the weak form,
of which some have been cited under the last class. We have
here to distinguish the final sound in English.
a) Verbs with final labial letters, liquids and s with a long vowel
in English, commonly also in the Anglosaxon stem. The vowel
is shortened in the preterite and participle.
keep; kept; kept. Anglosaxon cepan, cypau; cepte; ceped.
Old-English kepen; kepte; kept.
weep; wept; wept. Anglosaxon vepan; veop; vopeu, strong
form. Old-English wepen; wepte. Yet strong forms are also
found: sing, wep, plur. wepe (ROB. OF GLOUCESTER), particularly
in the participle biwope, biwopin, biwopen; see Halliwell s. v.
wep in the preterite is still dialectical.
sleep; slept; slept. Anglosaxou slsepau, slapan; slep; slaepen,
slapen, strong form. Old-English slepen; sing, slep, plur. slepe.
aslopen still in Middleton I. 257. But also alongside thereof
the weak form slepte, with slep even in Rob. of Gloucester,
as well as with sleep in Piers Ploughman.
creep; crept; crept. Anglosaxon creopan; sing, creap, plur.
crupon; cropen strong form. Old-English cr^pen; sing, crope,
plur. cropen; cropen, alongside of which the weak form crepte
is in use.
/. The Parts of Speech. B. Verb. Anomalous Verbs of the Weak Conjugat. 343
sweep; swept; swept, leans upon the Anglosaxon strong verb
svapan; sveop; svapen, verrere, beside which another: svipan;
sing, svap, plur. svipon; svipen, circumagi, and a weak one:
svipjan; svipode; svipod, flagellare, stand.
The form sweep seems unknown to Old-English; it has the verb
swappen; swapte, also swapped; alongside of swyppen = to move ra-
pidly. Modern-English still possesses the verbs swap, swop with a
different shade of meaning.
leap; lept; lept. Anglosaxon hleapan; hleop; hleapen a strong
verb. Old-English lepen; leep, lope; lopen, along with the
weak form lepte; lept.
Instead of lept we also write leapt; Smart claims leaped, as in.
Shakspeare, but with a short vowel. The infinitive lope, loup and
the participle loppen also occur dialectically alongside of the strong
preterite.
leave; left; left. Anglosaxon lefan, lyfan; lefde; lefed, permit-
tere. Old-English leven; lefte, lafte; left, laft; also in the same
sense as a compound beleven, bileven; belefte, belafte; belaft,
also beleved.
The compound believe, from the same stem, Anglosaxon gelefan,
credere, follows the general rule in English and has believed; the
Old-English uses the simple leven; leved with the meaning credere.
reave, be-reave; reft; reft. Anglosaxon reafjan, be-reafjan;
reafode; reafod. Old-English reven; refte, rafte; reft, raft, also
be-reved.
Webster writes bereaved and bereft. The simple form reave is
still in use, especially in the form reft: The only living thing he
could not hate Was reft at once (L. BYRON). Since Time has reft
whate'er my soul enjoy'd (ID.) and often. In this verb a interchange
of / with h (gh) took place: His bemis bryjte Weren me biraujte
thorow the cloudy mone (LYDGATE in Halliwell s. v.); as still in
Shakspeare: This staff of honour raught (2 Henry VI 2, 3.).
cleave; cleft; cleft. Anglosaxon cleofan; sing, cleaf, plur. clu-
fon; cloven. Old-English eleven; sing, cleef, clef, clafe, plur.
cloven; cloven. The verb still has the strong forms clove;
cloven. The form clave is obsolete.
The verb belongs to'* the sixth class of strong verbs; Shakspeare
has the strong and the weak forms beside each other. The form
cloven is still frequently found, not only as an adjective, as Webster
asserts: How many a time have 1 cloven . . The wave all roughen' d
(L. BYRON). Webster also cites the participial form cleaved ; another
form clofyd stands in Halliwell.
lose; lost; lost. Anglosaxon leosan; sing, leas, plur. luron;
loren. Old-English lesen; sing, (lees?) 2. pers. lore, plur. loren
(RoB. OF GLOUCESTER); loren, lorn, lore and lost.
In Modern-English the participle lorn in lasslorn, forsaken by one's
beloved, and in forlorn, from the Anglosaxon forleosan, has been
preserved. The infinitive lese is still found in Jack Jugler p. 9. and
a preterite sing, leste, plur. lesten, in the fifteenth century in a
manuscript in Halliwell s. v. lesten
dream-, dreamt; dreamt. Danish dromme, Lowdutch dromen,
344 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
compare Anglosaxon dreman; dremde; dremed, jubilare. Old-
English dremen; dremte; ydremed (PiERS PLOUGH M.); dremels.
Alongside of dreamt the regular form dreamed is in use, but
is, according to Smart, less common. The spelling dremt is still in
use in the seventeenth century.
mean; meant; meant. Anglosaxon maenan; maende; inaened.
Old-English still in the double meaning of to mean and to
complain: menen; mente and mened (PiERS PLOUGHM.).
lean; leant; leant. Anglosaxon hlinjan; hlinode; hlinod? or
perhaps hlgenan; hlsende; hlsened, for which the meaning tol-
lere is presumed. Old-English lenen, of which I have found
no further form in Old-English, which would nevertheless mix
with others. May the Old-English lenden = to tarry be the
same word?
The regular form leaned for preterite and participle is old; the
shortened form seems to be getting gradually out of use. According
to Webster it belongs more to conversation than to writing. Smart
cites leant as frequently used in the preterite.
feel: felt; felt. Anglosaxon felan; felde; feled. Old-English
felen; felde (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER, WEBER), plur. feliden (Wi-
CLIFFE), also felte; yuelde (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER).
kneel; knelt; knelt. Compare Anglosaxon cneovjan, genuflectere,
Danish knaele; the Old-French genoiller, genoler might also
connect the two forms. Old-English knelen; kneled and knelte
(PERCY Rel. p. 45. I. and II.).
kneel has also the regular form kneeled, which, according to Web-
ster is the better, according to Smart is obsolescent. Shakspeare
uses kneeled.
deal; dealt; dealt. Anglosaxon dselan; dselde; dseled. Old-
English delen; delde, delede, delte, dalte; deled (the forms with
d especially in Rob. of Gloucester).
deal has also the regular form dealed particularly appropriated to
the participle. Smart does not cite it at all.
The Older language had other verbs of this sort with a vowel ori-
ginally long, as reap; reapt (compare: Who has not all his corn reapt
BLOGNT'S Glossographie ed. 1681. p. 398.), from the Anglosaxon ri-
pan, sing, rap, plur. ripon, ripen ; whereof the dialects preserve strong
forms: rip (Kent); rep (ESSEX), rop (several dialects); heap; heapt,
Anglosaxon heapjan: heapode! heapod; steep; steept, compare the
Old-norse steypa, fundere, obruere, which seem to be distinguished
only graphically, without shortening of the vowel, from reaped (fee.,
as we even find look, lookt, Anglosaxon locjan, written. On the
other hand the Old-English demen; dempte; dempt belonged here.
Scottish deme; demit, dempt, Anglosaxon deinan; demde; denied,
judicare.
b) Verbs with a short vowel of the stem and a final p, s, #, n,
/, mostly with an original and commonly a preserved double
consonant in the stem, formerly frequently changed d into t;
in modern times few have remained in general use or at least
are acknowledged by lexicographers. Some grammarians reject
all forms of this sort, which they only permit in every day
speaking and writing. All such verbs also have the regular
/. The Parts of Speech. B. Verb. Anomalous Verbs of the Weak Conjugat. 345
form in ed. Verbs in ss, II lose one of the two consonants
before t.
Among the verbs in p we hardly find another cited than dip,
dipt, Anglosaxon dyppan; dypte; dypt. Poets and prosewriters
exhibit in abundance verbal forms like dropt, stept, stopt, whipt,
tript &c.
Of those in ss are bless, blest, Anglosaxan blessjau ; blessode,
blessod; pass, past, Old-French passer; toss, tost (whether related
to the Auglosaxon tsesan, vellere?); yet prest, crost, exprest,
deprest, possest &c. are frequent enough. Verbs ending in rse
also have similar forms: curst, nurst in Goldsmith, Byron and
others.
Of verbs in x mix, mixt, Anglosaxon miscan, miscte, inisced
are stated to be still current. We also find fixt, vext and
others.
Among those in n we still find pen, pent, compare the An-
glosaxon onpinnjan, -ode, 6d; learn, learnt, Anglosaxon leornjan,
-ode, -6d, Old -England lernen, and burn, burnt, Anglosaxon
brenuan, bernan; -de; ed, alongside of beornan, byrnan; sing,
beam (bran), plur. burnon (brunuon); bornen (brunnen), Old-
English bernen, brennen; barnde, brande, brende; barnd, bren-
ned, brent, burned.
Some verbs in II are likewise still thus in use: dwell, dwelt,
Anglosaxon dveljan, dvellan; dvelede, dvealde; dveled, dveald,
errare, but the Old-norse dvelja, mor-m. smell, smelt, compare
Lowdutch smolen, smelleii. spill, spilt, Anglosaxon spillan;
spilde; spilled; spell, spelt, Anglosaxon spelljan, -ode, -6d.
Verbs with a final p and s are accordingly found most frequently
in Modern-English; they attach themselves primarily to Anglosaxon
forms. Of the use of t after s the Anglosaxon cyssan; cyste; cyssed,
Old-English kissen; kessen; kussen; kiste, kuste; kist &c.is an in-
stance. The appending of t to n and particularly / is also familiar
to Old-English. Yet de, ed and te, t often interchange with one
another; compare: duelled and duelte (MAUNDEV. p. 44.), cleped and
clept (MAUNDEV. p. 73.), tilde and tilte (PIERS PLOUGHM.); as also
with a final labial: worschiped and worschipte (p 66.) — Derivative
forms like ravisht, etablisht, husht, for instance in Chaucer, have not
been preserved in Modern-English. — After r the old language has
likewise sometimes t, for instance in the verb garen, garren; garte,
facere, Anglosaxon girjan, parare, Old-norse gora, facere.
c) Among the verbs whose stem in Anglosaxon ended in c (also
g)t which become h before t, a multitude has been preserved in
English, now ending in k, g, a dental ch and a guttural softened
into y. Since in Anglosaxon they changed their stern vowel in
the preterite and participle into ea or o, they have produced
the transmutation of it into ou, au in English, which appear
before the gh which has arisen from h, Old -English also 5
(broste, wro^te, roste), ca3te. In Old-English c in the infinitive
has been mostly changed into ch.
think; thought; thought. Anglosaxon pencean, pencan; peahte.
pohte; peat, pont with n cast out at the same time. Old-Enlish
penchen, bipenchen (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER), thynken; thoghte,
346 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. 11.
thoughte; thoght, thought. Its forms have partly coincided with
those of the following verb.
methinks; meth ought. Anglosaxon pyncean, pyncan; me pyncefr
(pyncfr); me puhte (puhte); puht (puht). Old-English me thin-
keth; me thoughte
bring; brought; brought. Anglosaxon bringan; brohte; broht
here also n has been thrown out. Old-English bringen, broghte,
broughte; broght, brought.
work; wrought; wrought. Anglosaxon vyrcau, vyrctian; yorhte;
gevorht, but also metathetically vrohte; gevroht. Old-English
werken, werchen; wroghte, wroughte; wroght, wrought.
This verb has also in Modern-English the regular English form of
preterite and participle worked.
seek; sought; sought. Anglosaxon secean, secan, scecan; sohte;
soht. Old-English seken, sechen; soughte; sought,
beseech, is a compound of seek; besought:, besought. Anglo-
saxon bisecan, adire, but has assumed in the infinitive and pre-
sent the second of the Old-English forms cited; Old-English
biseken, bisechen, besechen; bisoughte; bisought.
For beseech the form beseek in Shakspeare 2 HENRY VI. 2, 4. It
is still in use in the North of England We also find the regular
Modern-English preterite beseeched (SHAKSP. Haml. 3, 1.). Even the
Anglosaxon knows the participle geondseced alongside of -soht.
reach; raught; raught. Anglosaxon rsecan; rsehte; raeht, exten-
dere, porrigere and recjan, reccan; reahte, rehte; reaht, reht,
extendere, numerare, interchanged with one another even in
Anglosaxon. Old-English rechen; raughte; raught and yreight.
This verb has also passed into the regular form of the preterite
and participle reached; in Shakspeare raught and reached stand
alongside of each other, the former whereof is now obsolete We
must moreover distinguish the verb from the Old-English recchen;
roghte, roughte; rought, Anglosaxon recan ; rohte; roht, curare, which
lives on as reck in Modern-English.
teach; taught; taught. Anglosaxon tsecan; taehte; taeht. Old-
English techen; taughte, taghte (PiERS PLOUGIIM.); taught.
catch; caught; caught. From the Old-norse kaka = attrectare?
Old-English cacchen; caughte; caught; also with ou: becought
(BEVES OF HAMTOUN p. 37.).
The preterite and participle also have the form catched, which is
in use even in the sixteenth century: Fansy hath cachyd in a flye
net This noble man (SKELTON I. 238.). None are so surely caught,
when they are cntchd (SHAKSP. Love's L L. 4, 2.). The verb must
be of Germanic origin; in Rob. of Gloucester stands the form ca^te.
buy; bought; bought. Anglosaxon bycgan; bohte; boht. Old-
English biggen, buggen, byen; boughte; bought.
A compound of buy is aby, abie, occuring in Spenser and Shak-
speare, properly, to pay, which is erroneously made to spring from
abide. It is familiar to Old-English: abiggen, abuggen, abien;
aboughte; abought, Anglosaxon abycgan, redimere.
Old-English has a number of similarly conjugated verbs, single
forms whereof have, been preserved in Modern-English. Here belong:
I. The Parts of Speech. B. Verbs. Anomalous Verbs of the Weak Conjugat. 347
strecchen; straughte; straught, also streight, to stretch; Old-Scotch
strecche, streik; straucht; straucht, Anglosaxon streccan; strehte;
streht, perhaps also streahte ; streaht. Therewith is found outstraught
= stretched out. The verb is mixed with the Latin form ; hence
perhaps forstraught and bestraught = mad, distracted, whence in the
same meaning bestraught in Shakspeare, as well as distraught, which
is still met with among moderns Compare also: I am straught =
distracted; je suis enrage (PALSGRAVE 1530). The Modern-English
stretch follows the general rule.
smecchen; smaughte (PiERS PLOUGHMAN p. 98.). Modern - English
smack; Auglosaxon smacjan, -ode, -6d, or smeccan, smecte, smeeed,
is falsely assimilated to similar forms
awecchen; awahte (HALLIWRLL s. v.), aweightte (KYNK ALISAUNDER
5858 ), to wake. Anglosaxon aveccan; aveahte, avehte; aveaht, aveht.
The Modern-English weak awaked belongs to an other Anglosaxon
weak form : avacjan, -ode, -6d.
fecchen, only in Western dialects f aught, else Old-English fette;
fet, to fetch, Anglosaxon feccan; fehte; feht? feahte; feaht? Shak-
speare still has the participle fet The casting out of the c(h) oc-
curring here is in use in other cases also in Old-English. A primi-
tive c and g namely are frequently cast out after n before t; hence
blenchen; blente; blent, Modem -English blench; Middle - Highdutch
blenken, to move hither and thither; drenchen, drehte, dreynte; drent,
dreynt, Modern-English drench, Anglosaxon drencan; drencte; dren-
ced; quenchen; quente, queinte; queint, Modern-English quench, An-
glosaxon cvencan; cvencte; cvenced, extinguere. — mengen; mente,
meinte; ment, meint, compare Modern-English mingle, Anglosaxon
mengan; mengde; menged, still in use in the North of England;
sprengen, besprengen ; sprente, spreinte (also sprengde) ; sprent, spreint,
compare Modern-English sprinkle, Anglosaxon sprengan, sprencan;
sprengde, sprencte; sprenged, sprenced. This verb also occurs with
the meaning leap, mixed with the strong verb springan. Compare
Halliwell v. sprent
lacchen, lakken; laughte, taught, to catch, seize, Modern-English
latch, which is often mistaken! Anglosaxon leccan, laccan; lehte,
lahte; leht, laht, prehendere, also laecan; leehte; laeht, arripere, Ia3-
dere, related to lack — to want.
suacchen, snacken (compare Halliwell v. snack); snaughte; snaught
compare Halliwell v. snaught), Modern-English snatch, used in fhe
fifteenth century, and still as snack in the North of England, related
to the Highdutch schnappen, and to the Anglosaxon nebb with the
passage of the labial into the guttural. Compare Old-norse snackr
= snap, parcior pastio, belonging to snapa, cap tare escam; and the
Lowdutch snacken and snabbeln, to prate.
picchen, piken; pijte, pighte; ypijt (Roe. OF GLOUCESTER), to throw,
Modern-English pitch, compare Anglosaxon pyccan; pycte; pyced,
pungere. Pight still belongs to Modern-English, but is obsolete;
Shakspeare has pight along with pitched.
siken, sighte, Modern-English sigh and sike still dialectically, for
example, in Derbyshire. Anglosaxon sican; sing, sac, plur. sicon;
sicen a strong verb: sicettan occurs as a weak verb in Anglosaxon.
shrichen, shriken; shrighte Modern-English shriek, Old-norse shrikja,
minurire of birds, compare Anglosaxon scric, turdus. The preterite
shright was still in use in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries
(TURBEVILLE'S Ovid 15(57, f. 60). The verb shrike is quoted by
ive.
348 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. IL
d) Verbal stems ending in c/, preceded by an n, I, rarely r, have
in English often cast off the d of the stem, and have assumed
t as an inflective letter in the preterite and participle ; even in
Anglosaxon verbs in nd, Id, rd lost the d of the stem in the
preterite before the suffix de. The change of de into te and the
transfer of t to the participle instead of ed is very old in En-
glish, yet the forms in de, ed (d) frequently interchange with
those in te, t', in the latter case e is often thrown off in the
preterite, as it is added in the participle. Rob. of Gloucester
frequently has forms like senden; sende; send &c. We chiefly
give the Old-English with t. Modern-English, along with the
preserved t, has frequently the regular inflective forms in ed.
lend; lent; lent. Anglosaxon laenan; Isende; Isened. Old-English
lenen; lente (lened); lent.
In this verb, which does not belong to those originally ending in
nd, d has, from a false analogy, been transferred to the stem. Ac-
cording to Halliwell len - to lend is still in use.
rend; rent; rent. Anglosaxon hrendan; hrende; hreuded, also
rendan &c. Old-English renden; rente; rent.
bend; bent; bent. Anglosaxon bendan; bende; bended. Old-
English benden; bente (bende); bent.
The preterite and participle also have the form bended, not cited
by Smart, Shakspeare has bent alongside of bended; Maundeville
uses bended for bound p 276. (from the Anglosaxon bindan); in
Old- Scotch bend stands for the Old-French bondir
wend, properly to turn; went; — Anglosaxon vendan; vende;
vended. Old-English wenden; wende, wente, wended, went.
The preterite went is used in Modern-English for the defective
preterite from to go Old-English also yede ; see Irregular verbs The
verb, now obsolete, but still occurring in poetry, as wended.
send; sent; sent. Anglosaxon sendan; sende; seuded. Old-
English senden; sente; sent.
spend; spent; spent. Anglosaxon spendan; spende; spended.
Old-English spenden; spente; spent.
shend; shent; shent. Anglosaxon scendan; scende; scended.
Old-English shenden; shente; shent.
Of other verbs in nd inflective forms of this sort hardly occur any
more. The verb blend, Anglosaxon blendan; blende; blended, Old-
English blenden; blente; blent, often has the participle blent, as in
Shakspeare. The verb hend with the preterite and participle hent,
to take, seize, in Spenser, Shakspeare and Fairfax, seems to be
a false formation. The Anglosaxon fundamental form is hentan;
hente; hented, Old- English henten; hente; hent, although an Old-
norse form henda certainly stands alongside of it.
The following verbs in Id and rd also have all the common
inflection ed.
build; built; built, compare the Old-Higbdutch biladon, Old-
English beelden, belden, bilden; bilte &c. ; bilt also to protect.
Further beild, bield in modern dialects still means, to shelter,
as it were, to take under cover.
builded is rarely met with.
1. The Parts of Speech. R. Verb. Anomalous Verbs of the Weak Conjugat 349
gild; gilt; gilt. Anglosaxon gyldaii; gyletede, gylded, deaurare.
Old-English gilden; gilte; gilt.
According to Smart gilded is the more usual form. Palsgrave cites
gylted for gilt; gilted stands also in Baruch VI. 7. forgulten (HAR-
ROWING OP HELL p. 25.) is the strong participle from the Anglosaxon
gildan retribuere (Anglosaxon golden).
geld; gelt; gelt. Old-norse gilda. Danish gilde, castrare. Old-
English gelden; gelte; gelt.
gird; girt; girt. Anglosaxon gyrdan; gyrde; gyrded. Old-
English girden; girte; girt, ygurd (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER).
The meaning to strike (gyrd of in the Towneley Myst.), in Shak-
speare to goad, which belongs to this word (in Spenser metatheti-
cally gride, gryde) especially in Old-English, seems to point to an-
other stem; compare the Anglosaxon gyrd-vite, virgae poena.
e) A considerable number of verbs with a final t in the stem have
in Modern-English thrown off all inflection in the preterite and
participle, so that now the infinitive, present, preterite and per-
fect participle are alike. They rest upon the Anglosaxon
forms, in which the suffix of the preterit de after a t of the stem
was likewise changed into te, when two t stood beside each
other, the one of which, however, often was cast out with a
preceding third consonant; compare the Anglosaxon gretan,
grette; cnyttan, cnytte; hentan, hente; blsestan, blaeste. The
participial form took ed, but was early assimilated, even in Old-
Eoglish, to the preterite, with regard to t instead of d, to which
the Anglosaxon gave support by contractions, as sett instead of
seted &c. The verbs belonging here mostly have a short
vowel in the stem; the few with a long vowel usually shorten
it in the preterite and participle. Old -English distinguishes
the inflective forms of the preterite and of the participle by te
and t. In Modern-English many have the suffixes ed, ed along-
side of the verbal form, which has suffered apocope; others have
wholly abandoned the latter. But some strong and Romance
verbs have come over to these.
slit; Anglosaxon strong verb slitan; sing, slat, plur. sliton;
sliten, findere; beside it is found a weak verbal form: slsetan;
slsette; slaetted, scindere, Old-English slytte, infinitive in Chau-
cer 11572.; we often meet the strong participle slitten.
The inflective form slitted occurs, but is little used.
spit; Anglosaxon spittan; spitte; spitted. Old-English spitten ;
spitte; spit, speat.
This verb was apparently early treated as a strong verb : preterite
spat, participle spitten. Both are still in use, but seldom; Wycliffe
has bespat. Perhaps a mixture with spatan; spatte; spated lies at
the bottom.
split; Danish splitte, Hollandish splyten. In Old -English
splitten has not crossed me; splatt stands as an infinitive (SiR
EGLAMOUR OF ARTOIS 490.).
Splitted rarely occurs; Smart does not cite the form at all.
knit; Anglosaxon cnyttan; cnytte; cnyted (or cnytan, com-
350 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine. <>/ Form.-. Part I. Sect. 1L
pare Old-norse knyta, Danish knytte). Old-English knitten;
knitte; knit, knet — knyt (SKELTMN I. 144.).
knitted is likewise in use in the preterite and participle
quit; Old-French quiter, cuitier. Old-English quiten, quyten;
quitte; quit.
The form quitted is now the more common. Formerly acquit was
used without a suffix (SHAKSPEARE Merry Wiv. 1, 3. Rich III. 5, 4.).
In Shakspeare there is also requit'. Which hath requit it (Temp. 3, 3.),
which without reason is assigned, not to the verb requite, but to
requit, both in point of fact going back to the same Old-English
form.
hit. Old-.norse hitta. Danish hitte. Old-English bitten; hitte;
hit.
.let. Anglosaxon a strong verb: laetan; leot, let; Iseten. Old-
norse lata. In Old-English it still follows the strong conjuga-
tion: laten, leten; sing, leet, plur. leten (PIERS PLOUGHM.);
leten, letten. Yet the weak form of the preterite is also found
lette.
In the weak Old-English form this verb partly coincides with the
quite different let, Anglosaxon letjan, lettan, tardare, which however
is commonly letten; letted, letted in Old-English, but also1 occurs
with the preterite lette, Anglosaxon lettede and lette.
wet. Anglosaxon vsetan; vsette; vseted. Old-English weten;
wette; wet.
The preterite and participle are also still wetted.
whet. Anglosaxon hvettan; hvette; hvetted. Old-English whet-
ten; whette; whet.
Preterite and participle whetted are now preferred ; Smart no longer
cites whet for these.
set. Anglosaxon settan; sette; seted and sett. Old-English
setten; sette; sett, set.
The participle setten, seten is erroneously given to the Old-English
verb, since that belongs to the strong verb -Bitten.
sweat; the preterite and participle is also spelt swet. Anglo-
Saxon svsetan; svsette; svaeted. Old -English sweten; swette,
swatte, swotte; swet (swete).
Preterite and participle also have the form sweated. The forms
with an obscure vowel are still found in Modern-English, swate in
Thomson, swat in the popular dialects of England and Scotland.
They seem to have been the occasion of the formation of a strong
participle, which is represented as sweaten in Shakspeare Macb. 4, 1.
put. Danish putte, to stand still, compare Cymric pwtian =
to poke. Old-English putten, puten; putte; put.
Old-Scotch also has a strong participle putten (PERCY Rel. p. 30.
II.). Compare Dial, of Craven II. p. 62.
shut. Anglosaxon scyttan; scytte; scytted, obserare. Old-
English shetten; shette; shet (shette).
cut. Old-norse kuta, cultellis (kuti) pungere, compare Modern-
Highdutch kuterei. Old-English kuten (kutten, kyten?); kitte
(PIERS PLOUGHM. and CHAUCER); kut, cut.
/. The Parts of Speech. A. Verb. Anomalous Verbs of the Weak Conjugal. 351
In Old-English forms in ed are sometimes found; Preterite kottede
Lydgate in Halliwell, who quotes cutted as a form, as it seems, still
familiar. In Northern dialects there is the strong participle cutten.
hent, to take, see p. 348. The verb is obsolete.
wont; belongs to the Anglosaxon vunjan, -ode, -6d, manere,
habitare, whence the Old-English wonen, wonnen; wonede; wo-
ned, wont; still in Milton: He wons.
Wont as an infinitive, has proceeded from the substantive parti-
ciple wont, which now is wonted; in the sixteenth century we find the
preterite wonted (JOCASTA Io6»i. p. 14:). in Four Old Plays Cambr.
1848.)- The participle wonted, stands also, amongst others, in Shak-
speare for accustomed, as also wont and woned (MAUNDEV. p. 105.
PIERS PLODGHM. p. .'106. ), y woned (Ron OF GLOUCESTER II. 377.).
The old verb is still in use in the north of England in the form
wun, wunne.
hurt. Old-French hurter. Cymric hyrddio, hyrddu, hyrthu
= to push. Old-English hurten; hurte; hurt. Compare also
hurtelen. Modern-English hurtle.
lift, in Highdutch liften instead of lichten, with interchange
of the guttural and labial; Old-norse lypta, Swedish lyfta, Da-
nish 16'fte, on the other hand Anglosaxou lihtan; lihte; lihted,
levare; whence the English light, to step down. But com-
pare also the Anglosaxon lyft, aer; lyften, excelsus, Old-norse
lopt.
In Old-English, as in many dialects lift is used in the sense of
to aid, assist. The modern language has lifted in the preterite and
participle. In Shakspeare there stands the preterite lift, alongside
of lifted.
cast, Old-norse kasta, Danish kaste. Old-English casten; caste;
cast.
The participle casted stands alongside of cast in Shakspeare; the
northern dialects have a strong participle, as in Scotch: By the di-
vills means, can never the divill be casten out (KING JAMES Daemo-
nologie); popular cassen, costen in Langtoft p. 106.
cost. Old-French coster (constare). Old-English costen; costed;
costed.
The participle costned (costened) in Piers Ploughman p. 13. points
to a verb costenen, resting perhaps upon interchange. The verb coste
- to tempt and the substantive costning = temptation in Verstegan
points on the other hand to the Anglosaxon costjan, costnjan, ten-
tare; costnung, tentatio.
thrust. Anglosaxon pristjan, -ode, -6d, audere. Old-norse
prista, cogere, urgere, trudere. Old-English thresten; thraste;
northern dialects have the strong participle throssen.
burst. Anglosaxon strong verb berstan; sing, bearst, plur.
burston; borsten. Old-English bersten, frequently bresten. Scot-
tish brist; sing, berst, barst, brast (brost); plur. brosten, bor-
sten; brosten, borsen (CHEST. PLAYS II. 123.); in Northern
dialects still brosten, brussen, bursen.
The verb has completely passed from the strong into the weak
conjugation Modern- English still knows the participle bursten, but
•which is now almost wholly obsolete. Moderns have even formed
352 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. 11.
the preterite and participle bursted See Wagner's Gr from Herrig
p. ir.2.
There are but few verbs to be cited which have preserved
a long vowel in the fundamental form, but to these some
strong verbs which have passed over are to be reckoned.
meet; met; met. Anglosaxon metan; mette; meted. Old-En-
lish meten; mette; mett, met.
fleet, has an obsolete participle flet. Anglosaxon fleotan; sing,
fleat, plur. fluton; floten, compare flet, flos lactis; Old-English,
as a strong verb fleten; flette; flett, Old-norse fleyta, superna-
tantem liquorem demere. Old-Scottish fleit = to float, to flow,
to abound.
shoot; shot; shot. Anglosaxon strong verb sceotan; sing, sceat,
plur. scuton; scoten, beside which a weak verb scotjan, -ode, -6d,
jaculari occurs, which partly explains the weak forms. Old-
English scheten; sing, schet (but also schette), plur. shete; scho-
ten (yssote) (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER), the preterite plur. also
shotten (PIERS PLOUGHM.). Beside sheten there occurs in Old-
English shoten.
The strong participle shotten is in modern times, obsolete, except
used as an adjective, and is not found of the compounds overshoot,
outshoot
light (compare alight); lit; lit for which light is also found,
is now inflected regularly. Anglosaxon lihtan; lihte; lihted,
levare, alihtan, desilire (ab equo); Old-English lighten; lighte;
light, beside which liten, lyten; lit; lit (also Ii3th in Halliwell
s. v.) = to light on, to fall on occurs. The infinitive lite is
still in use dialectically. The participle lit in Shakspeare: You
are lit into my hands (PERICL. 4. 3.).
light, likewise formerly offered the forms lit; lit Anglosaxon
lyhtan; lyhte; lyhted. They are obsolete.
There occur a few more verbs in ight, which must be assigned
to this class, but retain the long vowel in the preterite and
participle.
hight, intransitive, hight; hight obsolete, but still in use in poets;
Anglosaxon strong verb hatan; heht, het; haten, vocare (the
English present and participle have arisen from the old prete-
rite). Danish hedde/ Swedish heta. In Old-English transitive
and intransitive: haten, hoten, heten; highte, hatte (ROB. OF
GLOUCESTER), hate, also heet, het; hoten, hot, in Scotland pre-
terite and participle also hecht. Of the compound with be,
cited as obsolete in the forms behight; behot; behight, there oc-
cur in Old-English behighte, behote, behett; behighten, behoten.
Anglosaxon behatan, vovere.
Examples of hight are : This grisly beast, which lion hight by name
(SHAKSPEARE Mids. N. Dr. 5, 1.). Father he hight and he was in
the parish (LONGFELLOW). Childe Harold was he hight (L. BYRON).
dight and bedight; — dight; — dight; still occurs in Modern-
English, particularly in the participle. Anglosaxon dihtan;
dihte; dihted, disponere. Old-English dighten; dighte, di^te;
<iight.
/. The Parts of Speech. B. Verb. Anomalous Verbs of the WeakConjugat. 353
Examples in Modern-English: The clouds in thousand liveries dight
(MILTON). Storied windows richly dight (ID.) Three modest maidens
have me bedight (LONGFKLLOW). The Old-English plighten; plighte;
plight, Modern-English plight = to pledge, Anglosaxon plihtan; plihte;
plihted, pliht — is now conjugated regularly: plighted.
English dictionaries give to the verb freight, the preterite
freighted and the participles freighted and fraught., Danish fragte;
compare the Old-Highdutch freht. In fact two forms run pa-
rallel to each other here; that in au, which seems the older,
and that in ei, which seems to be the younger. Both meet each
other in the contracted participle fret (from fraghted), Old-En-
glish fraughteu (fraghten); fraughte; fraught, fret.
Examples: These marchants have don fraught here schippes (CHAU-
CKK -4591.)- Ne Jewell fret full of rich stones (CHAUCER Legend of
Good women 1115.). Fraghted with pleasure (SK ELTON I. 32.)- All
with fauour fret (p. 8 '5.) Another verb has been erroneously sought
in fret in this connection (see the strong verb eat}; compare
also the form in at: Oedipus, fraight ful of chilling feare (JOCASTA
p. I3i.\ The verbal form in au in Shakspeare (who has also the
participle fraught}. The good ship . . and The fraughting souls
within her (TEMP. 1. 2.) is wrongly assailed.
In the adjective tight, dialectical taught, tought, which seems
to have naught to do with the Highdutch dicht, although the
Swedish tat, tatt agrees with it in meaning, is primarily a par-
ticiple, to be sought in the Anglosaxon tyhtan; tyhte; tyhted,
tylit. trahere (compare ontyhtan, excitare, impellere), which
may mix with the allied: tygan; tygde; tyged, vincire; English
tie.
Old-English had a considerable number of justifiable forms in #,
which have been lost in Modern- English, as grette; gret (greeted;,
Anglosaxon gretan; hette; het (heated, whence in Shakspeare and
Ben Jonson the participle boat), Anglosaxon hse tan ; liste, leste, luste,
Anglosaxon lystan; laste (lasted), Anglos, (ge)lsestan; truste (trusted),
Anglosaxon treovsjan, or rather Old-norse traust, fiducia; reste; rest
(rested), Anglosaxon restan; stente; stent and stenten (stinted), An-
glosaxon stintan; sing, stant, plur. stanton; stanten; beside it the
weak verb atstentan, retundere; grunte (grunted), compare the An-
flosaxon grunjan; sterte, starte, sturte-, stert (started), Danish styrte,
wedish storta: Up she stert (preter.^ still in Skelton I. 111.; swelte^
s welt (= swooned), Anglosaxon sveltan, strong verb, sing, svealt, plur,
svulton; svolten, mori, and many more.
The Strong Conjugation.
The verbs of the English strong conjugation rest upon Anglo-
saxon verbs of this conjugation, some whereof are indeed no longer
to be pointed out in Anglosaxon, but may be inferred from cognate
tongues. Hardly a weak verb is inflected weakly in the written
language, and it is probable that strong forms lie originally at the
foundation of all verbs universally strong, although the transformation
of weak into strong forms is not uncommon in popular dialects, and
a few, as is clear from some instances cited above, have also pene-
trated into the written tongue.
Miitzner. engl. Gr. T. 23
354 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
Romance verbs have hardly ever been universally inflected strongly,
although such inflection is not wholly wanting. For instance proven
is thus inflected in Robert of Gloucester: pe child wex & wel prof
(I. 11.); added to which Scottish authors offer the participle proven.
Anglosaxon certainly had in legal language profjan, -ode, -6d. In
Modern-Euglish strive seems to belong here. See below.
The number of Anglosaxon strong verbs has been already
lessened in Old-English by the passing over into the weak form; in
Modern-English it has been further reduced partly by complete
abandonment, partly by the adoption of the weak form. But where
the simple verb has preserved the strong form, it also mostly follows
it in composition. An exception is formed in Modern-English by
fret, which belongs to the Anglosaxon etan (to eat). See eat.
A few strong verbs have in Modern-English formed weak forms
beside the strong ones, which supplant the latter wholly or in part.
The perfect participle has been preserved the most firmly, which
also the oftenest invades weak forms. The transmutation of the vowels
of the infinitive in the second and third person present of the sin-
gular, as in ete, itst, it; hate, hcetst, hceteff &c., seems to have been
early wholly lost in English.
As regards the vocalization of the strong verbs the infinitive
and the forms of the present preserve regularly the original vowel
in the form belonging to them in their transfer into English.
In Modern -English however, those verbal forms have here
and there made the vowel of the preterite the standard, as run, An-
glosaxon rinnan; a similar obscuration through the subsequent preterite
has also been suffered by choose, Anglosaxon ceosan, and loose, which
has become weak, Anglosaxon leosan, and burst, Anglosaxon berstan;
and others. Old-English preserved for a long time the vowels cor-
responding to the Anglosaxon.
Old-English still preserved in the preterite the primary distinc-
tion of the vocalization of the singular and of the plural, so far as
it was expressed in the Anglosaxon fundamental forms. But the
passing over of a, especially before nasals, and of u, into o soon ex-
plains the interchange of the vowels of the singular and of the plu-
ral in many preterites whose numbers are now particularly distin-
guished by the termination. The termination en, subsequently e, long
renders the plural perceptible, till this sound also is cast off, which,
on the other side, where it stands in the plural, also passes into the
singular. Even in Old-English commences the general confusion of
all vowels of the singular and plural, the beginning of which how-
ever is not always to be pointed out with certainty, later copyists
having often forced the subsequent verbal forms upon older authors.
In Modern-English sometimes the original vowel of the plural, some-
times that of the singular falls to the lot of the preterite. Both often
are in use, but not with equal justification, alongside of each other,
in most modern authors, where it often befalls the genuine singular
form to be banished from literary usage and to be still sheltered only
by the bolder poetry.
The participle of the perfect, even in Old-English, like the
infinitive and other verbal forms with the suffix en, lost its n, whereby
2. The Parts of Speech. B. The Verb. The Strong Conjugation. 355
it was assimilated to other forms of the verb in the plural, especially
to the preterite. But the agreement with the preterite was often
complete where the e was abandoned in the participle as well as in
the plural and in the second person singular of the preterite. The
participle was then perceivable, particularly in the prefixed y, i (== ge).
When this also was thrown off, a complete similarity of form in the
preterite and the participle appeared. A transfer of participial forms
to the preterite was thereby sometimes rendered possible, which seems
to occur in the Old-English underfong (Anglosaxon feng; fangen);
on the other hand the employment of the preterite as a participial
form was supported (compare trod; trod, Anglosaxon trad; tre'den
and many more); an interchange which has made advances even in
Modern-English, but is at present often censured by grammarians.
See Murray p. 185. A few cases are touched on below.
It is also to be observed that even another e is frequently added
to the suffix of the participle, so that we often meet forms like spo-
nene (sponen = spun), drefene (= driven), sprongene (== sprung) not
in the plural alone. They are particularly frequent where the e of
the suffix is elided before n, for instance, in borne, stolne, shorne,
sworne, seene (= seen), drayne (= drawn). The forms without
n which have suffered apocope are indeed as frequent.
Some strong verbs have passed from one into another strong
form, as will be discussed in the proper place.
Anglosaxon has distinguished essentially eight forms of conjuga-
tion of strong verbs (inclusive of the so-called reduplicative conjuga-
tions). All these forms are still represented in English, yet the first
preponderates in number, whereas the only Modern-English verb of
the last class (hang') has preserved its vowel in the present only.
In the representation of Modern-English strong verbs by their classes,
we have regard not so much to the Modern -English vocalization as to the
Anglosaxon and Old-English. The Old-English forms are displayed in their
oldest shape, when of course the forms curtailed in their suffixes are not
denied to the Old-English and the interchange of vowels in older times
is not denied. That they early ran parallel with the former has been
stated already. The forms now universally taken to be obsolete are marked
with *.
First Class. The first Anglosaxon class of strong verbs offers
in the present (and infinitive) the vowel i (eo, e); in the preterite
sing, a (ed), plur. u; in the perfect participle u (o). To these answer
in Old-jEnglish: pres. i (e)', pret. sing, a (o), plur. o (ow), part,
perf. o (ow); in Modern-English: pres. i, e, pret. sing, and plur.
a, u, ou, rarely o, part. perf. u, ou.
The verbal stems of this class end originally in a one redu-
plicated or two consonants.
1. swim, to swim; swam, swum; swum. Anglosaxon swimman; sing.
swam, plur. swummon; swummen. Old-English swimmen; sing.
swam, plur. swommen; swommen.
The preterite sworn, from the Old-English swommen, is quite obsolete.
It is to be observed that in the seventeenth century the forms in u were
equally in use in the preterite and participle, as swum, spun, begun,
run, rung, wrung, flung, sung5 stung, drunk, stunk, sunk,
23*
356 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. 11.
shrunk <fec., all of which no longer pass for both; yet the forms ran,
began, rang, sang, sprang &c. were even then not unknown as pre-
terites.
2. win; won; won. Anglosaxon vinnan; sing, vann, plur. vunnon;
vunnen. Old-English winnen; sing, wan, plur. wonnen; wonnen,
ywonne even in Rob. of Gloucester.
3. spin; 'x"span, spun; spun. Anglosaxon spinnan; sing, span, plur.
spunuon; spunnen. Old-English spinnen; sing, span, plur. spon-
nen; sponnen, sponene (HALLIWELL s. v.).
4. be-grm; -gan; -gun. Anglosaxon be-ginnan; sing, -gann, plur. -gun-
non; -gunnen. Old-English be-ginnen; sing. -gan. plur. -gonnen;
conjugative sing, -gonne (Ron. OF GLOUCESTER); -gonnen.
The preterite he began is in DAME SIRIZ p. 3 The simple verb ginnen
(giri), which is cited as obsolete in Modern-English, is found, strange to
say, spelt 'gin in modern prints, as if the first syllable had been cast off,
although the simple verb says exactly the same as that compounded
with be: Their great guilt . . Now 'gins to bite the spirits (SHAKSPEARE
Temp.). The loud Ethereal trumpet from on high 'gan blow (MILTON).
Even Anglosaxon ginnan and begmnan, incipere, stand beside each other.
5. run; ran; run. Anglosaxon rinnan; sing, rann, plur. runnon; run-
nen more usual in the form irnan; sing, am, plur. urnon, urnen,
compare brinnan and birnan; brestan and berstan; hence the Old-
English rinnen (RITSON'S Romanc. and Old-Scotch; rin in Skelton
I. 420 &c.), often renuen, perhaps through coincidence with the
weak Anglosaxon verb of like meaning rennan; sing, ran, plur.
ronnen (also roune and roon); ronnen; and alongside thereof y-ernen
(PiERS PLOUGHM. 306., compare ernynge — running, IB. p. 418.);
sing, y-arn (205.), also orn (HALLIWELL s. v.). plur. orn (Roii. OF
GLOUCESTER I. 34.) and ourne (II. 405.); ornen.
Beside ran there early stands in the preterite ron as orn. The present
and the infinitive have assumed the obscure vowel of the preterite, as
burst (Anglosaxon berstan) and burn (Anglosaxon birnan), which belonged
to the same strong form of conjugation.
6. climb; *clomb; *clomb; the verb is now commonly inflected weakly:
climbed; climbed. Anglosaxon climban; sing, clamb, plur. clumbon;
clumben. Old-English climben; sing, clamb, plur. clomben; clom-
ben, frequently with b cast off (even in ROB. OF GLOUCESTER), as
in Old-Scotch: climb; clam; clum.
climme, preter. dome in Dray ton (f 1631.), clum instead of climbed
northern dialects.
7. ring; rang, rung; rung. Anglosaxon hringan, uncertain, whether
a strong or a weak verb: sing, hrang, plur. hrungon; hrungen or
hringde; hriuged. Old-norse hringja, campanarn pulsare. Old-Engl.
ringen; sing, rang, plur. rongen; rongen, rongene (HALLIW. s. v.).
8. fling; flung; flung, is wanting in Anglosaxon. Old-norse flengja,
verberare, Swedish flanga; Old-English flingen; sing, flang, plur.
flongen; flongen; Scottish fling; flang; flung.
9. wring; wrung; wrung. Anglosaxon vringau; sing, vrang, plur. vrun-
gon; vrungen. Old-English wringen; sing, wrang (wrong PIERS
PLOUGHM.), plur. wrongen; wrougen.
Webster cites also wringed as preterite and participle, although little
1. The Parts of Speech, B. The Verb. The Strong Conjugation. 357
x
used. The later Old-English has also wrange; part, wrounge (SKELTON
I. 52. 41.); wrang is still in use in dialects.
10. ding; *dung; *dung now commonly dinged; dinged. In Anglo-
saxon the weak verb dencgan ; dengde is in use, for which we may
suppose the strong dingan; sing, dang, plur. dungon; dungen. Old-
English dyngen; sing, dang, plur. dongen; dongen. Old -Scotch
ding; dang; dung (dungen); dungen is still dialectical, for instance
in Lancashire.
The weak dinged is already old See D Lindsay ed. Chalmers 3.
p. 310.
11. sing; sang, sung; sung. Anglosaxon singau; sing, sang, plur. sun-
gon; sungen. Old-English singen; sing, sang (song PIERS PLOUGH-
MAN), plur. songen; songen.
sange and song stand beside each other in Skelton: I 39. 373. — 153.
According to Smart sang is less in use; Webster makes it equal to sung.
It is frequently to be met with in poets. The preterite onke in Gower
is remarkable (see HALUWELL s. v.). But compare Anglosaxon sang and
sane, cantus
12. sling; * slang, slung; slung. Auglosaxou slingan; sing, slang, plur.
slungon; slungen. Old-English slingen; sing, slang, plur. slongen;
slongen, slongene (HALLIWELL s. v), forslon gen = swallowed up
(REYNAUD the Foxe p. 10.).
13. swing; *swang, swung; swung. Anglosaxou sviugan; sing, svang,
plur. svungon; svungeu. Old-English swingen; sing, swang, plur.
swougen; swongen (swongene, swangene as a plural in HALLIWELL
s. vv.).
14. spring; sprang, sprung; sprung. Anglosaxon springau (sprincan);
sing, sprang, plur. sprungon; spruugen. Old -English springen;
sing, sprang, plur. sprongen; sprongen (even ROB. OF GLOUCESTER
also sproug), asprongun (DicBY MYSTER. p. 118.), spron gene (HAL-
LIWELL s. v.).
Skelton has sprange and sprong equally beside each other, as Shak-
speare sprang and sprung. According to modern lexicographers sprang
is growing obsolete; yet compare: Goethe, like Schiller, sprang from the
people (LEWES).
1'5. sting; * stang, stung; stung. Anglosaxou stingan; sing, stang, plur.
stungon; stungen. Old-English stiugen; sing, stang, plur. stongen;
stongen.
Skelton has stang as preterite plur.: Scorpions that stang Pharaotis
(I. 134.) and stonge: Behold my body, how Jewes it stonge (I. 144.), as
a participle stonge, stounge (I. 7f>. 41.). Stang is dialectical as an infi-
nitive in Craven and Lincolnshire.
16. string ; strung; strung. Auglosaxon strengan, extenclere, and strang-
jan, vigere, are weak verbs, for which we may suppose the strong
verb stringau; sing, strang, plur. strungou; strungen. Compare the
Anglosaxou string, funis; strang, robustus; strynge, athleta.
I cannot point out any Old-English inflective forms, whether merely
from inattention, I know not. Shakspeare has several times strung in
the sense of musical instruments being furnished with strings, for which
stringed is now common. Wallis does not cite the verb at all.
358 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 11.
17. cling; clung; clung. Anglosaxon is d'mgan; sing, dang, plur.
clungon; clungen* in use only in the meanings clangere and mar-
cescere. Old-English seems to know clyngen (PiEHS PLOTGHM.
and Rel. Antiq. II. 210.), clongyn (HALLIWELL s. v.) only in the
latter meaning. Shakspeare has cling in the sense of to dry up
Macb. 5, 5., else cling; clung as to cleave', like clung, dried up in
HOLLYBAND 1593. Dialects have the verb also in the meaning
to smear ; Danish klynge to heap, also to cleave. Thus the verb
clunge appears in the dialects of the South of England for to crowd,
to squeeze. Clung is also cited by lexicographers of the present
and of former times as the infinitive and present for cling.
18. drink; drank, * drunk; drunken, drunk, drank. Anglosaxon drin-
can; sing, dranc, plur. dm neon; druncen. Old-English drinken,
sing, drank (even ROB. OF GLOUCESTER drone), plur. dronken;
dronken, — fordronken = very drunken.
The forms of the preterite drank and drunk stand beside each other
in Shakspeare, as Wallis also cites both. The participial form drunken
has been preserved, especially in the meaning inebriated', drank has pene-
trated from the preterite into the participle: Thrice have I drank of it
(L. BYRON); drunk readily assumes the meaning of drunken: I am as
drunk as any beast (LONGFELLOW). Skelton still has: I dranke (I. 33.).
They haue dronke (100.).
19. sink; sank; sunk; sunk, sunken. Anglosaxon sincan; sing, sane,
plur. sun con; suncen. Old-English sinken; sing, sonk, plur. son-
ken; sonkeri.
The preterite sank and the participle sunken are noted by lexicographers
and grammarians as little used. Instances are frequent enough in poets:
Now sank the sun (PARS ELL). Her heart sank in her bosom with dread
(Souxii EY). And exhausted and breathless she sank on the floor (ID.).
Then in a swoon she sank (LONGFELLOW). On his breast his head is
sunken (ID.). They lift her o'er the sunken rock (ID.) <fec.
20. slink; *slauk, slunk; slunk. Anglosaxon slincan; sing, slanc, plur,
sluncon; sluncen. Old-English slinken (slinchen), dialectically also
slingen; sing, slank, plur. slonken; slonken.
21. stink; * stank, stunk; slunk. Anglosaxon stincan; sing, stauc, plur.
stuncon; stuncen. Old-English stinken; sing, stank, plur. stonken;
stonken.
The preterite stank is called obsolete: Her breathe stanke (SKELTON I.
112.). Wallis (sec. XVII.) cites drank among the verbs in ink, not stank,
and says that similar preterites of others are rarer.
22. shrink; shrank, shrunk; * shrunken, shrunk. Anglosaxon scrincan;
sing, scranc, plur. scruncon; scruncen. Old-Engl. shrinken; shrank;
plur. shronken; shronken.
The preterite shrank is called obsolete, although modern poets and prose-
writers do not disdain it: I shrank not from him (L. BYRON). Peril he
sought not, but ne'er shrank to meet (ID.). That girl . . Shrank from
its harsh, chill breath (of the storm) (WIIITTIER) — Her sunny nature
shrank from storms (LKWES Goethe).
23. bind; bound; * bounden, bound. Anglosaxon bindan; sing, band,
plur. bundon; bunden. Old-English binden; sing, band (bond),
plur. bonden, bounden; bonder], bounden.
/. The Parts of Speech. B. The Verb. The Strong Conjugation. 359
The participle bunden, bundyn is cited by Halliwell from Langtoft and
Ritsons Anc. Pop. Poet. p. 89.; where bunden rhymes with wonden. The
transition from o to ou is very old in verbs in ind; even Robert of Glou-
cester has o and ou beside each other. In the singular a and o are as
often interchanged. The participle bounden is still in use in the limited
sense (limited, appointed, beholden to). Fairfax in Tasso has the prete-
rite band, which has remained in use in dialects.
24. find; found; found. Anglosaxon findan; sing, fand, plur. fuiidon;
funden. Old-English findeo; sing, fand (fond), plur. fonden, foun-
den; fonden, founden.
The preterite fand is still in use in Westmoreland, as Fairfax uses it
in Tasso. fand, fan also occur dialectically as a participle, but is erro-
neously ascribed by Chalmers to Old-English.
25. wind; wound; wound. Anglosaxon vindan; sing, vand, plur. vun-
don; vunden. Old-English winden; sing, wand &c., plur. wonden
&c. ; wonden &c.
The verb wind - to ventilate from wind, Anglosaxon vind, ventus, is
inflected regularly. The weak preterite winded instead of wound is in
Pope. See Smart Diet. s. v.
26. grind; ground; ground. Anglosaxon grindan; sing, grand, plur.
grundon; grunden. Old-English grinden; sing, grand &c. , plur.
gronden &c.; gronden &c., also grundyn (CHALMERS in D. Lindsay.
3. p. 356. MOHTE ARTHURE in Halliwell s. v.), gronden and gron
in Western dialects.
The preterite passes in Chaucer into the weak conjugation: And grynte
with his teeth (7743.), The form grinting certainly stands in The Per-
sones Tale p. 150. II. Tyrwh., as if a collateral form grint for grind were
the standard.
27. fight; fought', *foughten, fought. Anglosaxon feohtan; sing, feaht,
plur. fuhton; fohten. Old-English fighten; sing, faught (fought),
plur. foughten; foughteu, foghten (forfaghte HALLIWELL s. v.).
The participle foughten, obsolete in writing is in use dialectically, for
instance, in Craven (alongside of foffen); f eight and feighten rule in West-
moreland; Old-Scottish fecht; faucht; focktyn (BAKBOUR) and faucht.
We must regard as having passed over into this class:
28. dig ; dug; dug, alongside thereof digged; digged, in Shakspeare
also dight, which are the older forms. Anglosaxon has a weak
verb dicjan, whence Old -English diken, dichen; dikede; diked,
even now dike = to surround with a dike; Danish dige. It also
occurs in Old-English in the meaning to dig (PiERS PLOUGHM.
p. 128.). Yet Old-English has also dyggen (MAUNDEV. p. 107.).
29. stick; stuck; stuck. The infinitive and the present agree in mean-
ing with the weak Anglosaxon sticjan; pungere, haerere. The Old-
English has however the verb stiken; stack, stek, which points to
Anglosaxon stecan; sing, stac; plur. stsecon; ste'cen, alongside where-
of, particularly in Scotch steck; stecked (steckit, steekit, steikkit)
stands. Witli stike, stuck; strike, struck, strikingly agrees (in the
fifth class). The preterite stack is still in use in Yorkshire.
30. hang; hung; hung beside hanged-, hanged. Anglosaxon hanganj
sing, heng, plur. hengon; hangen. See the last class.
360 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. 11.
In Modern-English there have almost wholly passed into the
weak conjugation:
31. swell; swelled; swelled and swollen, S'culn. Anglosaxon svellan,
svillan; sing, sveall, plur. svulloii; svollen. Old-English swellen;
sing, swal, swalle, plnr swollen; swollen.
The participle swollen, swoln, is still in use: The maidens fair Saw
from each eye escape a swollen tear (LONGFELLOW). The surge most
swoln (SHAKSPEARE Temp.). Asking few In aid to overthrow these swoln
patricians (L. BYRON).
32. help; *holp, helped; *holpen, *holp, helped. Anglosaxon helpan;
sing, healp, plur. hulpon; holpen. Old-English helpen; sing, halp,
plur. holpen; holpen (holpe).
holp as a preterite and participle alongside of helped was still familiar
to Shakspeare; later writers have holpen.
33. melt, intransit. and transit.; melted; * molten, melted. Anglosaxon
meltan, miltan; sing, mealt, plur. multoii; molten, dissolvi, alongside
whereof meltan (-ede, -ed, and -te, -t) liquefacere. Both meanings
are combined in the Modern-English verb. Old-English melten;
sing, malte (GowER), plur. molten; molten.
The participle molten is mostly used now as an adjective only.
34. burst. See above p. 351.
Old-English had a multitude of strong verbs of this class, now passed
into the weak conjugation or wholly lost. Here belong, for instance:
thrinyen; sing, thrang, plur. throngen (thrungen PIERS PLOUCHM.): thron-
gen, Anglosaxon pringan; sing, prang, plur. prungon; prungen: Modern-
English to throng. — swinken; sing, swank, plur. swonken; swonkeu.
Modern English to swink (SPENSER). — yellen; sing, jal (Roe. OF GLOU-
CESTER), p]ur. yollen; yollen. Anglosaxon gillan, gellan; sing, geall, plur.
gullon; gollen: Modern-English to yell. — yelden; sing, yald, yalt (HAL-
LIWELL s. v.), plur. jolden, y olden; yolden. Anglosaxon gildan, ge'ldan;
sing, geald, plur. guidon; golden: Modern-English to yield. — delven;
sing, dalf, plur. dolven; dolven. Anglosaxon delfan; sing, dealf, plur.
dulfon; dolfen: Modern- English to delve. — swelten; sing, swelt seems
weak even in Old-English, since swelted and the participle swelt are also
found, Anglosaxon sveltan; sing, svealt, plur. svulton; svolten: Modern-
English *to swelt. — sterven; sing, star/, plur. storven; storven. Anglo-
saxon steorfan; sing, stearf, plur! sturfon; storfen: Modern-English to
starve. — kerven; sing, carf (also kerf), plur. corven; corven: Anglo-
Saxon ceorfan ; sing, cearf, plur. curfon ; corfen : Modern-English to carve.
— werpen; sing, warp, plur. worpen; worpen, jacere: Anglosaxon veor-
pan; sing, vearp, plur. vurpon; vorpen: Modern-English to warp, in a
different meaning, and many others.
Second Class. It comprises inAngosaxon verbs having in the
present i (eo, £), in the preterite sing, a (a), plur. ce (a, e) and in
the perfect participle u (o). They end in a single nasal or li-
quid letter. In Old-English the corresponding present is e and
i (p only under the influence of the previous Anglosaxon v) preterite
sing, a (e and o), plur. a (e, o), perfect participle o. Modern-En-
lish has in the present ea (o as in Old-English), preterite sing, and
plur. 0 and a, perfect participle o. The passing of the vowels into
each other is explained by the relations of sound in Anglosaxon.
1. The Parts of Speech. B. The Verb. The Strong Conjugation. 361
1. come; came; come (exceptionally with a short o, for the Anglo-
saxon M), Anglosaxon cviman, cuman; sing, cvain, cam, com, plur.
cvamun, carrion, comon; cumen, cymen Old-English comen; sing.
cam, com, but also coom, came, come, plur. coomen, comen. Con-
junctive sing. plur. coome, coomen; comen.
The compounds become, overcome follow the simple verb. Com instead
of cdrne is still in use, especially in the North of England, cum stands
for it in Langtoft The older Scottish had cum alongside of com as a
present. The perf. participle cum is met with towards the sixteenth cen-
tury: I was cum (SKELTON I. 405.). A weak participle corned stands in
Roger Ascham, as Northern dialects still have corned, cummed. The
' form extends to a great antiquity. Compare Dial, of Craven I. p. 83.
2. steal; stole; stolen, * stole. Anglosaxon stelan; sing, stal, plur. stse-
lon; stolen, Old-English stelen; sing, stale, stel, plur. stolen (PiERS
PLOUGHM.); stolen, stole, stolne (also stale for stole HALLIWELL
s. v.).
The preterite stale remained long in use: She . . stale away (SKELTON
I. 22.). The shortened participle stole is still met with in Modern-English,
as well as in Milton.
3. bear, bare, bore; born, borne. Anglosaxon beran, beoran; sing, bar,
plur. baeron; boren. Old-English beren, sing, bar, baar, ber, bore
(Roe, OF GLOUCESTER, MAUNDEV., PIERS PLOUGHM.), plur. beren>
baren; boren, born, borne.
The compound forbear has the preterite forbore, part, forborne and
likewise overbear. Modern usage limits the preterite bare and the parti-
ciple born to the meaning pario, partus. The older language does not
know this distinction: Alas, the tyme that I was borne (TOWNEL. MYST.
p. 188.). The worste brawler that euer was borne (SKELTON I. 298.).
Milton still has the participle bore.
4. wear; (ware) wore; worn. In Anglosaxon the strong verb which
we must else presuppose is wanting: veran; sing, var, plur. vaeron;
voren; the weak verb to be referred here is verjan, -tide, -ed, also
-ode, 6d, induere, gerere (vestes). Old -English weren (PiERS
PLOUGHMAN p. 322); sing, ware, were, plur. . .; worn, forworn
(HALLIWELL s. v.).
The preterite ware cited by Smart as obsolete, familiar to Skelton, is
still not uncommon with poets. Old-English has also the weak form cor-
responding to the Anglosaxon: He wered a gepoun (CHAUCHR 75.).
5. tear; (tare), tore; torn. Anglosaxon teran; sing, tar, plur. tseron;
toren. Old-English teren; sing, tar (tarne, HALLIW. s. v.), tore,
plur. . .; torn, torne (tare Voc. Ms. sec. XV. in HALLIW. s. v.).
Of the obsolete tare the same may be said as of ware. A weak form
of the verb seems not unknown in Old English : To be teared thus and
torne (SKELTON I. 357.).
6. shear (diverging in vocalization from the e-sounding other verbs
in ear)) *shore, sheared; shorn, *shore. Anglosaxon sceran; sing,
scar, scear, plur. scseron, scearon; scoren. Old-English scheren;
sing, share, shore, plur. shoreii; shorne, shore.
The preterite shore is the rule in the seventeenth century, as in Shak-
speare; share is also permitted alongside of it; shore, shoor is still widely
Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. II.
diffused dialectically. The weak form also formerly sounded scharde (HAL-
LIWELL v. share). The participle shore is in Shakspeare Mids. N. Dr. 5, 1.
As passed over from the fourth class into the second is to be
regarded:
7. swear; (swarf), swore; sworn, * swore. Anglosaxon sverjan; sing,
svor, plur. svoron; svaren, svoren. Old-English sweren; suor, swor,
swoor, later also sware; plur. sworen, yet very early even sweren
(RoB. OF GLOUCESTER); sworen.
The transition is accordingly old; the preterite sware, even in Shak-
speare alongside of swore, was used in the seventeenth century, along
with the latter. It is now almost forgotten.
Old-English still has a few other strong verbs belonging here, as nimen ;
nemen; (benyman ROB. OF GLOUCESTER), sing, nam, name, nom, plur. no-
men; nomen. Anglosaxon niman; sing, nam, plur. namon, nemun; numen.
Modern-English *to nim (HUDIBR.). helen (forhelen); sing, hole, plur. . .;
holen (forholen DAME SIRIZ p. 8.), hole, holne. Anglosaxon helan; sing,
hal, plur. hselon; holen. Whence forhelan, celare = Modern- English to
hide, not to be confounded with the weak Old-English helen, Anglosaxon
haelan, to heal.
Third Class. It has been variously disturbed in its vocalization
in Modern-English, partly under the influence of consonants. In the
Anglosaxon it has in the present i (eo, e), in the preterite sing.
a (ed), plur. ce (ed), and in the perfect part, i or e. The 01 d-
English present has i or e, the preterite sing, a (o), the plur.
e (rarely o), the perf. participle e (?, also o). Modern-English
offers in the present i, e, ea, in the preterite a and o, in the perfect
participle •/, ea, e, o. It originally ends in a single mute consonant.
1. bid; bade, bid; bidden, bid. Anglosaxon biddan; sing, bad, plur.
bsedon; byden, petere mixed with the Anglosaxon beodan; sing,
bead, plur. budon; boden, offerre, jubere. Old-English bidden (be-
den); sing, bad, bed (also = offered), beot (Roe. OF GLOUCESTER
I. 65., else bode, bof), alongside thereof the weak form bidde, in
the plural beden (boden).
The mixture of the two Anglosaxon verbs is manifest in the
Modern-English forbid; forbade; forbidden, forbid, to which only
the Anglosaxon forbeodan, prohibere corresponds; Old-English for-
beden, in the perfect participle forboden, for bode, forbed (TowNEL.
MYST. p. 6.). Compare also: Who hath yow misboden? (injured)
(CHAUCER 911.).
The preterite and participle bid (bidd) stood in the seventeenth century
quite even with bad, bidden and is still tolerated alongside of these, as
forbid: If the Euphrates be forbid us (L. BYRON). It seems, like the Old-
English bidde (PIERS PLOUGHM. and SKELTON), to rest upon a passing
into the weak conjugation. We often find bad instead of bade, for in-
stance in Shakspeare: Love bad me swear, and love bids me forswear
(Two GKNTL. OF VER.); whereas the modern editions mostly offer bade.
See Mommsen's Romeo and Juliet p. 8. She bed still in Skelton I. 384.
2. sit; sat (sate)', sat (sate); *sitten. Anglosaxon sittan, sitjan; sing,
sat, plur. sseton; seten. Old-English sitten; sing, sat, seet, sete,
plur. seten; seten (CHAUCER 1454. 6002. Wright).
The form of the preterite sate is frequent enough, although often absent
1. The Parts of Speech. B. The Verb. The Strong Conjugation. 363
in dictionaries: Amidst the common pomp the despot sate (L. BYRON).
It also stands for the participle: Had I sate down too humbly (L. BY-
RON). He had sate in the High Commission (MACAULAY). Wallis has sate
for the preterite and participle, and also cites sitt, for both, by analogy
to bidd.
3. spit; *spat, *spitten. See above p. 349.
4. give; gave; given (forgive; -gave; -given}. Anglosaxon gifan, geo-
fan, sing, geaf, plur. geafon; gifen, (forgifan &c.). Old -English
given, jeuen, yeven; sing, jaf, 3ef, even gif (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER
I. 162.); gave, yave, yove, plur. geuen; yeven, soven, ^ove (LYD-
GATE, GOWER); dialectically gin, gon.
5. lie; lay; lain. Anglosaxon licgan, liggan, ligean; sing, lag, plur.
Isegon; legen. Old-English liggen (Iy3n, MAUNDEV.), lien; sing,
lai, lay, plur. laien, leyen; leyen, yleye, lien (CHAUCER p. 170.
172. ed. Tyrwh.), lein, lain.
The forms are explained by the softening of g into i, y.
6. get; got; gotten, got. Anglosaxon getan, gitan; sing, geat, plur.
geaton; geten. Old-English geten, yeten, getten; sing, gat, gatt,
get, plur. geten, goten (MAUNDEV. p. 67.); geten, yetten, goten
(MAUNDEV.).
The compounds forget; forgot; forgotten, forgot. Anglosaxon forge tan
and beget; begat, begot; begotten, begot. Anglosaxon begetan, mostly the
form gat. In the seventeenth century the preterites gat, forgat, begat
were still current; even Shakspeare has the forms gat and got alongside
of each other. At present gat and forgat pass for obsolete. Dialectically
the simple gat is still in use. This verb has also at times weak forms
in the ancients: What hast thou gotted? (SKELTON I. 296.).
7. see; saw; seen. Anglosaxon se'on, se'hvan; sing, seah, plur. savon,
seagon, saegon, segon; seven, segeu, seoven, seogen, sen, syn, sm.
Old-English sen, sene, see; sing, sey, say (Roe. OF GLOUCESTER),
seigh, seyghe, saugh, saughe, plur. sayen, seighen &c.; seyen, sei-
ghen, seene.
The compounds, as foresee. Anglosaxon foreseon, providere; oversee.
Anglosaxon oferseon, videre, contemnere, follow the simple verb. The
vowel changes are explained by the w of the stem interchanging with g.
8. tread; trod (trode)} trodden, trod. Anglosaxon tredan; sing, trad,
plur. trsedon; treden. Old-English treden; sing, trad, trade, trode,
plur. troden; troden.
The passage of the participle into the o-sound seems to be very old.
The preterite with an inorganic e still occurs : And round the white man's
lordly hall, Trade, fierce and free, the brute he made (WHITTIER); as
well as the participle that had suffered apocope: "Twere not the first
Greek girl had trod the path (L. BYRON). A weak preterite is known by
PIERS PLOUGHM. Creed, p. 475: tredede.
9. break; * brake, broke; broken, broke. Anglosaxon bre'can; sing,
brae, plur brsecon; broceii. This Anglosaxon verb passes, with its
participle, into the second class, as well as occasionally also spre-
can, specan. Old-English breken; sing, brak, brek (even ROB. OF
GLOUCESTER), brake, breke, plur. braken; broken, ybroke.
The weak preterite braikit is Old-Scottish. The preterite brake is ob-
364 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Form*. Part I. Sect. II.
solete: By the brede that God brake (SKKLTOH I. 3'.;0.). His passion
ne'er brake into extremity of rage (SHAKSPK*RE Com. of Err.). The blunted
participle broke is, as in Shakspeare, so in the most modern times, in
use: That his frail bonds . . are broke (L. BYRON Ch, Har.) . . That time
may have tamed, but has not broke (LONGFELLOW).
10. eat; ate, eat; eaten, eat, with change of vocalization. Anglosaxon
etan; sing, lit, plur. seton; eten. Old-English eten; sing, at, et, eet,
plur. eton, eten; eten — ysete (Ron. OF GLOUCESTER often), com-
pare ge-gessen, to which the Anglosaxon, which has gedrincan,
seems to offer no support.
A compound of eat is the now weak fret, to rub; fretted (fret
Levit 13.); fretted and fretten even in Shakspeare in Merch. of
Yen. 4, 1., in the quartos, and in pockfretten. Anglosaxon fre-
tan (compare Gothic fra-itan) ; sing, frat, plur. frseton; freten. Old-
English freten; sing, frat, fret, freet, plur. freten; freten, fretyne
(Morte Arth. in Halliwell).
Skelton has the participle frete with apocope : He is frete with angre
(I. 79.)- From this compound we must distinguish fret commonly con-
founded with it, to do elegant work, to adorn, which belongs to the An-
glosaxon fratu, ornamentum, fratvjan, ornare.
11. weave; wove; woven (wove). Anglosaxon vefan; sing, vaf, plur.
vsefon; vefen. Old-English weven, weffen (GOWER); sing, wave
(CHAUCER) . .; woven
The weak form seems to have been also early used for this verb, com-
pare Anglosaxon vefjan, vebban; vefede: vefed. Old-English has beweved
(Guv OF WARWICK 'p. 303. in Halliwell;. In the North of England the
participle weft is in use. Weave has also the weak forms in Modern-En-
glish; weaved stands as the preterite and participle in Shakspeare, and
is quoted by moderns as sometimes' used. The blunted participle wove
has Dryden for example.
12. speak; spake, spoke; spoken, spoke.* Anglosaxon sprecan, spreo-
can, often also specan; sing, prac, plur. sprsecon; sprecen, occa-
sionally sprocen (see break). Old-Engl. speken ; sing, spak, spek, plur.
spekon (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER), later there appear the preterites
spake, spoke; speken (DAME SIRIZ p. 8.), bespeke (Ron. OF GLOU-
CESTER I. 55.), spoken, spoke.
The preterite spake stands equivalent to spoke in the seventeenth cen-
tury; in modern times it has remained chiefly with the poets: The same
patron whom I spake of (L. BYRON). They spake a mutual language (ID.).
Smiling she spake these words (LONGFELLOW) He moved not, he looked
not, he spake not (ID.). Then to his conqueror he spake (BRYANT). The
participle spoke, with apocope, very common in Shakspeare, likewise
belongs especially to poets. It is found in Sterne, W. Scott, and others.
13. A remnant of a verb of this class is quoth, now commonly em-
ployed as first and third person of the preterite (quoth I, he, she).
Auglosaxon cvefran; sing, cvao*", plur. cvsedon ; cveden. Old-English
quethen; sing, qnap (Roe. OF GLOUCESTER), quoth (MAUNDEV.),
quod (PIERS PLOUGHM.), plur. quothe &c.
Quoth is falsely declared to be the present Even in Old-English the
formula quotha, quoda = quoth he occurs, which in East-Anglian dialects
sounds cutha. Quothe passes also as the Old-English for the plural:
1. The Parts of Speech. R. The Verb. The Strong Conjugation. 365
quothe thei (MAUNDEV. p. '-;2;\). So Shakspeare also uses </uoth: Did they?
quoth you (Love's L. L. 4, 3.). — The compound bequeath, Old-English
bequethen, is now inflected weakly. In Old-English the preterite byquep
(Roe. OF GLOUCESTER) and biquath (HEARNE), Anglosaxon becvedan,
legare.
To the strong verbs, now abandoned, belongs: wreak; wroke;
wroken, as these forms sounded in the later Old-English, now wreaked;
wreaked. The earlier Old-English forms were: wreken (frequent in the
compound awreken), wrechen; wrak, wrake; i-wreken (DAME SIRIZ p. 7.),
awreke (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I I.N.), bewrecke (in Halliwell s. v.), wroken.
Anglosaxon vrecan; sing, vriic, plur. vrsecon; vrecen. — Vestiges of other
verbs are: kneden; participle knedde (CHAUCER Rom. of the Rose 4814.),
even now in Northern dialects knodden, Anglosaxon cnedan; sing, cnad,
plur. cnsedon; cneden. Modern-English to knead. — weyen; participle
weyen. Anglosaxon vegan; sing, viig, plur. vsegon; vegen. Modern- En-
lish to weigh <£c.
Fourth Class. In Anglosaxon it offers in the present a, ea
(e), in the preterite sing, and plur. 6, in the participle perfect
a, ea (a). In Old-English it has in the present a, \vhich through
the cooperation of a following guttural passes into another vowel (see
7th class); in the preterite sing, and plur. o, more rarely oo, in the
participle perfect a (o). Modern-English offers in the pre-
sent short and long a, in the preterite oo and o, in the parti-
ciple perfect a, sometimes oo, o. Some verbs of this class have
passed into other strong conjugations, as swear into the second, draw
and slay essentially into the seventh. Many have preserved only their
strong participle, and have else passed into the weak form.
1. wake; woke, waked; waked and the compound awake; awoke,
awaked; awaked. Here blend the strong Anglosaxon verb vacan;
voc; vacen. — avacan &c., suscitari, expergiscere, and the weak
vacjan, avacjan in the same meaning. They pass over at the same
time in English into the transitive meaning. Old-English waken
(awaken); preterite wok, ivook, woke. The simple, as well as the
compound verb have also in Old-English the weak preterites and
participles waked, awaked, and these forms seem to be chiefly found
in the participle.
In Modern-English wake is stated by lexicographers to be always weak.
The preterite woke is in use even now, although Shakspeare has it not:
And the startled artist woke (LONGFELLOW). I turned to thee . . And
woke all faint with sudden fear (ID.). Shuddering . . I woke As from a
dream (WHITTIER).
2. take-; took; taken, often to? en, particularly in poets, also took An-
glosaxon tacan; toe; tacen. Old-English taken; toke, took; taken,
take, takene.
As in Modern -English taen with an elided k stands as a participle, the
Old-English and the Old-Scottish had tane. Old- English even conjugated
ta (infinitive), present tath; preterite to; participle tan. The compounds
mistake, partake, betake, overtake follow the simple verb. The
form of the preterite which has penetrated the participle, common to
this class in general, is denoted a barbarism by moderns, but is common
enough: And he that might the vantage best have took (SHAKSPEARE
Meas. f. Meas.). I have mistook (Two Gentl. of Ver.). He had lately
366 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 1L
undertook To prove &c. (BUTLER). Thou hast mistook (Rowt;). Who is
he . . whose brethren . . have not partook oppression? (L. BYRON)
3. shake; shook; shaken, also shook. The weak form of the preterite
and participle *shaked is no longer cited by modern grammarians
and lexicographers. Anglosaxon scacan, sceacan'; scoc, seoc; sca-
cen, sceacen. Old-English shaken, schaken; schoc, shook; shaken.
The weak form shaked is old: Howe Cupyde shaked His darte (SKEL-
TON I. 347.). It was in use up to the eighteenth century. Shakspeare
has all strong and weak forms of the verb beside each other, also the
participial form shook, met with even in the latest times : How many
hands were shook and votes were won (BRYANT).
4. forsake; forsook; forsaken, also forsook. The simple sake, which
occurs in Old-English, is said by Halliwell to be still in use. An-
glosaxon for-sacan; -soc; -saceu, negare, detrahere. Old-English
forsaken; forsok; forsaken.
The participial form forsook is the same as others of this sort : Pro-
teus hath forsook her (SHAKSPEARE Two Gentl. of Ver.). The immortal
mind, that hath forsook Her mansion (MILTON) ; so too in Lady Montague
and later writers.
5. stace; stove; stove or staved, as the preterite also sounded, seems
of modern formation, a denominative from staf, truncus. Compare
Old-norse stofna, truncare, and the Highdutch stieben standing in
relation to staub and stab. Stovven = split, riven, is dialectic in the
North of England.
6. stand; stood; stood. Anglosaxon standan; stod; standen. Old-En-
glish standen; stod, stode, stood; stonden.
Neither the simple verb nor the verbs compounded with it shew in Old-
English the passage of the preterite into the participle. In the Craven
dialect the participle s too den occurs.
A number of verbs of this class, which have preserved only their
strong participle beside weak forms, are:
7. shape; shapen and shaped. Anglosaxon scapan, sceapan, sceppan;
scop, sceop; scapen, sceapen. Old-English shapen; shop, shoop;
shapen. Even in Old-English the weak form of the preterite shapte
also occurs. The weak form of the participle is now considered
the better, even beside misshapen, misshaped is called correct.
8. grave; graven, also graved. Engrave is, according to some, weak,
according to Smart engraven is also permitted. Anglosaxon grafan;
grof; grafen. Old-English graven; grofe; graven, also grove. In
the Craven dialect grovven; grauin (SKELTON I. 385.).
9. shave; shaven and shaved, the former obsolete. Anglosaxon scafan;
scof; scafen. Old-English shaven; shofe; shaven.
10. lade and load; laden, loaden and laded, loaded. Anglosaxon hla-
dan; hlod; hladen. Old-English laden, loden; lode; laden, loden.
Loaden is less usual than loaded.
11. bake; baken, now commonly baked. Anglosaxon bacan; boc; ba-
cen. Old-English baken; boke; baken, ybake.
12. wax; waxen, ivaxed. Anglosaxon veaxan; vox (veox); veaxen.
I. The Parts of Speech. B. The Verb. The Strong Conjugation. 3G7
Old-English wexen; wex, wexe, woxe; waxen, woxeu. In Robert
of Gloucester the preterite sing, wax, plur. wox; in Piers Plough-
man sing, weex, plur. woxen is remarkable. "Waxen is obsolete.
In Old-English a few more strong verbs of this class are maintained:
faren, fore; far en, farn. Anglosaxon faran; for; faren, ire. Modern-En-
glish to fare. The weak ferde corresponds in form to the Anglosaxon
ferjan. — aken; ok, oke; .... (Ron. OF GLOUCESTER 4.). Anglosaxon
acan; 6c; acen. Modern-English to ache. — quaken; quok, quoke
yet also quakede; quaked is weak in Anglosaxon cvacjan, tremere, like
the Modern-English to quake. — waschen; wossche, wesshe; washen;
but also weak even in the preterite wasshed (MAUNDEV. and PIERS
PLOUGIIM.). Anglosaxon vascan; vosc; vascen, vascen. Modern-English
to wash. The participle washen has nevertheless been long preserved.
— laughen, lauhen (Old-Scottish lauch) and lijhen (Roe. OF GLOUCESTER);
low?, low (ID.), lough (PIERS PLOUGHM.); lowen (ID.). Anglosaxon hleah-
han, hlihhan; hloh, plural hlogon; hlahen, hleahen. Modern-English to
laugh. Piers Ploughman p. 275. has the weak form laughed. — gnawen\
gnowe, gnoghe; gnawn. Anglosaxon gnagan; gnog; gnagen; Modern-En-
glish to gnaw, whose strong participle gnawn Shakspeare has in Merry
Wiv. 2, 2, has, like draw already passed in part into the seventh class,
since it had also the preterite gnew still in use in Suffolk.
Fifth Class. It has in Anglosaxon in the present 2, in the
preterite sing. #, plur. i and perfect participle i. Old-English
leaves to the present «, gives to the preterite sing, o, also a,
plur. i and to the participle i. In Modern-English i remains in the
present, the preterite fluctuates between o and «, the perfect par-
ticiple retains i, although often assuming the vowel of the preterite.
In the seventeenth century the forms of the preterite in i are pre-
ferred by Alexander Gill to those in a, and to those in o then in
use along with these, and deemed equal to those in o by J. Wallis,
who especially acknowledges thrive, rise, smitt, writt, abidd,
ridd, as Gil drive. Many of these verbs offer the semblance of a
transition into the weak form of stems ending in t or d. Some have
at the same time passed wholly or partially into the weak conjuga-
tion in ed.
1. shine; shone; shone. The preterite and the participle have also
adopted the weak form shined, which however is postponed in usage
to the strong one. Anglosaxon scinan; sing, scan, scean, plur. sci-
non; scinen. Old-English shinen; sing, shon, shone, pi. shinen.
The passage of the preterite into the participle seems old; I have not
observed the participle shinen. Besides the vowel of shone sec. XVII.
was in the seventeenth century still marked long shone. The weak form
of the preterite is not quite recent. The shinde in use in Northern dia-
lects is in Fairfax's Tasso: Flames in his visage shinde.
2. drive; *drave, drove; driven, * drove. Anglosaxon drifan; sing, draf,
plur. drifon; drifen. Old-English driven; sing, drof, plur. driven;
driven, drefene (HALLIWELL s. v.).
Instead of drof we find in Old-English also dref (comp. Danish drev)
as a preterite ; drave occurs, as well as in Shakspeare, in modern poetry :
From battle fields, Where heroes madly drave and dashed their hosts
Against each other (BRYANT). The participial form drove is in Milton
368 Doctrine of the Word — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 11.
and is common to several dialects; instead thereof we find draw en (WAR-
TON I.' 88.).
3. strive; strove; striven, although fundamentally Germanic, rests upon
no Anglosaxon verb, but on the Old-French estriver; the strifan,
which has been imagined in Anglosaxon, according to others strse-
fan, did not exist. Old-English striven; sing, strof, plur. . .:
striven.
North-English dialects still have the preterite strave, formerly in use
in Modern-English: Not ns'd to frozen clips he strave to find some part
(SYDNEY). Shakspeare inflected strive', strove', strove.
4. thrive; throve; thriven. The preterite also runs thrived (compare
Shakspeare Pericl. 5, 2. thriv'd, ed. Collier), as well as sometimes
the participle. Anglosaxon prifun; sing, prof, plur. prifou; prifen,
colere, curare. Old-English thriven; sing, throf, also thrafe, tlirave
(Perceval 212. 226.), plur. thriven; thriven.
Threave and threve are also cited for the preterite. The older preterite
thrive (sec. XVII.) rests upon the transition of the plural into the sin-
gular, as well as the rest in i.
5. bite; bit; bitten, bit. Anglosaxon bitan; sing, bat, plur. biton; bi-
ten. Old-English biten; sing, boot, bote, also bate, plur. biten;
biten.
6. write; wrote, *writ; written, writ, * wrote. Anglosaxon vritan ; sing.
vrat, plur. vriton; vriten. Old-English writen; sing, wroot, wrot,
also wrate (frequently in Skeltou); plur. writen; writen, ywryte,
wrete (HALLIWELL s. v.).
The older preterite writ, which Shakspeare also has, is indeed found
in moderns, but is upon the whole obsolete, although in use dialecticaliy.
On the other hand the participle writ is still very frequently to be met
with, especially in poets, as well as in Shakspeare: Go, read whate'er is
writ of bloodiest strife (L. BYKON). And what is writ, is writ (ID.). The
participle wrote, springing from the preterite, is met with in Shakspeare,
Milton, Addison and others.
7. smite; smote; smitten, smit, smote. Anglosaxon snaitan; sing, smafr,
plur. smiton; smiten. Old-English smiten; sing, smot, smote, plur.
smyton (RoB OF GLOUCESTER); smiten, ysmyte, smeten (HALLI-
WELL s. v.) smitten.
The participle has passed over in Chaucer into the weak form smitted,
Troil. and Cress. 5, 1544.; the participial form smit is still in use: Smit
with the love of sacred song (MILTON). How smit was poor Adelaide's
heart at the sight (CAMPBELL). The perjurer . . and he who laughed . .
Are smit with deadly silence (BRYANT). The form borrowed from the pre-
terite still belongs to the modern poets: When their fresh rags have
smote The dew of night (SHAKSPEARE Love's L. L. 4, 3.). Ah, Judas!
thou hast smote my side (LONGFELLOW). — The preterite smit, which was
current in the seventeenth century, is still diffused in dialects.
S. ride; rode, *rid; ridden, rid, rode. Anglosaxon ridan; sing, rad,
plur. ridon; riden. Old-English rideu; sing rod, rood, rode, plur.
riden, redyn (HALLIWELL s. v.); riden, ridden.
The preterite rode and rid still stand alongside of each other in Shak-
speare, the latter is now obsolete. In Nothern dialects raad still prevails,
/. The Parts of Speech. B. The Verb. The Strong Conjugation. 369
as rad in Spenser and rade in Barbour (as a plural). Among the three
forms of the participle in Shakspeare, that with the vowel of the pre-
terite singular is noted by Smart as the best.
9. *bide; preterite *bid (SHAKSP.), now commonly as a compound
abide; abode; abode. Anglosaxon bidan, abidan; sing, bad, plur.
bidon; biden. Old-English biden, abiden; sing, -bod, -bood, -bode,
?bade (habade HALLIWELL), plur. -biden; -biden, -bidden, -boden
(t?iERS PLOUGHM.), -bode.
The simple verb, widely diffused in Old-English (comp. Old-Scottish
bide; bade, baid; biden, bidden) has in Modern-English yielded to the
compound abide but has remained in several dialects. The preterite in «, a
favorite in the seventeenth century, is obsolete. The participle abidden
is still found in the seventeenth century : What punishment he had abid-
den for his jealouse (COBLER OF CANTERBURIE 1608.); as bidden is even
now in use in Northern dialects. The change of the vowel of the pre-
terite singular into the participle is old. The weak form abided is quoted
by J. Wallis as well as thrived.
10. slide; slid; slidden, slid (WEBSTER). Anglosaxon slidan; sing,
slad, plur. slidon; sliden. Old-English sliden; sing, slod, slode,
plur. sliden; sliden.
The preterite slade is in use in Northern dialects, as in Scotland in
11. stride; strode^ strid; stridden, strid (WEBSTER). Anglosaxon stri-
dan; sing, strad, plur. stridon; striden. Old-English striden; sing,
strod, strode, plur. striden; striden, stridden, strid.
Northern dialects have the preterite streud, others strade. Besides the
still usual compound bestride the Old-English has also umstride.
12. chide, *chode, chid; chidden, chid. Anglosaxon cidan; sing, cad,
plur. cidon; ciden. Old-English chiden; sing, chod, chode, plur.
chiden; chiden, chidden.
Moreover this verb early receives the character of a weak vefb, in
spite of its participle chidden, since, in Piers Ploughman for instance
the singular of the preterite runs chidde, chydde, so that the verb was
assimilated to the weak hide (Anglosaxon hydan, hydde, hyded), which
on the other hand assumed the strong participle hidden. See above
p. 341.
13. rise; rose; risen, *rose. In Anglosaxon the simple verb is imper-
sonal: me riseo1', decet mihi, me. The compounds are, on the con-
trary, personal, as arisan (Engl. arise &c.); sing, aras, plur. arisen;
arisen. Old-English risen, arisen; sing, -roos, -rose, plur. -risen,
also -reson, -resyn (HALLIWELL s. vv.); -risen, -risse (riz still vul-
garly in London).
The preterite riss, riz, in J. Wallis rise, is often found in Beaumont
and Fletcher. See Sternberg The Dial, of Northamptonshire p. 87; and
is still in use in different dialects. The participle with the o: rose still
occurs in Fielding: He had rose pretty early this morning.
In the transition into the first class is comprised:
14. strike; *strook, struck; stricken, *strucken, struck. Anglosaxon
strican; sing, strac, plur. stricon; stricen, ire, caedere. Old-English
Miitzner, Engl. Gr. I. 24
370 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
striken; sing, strook, strake, plur. striken, strekyn (HALLIWELL v.
streke), also stroke (PERCY Rel. p. 3. II.); striken, strike, strekyne.
The preterite stroke, strook, strooke were still common in the seventeenth
century; strook has been preserved the longest, in Northern dialects
streuk. Shakspeare, who has the preterite struck, uses the participles
stricken, strucken and struck. Strucken stands in : The clock hath strucken
twelve upon the bell (Com. of Err. 1. 1. Coll.). Even the most modern
times have stricken, and that not merely where it is used adjectively, as
in mind-stricken, thunder-stricken &c. Compare: From the spot
where I was stricken (L. BYRON).
There has been partly preserved:
15. cleave; clave and cleaved; cleaved, of which also clave is upon the
point of being lost. Anglosaxon clifan; sing, claf, plur. clifon; cli-
fen. In Modern-English it coincides in the infinitive and present
with cleave, which has likewise almost completely passed into the
weak form, but which belonged to the next strong class, Anglosaxon
cleofan. Old-English clyven (PIERS PLOUGHMAN p. 215.); clave
(CHESTER PLAYS 2, 70.). The one mingles, even in Old-English,
with forms of the other verb.
Of the sixth class there have passed into the fifth and partly
assimilated to the verb drive:
16. rive; rived; riven. Anglosaxon reofan; sing, reaf, plur. rufon; ro-
fen, findere. Old-English rifen, riven; sing, rofe, roofe, rafe (PER-
CEVAL 2157.) . . . ; ryffen (TOWNEL. MYST.), to-revyne (HALLIWELL
v. sieve), roven (ID. v. rove). The maritime reeve; rove; rove,
would agree with this.
Northern dialects still have the preterite raav and therewith rave, like
the Scottish. The rafte, occurring in Chaucer, belongs to the weak An-
glosaxon verb redfjan, whence the Modern -English bereave, Anglosaxon
hereof jan,.
To a verb of this class its strong participle is still sometimes
given:
17. writhe and commonly wreath (wreathe); wreathed; wreathed and
wreathen, formerly writhen. Anglosaxon vridfon; sing. vratF, plur.
vridbn; vriden, vreofren. Old -English writhen; preterite writhe
(PERCY Rel. p. 75. II.). Yet even early in the weak form wrythed
(HALLIWELL v. writhe); part, writhen. This participle is still in
use in the North of England.
The Old-English possessed other verbs of this class, few traces whereof
have been preserved in modern times, except in dialects: ssryuen (ROB.
OP GLOUCESTER), shriven; sing, ssrof, shrof, shrove, also shrave, plur.
shriven; shriven, yssryue. Anglosaxon scrifan; sing, scraf, plur. scrifon;
scrifen. Modern-English *to shrive. — shiten; sing, shote (compare be-
shote LANCASTER), plur. shiten; shiten, shitten. Dictionaries disdain this
popular word, which now sounds in general shite; shit; shitten. — atwiten;
sing, atwot, plur. atwiten; atwiten. Anglosaxon atvitan; sing, -vat, plur.
-viton; -viten, exprobrare, compounded of vitan, now, strange to say, to-
twit with rejection of the a. — gliden; sing, glod, glode, plur. gliden;
gliden: Modern - English to glide. — gripen, grypen; grep (BEVES OP
HAMTODN p. 90 and in WEBER) (which moreover early had weak
forms: gripte [Roe. OF GLOUCESTER I. 22.]) with an apparent tran-
sition into the following class, is remarkable. Anglosaxon gripan; sing.
/. The Parts of Speech. B. The Verb. The Strong Conjugation. 371
grap, plur. gripon; gripen. Modern-English to gripe; like repen; sing.
repe, plur. ropen; ropen (Modern-English to reap}, which points not only
to the Anglosaxon ripan ; sing, rap, plur. ripon, ripen, but also to a verb
reopan; sing, reap, plur. rupon; ropen, which is wanting in Anglosaxon.
Therewith is associated bleyen, blewyn (HALLIWELL s. v.); bleef (CAXTON)
from the Anglosaxon be-lifan; sing, -laf, plur. -lifon; -lifen, manere,
whereas the weak forms blefede and bleft point to the Anglosaxon belsefan.
- We often find steyen, stigen (astygen, astyen) ; sing, stey, stay, steigh,
stegh, but also frequently the weak forms stighide, stiede, steyed; see
Dial, of Craven 2, p. 165. Anglosaxon stigan; sing, stab, plur. stigon;
stigen. The change into the weak form seems generally old; compare
also swiken, beswiken; swykede; swuken inHalliwell; Anglosaxon svican;
sing, svae, plur. svicon; svicen. Other forms are preserved in dialects.
Sixth Class. The few verbs of this class which have been pre-
served in the literary language have become undistinguishable in
Modern-English, others have passed wholly or partially into the weak
conjugation. The Anglosaxon offers here in the present &c. eo,
rarely u, in the preterite sing, ed, plur. u, and in the perfect
participle o. The Old-English gives to the present e, to the
preterite sing, ee or e, plur. o (where e sometimes penetrates from
the sing.) and the perfect participle o. Modern-English has
in the present ee, ea, but does not here let the o-sound enter, and
gives o equally to the preterite and the participle. The inter-
change of s and r in some of these verbs is taken away in Modern-
English and partly even in Old-English in favour of the s. Verbs
with a final h, v have passed into the seventh class.
1. freeze; froze; frozen, * froze. Anglosaxon freosan, frysan; sing, freas,
plur. fruron; froren. Old-English frezen; sing, freez, frese (frez
Bedfordshire dialect), plur. froren? (Dialectically a-vraur, Somerset);
froren, yfrore, befrore (GowER in Halliwell s. v.), a-vrore in Western
dialects, forfrorn in Caxton.
The shortened form of the participle froze is found in Shakspeare and
Young N. 3.
2. seethe; sod; sodden, *sod, forms, which now, along with seethed,
seethed begin to be obsolete. Anglosaxon seofran, siofran; sing, seafr,
plur. sudon; soden. Old-English sethen; sing, sethe, plur. soden,
sode (Roe. OF GLOUCESTER II. 408.); soden, ysode, sothen (Reliq.
Ant. I. 82.).
The weak form seethed is in use for the preterite and participle even
in the seventeenth century. See J. Wallis p. 118. Shakspeare, among
others, has the abbreviated participle sod: Twice sod simplicity (Love's
L. L. 4, 2.).
3. cleave; clove, * clave; cloven, now also wholly passed into the weak
conjugation: cleft; cleft see p. 343. Anglosaxon cleofan, clufan;
sing, cleaf, plur. clufon; cloven. Old-English clefen, eleven; sing,
clef, cleef, also clafe (HALLIWELL s. v.), plur. cloven; cloven.
4. heave; *hove; * ho ven, * hove, in modern times heaved; heaved. The
Anglosaxon has here hebban; sing, hof, plur. hofon ; hafen, which
belonged to the fourth class, and with which the Modern-English
forms agree. The Old-English ones, on the contrary, at least in
24*
372 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I, Sect. II.
part, refer us to the form heofan (1), which Ettmuller lays at the
root of hedfod; sing, heaf, plur. hufon; hofen. although Rob. of
Gloucester likewise presents the present hebbe I. 17. Old-English
heven and hufe (TOWNEL. MYST. p 32.), which agrees only with
heofan = hufan ; sing, hefe (HALLIWELL s. v.) and hafe (ID.), haf
(CHAUCER 2430.), hof (HAVELOCK 2747.), plur. hofen, hoven; ho-
fen, hoven, hove.
The participle hove still occurs in moderns, as Milton.
5. choosey chose; chosen. * chose. Anglosaxon ceosan; sing, ceas, plur.
curon; coren. Old-English chesen; ches, chees, chis (WEBER);
plur. chose (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER), cheson (ID.), formerly probably
also coren; coren (GuY OF WARWIKE p. 428.), icore (A. BRANDAN
p. 33.), chosen, ychose, ichose (even ROB. OF GLOUCESTER).
The participial form chose is in Shakspeare and Milton. In the seven-
teenth century the weak form choosed is also cited by grammarians for
the preterite and participle In the older Scotch the preterite cheisit also
occurs. The infinitive chese still prevails, in Lancashire for instance,
cheise in Scottish.
6. lose; now passed into the weak form lost; lost; traces of the par-
ticiple in forlorn, lass/orn. See p. 343. Anglosaxon leosan; sing,
leas, plur. luron; loren. Old-English lesen; sing, les, lees (thou
lore ROB. OF GLOUCESTER), plur. loren, lore; loren, lorn, lorne
(forlore), ylore, yet also even lost (PiEKS PLOUGHM.).
7. shoot; likewise weak shot; shot, *shotten. Anglosaxon sceotan; sing,
sceat, plur. scuton; scoten. Old-English scheten; yet also shoten;
sing, schet, plur. shotten (PiERS PLOUGHM.), yet shete even in
Rob. of Gloucester; shoten, yssote (RoB OF GLOUCESTER). See
p. 346.
With this class agrees the strong participle rotten, belonging to rot
(compare Anglosaxon reotan; sing, reat, plur. niton; roten, plorare, the
stem of rotjan, putrescere), Old-English roten. Yet the strong participial
form may have been given to the weak verb. Other verbs of this class
are still to be pointed out, at least in single Old-English forms: crepen
see above creep. — Jleten; preterite flete (Rou. OF GLOUCESTER); part,
floten (= distant? GA WAYNE). Anglosaxon fleotan ; sing, fleat, plur. fluton;
floten. Modern-English to float. — shoven; sing, shof, shofe, plur. shouen;
shoven. Anglosaxon sceofan; scufan; sing, sceaf, plur. scufon; scofen,
Modern-English to shove, seems like choose, lose &c. to have early as-
sumed the o in the present. — loken, to lock, has the strong participle
loken, beloke, biloke. Anglosaxon lucan; sing, leac, plur. lucon; locen,
alongside whereof lokede from the weak form of the preterite usually oc-
curs. Modern-English to lock. — leyen, lien, has in the preterite leghe,
leighe', fleyen, fleen\ fleghe, fleigh, flaugh &e., plur. flowen, as the parti-
ciple lowen and flowen. also occur. Anglosaxon leogan, fleogan ; sing,
leah, fleah, plur. lugon, flugon; logen, flogen, whereas now to fly has
passed into the seventh class, like others of the sixth class in Old En-
glish. Teen to draw, preterite tegh also occur. Anglosaxon teohan, teon;
sing, teah, plur. tugon; togen.
Seventh Class. This and the following class comprise the verbs
which originally repeated the initial sound of the verbal stem before
it in the preterite, therefore the reduplicative verbs. This redupli-
1. The Parts of Speech. B. The Verb. The Strong Conjugation. 373
cation is however, hardly more to be met with in Anglosaxon; but,
through the blending of the syllable before the stem, arising from
this reduplication, the two classes of verbs have arisen, whereof one
presents eo, the other e in the preterite.
In Anglosaxon the first of these, which is here cited as the
seventh, has various vowels in the present: ea, a, ed, e, 6; in the
preterite sing, and plur. eo; in the perfect participle ea, a, 6.
Old-English, like Modern-English, mostly has in the present
obscure vowels, corresponding to the Anglosaxon ones: a. o; in the
preterite sing, and plur. the vowel ?, appears in Old-English, which
likewise always appears in Modern-English, except in the verb
beat. Yet with the proportionably greater number of verbs ending
in v, the v has been softened and gives with e the diphthong ew.
Since also verbs of other classes, ending in g or v, readily blended
their softened consonant with the preceding vowel into ew, many others
must be regarded as passed over into this class. The participle of
the perfect has nothing characteristic, except that it appropriates the
vowel of the present, although not without exception, as is the case
also with the corresponding Anglosaxon verbs. Moreover many verbs
have only preserved the strong participial form in Modern-English.
1. beat; beat-, beaten, beat. Anglosaxon beatan; beot; beaten. Old-
English beten; bete, but also bette (PiEKS PLOUGHM.); beten, ybete,
bete, bet.
The Old- English form bette shews a passing over into the weak conju-
gation. The participle beat no longer often cited. Compare on the other
hand: Had your heart newer beat for any of the noble youth? (L. BYRON).
2. fall; fell; fatten (fallen often with poets), in composition mostly
befal; befel; befallen. Anglosaxon feallan; feoll, feallen. Old-En-
glish fallen; fel, fil, fille; fallen.
The invasion of the vowel of the preterite into the participle is remark-
able: Sure some disaster has befel; Speak, nurse! I hope the boy is well?
(GAY). The participle fell is said to belong to the Londoner of the lower
sphere.
3. hold; held; holden, held; likewise behold &c. Anglosaxon healdan,
behealdan; heold; healden. In Old-English we often find here an
interchange of vowels in the singular and plural of the preterite,
and even of the present: halden, holden (halt 3. pers. sing, pres.,
plur. holden PIERS PLOUGHM.); pret. sing, hult, bihuld, plur hulde
(Roe. OF GLOUCESTER), sing, heeld, plur. helden (PIERS PLOUGHM.),
also sing, halde, plur. halden (HALLIWELL); part holden, hold, at-
held (HALLIWELL s. v.).
The participles upholden and withholden pass as obsolete. Shakspeare
has the participles held and holden alongside each other. As Jill along-
side of fell, so hild occurs alongside of hold (see HALLIWRLL s. v.) and
is still to be met with in dialects.
4. blow; blew; blown. Anglosaxon blavan; bleov; blaven, flare. The
English verb blow, belongs to the Anglosaxon blovan, florere, which
was probably likewise a strong verb (bleov; bloven), so that both
might coincide in their forms. Old-English blawen (HALLIWELL
s. v.), blowen; blew; bio wen, yblowe, blow, blawun (ID.).
374 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. IL
5. throw, threw, thrown. Anglosaxon pravan; preov; praven. Old-
English thrawen, throwen; threw; throwen, throw.
6. know, knew, known. Anglosaxon cnavan; cneov; cnaven. Old-
English knawen, knowen; knew, knowen, know, beknawe.
7. crow, crew, * crown, crowed. In Anglosaxon the corresponding
word does not occur, but is to be inferred: cravan; creov; craven.
Old-English crawen; crew, creew (MAUNDEV.); crowen; crowe.
8. grow, grew, grown. Anglosaxon grovan; greov; groven. Old-En-
glish growen; grew; growen, grofen (HALLIWELL s. v.).
Among the verbs in ow, inclining to the formation of a weak preterite,
is grow in the olden time: It growed to a gret tree (MAUNDEV. p. 117.).
Though nevere green growed (PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 275.); for which also
groved stands, for instance TOWNEL. MYST. p. 12. The employment of
the weak forms blowed, throwed, drawed (COBBETT) &c. is therefore uot
new. In the seventeenth century blow'd, throw'd, crow'd, draw'd &c.
passed among grammarians as preterites and participles with a warrant
equal to that of the strong forms.
The following verbs have in Modern -English exchanged their
strong preterite with the weak one:
9. hew; hewed; hewn and hewed. Anglosaxon heavan; heov; heaven.
Old-English hewen; hew; hewen. Anglosaxon also has a weak
verb heavjan.
10. mow; mowed; mown and mowed. Anglosaxon mavan; meov; rna-
ven. Old-English moven; mew; mowen. The preterite rnew is
still in use in Northern and East-Anglian dialects.
11. sow; sowed; sown and sowed. Anglosaxon savan; seov; saven.
Old-English so wen; sew; sowen, sow. The preterite sew is found
in several dialects, as in Lincolnshire.
The two following verbs have weak forms in Anglosaxon, but
seem to have been early assimilated to the preceding ones in the
participle :
12. show, shew; showed, shewed; shown. Anglosaxon scavjan, sceav-
jan; -ode; -6d, aspicere. Old-English, and commonly, shewen; she-
wed (sheud HALLIWELL s. v.); shewed; but in Old-Scottish schaw;
participle schawin. Dialectically even the preterite shew shews
itself in Essex.
13. strew, strow, even * straw still in Northern dialects; strewed, stro-
wed; strewn, strown, strowed, strewed. Anglosaxon strevjan, streav-
jan, streovjan; -ode, -6d. Old-England strewen; strewed; strewed
(TOWNEL. MYST. p. 180.).
There have passed over out of the fourth class on account of
their final guttural sound:
14. draw; drew; drawn. Anglosaxon dragan; drog; dragen. Old-
English drawen, dray (TOAVNEL. MYST. p. 49.) ; dro3, drow3, drogh,
drough, drow, drw (=drew); drawen, drawe, drayne (HALLIWELL
s. v.).
15. slay; slew; slain. Anglosaxon slahan, sleahan, slagan, contracted
slean, slan; shloh, plur. slogon; slagen, slagen, slegen. Old-English
/. The Parts of Speech. B. The Verb. The Strong Conjugation. 375
sleen, slee, sle, sla, slone, sloo, slo (DAME SIRIZ p. 7.); slowgh,
slough, slou (Roe. OF GLOUCESTER pi. slowe), slow, slew; slawen,
yslawe, slawe, sloon (HALLIW. s. v.), slain.
Both verbs are treated analogously in Old-English, yet the contracted
Anglosaxon forms of the latter had preponderant influence; the entrance
of the ew in the preterite is more modern than that of other forms.
16. fly, flew; flown. Anglosaxon fleogan; sing, fleah, plur. flugon;
flogen, volare, which mingled with fleohan, fleon; sing, fleah, plur.
flugon; flogen, fugere, although English has partly distributed the
meaning between flee (see above) and fly. In Old-English they are
still less to be separated than in Modern-English. Old-English
fleen, flee, fle, flene, flyne, fley; fleghe, fleigh, fleih, flaugh, flew;
yflowe (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER), fleyne (ID.), flaine.
Some verbs of this class, which Old-English still exhibits alongside of
others which have passed over into others are : wepen, see above to weep
p. 342. — falden, f olden; feld; f olden, fold (unfolden), Anglosaxon feat-
dan, whence the participle f olden reaches into Modern-English. Modern-
English to fold. — walken; welke (PERCEVAL 209.), ivit; walke, wolke.
Anglosaxon vealcan; veolc; vealcen. Modern-English to walk. — From
the fourth class there passes over occasionally gnawen; gnew (thus still
in Suffolk) alongside of gnoghe, gnowe; gnawe'n. Anglosaxon gnagan;
gnog; gnagen. Modern-English to gnaw. See above p. 367. — dawen;
dewe (HALLIWELL s. v.) points to an Anglosaxon dagan; dog; dagen which
cannot be shewn. Modern-English to dawn. The dialectical snew, snown,
from snawen, is perhaps only an unjustified imitation; Anglosaxon knows
•only snivan, sing, snav, plur. snivon ; sniven, and the verb to snow seems
denominative. From the sixth class the preterite brew (PiEKS PLOUGHM.
p. 90.) belongs here, although the plural of the preterite browe occurs in
Rob. of Gloucester and the participle browen elsewhere. Anglosaxon breo-
van; sing, breav, plur. bruvon; broven. Modern-English to brew.
Eighth Class. This second class of originally reduplicated verbs
lhas no longer a verb to exhibit in Modern-English, the verb Imng,
which belonged here, having passed over into the first strong con-
jugation. In Anglosaxon the present has a, a, ce, the preterite
sing, and plur. e, the perfect participle «, a, oe. Old-English
gave e to the preterite and preserved to the participle the vowel
of the present.
Old-English verbs of the class are: hangen, hongen, mostly transitive,
yet also intransitive; henge, hinge; hangen, hongen, honge. Anglosaxon
hangan; heng; hangen. Modern-English hang; hung; hung. Yet the
intransitive is early in use hangen, hongen; hanged; hanged &c. An-
glosaxon hangjan; -ode; -6d, pendere, mingled with the strong verb. —
fangen, fongen; feng, aveng (Roe. OF GLOUCESTER) ; fangen, fongen, capere
accipere. Anglosaxon fangan, fon; feng; fangen, yet here o early presses
into the preterite : fong and even the weak form : underfonged (PIERS
PLOUGHM.). — gangen see irregular verb go. — greten; grete; greten,
grete, also igroten. Anglosaxon grsetan; gret; grseten, whence still greit,
preterite grat in Northern dialects and Scotland, with the participle
grutten
Others have passed over into the weak conjugation, as haten. See
hight p. 352. laten, see p. 350. slepen, see p. 342. Even in Old-En-
glish dreden, adreden has degenerated, participle drad, adrad, but also^
adred (Rixsos). Modern-English adread. Anglosaxon a-dra?dan; -dred'
-draeden.
376 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. U.
Irregular Verbs.
Under this name we comprehend a number of verbs whose ano-
malies are not explained by the linguistic processes hitherto discussed.
Here belong:
a) The verb be, springing from several verbal sterns. Anglosaxori
beon.
Present Indicative.
S. 1.
am
Angl. eoin
beom
Old-En gl. am
2.
art
eart
bist
art (arte)
bist, byste
(beys,
bep)
Conjunctive.
3. I PI. 1. 2, 3. || S. 1. 2. 3. ;P1. 1.2.3.
is are [be \be
is
bidf
is
bep
bez
beon
sind(sindou,sint) sie(sig,si,seo) sicn (sin)
beocF jbeo '
aren (arn) || . . . .
bep, beth, beyth be
and ben, be
(sinden ORMUL.)||
ben (be)
Preterite Indicative.
S. 1.
2. 1
was
Angl. vas
Old-Engl. wes (D.
SIR.) was
wast
(wert)
vsere
were
! 3. [ft. 1.2.8. S. 1.
Conjunctive.
was
vas
was
were
2. 3. iPl. 1.2.3.
were
were wert were
vseron
weren
(were)
jvsere
:were
Infinitive
be
Angl. beon
vesan
Old-Engl.beon,ben(bene)
Imperative. Pr. Part.
be \ being
s. beo pi. beocT ibeonde
ves ve'safr Ivesende
be beth
vseren
weren
(were)
Perf. Part,
been
gevesen
yben, ben,be,abyn
(HALL. s. v.)
Modern-English has in general use given up a number of forms, still
possessed by Old-English. Moreover the forms from be have not been
given up in poetry, where beest also occurs for the conjunctive. Bee,
beest, bee, plur. bee, are given by J. Wallis as regular forms for the con-
junctive, yet also for the indicative: If thou beest Stephano, touch me
(SHAKSP. Temp.). If thou beest he (MILTON P. L I. 84.); particularly in
the plural: There be some sports are painful (SHAKSP. Temp.). Those be
rubies (ID. Mids. N. Dr.). And who be they (L. BYRON). There be more
things to greet the heart and eyes (ID.). — Bez instead of beth in the
singular in Longtoftfs Chron. p. 244. Bees as 3. pers. sing, and 1. 2. 3.
pers. plur. is frequent in the Towneley Mysteries. Thou beys Skelton still
has, as he also still employs be for the second person plural: Ye be an
apte man (I. 36.), whereas it was subsequently frequently used for the
third person. The plural beth: We beth bretheren (PIERS PLOUGHMAN
p. 391., is still found in Skelton as beyth. Be for the first person, as
well as for all others of the singular and plural of the indicative, not
merely of the present, is peculiar to many dialects. Bin, which proceeds
from the plural ben, stands dialectically for are, were and is; it is also
found for is in ancient dramatists. Chalmers quotes out of Shakspeare :
1. The Parts of Speech. B. The Verb. Irregular Verbs. 377
With every thing that pretty bin, and Lord Byron writes : There bin an-
other pious reason. Be instead of been is still familiar to the sixteenth
century: THE PARDONER AND THE FRERE p. 95. For is, es sometimes
occurs in Old-English (HALLIWELL v. fame 2.). — In the preterite wast
and wert are subsequent formations ; although the latter at present passes
for the conjunctive, yet even now as well as formerly it still stands as
the indicative form: Wert thou alone? (CONGREVE). Thou wert godlike
E'en then (ID.). Thou wert the throne and grave of empires (L. BYRON).
When all were changing thou alone wert true (ID.). I turned to thee,
for thou wert near (BRYANT). Instead of wast, was formerly occurs:
Sithene was thou straynede one the crosse (Mss. in HALLIWELL v. straine) ;
waste in Skelton I. 260. The genuine verbal form thou were is still in
Shakspeare (K. Lear.). Was as 2. pers. plur. often occurs: I'll pepper
you better than ever you was peppered (FIELDING). It is here and there
regarded as the regular form. The employment of am, as well as of be,
for all persons : ke'm, we in, you'm &c. in Northampton, Bedford, Somer-
set &c., is dialectical, as also are occurs for the singular: 1 are, he are
&c. The rejection of the initial vowels of the verb has pressed from the
popular into the written language: Tm in love (LONGFELLOW). Thou 'rt
gone (BRYANT). You Ye a child (L. BYRON). She 's in Madrid (LONG-
FELLOW). How 's this? (ID.), as n'as instead of wo was, was not are found,
b) The verb do. Anglosaxon don.
s. 1.
do
Aiigl. do
Old-Engl.
doe
Present Ii
2.
dost, doest
dest
doest, dest
(R.orGL.)
idicative.
3.
doth, does
deb"
dop, dooth
pi. 1.2. 3.
Conjunctive.
s. 1. 2. 3. Pi. 1.2 3.
do
d6(T
dop,dooth,
don, doou,
doen, do
do
do
do
doe
do
don
don, doon,
doen, doe, do
Preterite Indicative.
s. 1.
did
Angl. dide
Old-Engl. dide,dude
(R.OFGL.)
2.
didst
didest,
didest, dudest
diddest
3.
did
dide,
dide,
dude
Infinitive.
do
Angl. don
Old-Engl. don, doon,
doone, doe, do
Imper.
do
do, dofr
do, doth,
dooth
pi. 1. 2. 3.
did
didon
diden, duden
dide, dude
Part. Pres.
doing
doande, doand,
doing
Conjunctive.
s. 1.2.3.
pi. 1. 2. 3.
did
did
dide
dideu
Idide,
jdude
diden, dide
dudeu,dude
Perfect.
done
gedon
ydon, doon,
ydo, do
Modern-English Grammar no longer cites the older forms of the con-
junctive; the indicative forms, where varying from these, are used for
them. The forms dost and doest are now understood to be so distinct,
that doest is to be used in a pregnant sense, dost as a periphrastic verbal
form (auxiliary verb). The elision of the o in do is familiar to rapid
speech in few contexts: »So soon returned!" old Dobson cries. »So
soon d'ye call it?" Death replies (Mss. THRALE). Hence the popular verbs
don, dout, dup, instead of do on, out, up, the two former of which occur
in Shakspeare. Compare also : I would don my hose of homespun gray
(LONGFELLOW). The spelling doe for do occurs even in the seventeenth
century.
378 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. II.
c) The verb #o, which completes its preterite by another verbal stem,
Anglosaxon gangan, gan, see p. 375.
Present Indicative.
s. 1.
go
Angl. gange (ga)
Old-Engl. go, go
2.
goest
gsest
goest
3.
goes
gses
ooth,
goth
pi. 1. 2. 3.
Conjunctive.
s. 1. 2. 3.1 pi. 1. 2. 3.
o \go
ganga<3T(ga60 lgange(ga) gaugen (gan)
gooth, goth go, ga
gou, gange
(HALL. v. gang)
Preterite Indicative.
Conjunctive.
s. 1.
2.
3.
pi. 1.2 3.
pi. 1.2.3.
pi. 1.2.3.
went
wentst
went
went
—
—
(wentest)
Angl. geong
geonge
geong
geougon
—
—
eode
eodest
eode
eodon
eode
eoden
(vende from Angl.
vendest
vende
vendon
vende
vende n
vendan, ire)
Old-Engl. eode,
eodest &c.
eode &c.
eoden &c.
eode
eoden,
jeode, yode,
hedon
yode &c.
yoden &c.
yod,ude,yede,
(HALL.
yeed, yead
s. v.)
wende, wente.wendest &c.
wende &.
wende &.
wenden &.
Infinitive.
9°
Angl. gaugan, gan
llmper
Ian
ative.
go
gang (ga), gafr
Part. Pres.
going
gangende
ganging
Perfect.
\gone
gangeu (gan)
iygon, gon, ygo
Old-Engl. gangen, gongen, 'go, goth
gange, gonge, go, gaa,ga.||
The fuller forms from gangen do not frequently occur in Old-English.
For the preterite belonging to it there is frequently substituted, even in
Anglosaxon, a weak verb of another stem : eode; the forms yede, yeade&c,
still occur in Spenser, and even now yewd and yod are said to be in use
in the North of England. The verb wend, which also occur in the present :
If, maiden thou wouldst wend with me To leave both tower and town
(W. SCOTT), underwent even in Old-English the transformation of the de
into t. See above p. 348. In ago the old abbreviated participial form
is still preserved: My sparowe is go (SKELTON I. 54.).
d) Finally there belong here a number of the so-called preterito-
presentia, or past-presents, that is, those verbs in which an
originally strong preterite enters as a present and receives a new
preterite of the weak conjugation, which in Anglosaxon was formed
after the first weak conjugation. They have been mostly incomple-
tely preserved in Modern-English.
1. can.
Present Indicative.
Conjunctive.
s. 1.
can
Angl. cann (can)
Old-Engl. kan,
can
2.
canst
3.
can
canst (cunne) cann (can)
canst
kan
pi. 1. 2. 3.
s. 1. 2. 3.pl. 1.2.3.
can
—
—
cunnon
cunne
cuunen
konnen,
konne
konnen,
conne, can
conne
1. The Parts of Speech. B. The Verb. Irregular Verbs. 379
Preterite Indicative.
Conjunctive.
S. 1.
2.
3.
pl.1.2.3.
;s. 1.2.3.
pi. 1. 2. 3.
could
couldst
could
could
—
Anglos, cucte,
cutest
cu<5e
cMon
cuffe
cufren (on)
Old-Engl. kouthe,
kouthest,
kouthe,
koupen,
koupe,
kouthen, couthe,
coude
coudest
coude
coude
coude
couden
Infinitive.
Imper. [Part. Pres.
Perfect.
*con
—
* cunning
Angl. cunnan, valere, posse, scire
cucF, gecufr
Old-Engl. connen, conne.
connyng jjcouth, coufr
The infinitive con is still in use in the sense of to study, to com-
mit to memory; obsolete in the sense of to know (still in Shakspeare);
the perfect participle stands in the compound: uncouth. Anglosaxon un-
cud, incognitus. The / in could has been inserted in modern times from
a false analogy to shall, will. Skelton still writes without /: I would ye
coud (I. 26.). The participle cunning, which sounds like the Anglosaxon
substantive, is an adjective. As to the rejection of st in : Thou can (SKEL-
TON I. 260. 263 &c.) see p 331.
2. dare.
Present Indicative.
s. 1.
dare
Angl. dearr, dear
Old-Engl. dar,
dare, dere
2.
darest
dearst,
darst,
derst
3.
pl.1.2.3.
dares, dare
dare
dearr
durron
dar, dare
durren,
dur
Conjunctive.
s. 1. 2. 3. ipl. 1.2.3.
durre
durre,
durren
durren,
Preterite Indicative.
s. 1.
durst
Angl. dorste
Old-Engl. dorste
2.
durst
dorstest
dorstest
3.
durst
dorste
dorste
pi. 1. i
durst
dorston
dorsten,
2. 3.
dorste
dore (GowER| durre
inHALL.s.v.)
Conjunctive.
Infinitive.
dare
Anglos, durran
Old-Engl. durren, durne, durre, darei
s.l. 2.3. pi. 1. 2. 3.
dorste dorsten
;e dorsten, dorste
| Imper. IjPart. Pres.jIPerfect.
— Maring pared
I II
The genuine third person of the present dare still occurs along with
ires See p. 332. In the meaning of to challinge dare has wholly passed
over into the regular weak conjugation: dared; dared. As to the rejec-
tion of the inflective termination of the second person present, as in : Thou
dare (SKELTON I. 297.) see p. 332.
3. shall
Pr
s. 1.
shall
Angl. sceal
Old-Engl. shal,
shall
eserit
2.
shalt
scealt
shalt
Ind
3.
shall
sceal
shal,
shall
icative.
pi. 1. 2. 3.
shall
sculon, sceolon
shullen, shuln (shullep
R. OF GL. I. 3), shul
Conjunc
s. 1. 2. 3.
scyle (scule)
shul
;tive.
pl.1.2.3.
scylen
shullen,
shuln
380 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part L Sect. II.
Pret
s. 1.
should
Angl. scolde
(sceolde)
Old-En gl. sholde,
shulde
erite Indi
2.
shouldst
scoldest
(sceoldest)
sholdest,
shuldest
icative.
3.
should
scolde
(sceolde)
sholde,
shulde
pi. 1. 2. 3.
should
scoldon
(sceoldon)
sholden,
shulden,
sholde
Conju
s. 1. 2. 3
scolde
(sceolde)
sholde,
shulde
active,
pi. 1.2.3.
scolden
(sceolden)
sholden,
shulden,-e
Infinitive.
Angl. sculan
In this verb the rejection of the t of the second person singular of the
present was very frequent: Then shal thou se (HALLIWELL s. v. slaght.),
s. p. 331. The abbreviation of the shall into Ise, 1'is, we's yeis (ye shall),
seems remarkable, as it occurs in Northern dialects and in Scottish. The
s is the remnant of shall, with whose II the preceding vowel also perished.
We also find the verb shortened into sh: By lys Jsh lug the by the
swete eares (THE PARDONER AND THE FRERE p. 122.). Ish knocke the on
the costarde (IB.). I in the North of England and in Scotland is con-
fessedly often thrown off.
4. may.
Present Indicative.
Conjunctive.
s. 1.
2.
3. Ipl. 1. 2.
3.
s. 1. 2. 3.
pi. 1. 2. 3.
may
mayst
may
may
—
—
Angl. mag
meant,
mag
magon
mage, mage
magen,magen
miht
(mugon?)
Old-En gl. (mow) may-
myht,
may
mowen,
mowe
mowen
maiest,
mowe, mow,
maist
may
Preterite Indicative.
Conjunctive.
s. 1.
2
3.
pi. 1.2. 3.
!s. J.2.3
pi. 1.2. 3.
might
mights t
might
might
—
Angl. meahte, mihte
meahtest,
meahte,
meahton,
meahte,
meahten,
mihtest
mihte
rnihton
mihte
mihten
Old-En gl. mi3te, mo3te,
might, mought
mightest
&c.
might
&c.
niighten mighte
&c &c.
mighten
&c.
Infinitive.
Angl. magan
Old-Engl. mowen, mowe (may?)
The old form of the second person singular of the indicative myht is
still found a long time in Old-English: Amende thee, while thow myght
(PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 228.). The rejection of the inflective termination is
not rare: No thing thou may take fro us (MACNDEV. p 294.). As thou
may se thy self (SKELTON I. 145.), s. p. 331. The forms in ow, 07, ough
seem to have universally subsisted along with those in ay, igh, yet the
latter might have been early more general. Rob. of Gloucester, for in-
stance, has mijte.
/. The Parts of Speech. B. The Verb. Irregular Verbs.
381
5. will. This incomplete so called auxiliary verb is to be entirely
separated from the weakly inflected to will, Anglosaxon villjan;
-ode; -6d, cupere.
Present Indicate.
Conjunctive.
s. 1.
2.
3.
pi. 1. 2. 3.
s. 1. 2. 3. |pl. 1. 2. 3.
will
wilt
will
will
Angl. vile (ville) vilt
Old-Engl.wille, will wilt
vile (ville)
wille, will
villafr
willeth, willen,
vile (ville)
wille
villen
willen, wriln
wiln,
wole, wol wol t
wole, wol
wollep, wollen,
wole &c.
wolen &c.
wol
Preter
s. 1.
would
Angl. volde
Old-Engl. wolde
ite Indi<
2.
wouldst
voidest
woldest
3ative.
3.
would
volde
wolde
pi. 1.2. 3.
would
voldon
wolden
Conju
s. 1.2.3.
volde
wolde
nctive.
pl. 1. 2
volden (
wolden
. 3.
-on)
Infinitive.
Angl. vislan.
The o has in Old-English early penetrated into the present (perhaps from
the preterite) without the i's being supplanted thereby. The latter is
found alongside of the former: Ich wille the love (D,\ME SIRIZ p. ft ). The
forms in o are in Rob of Gloucester. A remnant of the o is preserved
by the language in won't or wo1 n't, that is wol not instead of will not,
which cannot have sprung from would not, as many think. / woll is
found even late (JACK JUGLER p. 9.). The more complete wonot see in
Abbot: That I wonot (CRAVEN Dial. II p. 260.). The ou in the preterite
did not gain more general diffusion till late. For the rejection of the in-
flection of the second person: Thou will (PERCY Rel 111. I.), see p. 331.
The more rapid speech often throws off the stem of the verb down to
the final sound, often the whole stem down to the inflection, after vowels
before other parts of speech, particularly before a verb : I'll sigh and
weep (SHAKSP Two G. of Ver.). You'// disturb the abbot at his prayers
(LONGFELLOW). We'// speak more largely Of Preciosa (ID.). I'd put a
girdle round about the earth In forty minutes (SHAKSP. Mids. N. Dr.).
Cock's soul! thou 'dst rather play (LONGFELLOW). — Old-English also
possessed the negative verb arising by composition with ne and the rejec-
tion of the primitive v: nille, nilt, nille &c ; nolde, noldest &c.; nolo,
nolui. Anglosaxon nylle, nylt, nylle; nyllact; nolde &c. Use is still
made of it in Modern-English: Will he nill he (SHAKSP. Haml. 5, 1.).
Will you nill you (Tarn, of the Shrew 2, 1.). To will or nill, to thinke
things good or bad Alike with me (B. JONSON Cataline); and hence still
in the popular language: witty nitty =will ye nill ye.
382 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
6. *mote. Of this only the preterite must, which even passes into
the present signification, has remained in the more general use.
Pres
S. 1.
ent Inclic<
2.
itive
3.
pi. 1. 2. 3.
Conju
s.l. 2. 3.
nctive.
pl.l.2.3.
Angl. mot
Old-Engl. mot, mote
most
(most) mote
mot
mote
moton
moten, mote,
mot (R. OF GL.)
mote
mote
moten
moten
Pret
s. 1.
must
Angl. moste
Old-Engl. moste^most
erite ]
2.
must
mostest
mostest
indicative
3.
must
moste
moste, most
pi. 1. 2. 3.
must
moston
mosten, musten
Conjt
s.1.2.3
moste
moste
inctive
pl.l.2.3.
mosten
mosten
Infinitive.
Angl. motan
We still occasionally see use made of the ancient mote, yet partly with-
out a clear consciousness of its grammatical nature: Whate'er this grief
mote be, which he could not control (L. BYRON). Compare Old-English:
Men inooten given silver to the pore freres (CHAUCER 232.). Ever blissid
mot thay be (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 293.). Amen! so mot hyt be! (History
of Freemas. p. 36.).
7. *wit, is a verb now but little used in Modern-English, although
very familiar to Old-English, whose infinitive wit still occurs in the
chancery style and adverbially as to wit, videlicet. Alongside of
it is placed the likewise obsolete infinitive form to weet, but to
which wot, wote is falsely taken to be the preterite. Much unclear-
ness prevails about the grammatical relations of these forms, which
is easily removed by the ocular statement of their origin.
Present Indicative.
Conjunctive.
s. 1.
2.
3.
pi. 1. 2. 3.
s.1.2.3. pi. 1.2.3.
*wot
—
*wot
*wot
—
—
Angl. vat
vast
wat
viton
vite
viten
Old-Engl. wot,
wost
wot,
witen,weten
wite
witen
wote
wotest
wytep (HALL.
wytep (R.OFGL.
&c.
&c.
v.wite),woteth
I.5.),woten,wote
Preterite Indicative.
Conjunctive.
S. 1.
2.
3.
pl.l.2.3.
s.1.2.3.
pi. 1.1. 3.
*wist
—
*wist
*wist
—
—
Angl. viste (visse)
viste st
viste
viston
viste
visten
(vissest")
(visse)
(visson)
(visse)
(vissen)
Old-Engl. wiste, wyste,
wistest&c.
wiste&c.
wisten,wu-
wiste&c.
wisten
wuste,weste
aten, wustei
&c.
(D.SiR.p.4.)
(R.OFGL.)!
/. The Parts of Speech. The Verb. Irregular Verbs.
383
Infinitive. Imper. Part.Pres. Perfect.
*wit
Angl. vitan vite, vitadT vitende jviten, geviten
Old-Engl. witen, weten, wyte, Vittande,
witt &c. awet(HALL.s.v.)| unwitonde
The verb to wis = to know, given in the dictionaries, is an assumption,
which seems to find support in the frequent / wis. It has been already
pointed out that this formula, Old-English ywis, was originally nothing
elso than the Anglosaxon geviss = certus. The genuine to wiss, Old-En-
glish wissen, is the Anglosaxon weak verb visjan, vissjan, regere, docere,
whose meaning it also retains, and has originally naught to do with the
one before us. Modern poets use our verb here and there. Shakspeare has,
/ wot, you wot, they wot, and has even formed a participle wotting (WIN-
TER'S Tale 3, 2. ed. Collier). Of the moderns compare : God wot (H. WAL-
POLE). How is that young . . Gaditana That you both wot of? (LONG-
FELLOW). Sudden he gazed and wist not what to do (PARNELL). They
laid them in the place of graves, yet wist not whose (bones) they were
(BRYANT). — The old forms wotest, woteth, wyteth, as well as those with
o in the plural of the present, belong to an unwarrantable assimilation.
— Old-English has also a negative verb, whence niste, nisten. Anglo-
Saxon nat, nast, niton &c. ; nisse, niste &c. ; nescire.
8. To this class belongs, finally, the verb owe, Anglosaxon agan,
properly to hold, then: to owe, be indebted. In these meanings
the preterite that has become a present is now conjugated weakly,
and furnished with a preterite and participle owed; owed; and there-
with remains to it ought with the same significations, resting upon
the Anglosaxon preterite. Besides, the preterite ought appears
in the sense of a present and preterite with the meaning of duty
or of necessity. We disregard the weak forms owe; owed; owed,
and only give the English forms founded immediately upon the
Anglosaxon. Old-English has moreover annexed the meaning of
indebtedness and necessity to the present and preterite, and used this
preterite even in the present sense. Compare: GUY OF WARWICK
p. 7. CHAUCER 11934.
Present Indicative.
Conjunctive.
S. 1.
2.
3.
pi. 1. 2. 3.
s.l. 2. 3.
pi. 1.2. 3.
Angl. ah
Old-Engl. awe,
owe
age
(awe ?)
ah
awe
owe
agon
awen
owen, owe
a?
awe,
owe
agen
awen,
owen
Preterite
s. 1.
ought
Angl. ahte
Old-Engl. ahte, a3te,
auste, augh-
te, ought
Indica
2.
oughtest
ahtest,
aughtest,
oughtest
tive.
3.
ought
ahte
aughte,
oughte
&c.
pi. 1.2.3.
ought
ahton
aughten,
oughten,
oughte
Conjunctive,
s. 1. 2. 3.!pl. 1. 2. 3.
aughte &c.
aughten
384 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
Infinitive
owe
Angl. agan
Old-Engl. awen, owen, owe
Part. Pres.j Perfect.
II o
owing ought (SPELMAN)
agende jagen
owing owen, owne
The Old-English also used ought as an impersonal verb, like o p o r t e t :
Wei ought us werche, and idelnesse withstand (CHAUCER 15482. Tyrwh.).
Among the lost preterito-presentia of the Anglosaxon is unnan, pres.
ann; pret ucte; part, geunnen, amare, largiri; and munan, pres. man
(plur. munon); pret. munde; part, munen; cogitare, putare; which answers
to the Old-norse munu; pres. mun, plur. munum. The latter served, like
the Greek utUtiv to form the periphrastic future. With that agrees the
Old-English mon, mun, moun: Where I am ye mown not come (WICLIPPE
Joh. VII.). Ye moun not serve God and richesse (ID. MATTH. VI.), which
Chaucer presents several times in Tyrwhitts edition, where Wright has may.
This form might certainly be also equivalent to mowen (from may); yet
it is remarkable that even now they say in the North of England munn'e,
munto, munna, which is usually explained by must /, thou, he; ye mun
do it etc. I dare not claim unconditionally the Anglosaxon munan for
this form. Even the preterite- presents purfan, pres. sing, jbearf, plur.
fmrfon; pret. forfte, indigere, opus habere, is lost. We may, however,
presume this verb in the Old-English tharen, tharne (Tows EL. MYST.
p. 126.), in which / has been cast off, as it likewise does not appear in
the corresponding Danish turde. Compare: What thar the recch or care
How merily that other folkes fare? (CHAUCER 5911.) as so often imper-
sonally, but also personally: He thar nat weene wel that evyl doth (ID.
4318.). The a of the infinitive comes from the present. Compare also
HALLIWELL s vv. thare, tharne.
Compound and Peri hrastic Tenses.
The poverty of the English language in inflective forms of the
verb renders the use of auxiliary verbs necessary to determine more
particularly, partly the relations of the activity to the sphere of time,
partly the subjective relation of the speaker to the predicate, finally,
to gain passive tenses.
We are wont to term have, be, shall, will, can, may, do, ought,
must, let. auxiliary verbs. We do this on the one hand, so far as
they do not by themselves make up the predicate, but only in union
with the participle or infinitive of another verb; but in this case we
might augment their number to an indefinite extent. On the other
hand it is assumed that by those verbs with their complements those
relations of the verb are expressed which, in tongues of richer develop-
ment of forms, are represented by tenses and moods. But here
we manifestly go too far, since, for example, the certainly modal
determinations contained in ca?i, must &c., are expressed with deci-
sion by no verbal form in any tongue whatever.
The doctrine of forms has to do primarily only with the state-
ment of those combinations of participles and infinitives with verbs
of that class by which inflective forms of the verb existing in other
tongues are supplied.
So far as the auxiliary verbs coming here under review offer
/. The Parts of Speech. B. Verb. Compound and Periphrastic Form 385
only two inflective forms of time, they often appear themselves com-
pounded in periphrastic forms.
1. The tenses of the active voice gained by composition are essen-
tially preserved by have, shall and will. How far be comes under
review here is a matter for syntax.
Tenses of the present time are completed in the following
manner; the perfect: / have been, had, loved: The future: I shall
(will) be, have, love; when the first person receives shall, the two
others will in the singular and plural: The future perfect: I shall
(will) have been, had, loved.
Tenses of the past:
The plusquamperfectum: I had been, had, loved. The imper-
fect of the future: I should (would) be, have, love. The plus-
quamperfectum of the future: I should (would) have been, had,
loved.
Middle forms:
The compound gerund (participle): having been, had, loved.
The infinitive of the past: to have been, had, loved.
2. The verb may may serve for the periphrastic formation of the con-
junctive in its simple and compound forms; upon which syntax
has to give more particular explanation. The completion of a few
forms of the imperative is given by the verb let: Let me, him,
us, them be &c.
3. The verb be with the participle of the perfect is substituted for
all passive forms:
Tenses of the present:
Present: I am loved. Perfect: I have been loved. Future: I
shall (will) be loved. Future perfect: I shall (will) have been
loved.
Tenses of the past:
Preterite: I was loved, Plusquamperfectum: I had been loved.
Imperfect of the future: I should (would) be loved. Plus-
quamperfectum of the future: I should (would) have been loved.
Middle forms:
The gerunds: of the present, being loved; of the past, having
been loved.
The infinitive: of the present, to be loved; of the past, to have
been loved.
Imperative: be (thou, you) loved; let me, him, us, them be loved.
4. 'Periphrastic forms of another sort, neither serving as substi-
tutes for non-existent tenses, nor expressing modal relations of the
predicate, are familiar both to Modern- and Old-English. They
are shades of the notion of activity itself, for which, strictly speak-
ing, no other verbal form could be substituted.
Here belongs the periphrasis with be with the participle or
gerund of the present; as: The wind is roaring (LONGFELLOW).
The day is drawing to its close (ID.). We had been wandering for
many days (WHITTIER). Old-English: Syngynge he was orflowtynge,
Matzner, engl. Gr. I. 25
386 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
al the day (Cn AUGER 91.). We han ben waytynge al this fourtenight
(931.). Here the verb of the predicate is resolved in such a man-
ner that the activity is to be taken as a determination or quality
cleaving to the subject, where the image of involution with or per-
severance in the activity is approximate. Another periphrasis with
be is that in which the infinitive is joined with it: Your brother
is to die (SHAKSPEARE Meas. for Meas.). How is this to be recon-
ciled with the doctrine of hereditariness? (LEWES). The infinitive
with to expresses here, in connection with the preceding verb, the
activity which the subject inclines to, strives towards or is designed
for, where Old-English used to join for to the infinitive: 3if that
hit be for to done (Ms. in HALLIWELL v. for.).
A familiar periphrasis is that when the verb do precedes the
simple infinitive: We do want a coach (GOLDSMITH). Bring the
lamp, Elsie. Dost thou hear? (LONGFELLOW). I did not write (MUR-
RAY). Do thou love; do ye be loved (ID.). Comp. Old-English:
Do me endite Thy maydenes deth (CHAUCER 11960.). This mode
of expression, wherein the general precedes the particular notion
of the activity, seems originally to admit the reduplication for the
sake of emphasis, which, however, has been weakened by the pro-
gressive encroachment of this periphrasis. Syntax has to shew in
what manner Modern-English departs from the older usage in the
employment of it, particularly in negative and interrogative sen-
tences.
The statement of the forms hitherto cited conducts us to the
domain of syntax, where the more particular discussion of cognate
phenomena will find its place.
C) Particles.
1) The Adverb.
The adverb or word of circumstance serves to determine
the notion of the activity. If the adverb determines another part of
speech than the verb, this only happens so far as the fundamental
notion of an activity is still perceived in it. If the adverb receives
at the same time a reference to a substantive, it becomes a prepo-
sition; if it relates at the same time to an entire sentence, it takes
the nature of a conjunction.
a) It serves primarily to express determinations of space. Here
it is the determinations of the Where? Whither? and Whence?
which are denoted in an interrogative, demonstrative or more par-
ticular manner.
1) To the where? refer: where1? here; there; anywhere; elsewhere;
somewhere; negatively nownere. More particular determinations
contain yonder ; below; before; behind; ivithin; without &c. Yet
the separation of the Where? from the Whither? is not
always carried out; even where is extended to the latter by the
usage of the tongue: And from the mart he's somewhere gone to
dinner (SHAKSPEARE Com. of Err.). We wish to inquire whence
you came, and where you are going (LONGFELLOW).
1. The Parts of Speech. C. Particles. I. The Adverbial. 387
2) To express the Whence? whither1? hither; thither-, hitherward(s)
and similar compounds serve, as, eastward, backward &c., where-
in however direction and movement coincide, and some others,
as home &c.
3) The Whither? is denoted by: ivhence? hence; thence, as well as
combinations of determinations of space with a preceding from:
from below ; from above &c., when we also even add from to the
three characteristic adverbs whence? hence; thence: from whence?
&c., which appears a pleonasm, but is very usual.
b) The adverbs of time serve
1) To denote a point or space of time generally, in which the
activity falls. Here belong the interrogative when? the gene-
ralising whensoever and the demonstrative then. In a more defi-
nite manner is denoted:
ot) either the present, for instance, by now; at present; to
day &c.
|3) or the past, as by yesterday; newly; lately; formerly; before;
erewhile; of yore &c., although here occasionally we may start
even from a past point of time,
7) or the future: to-morrow; soon; anon; hereafter; by and by &c.
when the standing -point from which the speaker starts, may
again belong to various times.
2) They also express the continuance of the activity, as well as
its extension from a point or up to a point of the line of time,
as: long; longtime; still; ever; always; henceforth; henceforward;
since; since then; hitherto; and negatively no longer; never.
3) So too the more or less frequent repetition of the activity is
denoted by the adverb of time, as by again; once more; seldom:
oft, often; oftentimes; sometimes; now and then; daily; weekly;
monthly; yearly &c.
4) Adverbs frequently have regard to the contemporaneousness
or the temporal succession of activities, as is the case in
then; after; afterward; forthwith; first; last, and others.
5) Finally, the adverb of time may receive a subjective tinge by
a reference to the image of appropriateness or expectation
and the contrary, as appears in early; late; betimes; already;
sudden; suddenly and others.
c) Adverbs of manner denote in the most general sense a quality
of the activity. As the adjective, the numeral and the adjective
pronoun act in the determination of the substantive, so this adverb
acts in the determination of the notion of activity, and comprises
accordingly, besides qualitative determinations in the narrower
sense, also demonstrative and quantitative ones, and, by
analogy to the negative indefinite pronoun, the negation in the
sentence. Thus these adverbs comprise:
1) Adverbs of manner in the narrower sense:
«,) as interrogative and demonstrative ones: how? so; thus; or inde-
terminate ones: somehow &c.
25*
388 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
|3) and with a more particular notional determination:
well', wisely, admirably; foolishly, slowly, quickly, at random;
by stealth &c.
2) Adverbs of determination of quantity and degree: little;
enough; half; much; abundantly; plentifully; exceedingly; super-
fluously; scarce; hardly; nearly; almost; quite; all; even &c. also
interrogative and comparative: how much?, as, so &c. We may
also assign here the terms for the repetition of the activity defi-
nite times, as once; twice; thrice &c. How near, moreover, deter-
minations of degree and qualitative determinations border on one
another, is seen in some of the adverbs cited, as well as in forms
like intensely; mightily and similar ones, in which the mode of
the activity at the same time includes the degree.
3) Adverbs denoting the not merely temporal succession of actions,
as first; firstly; secondly; finally; lastly &c., or the order ofrank
in the narrower sense, as principally; chiefly; rather &c., or the
additional relation, in which that of outbidding may at the
same time be contained, as further; besides and moreover. To
these may also be added the expressions for the communion
of the action, as in together, or the separateness, as in asun-
der; apart; separately, as well as for the interchange: alter-
natty; alternately; by turns &c.
4) As a particular class we must cite that of the sentential ad-
verbs, which repose formally upon the notion of the activity,
but properly express a judgment of the speaker with regard to
the predicate attributed to the subject.
ot) They appear in part as affirmative asseverations: truly, cer-
tainly; verily; surely; really; indeed; forsooth &c., to which
originally very belongs:
/3) in part as terms of possibility, probability or doubt: li-
kely; probably; possibly, peradventure^ perhaps &c.:
7) or, they are negations taking away the reference of the sub-
ject to the predicate, as not; not at all, by no means, noway,
noways &c.
8) or, they are absolute affirmations or negations, which
removed out of a sentence, strengthen or take away its matter,
as ay, yes, yea, and no, nay, for which other adverbs annexed
to the predicate may also be substituted, or which may be streng-
thened by these, as indeed &c., not at all &c.
d) The adverbs of causality act in great part also as conjunctions,
not containing themselves the causal determination of the action,
but denoting it retrospectively, as if contained in another sentence.
Here belong, with the exception of the interrogative why?, the ad-
verbs wherefore; therefore; hence; consequently; accordingly &c., to
which adversative ones, as nevertheless &c., are also annexed.
Origin and Form of Adverbs.
The adverbs of the English tongue are partly simple, partly,
1. The Parts of Speech. C. The Particles. Origin and Form of Adverbs 3g9
and that frequently, compound words. In the composition, however,
there is mostly only to be perceived an arrangement of parts of
speech referred to one another, which are combined under a unity of
accent. Compare: somedeal (some deal), otherwise, away (Anglosaxon
onveg, aveg), asunder (Anglosaxon on sundran, asundron); whereever
(where ever) &c.
Adverbs are developed from substantives, adjectives, numerals
and pronouns; the bulk of them rests upon adjectives. "With respect
to their form and, in particular, to their derivative terminations, they
are attached to the Anglosaxon; the Romance element of the tongue
accommodates itself to the Anglosaxon form. The blunting of the
Anglosaxon final vowels and final syllables, certainly takes from them,
particularly in Modern-English, their characteristic forms, but they
have adopted no Romance compensation for this loss.
For the simple adverb or that formed by the blending together
of different parts of speech a preposition with a noun after it is often
substituted, which may be regarded as the expression of or as the
periphrasis for a simple adverbial notion. The boundary between
these periphrases and developed adverbial sentential determinations
is scarcely to be specified, and in point of fact indifferent for syntax.
We therefore also cite among adverbs a succession of familiar prepo-
sitional adverbs, which appear especially in vocal fusion,
a) Substantive adverbs:
The case of a substantive may become the determination of
the notion of the activity in such a manner that it no longer ap-
pears qualified immediately or mediately by the verb ; thus it receives
the nature of an adverb no longer annexed to the predicative verb.
The genitive has but seldom been preserved as the adverbial
case of a genuine substantive. Here still belongs in Modern-En-
glish needs (Anglosaxon neades? nead f., gen. neade; perhaps formed
after the genitives villes; sponte; unvilles, invite; gevealdes, sponte;
ungevealdes, invite, fortuito). Old-English had also: his thankes;
hir thankes; here unthankes, that is, libenter and ingratis, as well
as the Anglosaxon pances; heora agnes pances, eorum voluntate;
moreover his godes (MAUNDEV. p. 135.). In Modern-English also
the obsolescent straightways along with straightway, and longways,
perhaps also sideways, unless confounded with sidewise, as lenght-
ways stood along with lengthwise, belong here. In Shakspeare:
Come a little nearer this ways (Merry Wiv. 2, 2. ed. Collier) is
remarkable. The a days now occurring particularly in the com-
pound now-a-days, perhaps rests no less upon the genitive termi-
nation. Thus we have the Anglosaxon iddges, hodie, where i is
not quite clear (compare ydag, hodie), and a dayes in Piers Plough-
man quite answers to the Highdutch eines Tages, for which
the Anglosaxon nihtes, offers an analogy. The obsolete anothergates
(HUDIBRAS), also cannot be otherwise taken than as a genitive.
whilom, Anglosaxon hvilum, hvilon may pass for a primitive da-
tive of the plural. We must also regard the adverbial piecemeal,
as a remnant of a dative, a hybrid representative of the Anglosaxon
styccemcelum, frustatim (mselum dat. pi. from msel n.). Compare
Anglosaxon dcelmcelum, partim; dropmcelum, guttatim; bitmcelum,
390 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. 11.
frustillatim; limmcelum, frustatim; Jiedpmcelum, acervatim &c. Old-
English also had Jlocmele, Auglosaxon flocrna3lum, gregatim; stounde-
mele, Anglosaxon stundinselum, mox, every moment; parcelmele, by
parcels, which are found in Chaucer. The compounds in mod are
moreover treated also as singular or plural substantives, and joined
with by, as even in Rob. of Gloucester along with pecemel (I. 22.)
also by pece mele stands (I. 216.), and so in Shakspeare by inch-
meal (Temp. 2, 2.). Finally, ever and therefore never may be da-
tives, Anglosaxon cefre (sefer), according to Ettmuller, the datives
from cefer; and ncefre (nsefor).
A few accusatives have likewise been preserved: home, Anglo-
Saxon ham, domum; back, retro, for which in Anglosaxon on (after,
under), bdc commonly stands. On the other hand down, Anglo-
Saxon dun f., mons, is only a contraction from adown, Anglosaxon
adune and ofdune, deorsum, as faith has originated from in faith.
Cheap, where it stands for cheaply, reminds us of the Anglosaxon
orcjpe, gratis (instrumental) but can be regarded as the accusative
from the Anglosaxon cedp, which also passes as an English ad-
jective. Here belong moreover the accusatives of the regions of
the heavens, when used adverbially: north, Anglosaxon norfr, south,
Anglosaxon suo*",, east, Anglosaxon east, west, Anglosaxon vest, sep-
tentrionem, meridiem, orientem, occidentem versus. Compare : The
plains, that, toward the southern sky, Fenced east and west by
mountains, lie (BRYANT). Thus especially the adverbs compounded
with way, wise, deal, while and time, also in the plural, are origi-
nally accusatives, as: straightway, noway, alway, more frequently
always, Old -English alway, Anglosaxon ealne veg, also noways,
alongside of which in Old-English algate and algates, i. e. always,
subsisted; midway, also half-way., otherwise, also other guise, Anglo-
saxon (on) 6&re visan-, nowise, hence also the compounds coast-
wise; corner-wise, i. e. diagonally; endwise, i. e. erectly, whose last
substantive appears here and there corrupted with regard to form
guise in guess, as in otherguess; somedeal, in some degree (obsolete),
Old-English som del, as every del, Anglosaxon sumne da3l; awhile,
(wherein the preposition a, on is perhaps not to be sought, com-
pare the while, all the while, a little while); somewhile,
Anglosaxon sume hvile, somhvile, aliquando, interdum; otherwhile
and otherwhiles, Anglosaxon offerhvtte, interdum; meanwhile-, some-
time (SHAKSPEARE Temp. 2, 2.) (this the older form), and some-
times ; meantime. The compound of time with the adverb oft is not
yet quite abandoned: It reckons with me ofttimes for pain, and
sometimes pleasure (L. BYRON); oftentimes (SHAKSP.), Old-English
ofttime, as seldentime along with ofte sithes, often sithes, from, the
Anglosaxon si&, tempus, vicis. Here belong also yesterday, Anglo-
saxon adverb gistran and gestran dag and yesternight as adverbs.
Numerous other adverbial accusatives are not in the same manner
expressed as adverbs. Old-English was richer in those of the latter
sort; there we still find way, Anglosaxon veg, accus.: along with
dveg, onveg (Do way your hondes [CHAUCER]), fote hot, formed
after the Old-French chaud le pied, and many more, aye, always,
for ever, Old-English ay, is also to be regarded as an accusative,
7. The Parts of Speech. C. Particles. 1. Adverb. Origin and Form of Adverbs. 391
Anglosaxon d (= dv), dat. dva, aevum, belonging to the Gothic
aivs; see Negative and Affirmative Particles.
In conclusion we rnay here mention the substantives which ap-
pear like adjectives with the adverbial ending -inga, -enga, -unga
and an / prefixed: -l-inga, -l-unga. In English it is often con-
founded with the lang appearing in the often misunderstood end-
long, (Old-England andelong, also endlonges (MAUNDEV. p. 49.),
Anglosaxon andlang, prepos. in longum); compare also Anglosaxon
edstlang, vestlang, orientem, occidentem versus. Here belong the
Old-English noseling (HALLIW. s. v.), the Modern-English sidling,
in a side or sloping way (Old-English sidelines = sideways), Scot-
tish sydling is, and those formed from adjectives darkling, flailing,
still very usual in the seventeenth century and in SIIAKSP. Temp.
2, 1. where flatlong is mostly writen. The moderns have sidelong,
headlong as well as flatlong. partlings &c. is still used dialectically.
b) Adjective adverbs.
The adverb proceeding from the adjective shews itself as the
case of an adjective. In composition with ly, appearing as a deri-
vative syllable, which we shall next consider, we shall likewise
recognize a case.
1) In the adverbial forms arising from cases of the adjective, apart
from the adverbs in ly, the genitive seldom participates in
English. There have been preserved else; Anglosaxon elles from
the pronominal adjective el, ele; Old-English elles, ellis, also elle,
el', eftsoons (SHAKSP.), also eftsones, eftsone; Anglosaxon sones
and sona, English soon; and eft sona, post cito; unawares, also
unaware (MILTON), formerly unwares, in Shakspeare at unawares;
Anglosaxon unvares; uneihes along with uneath (SHAKSP.) is ob-
solete, as in the Old-English uneihes, uneth, Anglosaxon only
unease. Old-English also has allynges, omnino (compare above
sidelings, partlings) formed from the Anglosaxon eallinga, -enga,
-unga, so too mocheles = much, Anglosaxon mycel, mucel: Not
mocheles more (MAUNDEV. p. 291.). endlonges see above.
But the genitive wards along with the accusative ward in com-
pounds is still frequent in old adverbs and imitations, Anglo-
saxon veardes: inwards, outwards, afterwards, upwards,
downwards, backwards, northwards, homewards &c.
along with inward, outward, afterward, upward, down-
ward, backward, northward, southward, eastward,
homeward &c., to which also belongs towards along with
toward, Anglosaxon to veardes.
Mitford wrongly deems the forms in s the later and Johnson after-
wards worse than afterward. Anglosaxon has upveardes, nicter-
veardes, piderveardes, toveardes, hamveardes along with
afterveard, hiderveard, upveard, niderveard, inneveard
&c. as equally correct adverbial forms.
Accusative forms are predominant as adverbs. Of accusa-
tives of the masculine gender there is, however, hardly an in-
stance, unless seldom, raro, belongs here, Anglosaxon seldan (se'l-
dou, seldum) along with seld, Old-English selden and selde (still
392 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 11.
in the sixteenth century), as well as seld in Shakspeare. Com-
pare moreover the Old-English o ferrom, Anglosaxon feorran.
As neuter accusative adverbs (withont mark of the case)
we must regard: enough, Anglosaxon genoh, full, Anglosaxon full,
adj. plenus, mostly in compounds, and those compounded of ward.
The al appearing in compounds: almighty, already, almost
&c. answers to the AD glosaxon particle al: alineahtig, almsest
&c., but has completely coalesced with all, Anglosaxon eall (eal,
al) in all-accomplished, all-beauteous, and the like.
But we often meet with accusative adverbs which belonged to
the Anglosaxon weak declension and then ended in e, which
frequently appears in Old-English, but has been cast off in Mo-
dern-English, except where it was retained for phonetic reasons.
Compare: Old-English longe, lowe, rathe (whence rather), bittre,
softe, soore, starke, dene, harde, hote &c. Here belongs the Mo-
dern-English: evil, ill, Anglosaxon yfele, Old-norse ilia, male;
even, Anglosaxon e'fne, plane, aeque; eath, Anglosaxon eafte, fa-
ciliter; much, Anglosaxon mycele, mycle, Old-English mochele,
mochel, mickle, multum; little, Anglosaxon lytle, paullulurn ; light,
Anglosaxon lihte, leviter; like, AD glosaxon lice, similiter; late,
Anglosaxon late, tarde, sero; long, Anglosaxon lange, diu; right,
Anglosaxon rihte, juste; rath (MILTON), Old-English rathe, An-
glosaxon rade, rafre, cito; fair, Anglosaxon fagere, pulchre; fast,
Anglosaxon faste, firmiter; wide, Anglosaxon vide, late, undique;
deep, Anglosaxon deope, profunde; dear, still sometimes used for
dearly, Anglosaxon deope, dyre, care; thick, Anglosaxon piece,
dense, frequenter; sore (obsolete), Anglosaxon sare, graviter; soft,
Anglosaxon softe, molliter, suaviter; small, Anglosaxon smale,
subtiliter (compare : She has brown hair, and speaks small, like
a woman ([SHAKSP. Merry Wiv. 1, 1.]); still, Anglosaxon stille,
quiete; clean, Anglosaxon clsene, penitus; high, Anglosaxon heahe,
alte; hard, Anglosaxon hearde, dure (also close).
Many existing adjectives of this sort are not to be shewn as
Anglosaxon adverbs in their neuter form; but from a few we
find adverbial comparatives and superlatives formed. Here belong:
mighty, Anglosaxon adjective meahtig, mihtig; lief, Anglosaxon
leof; loud, Anglosaxon hlud; low, compare Hollandish laag;
ready, from Anglosaxon adjective rad, promptus, celer; pretty,
from the Anglosaxon prate, ornatus; fain, Anglosaxon adjective
fagen, Isetus; thin, Anglosaxon adjective pynne; thwart, Anglo-
saxon pveorh, pve'r &c., curvus, even Old-English with t. Com-
pare Highdutch zwerch; sicker, Scottish sikker, Old-High dutch
adverb sichuro; sound, Anglosaxon adjective sund; sudden, An-
glosaxon soden, Old-French sodain, sudain; slow, Anglosaxon ad-
jective slav; slope, compare Anglosaxon part, slopen, lapsus;
sweet (Singing so sweet, and clear, and loud [LONGFELLOW]),
Anglosaxon adjective svete; stark, Anglosaxon adjective stearc;
straight, Anglosaxon part, streht, compare Latin stricte; sheer
(little in use), Anglosaxon adjective scaBre, scser, purus, compare
Old-norse skiarr, fugax; short, Anglosaxon scort; scant (unusual).
The word is found early, for instance, in Maundeville, and is
L The Parts of Speech. C. Particles. 1) Adverb, b) Adj. Adverbs. 393
diffused in Scottish and Northenglish dialects. Does it belong to
the Old-Highdutch scant, inhonestus? skew, compare Old-norse
skeifr, Danish skisev, obliquus; quick, Anglosaxon adjective cvic,
vivax.
In Old-French neuter adjectives were likewise, as many still
are in Modern-French, used adverbially. The Anglosaxon and
the Romance usage here touched each other. English could
therefore readily assimilate Romance adjectives and participles
to Anglosaxon in this regard. Here belong: monstrous (popularly
like the corresponding Germanic wonderful), Old-French mon-
strous; round, Old-French roond, round ; plain, Old-French plain,
plein; false, Old-French fals, faux, Modern-French adverb faux;
very, Old-French verai, Latin veracem ; due, Old-French participle
du from devoir; distinct (And he said, Speaping distinct and slow
[LONGFELLOW]), French the same; sure, Old-French segur, seiir;
scarce, Old-French eschars, escars, Medieval-Latin scarpsus, ex-
carpus; just, Old-French just, Modern-French adverb juste ; chief,
a substantive used adjectively, Old-French chief, chef; common,
Old-French commun; clear, Old- French clair, cleir, cler, Modern-
French adverb clair; close, Old-French part, clos; quite, Old-
French cuite, quite, Latin quietus; gross (rare), (I'll speak more
gross. SHAKSP. Meas. for Meas.). Other Romance-Germanic words
belong here, as exceeding i. q. eminently; doubtless, and the like.
Unclear as to their origin, but mostly referring to primitive
adjective forms are; eft (obsolete), Anglosaxon eft, aft, iterum,
denuo, and aft, the same word, as well as the Anglosaxon eft,
aft in compounds; oft, now poetic, beside often, Anglosaxon oft,
Old-English ofte, often; nigh, Anglosaxon neah; now, Anglosaxon
nu or ml; far, Anglosaxon feorr; well, Anglosaxon velaa vel, Old-
English wele, wel; soon, Anglosaxon sona, see above; yet, Anglo-
Saxon git, get, geot, gyt, geta; yore (not used without of stand-
ing before it), Anglosaxon yara, geara, olim. Related to gear,
annus?
In the place of well, good has been here and there used adverbially,
also in the meaning of very (compare HALLIWELL v. good), but which
is now obsolete and inelegant. Anglosaxon is naturally richer than
English in neuter adverbial forms, as Old -English excels Modern-
English in this respect.
2) By far the greatest number of adjective adverbs, answering to
a neuter accusative in e, are the adverbs now ending in ly. They
arise from the adjectives compounded with the Anglosaxon lie
(similis) and therefore sounded in Anglosaxon lice. The adjec-
tives compounded with He in Anglosaxon (in English ly and like)
were of various kinds, so that lie was also added to substantives.
So far as the Modern-English adjective termination and the ad-
verbial termination sounded equally ly, both coincide in form.
Old-English long distinguished the adverbial termination by the
e after it: stilleliche, fulliche, worthiliche, soothliche, boldeliche, prin-
cipalliche, fetisliche (neatly), batauntliche (= hastily), foliliche &c.,
as well as frequently in Piers Ploughman, yet the termination
ly came in early alongside of lye, as well as the termination lich
394 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
without e. In Modern-English the syllable ly, although appearing
also in adjectives, is regarded as that by annexing which an ad-
jective can be turned into an adverb.
This termination then generally is added to the unchanged
noun stern of Anglosaxon and Romance words: highly, steadfastly;
willingly; perfectly] evidently; obscurely; safely; foolishly; noi-
selessly.
If the stem ends in ue, the e is cast out : duly, truly, from due,
true.
If it ends in an unaccented y, y is changed into i: merrily
from merry; lazily from lazy; noisily from noisy; on the contrary
views diverge as to the accented y. Some spell slyly, from sly;
dryly from dry; others slily, drily (SMART). If the stem ends
in le with another initial consonant preceding it, le before ly is
commonly cast off: affably from affable; immovably from immo-
vable; nobly from noble; terribly from terrible; singly from single;
gently from gentle; idly from idle, but also idlely (Bisn. HALL.).
If, however, no other initial consonant precedes the final le, le
is not cast out: palely from pale; vilely from vile; solely from
sole; fertilely from fertile (SMART); servilely from servile; hosti-
lely from hostile; on the other hand at least for a long time e
has been thrown out in wholly, from whole, Old-English holly.
If a word ends in II, an / is thrown out when ly is added:
stilly from still; fully from full; dully from dull; this according
to the Anglosaxon precedent: stillice from stille; fullice from
full; in Old-English on the contrary, also stilleliche (RoB. OF
GLOUCESTER).
Formations of this sort from adjectives in ly, are also attempted,
which then end in lily, as: livelily, lovelily, lowlily, uglily, clean-
lily &c., whereby a distinction between the adverb and the ad-
jective is striven after. They are, however, not favoured, although
the reduplication in likely (properly lie-lie and lie-lice, where-
with the dubious Anglosaxon ungeliclic can be compared; see
Ettmuller p. 183.) is a precedent. It is preferable to make ad-
verbs of the same sound as adjectives perceptible by the context.
Modern-English on the other hand has also abandoned many
adjectives in ly, and preserved only the corresponding adverb,
where Anglosaxon employs the adverb and adjective. Here belong
the adverbs: evenly; earnestly; manifoldly; newly; lightly; rightly;
rankly; wisely; fastly; deeply, sorely; shortly, highly, hardly, and
a few more.
By far the greatest part of the Germanic adverbs coinciding
with adjectives spring from the Anglosaxon, where we mostly
find the adjective and the adverb, and only accidentally miss, in
the literary works which have been handed down, sometimes the
adverb and sometimes the adjective. Imitations mostly concern
the compounding of Romance stems with ly.
As in Anglosaxon the simple adverbs in e often had an adverb
compounded with lice alongside of them, so in English double
adverbial forms of the same sort are still found in English, which
/. The Parts of Speech. C. Particles. 1) Adverb, b) Adj. Adverbs 395
are in part distinguished by a shade in the meaning, and whereof
the greater number rests upon Anglosaxon forms.
Of this sort are: even: evenly, Anglosaxon efenlice; evil: evilly
(SHAKSP.), Anglosaxon adjective yfellic; mighty: mightily, Anglo-
saxon mihtiglice; light: lightly, Anglosaxon lihtlice; late: lately,
Anglosaxon latelice (thus there also stands along with the super-
lative last: lastly)] long: longly = longingly, also tediously, Anglo-
saxon langlice, longe, diu; right: rightly, Auglosaxon rightlice;
fair: fairly, Anglosaxon fagerlice; fast: fastly — surely, Anglo-
saxon fastlice; full: fully, Anglosaxon fullice; deep, deeply, Anglo-
Saxon deoplice; thick: thickly, Anglosaxon piclice; sore: sorely,
Anglosaxon sarlice; sudden: suddenly, Anglosaxon sodenlice; slow:
slowly, Anglosaxon slavlice; still: stilly, Anglosaxon stillice; stark:
starkly, Anglosaxon stearlice, SOM. perhaps stearclice, rigide, vio-
lenter; short: shortly, Anglosaxon scortlice, breviter, paululum;
high: highly, Anglosaxon heahlice, praecique, perfecte; hard:
hardly, Anglosaxon heardlice, dure, immoderate; clean: cleanly
= elegantly, dexterously, Anglosaxon claenlice.
Even where no Anglosaxon precedent can be pointed out, as
well as from Romance words without an adverbial mark, collateral
forms in ly have been formed. Compare like: likely, loud: loudly;
low: lowly = meanly; ready: readily, compare Anglosaxon rad-
lice; pretty: prettily = elegantly ; thin: thinly, sicker: sickerly;
sound: soundly; scant: scantly (DRYDEN); straight: straightly
(SHAKSP.); sheer: sheerly; quick: quickly &c.; from Romance words :
monstrous: monstrously; round: roundly, plain: plainly; very:
verily = indeed ; due: duly; just: justly; common: commonly, clear:
clear Itj : chief-, chiefly. Thus too doubtless and exceeding have the
collateral forms doubtlessly, exceedingly.
The adverbs in ward, standing alongside of the adverbs in
wards and wardly, are mostly distinguished from them in this,
that the latter are used more in the ethical sense: inwardly;
outwardly; backwardly; forwardly.
Adverbs in ly are rarely formed immediately from nouns, as
the old namely and marbly = in the manner of marble, according
to Webster. Most forms of this sort referring to substantives
have sprung from adjectives of the same sound, of which fatherly,
motherly, friendly, godly, worldly, heavenly, yearly,
monthly &c. belonging to the Anglosaxon, were instances, ac-
cording to which others, as hourly, quarterly &c., were formed.
— Adverbial formations peculiar to English are the compounds
of participial forms in ing, ed &c. with ly, in which Anglosaxon
with its participial forms in ende led the way, whence adjectives
in lie were formed, as nemnjendlic, nominativus; brosnjend-
lic, corruptibilis; feallendlic, minosus &c. Old-English still
had adverbs of this sort: aylastandly, = everlastingly; stelendelich
= by stealth &c. ; but also even in ing : brenningly = hotly &c. ;
Modern-English: laughingly; boastingly; vaunting ly; wittingly; jo-
kingly; glancing ly = obliquely; slaveringly &c. ; and forcedly; wi-
shedly ; constrainedly; forbiddenly &c.
3) Adjective, and, in particular, accusative adverbs are ori-
396 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
ginally capable of comparison by derivation, and have accor-
dingly a comparative and superlative. Comparison has
rarely penetrated into other adverbs, as in the Old-English in
back: I went me bakker more (CHAUCER Ms. in HALLIW. s. v.).
The comparison of adverbs is effected, like that of the adjec-
tives, either by the derivative terminations er and est, or by the
addition of more and most to the positive. The former mode of
comparison is very limited in Modern-English, the second has
become the common one.
ct) Comparison by derivative terminations consisted, with the
Anglosaxon adverb in the comparative form of the adjective
appearing in the comparative with the weak inflection cast off:
raffe: ra∨ oft: oftor; in the superlative the accusative of the
strong form (without a mark) was used: raffe: ra&ost', oft:
oftost.
Old-English employed this mode of comparison to a large
extent. In Modern-English the anomalous degrees of comparison,
as well as a few debris of forms of comparison, have been chiefly
preserved, whereas for the great number of regularly compared
adverbs not only are the limitations for the comparison of ad-
jectives the standard, but an aversion, particularly in prose,
towards this mode of derivation is prevalent and is still more
fostered by grammarians.
Of the Modern-English comparatives belonging here a few
alone still share the Anglosaxon irregularity of casting off the
characteristic letter of the comparative, r, as in the Anglosaxon
ma, bet, leng and others, whereas these forms are still frequent
in Old-English.
The English anomalous forms of comparison are:
much, comp. more, sup. most. Anglosaxon micele, mycle, comp.
mare, ma, sup. msest. Old-English myculle, mickle, muchel,
mochel, muche, moche &c., comp. mare, more, ma, mo, sup.
mest, most. For the comparative mo extending into Modern-
English see p. 277.
nigh, comp. near, sup. next. Anglosaxon (neah), comp. near,
sup. neahst, nehst, next. Old-English comp. nar, nere, narre,
sup. next. In English the fundamental distinctions are here in
part obliterated, near signifying, like the positive, nearly and
almost, and the superlative being primarily referred to temporal
and ordinal succession, nearer comes in as the comparative of
near.
little, comp. less, sup. least. Anglosaxon lytle, comp. las, sup.
last. Old-English litle, comp. lasse, lesse, less, sup. leeste. The
form lesser, which has penetrated into the corresponding adjec-
tive (for the Anglosaxon lassa) is also used as an adverb, for
instance, by Shakspeare. It is related externally to the Anglo-
saxon Ids exactly like the English adverbial better to the Anglo-
saxon bet.
late, comp. later, sup. last. Anglosaxon regularly late, late,
comp. lator, sup. latost. Old-English like Modern-English.
far, comp. farther and further, sup. farthest, furthest (SMART).
1. The Parts of Speech. C. Particles. 1) Adverb. Comparison. 397
The Anglosaxon feorr, feor, procul, has the comp. fyrre, sup.
fyrrest, feorrest, fyrst, like the Old-English comp. ferre, sup.
ferrest. The Modern-English farther, farthest are anomalous
formations, which have been assimilated to further-, further an-
swers to the Anglosaxon furdor, forfror, ulterius, which attaches
itself to the adverb for&. The Old-English farther may have
occasioned the confusion : She gropeth alway farther (CHAUCER).
well, comp. better, sup. best. Anglosaxon vela, vel, comp. bet,
bett, sup. betst, best. Old- English wel, well, comp. bet, bett,
sup. best. The adverbial form bet has been quite lost in Mo-
dern-English. Old-English: I may the bet hem cleyme (PiERS
PLOUGHM. p. 389.). Go bett (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 241., HALLI-
WELL s. v. and CHALMERS Gloss, ad Lindsay p. 266.). Yet bettre
also occurs, for instance PIERS PLOUGHM p. 102.
evil, ill, comp. worse, sup. worst. Anglosaxon (yfele), comp.
virs, vyrs, sup. vyrst. Old-English evel, comp. wers, worse,
sup. werst, worst. As with the corresponding adjective, worser
has sometimes also penetrated as an adverbial comparative: In
time go and bargain lest worser you fal (TussER see Dial, of
Craven 2. p. 269.). The adjective positive Anglosaxon veorr,
perversus, in fact a comparative, is also found in Old-English
as an adverbial comparative: Hast thow bacbyted thy neghbore,
For to make hym fare the worre ? (Ms. in HALLIWELL v. worre.)
Remnants of adverbial forms of comparison are comp. ere,
now used mostly in comparison, where ere may also operate as
a preposition: erewhile, erewhiles, sup. erst, mostly poetic, else
obsolete. Anglosaxon comp. ser, prius, antea, sup. serost, -est,
-1st, the adjectives of which comp. cerra, sup. ceresta have been
abandoned. Old-English comp. ere, sup. arst (RITSON), erst.
Also comp. rather, the positive of which is obsolete, and whose
superlative (by Shakspeare transformed jocosely into rather est
Love's L. L. 4. 2.) no longer occurs, belongs here. Anglosaxon
rafle, ra6*e, comp. ra6*or, sup. rafrost. Old-English rathe, comp.
rather, sup. rathest. The sup. eftest in Shakspeare Much Ado
&c. 4, 2. = soonest? is questioned (deftest according to Delius);
it would belong to eft, Anglosaxon eft, aft, iterum, denuo. lief,
comp. lever is obsolete. Anglosaxon adj. leof, comp. leofre, sup.
leofest. Old-English lefe, leef, lief, comp. lever, leifer, sup. le-
vest, liefest &c. Chief est, stands without a comparative: But
first and chief est with thee bring Him that yon soars (MILTON).
Of other accusative adverbs we ofter find a few others com-
pared, as: loud — louder — loudest; soon — sooner — soonest:
fast — faster — fastest; high — higher — highest; early — ear-
lier — earliest; often — oftener (SHAKSP. Mids. N. Dr. 2, 2.)
— offenest (Anglosaxon oft — oftor — oftost). Old-English oft
— oftor (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER), ofter — of test; in Skelton:
oftnar, of tenner and others. The Anglosaxon interchange of vowel
in a few adverbs is, as with the adjective, abandoned: long —
longer — longest. Anglosaxon lange — leng — lengst. Old-
English longe — leng — lengost: Hii ne my3te no leng abyde
398 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
(ROB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 174. 229.). Even Skelton has lenger
I. 69.
Poetry especially still employs derivative comparatives and
superlatives, and, in contradistinction to the other limitations of
this usage, sometimes even those alongside of which no adverbial
positive is in use, as frequently in Old-English: You have spoken
truer than you purposed (SHAKSP. Temp.). And look how well
my garments sit upon me, Much f eater than before (IB.). Thou
art easier swallowed than a flap-dragon (ID. Love's L. L.). The
tenderest ones and weakest, Who their wrongs have borne the
meekest (WHITTIER). Compare Murray's censure of comparatives
and superlatives p. 162. 163.
The annexing of the syllable ly to the comparative and
superlative instead of the comparison of the positive com-
pounded with ly (-lier, -liest) is remarkable. In Modern-English
a few forms of this sort, in part with the obliteration of the
meaning of the degrees of comparison, have remained, as nearly;
latterly = lately ; formerly; mostly; lastly; firstly; foremoslly (ob-
solete). This formation is old and formerly diffused itself wider:
More plenerly (MAUNDEV. p. 42.). Better perceyved And thank-
ful ferlye receyved (SKELTON I. 341. according to Dyce's Ms.).
|3) The comparison with more and most is as old with adverbs as
with adjectives. It touches first of all the adverbs in ly, but
likewise seizes the rest: I breathe again more freely (LONGFEL-
LOW). As he most learnedly delivered (SHAKSP. Temp.). Eb-
bing men, indeed, Most often do so near the bottom run &c. (IB.).
A reduplication of the comparison by the combination of
more and most with the derivative degrees of comparison was
frequent in Old-English, but is now, as with the adjective, re-
garded as improper: Old-English: Ofte sype aboue was, and
binepe oftor mo (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER L 264.). More plenerly
(MAUNDEV. p. 42.). Parceyveth moore depper (PIERS PLOUGHM.
p. 307,). So in Shakspeare: more proudlier (Coriol. 4, 7.). With
near we still often find more, where the comparative import of
near is no longer felt: Yon stood more near him (L. BYRON).
Let me . . more nearly, Dying thus, resemble thee (LONGFEL-
LOW).
In Shakspeare, where near still occurs in the comparative, near
is usually written, as if an abbreviation from nearer were in
question.
The comparison with more, most may also be transferred to
other adverbial determinations than the original adjective forms :
What are the books now most in vogue? (LONGFELLOW). That
which is most within me (L. BYRON).
The combination of less, least with adverbs may be regarded
as a comparison downwards. See the Adjective.
c) Adverbs of number.
Adverbs of number denote partly the order of the activities
according to number, partly their simplicity or multiplicity,
partly the onceness or repetition of the same act.
1. The Parts of Speech. C. Particles. 1) Adverb. Comparison. 399
1) Numerical adverbs of order are formed by annexing the syl-
lable ly to the ordinal numbers '.firstly, alongside of first', secondly;
thirdly, fourthly, fifthly &c. Anglosaxon offered no support for
this. Periphrastic forms are: in the first, second &c. place.
2) Numerical adverbs of complexity exist in a small number,
as singly, which however is only used distributively, as indivi-
dually; doubly, for which the accusative adverb twofold also ap-
pears (comp. : on the other hand the Anglosaxon preofealdlice,
tripliciter), as other numerals in fold are also employed adver-
bially : trebly, triply, quadruply, and a few similar ones. From mani-
fold, manifoldly is formed, after the Anglosaxon manegfealdlice.
3) Frequentative adverbs are mostly gained by periphrasis; the
few formed by a derivative termination (ce) rest upon the genitive
form, as once, Anglosaxon anes (comp. anes hvat, quoque modo,
although else ane side, una vice and sometimes ane as an adverb),
Old-English anes, ones; twice, Anglosaxon tvigges, Old-English
twyes, twies; thrice, Anglosaxon only priga, priva, Old-English
thrie, and formed according to the others: thries.
Once is often treated as an accusative, and combined with this,
that: This once I yield (J. HUGHES). Let us appear this once
like generous victors (ID.). Compare Webster s. v.
The rest of the frequentative adverbs are formed by periphrasis,
for which the cardinal numbers are employed with the substan-
tive time in the accusative of the plural: four times, five timesy
ten times &c. ; as the former are also sometimes expressed peri-
phrastically : a single time, another time, three times and the inde-
finite frequentatives : sometimes, many times, several times. Anglo-
saxon here used the substantive siff, gressus; ofrre sifte, iterum;
feover sitfon, quater; seofon sicTum, septies &c. This mode is
to be met with in Old-English: And if men me it axe Sixe sithes
or sevene (PIERS PLOHGHM. p. 102.), where the accusative then
also appeared instead of the Ansjlosaxon instrumental and dative :
And thankyd God a C. syth in rhyme (Ms. in HALLIWELL v.
sith), with which we may however compare the Anglosaxon eahta
si&e tventig (CHRON. SAX. 1071.); but alongwith them time is
also employed: And thus tene I trewe men Ten hundred tymes
(PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 103.).
d) Pronominal adverbs.
Here belong the adverbs which have especially proceeded from
demonstrative and interrogative pronominal stems, of which
the former have mostly the import of space, the latter chiefly
of time.
1) Adverbs from demonstrative stems.
To the Anglosaxon pe (se), peo (seo), pat belong:
there. Anglosaxon par and pser, per, ibi, illic. Old-English
ther, there, which was also used relatively, as in Anglosaxon,
where it also signified ubi, quo. Compare: Ther nature wol not
werche, Farewel physike (CHAUCER p. 21. I. Tyrwh.).
thither. Anglosaxon pider, pyder, illuc, istuc, also relatively,
with and without pe: quo, Old-English thider.
400 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
thence. Anglosaxon panan, panon, panonne &c. Old-English
thenne, but also early with the genitive termination thennes : Ere
she thennes yede (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 19.), whence the Modern-
English thence.
then, in a metaphorical meaning. Anglosaxon ponne, penne,
tune, turn. Comp. the accusative m. thone, thane, Old-English
thanne, than. It is the same word as the English than, which,
dissimilated from the former, is used for quamj, after the
comparative. In Anglosaxon ponne, penne also passes for quam.
Old-English had tho, tha, Anglosaxon pa, turn.
thus, Anglosaxon pus, Old-English the same.
so, also. Anglosaxon sva, sic (sva, sicut) and ealsvd, etiam,
sic.
To the Anglosaxon he, heo, hit belong:
here, Anglosaxon her, Old-English her, here.
hither, Anglosaxon hider, hue, Old-English hider.
hence, transferred to time: from now. Anglosaxon hinan,
heonan &c., hinc, abhinc, also illuc. Old-English henen, henne
(Roe. OF GLOUCESTER and others), yet also early with the genitive
termination hennes, hens, whence the Modern-English hence.
Instead thereof hithen in ROB. OF BRUNNE p. 26. Hen is still
in use in Lincolnshire.
hind, whence behind, Anglosaxon hind', in compounds, like hind-
veard, and hinder, adverb and prepos. post, now considered
an adjective.
To geon, preserved in Anglosaxon only in the adverb geond,
Gothic jains, (English yon) belong.
yond, yon. Anglosaxon geond, illuc. Old-English yond, yon.
Comp.: And say what thou seest yond (SHAKSP. Temp.), where
without reason yoncT is commonly written: Him that yon soars
on golden wing (MILTON). These forms are becoming obsolete
in comparison with yonder, which is formed analogously to the
Anglosaxon hider, like the Gothic jdindre compared with hidre.
2) From the interrogative pronominal stem hva, livdt there
develope themselves:
where, interrogative and relative. Anglosaxon hvar, hv'ar, ubi.
Old-English wher, where.
whither, interrogative and relative. Anglosaxon hvader, hvider,
hvidre &c., quo. Old-English wyder, wider.
whence, interrogative and relative. Anglosaxon vhanan, vhanon,
hvana &c., unde. Old-English whanne, wanne (RoB. OF GLOU-
CESTER), also early whennes, whence the Modern -English whence.
Old-English also whethen.
Thence come the compounds whereso, wheresoever, wherever, whither-
soever, whencesoever ; also nowhere, Anglosaxon nahvar, nusquam;
elsewhere, Old-English elleswher; compare Anglosaxon elles hvider,
elles hvergen, aliorsum, everywhere', somewhere, anywhere, for which
in the Old-English owghtwhare, owhar, owhere also occurs, otherwhere
(SHAKSPEARE), some other where, and several others.
when, also a conjunction. Anglosaxon hvenne, hvanne, hvonne,
quando. Old-English whan, wan, when.
/. The Parts of Speech. C. Particles. 1) Adverb, e) Prepositional Adverbs . 401
why, Anglosaxon hvy (hve) and how, Anglosaxon hu, have
arisen from the instrumental of the pronoun. Thence the com-
pound somehow.
3) Hither also may be referred the adverb any, borrowed from the
indefinite pronoun, for which anywise now rather occurs. It
belongs to the Anglosaxon cenig, ullus, and probably sprung from
the instrumental amige, Old-English any, eny, ony; Old-English
Or I procede ony ferthere (MAUNDEV. p. 53.). Modern-English:
If you tarry any longer (SHAKSP. Two Gentl.). Before I any
farther go (LONGFELLOW). The word other, also occurring iu
Shakspeare, likewise belongs here: Nay, but it is not so. — wlt
is no other" (Meas. for Meas. 4, 3 ). Comp. Oth. 4, 2. ; like else,
see above,
e) Prepositional Adverbs. *
The combination of prepositions with adjectives, substantives,
numeral and pronominal adverbs is very usual, which partly serve
to complete adverbial determinations, with which a preposition is
adapted to define the relation more particularly. The prepositions
themselves, obviously originally in part adverbs, serve in general
to denote relations of space and time, but which they transcend,
when used metaphorically; and although chiefly in the closest con-
nection with substantive notions, they still betray an originally ad-
verbial character.
For this reason prepositions also appear again as adverbs,
where they appear exempted from substantive notions and only
shew themselves as determinations of activity. Language every-
where presents instances, and one needs scarcely to be reminded
of sentences like: Toiling on and on and on (LONGFELLOW). Reading,
the whole year out and in, Naught but the catalogue of sin (ID.).
Sometimes the modern language distinguishes the adverb from the
preposition (although sometimes only in a determinate meaning)
by the form, as fro in to and fro, from from; too, from to; ojf(also
a preposition) from of. A preposition is moreover hardly incapable
of appearing adverbially, on which the Syntax has to give more
particular explanations.
The union of other parts of speech with prepositions,
whence proceed many blendings of particles, or, at least combina-
tions of them under one accent, is a phenomenon common to many
tongues. The prepositions come partly before, partly after another
word. Those which precede lean proclitically upon them and are
therefore mostly confined to the monosyllabic ones. Where the
proclisis, certainly not to be rigidly defined, ceases, developed
adverbial sentences make their appearance. The prepositional ad-
verbs rest partly upon Anglosaxon precedent.
1) The preposition combines with a substantive.
in: indeed, comp. : French en effet. Periphrases are looser:
in fact, in trmh, in reality, in earnest, in jest-, in fine, French
enfiu &c.
ere: erewhile, erewhiles, which, reversed, also appears as whilere,
whi!e-ere (SHAKSP., MILTON), as in Anglosaxon the preposition,
Miitzner, engl. Gr. T. 26
402 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 11.
cer may also follow its case: feovertyne dagum ser (MATTH. 24,
40.).
at commonly stands separated from the noun : at home, Anglo-
saxon at ham, domi, Old-English atom (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER);
at hand, Anglosaxon at handa (Dat.), at no hand; at any hand;
at sea, at land, at doors, compare adoors; at length &c. at some-
time corresponds to the French a: at leisure, French a loisir;
at random, French a randon.
on only appears separated from the noun, as in on land, on
shore, on board, on foot, compare Old-English afote, Modern-
English afoot &c. Yet it is frequently blended with it in the
interchange with a, where the Anglosaxon d lies at the founda-
tion, which might also appear for of. These compounds are in
Modern-English mostly limited to determinations of space and
to abstract expressions of an activity or condition, whereas in
Old-English they are also referred to time. Some rest imme-
diately upon Anglosaxon and Old-norse originals, as aback,
Anglosaxon on bac, retro; away, Anglosaxon onveg, aveg;
awheefs (obsolete, BEN JONS.), Anglosaxon on hveole (Ps. 76,
17.), to which also belongs the preposition among, Anglosaxon
amang, onmang from the subst. rnang; again, Anglosaxon on-
gegn &c., agen prep, and adv. rursus, obviam, belonging to the
substantive gagn, commodum? aright, Anglosaxon ariht, from
the subst. riht; amiss, Old-norse amis, de via, contra jus et
aequum, in Anglosaxon subst. misse, miss, mis, mist, only in
compounds, still in use in Old-English as an independent sub-
stantive, for instance, in the Towneley My st., like the Old-norse
missa, damnum; athirst, which moderns cite only as an adjec-
tive. Old-norse a porsti = pyrstr, sitiens.
English imitative forms, or forms at least not to be pointed
out in Anglosaxon, which are mostly old, but seem to increase
of late although many are only dialectical, frequently serve to
denote the where? and whither? or position and direction; alee,
subst. lee, Anglosaxon hleov, hliv, hleo, refugium [so we must
think the lee left undetermined above p. 199.]; «/oo/=more
nearly Jp the wind and at a distance, Old-English aluffe, per-
haps from the Anglosaxon lof, palma. Comp : Old-English lufe,
manus (TowNEL. MYST. p. 32, where hufe is a misprint); loof
is moreover a part of the ship; aloft, from Anglosaxon lyft, aer,
nubes; arow, subst. row, Anglosaxon rav; abed, subst. bed, An-
glosaxon bedd; abaft, Old-English also baft, in maritime language
the contrary of afore, belongs to the Anglosaxou subst. bafta,
tergum, although connected with baftan, prep, post; aboard,
subst. board, Anglosaxon bord; abreast, subst. breast, Anglosaxon
breost; afield, subst. field, Anglosaxon fild, fe'ld; afoot = on foot,
in action, subst. foot, Anglosaxon fot; aweather — to the wind-
side, subst. weather, Anglosaxon veder, Old-English wedur; atop,
Anglosaxon top, vertex; adoors (obsolete), Old-English also adores,
Anglosaxon duru, dyr; acop (obsolete) = at the top, high up,
subst. cop, Anglosaxon copp, culmen; agate (local), subst. gate,
Old-norse gata, semita; aground, subst. ground, Anglosaxon
/. The Parts of Speech. C. Particles. 1) Adverb, e) Prepositional Adv. 403
»
grund; ahead (naut.), subst. head, Anglosaxon heafud; astern,
subst. stern, Anglosaxon steam, gubernaculum ; ashore, subst.
shore, Anglosaxon score.
In union with different dimensions a denotes the direction:
alength, ahight', likewise aside.
Transferred to concrete and abstract substantives, in which
the activity is accomplished or to which it is directed, the ad-
verb appears with a in: ablaze, subst. blaze, Anglosaxon blase,
flamma; afire, subst. fire, Anglosaxon fyr; areek, subst. reek,
Anglosaxon rec, reac; asleep, Old-English aslepe, subst. sleep,
Anglosaxon slsep; awork (SIIAKSPEARE), Old-English aworke,
subst. work, Anglosaxon veorc, verc, vorc; atilt, subst. tilt,
dialectically in the North of England tilt, vehement, turbulent,
compare Anglosaxon tealt, vacillans, Old-norse tolt, vagatio to-
lutaria? also tipped (of a barrel) subst. tilt, leaning, perhaps
from the Old-norse tilt, from tilla, elevatio; afloat, subst. float,
from the Anglosaxon fleotan and flotjan, fluctuare; adrift = floa-
ting, at random, subst. drift, to Anglosaxon drifan; abrood, subst.
brood, Anglosaxon brod, concretio, compare adject, brodig, in-
cubans; astride, subst. stride, Anglosaxon strsede, passus; astray,
subst. stray, from the Anglosaxon strsegan, stregan, spargere,
Old-English on straye and astrayly (HALLIWELL s. vv.); astrut,
Old-English astrout, astrote (formerly also swollen, turgide),
subst. strut = affectation of stateliness in walking &c., allied to
strotzen? amain, subst. main, Anglosaxon magen, vis, robur.
Some of these words are now employed as adjectives, as alive,
certainly naught else than the Anglosaxon on life, in vita; akin,
Anglosaxon cynn, cognatio; astir — bustling, active, Northern-
Engl. asteer, subst. stir, from Anglosaxon steran, styran, movere,
agitare and others.
Old-English forms, which still live in dialects, are: ablode
(dial, ablood); afere, timid; aknen, aknewes, aknowe, down, on
the knee (dial, akne); agame, in jest (now also addicted to
gaming), and others, which appear as adjectives, as of ret, An-
glosaxon fratu, ornamentum ; aflaunt, subst. flaunt, mundus, Go-
thic flautan, and others.
There come here into contact with the Anglosaxon forms Ro-
mance ones having d for their foundation, as apeak, French a
pic; apart, French a part; apace = hastily, French a pas, Old-
English apas (CHAUCER), to which are attached amort, lifeless,
depressed; apiece = to the share of each; afront = in front; agog
— in a state of desire, French a gogo. Old-English has agref
— in grief, and many more.
The reference to time often takes place in Old-English, in:
amorwe, amorve, in the morning; anight, in the night, and the
like. A-morweninges . . And in evenynges (PIERS PLOUGHM.
p. 222.).
out is found compounded in outdoors = abroad, hence provin-
cially out-door-work = field-work.
over: overboard; overhead = aloft, above.
under: underfoot = beneath; underhand = secretly.
26*
404 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 1L
*
be— by: betime, betimes, comp. Middlehighdutch bizite; beside,
besides. By is not fouud blended, as in: by land, by water,
by stealth, by chance, by degrees &c.
before and behind: beforehand = previously &c., also aforehand;
beforetime — formerly; behindhand = backward, tardy, also as an
adjective.
per in Romance formations: peradventure, Old-English pera-
venture, peraunter; percase (percace JACK JUGLER); perchance,
in the same signification as the imitated form perhaps, Old-
norse happ, bona sors, compare the Anglosaxon adj. happ, corn-
modus; perforce', perdy = certainly, French par Dieu! as an
interjection.
for: forsooth, Old-English forsothe, Anglosaxon for soo*", pro
veritate. Compare: And he woot the sothe (PIERS PLOUGHM.
p. 199.). Besides, for appears separated: for instance &c.
within is compounded in withinside, which is also regarded as
an adjective.
to is put in nearer connection with determinations of time:
to-morrow, from the Anglosaxon subst. morgen; to-night; to-day,
Anglosaxon to niht, to dag, dialectically also to-month = this
month, to-year, like the Old-English to yere = this year. In
other cases we leave to without closer connection with the sub-
stantive, as in to boot (SHAKSP.); compare Old-English to sope
(Roe. OF GLOUCESTER) = forsooth.
2) The adverbial determination of the activity is often expressed
by prepositions with adjectives or adjective adverbs, yet the
prepositions mostly stand separated from the adjective. Com-
pare in vain, French en vain; in common; in short; ere long;
ere now, compare Anglosaxon ser pam, aer ponne; at unawares,
as at once, for which atones, attones, atenens &c. stands in Old-
English; at last; at least; at first; Old-English also averst and
aterst, Anglosaxon at aerestan, prirnum; on high; of old; of late;
over all (And light was over all (MILTON), yet also spelt over-all,
Old-English over al; from high; from far (afar) &c.
The greater and almost sole number of blendings of the pre-
position with the adjective is comprised by the composition
with a (Anglosaxon on, an, 6, a). The next section explains
the prepositions which have arisen in this manner. Here belong:
anew; anon (ever and anon = every now and then); from the
numeral, Anglosaxon on an, continuo, Old-English also anone,
anonen; alate (obsolete) = lately; along, also alongst (Somerset),
which is at the same time to be regarded as a prepositon, arose
from the Anglosaxon andlang, prep., in longum, per; aloud =
loudly, alow, Old-English alowe, alough, alogh = below; abroad
= widely, at large, belonging to the Angl. brad latus. Grimm
distinguishes abroad, as the Old-norse a braut, abhinc; in Old-
English abrood (PIERS PLOUGHM.) also stands for the latter;
afar, Old-English also oferrom, afarne, from the Anglosaxon adv.
feorran (the contrary of the obsolete anear, dialectically also
anearst); aflat, from flat Old-norse flatr, planus; afresh — anew,
Anglosaxon fe'rsc; awry, from wry= crooked, distorted, from the
The Parts of Speech. C. Particles. 1) Adverb, e) Prepositional Adverbs. 405
Gothic vraiqvs; adry, passes now for an adjective, yet it is per-
haps properly: on the dry; compare Anglosaxon on pam dry-
gean (LucAS 23, 31.); athwart, Anglosaxon on pveorh, see thwart
p. 392. ; asunder, now commonly in sunder, formerly also asun-
derly, separatim, Anglosaxon on sundran, asundron; aslant, from
slant = oblique, compare Swedish slentra. Besides we also find
formerly aslet and asloute, as well as dialectically aslew and
aslash with the same meaning; aslope from slope, see above;
askew, see above skew and Old-norse a ska, oblique; askaunt
and askaunce, else also ascance, ascaunce, is also used in Old-
English in the meaning of askew and at the same time of scar-
cely. In the meaning of askew it is allied to the latter, as well
as to asquint, compare the verb sken in the North of England,
like squint; in the meaning scarcely it belongs to scant, see
p. 392. ; the termination ce is to be regarded as a genitive ter-
mination; asquint, like askew and askaunt, from squint, dialecti-
cally (Craven) also asquin, in Eastern dialects sqywinniken,
squinny, squin-eies sec. XVII. = squinting eyes; allied to skew;
agood, may also spring from the substantive good, Anglosaxon
god; ahigh = on high.
Other combinations of prepositions with adjectives are those
from ere in erelong = before long; erenow = before this time;
after in after all = at last, with the indeterminate pronoun all;
likewise with in withal', be in below, Old-Engl. also alowe; here also
belike (SiiAKSP.) seems to belong, for which be'ikely stands in
Bishop Hall, whereas in the regular besure the abbreviation from
to be sure is contained. In together a primitive adverb may
also be found, Anglosaxon to gadere, for which in Old-English
togideres also stands (PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 167.).
3) The union of prepositions with adverbs of another sort concerns
particularly the pronominal adverbs, which the former usually
follow, as in therein, Old-English therinne, thereinto, thereabout,
also thereabouts, with the genitive s, thereafter, thereat, thereon,
thereof, thereout, thereunto, thereunder, thereupon, thereby, there-
fore, therefrom, Old-English also therefro (PiERs PLOUGHMAN
p. 223.), therewith, therewithal, thereto; titherlo ; (hencefrom (ob-
solete); herein, hereinto, hereabout (hereabouts), hereafter, hereat,
hereon, hereof, hereout, hereunto, hereupon, hereby, herewith, hereto,
heretofore; hitherto; wherein, whereinto, whereabout (whereabouts)^
whereat, whereof, whereunlo, whereupon, whereby, wherefore,
wherewith, wherewithal, wherethrough &c. They are formed partly
after the Anglosaxon precedent; compare: paerinue, pserabutan,
pserafter, paeron, pserof, paerufon, paerute, paermid, pservio"; pserto;
panonveard, whereas in the other Anglosaxon particles of this
class the compounds seem to be wanting. Other adverbs rarely
have prepositions subjoined, as forthwith. More rarely still a
connected preposition precedes adverbs of this sort, like be in
behind, Old-English also ahind, ahint, and beyond; although pre-
fixed prepositions otherwise occur, as in from hence (thence,
whence), where the superfluous from is censured by gramma-
rians, from where, from elsewhere, till then &c.
406 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
f) The Negative and Affirmative Particles.
From the aforesaid adverbs the negative and affirmative particles
are distinguished, which require a particular discussion, so far as
they are not touched upon hereafter among Conjunctions.
The primitive English negative, or the negation of the reference
of the subject to the predicate, was denoted by ne (Anglosaxon ne),
which always preceded the predicative verb: Devyne ye, for I ne
dar (PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 13.). This ne was in Anglosaxon and in
Old-English sometimes blended with the following verb, as habban,
vittan, vitan, vesan, in which the initial consonant was cast off, as
nabban, nillan, nesan &c., Old-English nave = have not; nill — will
not; niste = wiste not; nam, nis, nas, nere = am, is was, were not
&c. In print we often find dam, rfis, n'hath &c. with the mark
of elision. These Anglosaxon negative particles coincided in form
with the Old-French ne.
This ne is to be distinguished from another ne, which answered
to the Anglosaxon ne, neque, and in reduplication was equal to the
Latin neque — neque, Anglosaxon ne — ne: Lewed men ne koude
Jangle ne jugge (PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 9.). There is no bawme ne
gumme of Arabe More delectable (SKELTON I. 303.). This ne is
obsolete, but is found here and there, for instance in L. Byron.
Modern-English commonly replaces the single ne (ne) by nor, the
reduplicated by neither = nor. See the Conjunction.
The simple negation has, as in other Germanic tongues, yielded
to that compound one in which itself constitutes the negative element,
and whose expletives originally followed the verb in order to streng-
then it. In Modern-English it appears as not, which is the shorter
form for naught, nought, Old-English also noght, nat &c. is, the
Anglosaxon naviht, nauht, naht, noht, nat, that is ne-a-viht (vuht),
ne - - unquam — hilum (creatura), nihil. Compare the original
separation of ne — viht in the Anglosaxon: He ne mehte viht ge-
feohtan, non potuit pugnare (Beov. 2160.).
The strengthened negation early appeared alongside of ne: Thei
wil noughte, that thei dyen of kindely dethe MAUNDEV. p. 194.).
Thei wol noght come there (PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 67.). My strengthe
may not be told (TOWNEL, MYST. p. 3.). He was not pale as a
forpined gost (CHAUCER p. 2. II. Tyrwh.). And where not, noght
is to be taken as properly a substantive indefinite pronoun, nothing
also took its place (see below), which still occurs in moderns as a
strengthened negation: You know it well and feel it nothing (L.
BYRON).
In Old-English however these strengthened negatives are very
commonly added to the ne = non and ne = neque, as the accumu-
lation of negatives was familiar to Old-English: This ne yeveth
noght of God etc. (PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 67.). Nothing ne knew that
it was Arcite (CHAUCER p. 12. I. Tyrwh.). Ne con ich saien non
falsdom Ne non I ne shal (DAME SIRIZ p. 4.). Hit semyd hym
never ne never shalle (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 4.). Similar accumula-
tions are still found in Modern-English: Harp not on that; nor
do not banish reason For incredulity (SiiAKSP. Meas. for Meas.),
yet are rejected by grammarians.
1. The Parts of Speech. C. Particles. 1) Adverb, f) Neg. and Affirm. Part. 407
Modern strengthenings of not by substantive accusatives, denoting
a trifling object, among which even a whit (from the Anglosaxon
viht) again occurs, are analogous to similar ones in Old-French.
Old-English: To be corsed . . The counteth noght a bene (not a
bean) (PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 51.), when never often appears instead
of not: never a del, never a whyt &c. Modern-English: Th'
one has my pity; not a jot the other (SHAKSP. Meas. for Meas.).
I perceive, you delight not in music. — nNot a whit, when it jars
so." "(Two Gentl. of V.). Here belongs also not a bit &c. A
similar one is effected by other adverbial determinations, as not
at all &c.
In rapid utterance not is attracted enclitically, even with the loss
of its vowel, to a preceding word, as in can't, don't &c., wouldn't &c.
Instead of the negation not there also appears 'no, Old-English
na, no, before adverbs. If the origin of no in nowhere is dubious
(compare anywhere, everywhere) and no appears as the indefinite
pronoun, although the Old-English neverwhere also occurs instead,
it unquestionably is equivalent to the Anglosaxon nd, no = ne-d,
nunquam, non, before comparatives. Compare Anglosaxon no py
las, Old-English natheless, Modern-English nevertheless, as op-
posed to the affirmative Anglosaxon a J>y ma, eo magis, compare
evermore, now equal to always. Modern-English : I can go no far-
ther, sir (SHAKSP. Temp.). I will put off my hope, and keep it
no longer for my flatterer (IB.). Hold up the jest no higher (Merry
"Wiv.). Go, sin no more ! (LONGFELLOW). To die is no less natural
than those acts of this clay (L. BYRON). This no rarely stands
before other than adverbial comparatives, as in: It will seem no
more to thee Than if . . I should a little longer stay Than I am
used (LONGFELLOW). Old-English: & ne my3te noleng sytte (Roe.
OF GLOUCESTER I. 185.). He was so wery, that he myghte no
ferthere (MAUNDEV. p. 148.). It rennethe no furthermore (p. 102.).
I suffre yow no lenger (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 65.). Na-moore (as
little) myghte God be man (p. 343.); yet also before the compara-
tive used substantively: I kan na-moore seggen (p. 53.).
The obsolete negative is expressed by the same no, compare Go-
thic ne, in the dialects of the North of England still na. But along-
side of it stands the now little used nay, which only accidentally
coincides with the Old-French naie, and represents the same word
as no (Anglosaxon ne-a). Compare above the adverb aye, p. 390,
and below ay for yes. In Old-English it is frequently used for no:
Thei seyn simply 36, and nay (MAUNDEV. p. 292.). He . . that
couth not say nay (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 112.). Can he hem thank?
Nay, God wot, never a del (CHAUCER p. 23. II. Tyrwh.). In Mo-
dern-English it is often, like the Latin immo, used in outbiddings:
^Are all prepared?" — They are — nay more — embark'd (L.
BYRON). Also in challenges and exhortations: Nay then! And not
a word said he. — Nay, why so downcast? Jaspar cried (SOUTHEY).
Also the Old-English formula: By ya or nay I (CHAUCER) is still
found in Modern-English: By yea and nay I by my faith! (SHAKSP.
Merry "Wiv. 4, 2. Love's L. L. 1, 1.). Whence the old verb denay^
approaching in sound to the Romance deny.
408 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. 1L
The obsolute affirmation is denoted by the obsolescent yea, Old-
English je (DAME SIRIZ, MAUND.), ye, which still stands frequently
in Skelton, and ya, Anglosaxon gea, etiam, sane, signifies, and is
still commonly opposed to the nay, and is preserved mostly in solemn
speech; but the affirmation is commonly effected by yes, the am-
plified ye, Anglosaxon ge'se, gise, gyse, that is, sane — sit (se —
sie, si). Alongside of it ay, Anglosaxon a = ever, in northern dia-
lects also aw ("Warwickshire), is still in a limited measure current,
to which perhaps the West-English yaw = yes belongs. In the older
writings i is frequently found for it, which has been perhaps pror
duced through the common pronunciation of the ay. Compare WA11
ready?" cried the captain; nAy, ay" the seamen said (WHITTIER).
We may also regard as substitutes for adverbial particles sentences
and elliptical expressions, for which perhaps adverbs might be substi-
tuted, as: may be; howbeit = however; as it were, as't were (SHAKSPEARE)J
as though it were; to wit; to be sure and the like, which sufficiently
betray their original syntactical relation, and penetrate out of the more-
rapid colloquial into the written language.
2) The Preposition.
Prepositions, or words of relation, stand in immediate-
relation to a noun, whose relation to the notion of the activity they
denote in a less general, more closely defined manner than is done
by the case alone. The preposition denotes primarily a relation of
space, is then transferred to the temporal, and finally extended
to causal and modal relations. The more modern and periphrastic
prepositions sometimes have no longer the original reference of thia
part of speech to relations of space.
The English prepositions are mostly founded upon Anglosaxon
ones, which could frequently be combined with two and even three
different cases, whereas in English they all appear with the same
oblique case.
Prepositions are divided, on the one hand, according to their
form, into simple and compound; on the other hand, into those
founded upon ancient particles and those demonstrably founded
upon nouns, with or without prefixed particles. Lastly we may
here place periphrastic forms, serving as substitutes for prepositions.
We accordingly distinguish: a) prepositions proper, or, those
resting upon particles; b) prepositions developed out of nouns; c)
prepositional forms.
a) Prepositions proper are partly simple, partly compound. The
simple ones do not contain derivatives.
1) Simple are:
in, Anglosaxon in, with dat. ace. in, ad, Old-English the same.
In in earless speech sometimes casts off its n, especially before
the article: T the death of darkness (SHAKSPEARE Temp.).
at, Anglosaxon df, with dat. an, in, apud, ab, de.
or?, Anglosaxon on, an, 6, a, with dat. in, cum; with ace. in>
contra, Old-English on, an, a. On is sometimes shortened to o':
A pox o' your throat (SriAKSP. Temp.), where it may inaptly
/. The Parts of Speech. C. Particles. 2) The Preposition. 4Q9
be taken for of, although on and of are interchanged. It frequently
passed into a. Comp.: the adverbs compounded with a, abed &c.
Here belongs also the combination of a with the gerundive sub-
stantive in ing: The spring is near when green geese are a breeding
(SHAKSP. Love's L. L. 1, 1.). There are worthies a coming (5, 2.).
Like a German clock still a repairing, ever out of frame (3, L).
Hence: to be a coming, to fall a trembling &c., to which also:
Having sworn too hsurd-a-keeping oath (SHAKSP. Love's L. L. 1, 1.)
may belong. In Old-English on and a interchange in this case:
Ne non that gothe on beggynge (MAUNDEV. p. 207.); in Chaucer:
to ride on hunting, on hawking, to go a begging &c.
of, Anglosaxon of, af, df, with dat. a, de, ex, Old-English of,
af. The shortening of of into o' is familiar: It is the quality o'
the climate (SHAKSP. Temp.). Because their business still lies
out o' door (Com. of Err.). Mine eyes are made the fools o1 th'
other senses (Macb.). Body o' me! what inn is this! (LONGFEL-
LOW). Hence: a Tom 6 Bedlam, vagabonds, also called Abraham-
man. The popular o' clock rests upon of clock: Four of the clock
it was tho (CHAUCER). Chaunte-clere . . Must tell what is of
the clocke (SKELTON 1,66.). Modern-English: It was almost eight
of the clock (FIELDING). Yet we also say a clock, which seems
to lead back to on; comp. : At twelve aclock at night (BALLAD by
Tarlton 1570.).
o/, is a collateral form of of, now often adverbial. Compare too
offhand— at once, and others. Old-English: pou art mon off strange
lond (Roe. OF GLOUCESTER I. 115.).
up, Anglosaxon up, upp, uppe, adv. sursum; in English also a
genuine preposition opposed to down; compare up hill &c. —
We may here incidentally mention the adverbial upsidedown,
which seems to be a disfigurement of the Old-English upsodown.
by, Anglosaxan be, bi bi, big, c. dat. juxta, ad, in, de. Old-
English be, by, even in Skelton often be: Be my fay! (I. 28.).
for, Anglosaxon for, c. dat., ace.: pro, ante, propter; Old-English
the same.
from, Anglosaxon fram, from, c. dat.. a, ab. Old-En glish/raw,
from, fron (TowNEL. MYST. p. 106.), fro, fra, still fra, frae in
northern dialects. Old-English very often has fro : Fro the by-
gynnyng of pe world (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 9.); along with
from: From oure firste fader Adam (IB.). And so he departed
fro hem (MAUNDEV. p. 225 ). Fro the londe (GowER in HALLI-
WELL s. v. dreint). Fro and fra Chaucer has; fram stands along-
side of from, fro in Piers Ploughman. Fro is now considered an
adverb only.
ivith, Anglosaxon m& (also vid), c. gen., coram, c dat., pone,
juxta, pro, contra, c. ace., ad, juxta. Old-English the same.
till, Anglosaxon, Old-norse til, c. dat., ad; comp. adj. til, aptus.
Old-English til.
to, Anglosaxon to, c. dat., ad. Old-English to; in Modern-En-
lish we distinguish the particles too, in Old-English likewise com-
monly spelt to, from the preposition, Anglosaxon to, as an adverb
insuper. To, which is also joined to the infinitive, is sometimes
410 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Parti. Sect. I L
shortened into t\ especially before vowels: To learn his wit f
exchange the bad for better (SHAKSPEARE Two Gentl. of V.).
Being once perfected how to grant suits. How to deny them, whom
f advance &c. (Temp.).
Here also we may mention the two foreign prepositions, which
have thrust themselves in.
per, Latin per, distributive =for : A man earns 30 shillings per
week, how much does he earn per annum? (CROSSLEY.) If I am
charged 3 pence per mile &c. (ID.). To find the interest of any
sum of money at 6 per cent (ID.); where the mingling of the
Latin per and pro, occurring in Old -French, pour, por shews
itself.
sans, Old-French sans, sanz, still frequently used in Shakspeare,
not merely in an affected manner, now out of use. Old-English
sauz, saunce. Religion saunz rule (PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 263.).
Among the derivative prepositions of this class are to be
reckoned:
ere, poetical as a preposition (SiiAKSP., DRYDEN). Auglosaxon
ser, c. dat. ante, of the same sound as the adverbial comparative
CRT, prius, antea, belonging to dv. Old-English er, or: or this;
or his nativitee (CHAUCER). Ore even in Shakspeare, All's well
&c. 1, 3.
after, Anglosaxon after, c. dat. post, belonging to aft and af, of.
Old-English the same.
over, Anglosaxon ofer, c. dat., ace., ultra, post, to ufa, adv., su-
pra Old-English the same, v is often elided: o'er.
under, Anglosaxon under, c. dat., ace., sub, subter, subtus. Com-
pare Gothic und, ad.
/oatf A = out of, otherwise an adverb. Anglosaxon/onf, inde, still
occurs as a preposition. See L. Byron 2, p. 130. ed. Lips.
through, occasionally abridged thro1. Anglosaxon purh (fmruh,
perh), c. dat, ace., per, propter. Gothic pairh. Old-English thor3,
thurgh, thrughe (PERCY Rel.), poru, thorowe, thorow, thorough &c.
The form thorough occurs now in compounds; Shakspeare still
has it as a preposition: And thorough this distemperature, we see
The seasons alter (Mids. N. Dr. 2, 1.).
since, has developed itself out of the Anglosaxon adverb si&ffan,
sippan, siff&en, se&ffan, also siff&a (from the adverb sifr, serius).
Rob. of Gloucester often has seppe as an adverb; seth is still found
in the fifteenth century. The abridged form sithe, sith, early oc-
curs as a preposition : Sithe the tyme of Sowdan Sahaladyn (MAUN-
DEV. p. 44. ib. 148.). From sithen proceeded on the one hand
the shorter sin, which still survives in dialects, on the other the
amplified genitive form sithenes, sithence, from which since arose.
2) Compounded of particles are:
into, Anglosaxon into. Old-English the same. Old-English also
possessed intil: Turne . . intil oon bileve (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 258.
compare HAVELOK 130.). Compare until.
out of, appear in English disconnected, and might therefore be
compared with the syntactically connected up to, up till, from
under, from among, from beyond &c. ; yet out is, in contradistinc-
1. The Parts of Speech. C. Particles. 2) The Preposition. 4-1 1
tion to the casual connection of other prepositions with an object
already more particularly determined by a preposition, always
accompanied by of. Anglosaxon utof, prep., Matth. 7, 5 &c. Old-
norse utaf, whereas in Anglosaxon ute, ut, extra, also occurs as
a preposition with the dative. In dialects ut is still in use for
out. The combination out of also belongs to Old-English.
until, and unto, are compounds of til and to with the particle,
which answers to the Gothic unte, Old- Anglosaxon unti, Old-High-
dutch unzi. Compare Old-Highdutch unz ze = unto.
upon, Anglosaxon uppan, uppon, c. dat., ace., super, post, contra.
Old-English upon, apon.
underneath, Anglosaxon underneo&an, and beneath, Anglosaxon
beneo&an, beni&an, from the adverb neoffan, deorsum. Old-English
undernethe, bineihen, bynethe. The simple neaih in the same meaning
is considered an abbreviation: And 'neath her bodice of bright
scarlet dye Convulsive clasps it to her heart (LONGFELLOW). The
snowbird twittered on the beechen bough And 'neath the hemlock
(BRYANT).
afore, Anglosaxon onforan, c. ace., and before. Anglosaxon be-
foran, c. dat., ace., ante, coram. Old-English aforen, aforne, afore
and beforen, beforne, before. The Old-English toforn, tofore is lost
as a preposition. Anglosaxon toforan, to/or, c. dat., ante, coram,
pro: Tofore alle opere (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 2.). At Sales-
bury touore hym (II. 377.). Lyveris toforn us (before us living)
(PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 235.). The simple fore is treated as an ab-
breviation: Places the ransomed child, new born, ''fore the face
of its father (LONGFELLOW)
behind, Anglosaxon behindan, adv. retro, post. Old-English be-
hynde. The older dialects and northern ones even now have
ahini.
beyond, Anglosaxon becjeondan, c. ace., according to Boswell also
begeond, trans, ultra. Old-English bigende (DAME SIRIZ p. 5.),
bigunde (HALLIWKLL s. v.), biyonde. beyond.
but, is commonly no longer regarded as a preposition, but is
decidedly such in sentences. like: All but one were lost (SMITH).
Anglosaxon butan = be titan, c. dat., sine, praeter. Old-English
but, often bout (compare about), as still in northern dialects bout
= without.
within, Anglosaxon m&innan, from viff prep., c. dat , ace. and
innan, in use in the compound as an adverb; Old-English with-
inne.
without, Anglosaxon vi&utan, from viff prep., c. dat., ace., and
u'an, likewise current in the compound as an adverb. Old-English
withouten, withowlen, withhouten (DAME SIRIZ p. 7.)
throughout, an Old-English compound: poru out. al (Roe. OF
GLOUCESTER II. 377.). Thorghe out many othere iles ((MAUNDEV.
p. 4.). thurghout &c.
Compounded of three particles are:
above, Anglosaxon bufan = be ufan, c. dat., supra, with the pre-
fixed preposition a, compare dbiitan. Old -English abufe, abuf
(TowNEL. MYST.), aboven, above, aboon, abone, abowen, abowe^
412 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. IL
aboun &c. The old bove is likewise found in early times: Bi hours
Loverd, hevene king, That ous is bovel (DAME SIRIZ p. 5.). In
modern times ''bove appears as an abbreviation of above: His bold
head ''Bove the contentious waves he kept (SHAKSP. Temp.).
about, Anglosaxon prep, dbutan = d be utan, along with which
butan; c. dat, sine, praeter (see but). OldEnglish aboulen (still
in use in the East of Sussex), abowght. &c. : Abouten Inde (MAUN-
DEV, p. 4.). The crounes . . aboulen here hedes (p. 188 ). Beren
beighes . . Abouten hire nekkes (PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 10.). Abouten
prime (CHAUCER 2191.). In the dialects of the North of England
however abut is equal to but. — 'bout is shortened from about:
In troops I have dispers'd them 'bout the isle (SHAKSP. Temp.),
b) Prepositions arising from Nouns.
The oldest and most important amongst these are compounded
of particles and nouns, and their appearance without a particle is
mostly to be considered as arising from the rejection of the latter.
1) Compound particles of this sort arise
from substantives:
among, amongst, the latter of which forms, like similar ones,
has arisen from the older form with a (genitive) s by the adop-
tion of an inorganic t (comp. against, amidst). Anglosaxon dmang,
onmang, c. dat., inter, cum, apud, from the subst. mang, mixtura.
Old-English amang (ROB. OF BRUNNE, Scottish and in dialects of
the North of England), among, emang, amonges, emonges, emongs
(JACK JUGLER), also emongst. The form in es is old, for instance
in Maundeville, Piers Ploughman and Chaucer. The a is often
thrown off in Modern-English: No marrying 'mong his subjects
(SHAKSP. Temp.). The keenest eye might search in vain, 'Mong
briers . . For the spot &c. (BRYANT). The ways that wind Amongst
the proud piles (ID.).
adown, Anglosaxon ddune, adv. deorsum, from the subst. dunt
mons. Old-English adown, adoune; frequently simply down. Old-
English dounj (ROB. OF GLOUCESTER p. 208 in HALLIWELL s. v.).
across. Old-norse kross = Latin crux, Old-French croiz, cruiz,
cruz; Smart even cites the simple cross as a preposition. Across
as a preposition seems to belong to modern times.
against, Anglosaxon ongegn, ongen, dgen; c. ace., contra, adver-
sus, alongside of the simple gdgn, gen, adverb, which appears as
an accusative. Besides that togegnes, logenes stands as a prepo-
sition, c. dat., ace., contra. Old-English frequently ajen, ajeyn,
agein, ageyne, again as a preposition from Rob. of Gloucester to
Skelton, also with the meaning e regione: Ajeyn Fraunce stoude
pe contre of Chichestre (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 6.); like over
against now; also = towards : To riden again the quene (CHAUCER
4811.); alongside thereof againes, ageins, agens (Scottish aganis),
ayenst is an Old-English form: Many other dy verse schapp, ajenst
kynde (MAUNDEV. p. 223.). It stands abbreviated as 'gainst:
'Gainst form and order they their power employ (DRYDEN). ,,A11
the nations . . are loud in wrath against thee". — ^Gainst me!"
(L. BYRON). — Gain; gainer; gainest, near; nearer; nearest is in
use dialectically as an adjective in the North of England, and occurs
1. The Parts of Speech. C. Particles. 2) The Preposition. 413
also, in other significations, as: easy, dexterous, convenient. Com-
pare Anglosaxon adverb ungdgne, inepte. The simple gain, contra,
is still found in a few compounds.
beside, besides, Anglosaxon be sidan, ad latus. The form besides
is not, as Halliwell thinks, inferior to the others in age. Comp.
Old-English: Bi stjde Scotland hem gef a place (Roe. OF GLOU-
CESTER 1. 143.). Bysydes hym (283).
often from adjectives.
amid, amidst, Anglosaxon: a form amidd, amid from the adj. middj
medius is wanting; on the other hand to middes; c. gen., dat.,
inter, according to Bosworth also on middan, d middan, in media
parte, compare Old-norse d medan, interim. Like the gen. sing,
neutr. middes, the dat. plur. middum was also used as an adverb
in medio. Old-English has early amid, amyd, amydde and amid-
des ; middes is here even regarded as a substantive: Amiddes of
the tempul (CHAUCER 2011.). In pe middes of pe world (Ros.
OF GLOUCESTER I. 6J.); whence the substantive midst; and in mid-
des is likewise used prepositionally: Men setten him . . in middes
the place of his tent (MAUNDEV. p. 253.).
As abbreviations 'mid, 'midst occur, to which however the mark
of elision is often not prefixed: A youth, who bore, ""mid snow
and ice, A banner with the strange device: Excelsior! (LONG-
FELLOW). The clear pure lymph, That from the wounded trees
. . Falls, mid the golden brightness of the moon, Is gathered in
(BRYANT). Whither, midst falling dew . . dost thou pursue The
solitary way? (ID.).
With the now lost preposition mid, Anglosaxon mid, c. dat.
cum, this mid has nothing in common. Compare Old-English : Hors
and Hengist . . Come to Kent . . Mijd pre schipful of kny3tes
(RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 111.).
anent = opposite to, concerning, about, which modern
lexicographers denote a Scotticism, is an Old-English as well as
Scottish word. Its fundamental form is anen, its fundamental
meaning, opposite. Anglosaxon on efn, on emn, e regione, contra,
from the adj. efen. Compare Old-English: And anen that vale of
Josaphate . . is the chirche of seynt Stevene (MAUNDEV. p. 80.).
With anen is primarily connected anens (also anense, HALLI-
WELL v. anenst; onence ID. s. v.}, comp. also afore nens, perhaps
always to be spelt a/or enens = opposite to and the Old-English
and Scottish anenst, still enenst, forenenst in northern dialects.
An amplification by an unorganic t gave anent. (now especially in
Lancashire, Derbyshire &c.) anont in Wiltshire, also foranent. in
the North of England, to which the primive genitive es was early
appended, aneyntes, anentis: Unto aneyntes Egipt and toward
Ethiope (MAUNDEV. p. 143.). Alle that comen aneyntes hem (p. 298.).
An other literary from is anends. See Craven Dialect. I. p. 8.
The form in es is found even in the Anglosaxon to emnes, plane.
Compare moreover the Old-Highdutch in e'ban = meaning beside.
along, dialectically and Old-English also alongsl. (HALLIWELL
s. v.), is deformed from the Anglosaxon andlang, c. gen., in Ion-
gum, per. Old-English endelong: Endelong Bretaigne and the like.
414 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 11.
(CHAUCER), see above p. 404. Along is not to be confounded
with the simple long, which is used with the accusative with
reference to time, and may be regarded as a preposition (although
placed after the noun): The nightingale shall cease to chant the
evening long (BRYANT).
athwart, also overthwart, even in MAUNDEV. p. 211., also as an
adjective in Skelton I. 27., see p. 392. aslant and askaunt, as-
kaunce the same, see the corresponding adverbs p. 405.
around, along with which the simple round occurs, is formed
after the Old-French roond, round, reond, Old-English also aroun
(KYNG ALISAUNDER 6603.), as still in northern dialects. The En-
glish formation perhaps leaned upon the Old-French a la roonde,
a la reonde.
below. See the adverb p. 405.
between and betwixt. Between arises from the Anglosaxon be
tvednum (dat. plur. from the substantive tveona, tvyna = interstes),
also betvynan (dat. sing.), which stands as a preposition with the
dative; this form belongs therefore properly to the substantive
forms. Old-English betwene, along with which also atwene, attween,
occured, which still survives in atween, especially in the North of
England. Even the mere twene was used as a preposition : Twene
hope and drede My lyfe I lede (SKELTON I. 424.). Betwixt rests
upon the Anglosaxon betvihs, betveohs, betveox, betvux, alongside of
which betvuxt occurred, c. dat., ace., inter; a simpler form was
betvih, inter, belonging to the adv. tvih, intra, from tvi, duo. Old-
English betwix and betwixen, betwixt, alongside whereof also ativix,
atwixen, atwixt, the latter whereof is still in use, for example, in
Suffolk. The Promptorium Parvulorum (sec. XV.) has atwexyn,
atwyxyne, atwyxt. — Betwixt often appears shortened into 'iwixt:
The time ''twixt six and now (SHAKSP. Temp.). And 'twixt the
heavy swaths his children were at play (BRYANT).
toward, towards, gen. Anglosaxon toveardes, c. dat., versus, be-
longing to the adj. veard, vergens (only in compounds), whence
<dveard = futurus. Old-English toward alongside of towardes. In
Old-English both elements of the compound were often separated
by the substantive referred to them: To wodewarde wyll I flee
(PERCY Rel. p. 98. II.). To Dovere ward (p. 90. II.). To Thebes
ward; to Troie wardes &c. (CHAUCER). To me warde (SKELTON
I. 46.). Hence even in Modern-English: I take my course To
se&warde (TURBEVILE'S Ovid. 1567.). To God ward ('2 Cor. 3, 4.);
with which the substantive forms are allied, as in: That vessel
to the windward yonder (LONGFELLOW). The mountains piled to
the northward (WHITTIER).
Moreover ward was also compounded with other prepositions:
As fram ward Teukesburi (Ros. OF GLOUCESTER II. 543.). From
Burdeux ward (CHAUCER 399.). Thi (thou?) lexst amidward thi
teth "thou liest through thy teeth" (Qy OF WARWIKE p. 154.).
An imitation of a Romance form is withal, which from olden
times has followed its substantive, retaining however the effect of
a preposition. Old-English: Ony mon . . that him list to speke
with alle (MAUNDEV. p. 24.). Modern-English: A merrier man . .
1. The Parts of Speech. C. Particles. 2) The Preposition. 415
I never spent an hour's talk withal (SHAKSP. Love's L. L. 2, 1.).
The best rule of life that, ever the world was acquainted withal
(TILLOTSON). It answers to the Old-French a lot, a (oz. We
may regard al as well as tot as strengthening of with, a.
2) Some simple and compound nouns, in which however the
compounding does not entail the prepositional character, may, in
connection with the oblique case, pass as prepositions. They are
in part borrowed or imitated from the Old-French.
The prepositional employment of nigh, near (next), Anglosaxon
neah; c. dat. prope, juxta, rests upon Anglosaxon usage, and also
answers to the Highdutch naechsl as a preposition.
save, saving, Old-French salf, sauf, salv &c., also for hormis,
excepte. Old-English sauf, save and saving (CHAUCER) in the
same meaning: No man might gladen this duk Theseus Saving
his olde fader (2839. Tyrwh.). The popular forms saving your
reverence, saving your presence, wherein saving may be rendered
by without prejudice to (SHAKSPEARE Rom. 1, 4.), are old forms
of courtesy or of exculpation for undue speech.
traverse. Old-French tracers, a 'preposition, also without the
addition of a, de or en.
Participles of the present, as during, Old-French durant ; not-
withstanding, Old-French nonostant, nonobstant; touching, concer-
ning, respecting, French touchant, concernant &c. are imitations of
Romance forms. Old-English has taken up similar forms directly,
as moyenauntjOld-Yiench moyennant.
Participles of the past also occur thus: the originally Anglo-
saxon ago, always following its substantive, works prepositionally
from olden times with the meaning since; properly, passed, from
the Anglosaxon agangan, agan, praeterire. Old-English agon. I
have here with my cosin Palamon Had strif and rancour many a
day agon (CHAUCER 2785. Tyrwh. i-gon Wright). Even in Shak-
speare agone: Above an hour agone. Romance forms are except,
French excepte; past = beyond, above, after, which is attached to
the French passe; in use in olden times: It is past all remedye
(SKELTON Merie Tales.).
Even the Romance maugre, in compound formed into a sub-
stantive, still in use, at least in burlesque speech, is frequent in
Old-English: Maugre the Philistins ofthatcitee; maugre his head;
maugre thin eyen; also maugre his (CHAUCER). Occasionally
maugre, magre, mauger operates as a substantive: In the mauger
of doughte Dogles (PERCY Rel. p. 2.). Magre of our beard (see
DYCE ed. SKELTON I. p. CXIL); so that it coincides with spite,
despite, Old-French despit, used in like manner: Then must I save
him Spile of himself (L. BYRON). He gazed — how long we gaze
despite of pain, And know, we dare not own, we gaze in vain
(ID.); for which the periphrastic in spile, Old-French en despit,
stands. Compare Old-English: In the spyt of me PERCY Rel. p. 2.).
c) Prepositional forms:
We reckon here those combinations of substantives with prepo-
sitions, operating approximately as prepositions, in which the sub-
stantive as such remains effective, and therefore only appears with
416 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. II.
the intervention of the case preposition of, or combined with a
genitive or a possessive pronoun. They are by no means all mo-
dern formations, but are attached partly to Anglosaxon and Old-
French forms.
1) To Germanic manners of expression are attached:
in behalf (of), occasionally on behalf, also with the possessive
pronoun: In my behalf, on his behalf &c. Anglosaxon healf, half,
yet Oldfrieslandish bihalva, Hollandish behalven, praeter. Old-
English on («) . . halfe &c., yet also on . . behalve: Come in, on
Godes halfe (CHEST. PLAYS). It shall not lacke certaine on mine
halve, properly on myside (CHAUCER Troil. a. Cress. IV. 945.).
On Goddes halfe\ (SKELTON I. 128.). And commaunded hem, on
Goddes behalve &c. (MAUNDEV. p. 225.).
instead (of), also in his slead, along with instead of him. An-
glosaxon in (on) stede, in loco, instar (LYE). Old-English in stede,
also in hys stede.
on this side, on the other side (of). Compare the Anglosaxon
on eallum sidum. On this side is treated quite as a preposition
and combined with the oblique case: On this side the Rhine etc.
Benedict, I fear, has views on this side heav'n (H. WALPOLE).
Old-English rather used on this half in like manner: On this half
the see (MAUNDEV. p. 20 ). Alle the londes and contrees on this
half the mount Belyan (p. 227.). Dialectically a this side is also
used of time: a this side Christmas.
by way (of). Comp. by way of apology. Anglosaxon veg, via.
Old-norse veqna (gen.), propter, pro.
by dint (of). Anglosaxon dynt, ictus, percussio, comp. Hollan-
dish uit kracht, perhaps formed upon the French a force de. Dint
is familiar to Old-English and Old-Scottish for blow, stroke.
for the sake (of), often with the Saxon genitive and the pos-
sessive pronoun: for God's sake, for glory's sake, for your sake
&c. Old-norse fyrir sakir also merely sokum (dat. plur ) propter.
The Anglosaxon saca was not thus employed, but instead of it
ping: for mines vifes pingum, uxoris meae causa; for minum pin-
gum, mea causa. Old-English: For mercies sake (PIERS PLOUGHM.
p. 188.). For my promise sake I forgeue thee (SKELTON Merie
Tales). Sake appears also in the plural in reference to several:
For both our sakes (SHAKSP. Taming of the Shrew 5, 2.). For
your fair sakes have we neglected time (Love's L. L. 5, 2.). For
our own sakes And for our honour (L. BYRON). But once in,
with their hilts hot. in their hands, They must on for their own
sakes (ID.).
2) With Romance forms are ranked:
in lieu (of), French au lieu de, assimilated to the Germanic in-
stead: In lieu of the promises (SHAKSPEARE Temp.), also in Lord
Byron.
in regard (of), Old-French ou regard belles (AMYOT).
in front (of), = French en face de.
in (by) virtue (of), French en vertu de.
in spite, despite (of), Old-French en despit de. Old-English in
the spyt of. See above.
1. The Parts of Speech. C. The Particles. 3) Conjunctions. 417
in consequence (of), French en consequence de,
on account (of). Compare French mettre, passer en compte.
by means (of), French au moyen de. Compare: Diuers other
gentlemen bidden thither by Skeltons means (DYCE ed. SKELTON
I. p. Ixxxv.).
by reason (of), French a raison de.
because (of), dialectically also cause, French a cause de. Because
has been in use from olden times, and is found in Chaucer.
Here also are reckoned Gerunds to which the object is an-
nexed with to, as, owing (to), Old-English also awing (Anglosaxon
•agan, habere, potiri), in which meaning in Old-English and even
later long of was used: It was not long of me, in faith, That I
went at this time (GAULFRIDO AND BAKNARDO 1570.). Compare
Anglosaxon gelang (on, at), pertinens ad. Here also belongs ac-
cording (to), from the old verb accorden, acorden and the like.
Many simple and compound Anglosaxon prepositions have been aban-
doned in English, or only preserved in a few compounds. Old-English
still possessed some of them: edc as a preposition c. dat. connected
cardinal with ordinal numbers, Old-English eke, etiam, operated only as
a conjunction. — ymbe, ymb, imbe, embe, emb, c. ace. circa, intra,
erga, Modern-Highdutch urn. Old-English umbe, umbi, urn, frequent in.
compounds: umbeclappe, umbeset, umbethinke, umgife, amthynke, umshade
£c. — od c. gen., dat , ace , usque ad, compare Old-Highdutch unz. —
mid (mid) c dat. cum, Old-norse med, Old-English mid (see amid), fre-
quent as a preposition in ROB. OF GLOUCESTER. Compare KYNG ALI-
SAUNDER 852. — geond c. ace. ultra, still in northern dialects yont (see
beyond). — hinder c. dat. post, now used adjectively. — Old-norse *m«7-
lum, amillum, Danish imellem, Swedish emellern, between, among. Old-
English ymelle, ymell, emelle, abandoned in Modern-English. — innan,
c. dat., ace. in. Old-English inne as an adverb, as also in Anglosaxon.
binnan, binnon, c. dat in, intra. Old-English binne, byn (Rixson)
= within. In Yorkshire ben is still used for in, into ; on the other hand
bin passes in Somerset for because, which perhaps belongs here. — onin,
oninnan (intus, intra), onufan, onufon and onuppan (super, supra) seem
not imitated, whereas inat for instance, is connected (PERCY Rel. p. 3,
2.). — utan, uton, c. dat. extra, Old-English outen, uten, still dialecti-
cally, partly adjectively in use for foreign, strange The compounds
utanymb and ymbutan seem not imitated. — baftan, c dat. post, sine,
may be contained in the Old-English baft, in the sense of abaft —
viffgeondan, circa, toedc and toedcan, c. dat. praeter, insuper, gehende,
c. dat. apud, and others are wanting in English. Other Anglosaxott pre-
positions have been mentioned above.
3) The Conjunction.
Those particles which constitute the bond of sentences, and, ac-
cordingly, in contraction, of the members of a sentence, are called
conjunctions.
We distinguish those conjunctions which ^connect sentences gram-
matically homogeneous, as conjunctions in the stricter sense,
from subordinating conjunctions, which originally connect the
subordinate with the principal sentence.
English conjunctions, with trifling exceptions, spring from the
Anglosaxon. There appear among them, besides the particles serving
Miitzner. engl. Gr. I. 07
418 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 11.
solely to connect sentences, prepositions and adverbs also, which
undertake allied functions.
a) Coordinating conjunctions, or conjunctions in the stricter
sense.
1) They are first copulative, if they link together sentences
homogeneous in form. Here belong and, Anglosaxon and, et,
etiam, Old-English and, sometimes mutilated to a, as even now
in dialects (HALLIWELL v. a. 14.). — also, Anglosaxon ealsva,
alsva, sic, etiam, Old-English alswa, alsway (TOWNEL. MYST.),
also, alse, als (comp. below as), beside which stands likewise,
from the Anglosaxon gelic and vise, comp. Old-English ylyche,
iliche, Auglosaxon gelice, pariter. -- eke is obsolete, (SHAKSP.),
Anglosaxon eac, ec, etiam, Old-English from ekyn, compare An-
glosaxon to eacan, insuper. - - too, Anglosaxon to, prep, and
adv., insuper, Old-English to, too. — besides and beside (see pre-
positions); withal (see prepositions) and therewithal, comp. An-
glosaxon pservi6, cum eo; moreover, formed from the Anglosaxon
mara and the preposition ofer, comp. Anglosaxon paerofer, dialect.
moreover than that; also mover (WixiiALs); .further, Anglosaxon
furfror, ulterius, Old-English forther, further, and furthermore
(Bible) and others may likewise be regarded as substitutes for
conjunctions. In the comparative sense stands even, Anglosaxon
efne, aeque, plane, ecce, Old-English even. — Also now, now,
Anglosaxon nu or nu, Old-English now, may prolong the dis-
course connectingly and subsumingly. The numeral adverbs first,
firstly, secondly &c., lastly, and finally corresponding with this in
meaning, may likewise be regarded as connecting particles, al-
though adverbs, strictly taken, prolong the discourse asyndetically
and may therefore mostly take and before them.
With a reciprocal relation of sentences or members of a
sentence and often appears along with other particles ; thus, in
both . . and, where both comprehends both members, although
not always standing in a direct relation with them, and which
appear united by and. The manner of expression is old. An-
glosaxon: Bd tvd Adam and Eva (Gen. 26, 35.). Old-English
Bothe pees and werre, Blisse and bale bolhe I seigh (PiERS
PLOITGHM. p. 222.). Bothe to kith and to kyn (268.). Compare
Middle-Highdutch beidiu, unde (BENECKE). The members are
joined by also instead of by and (SMART). The comprehension
of the members is also effected by at once (sirnul), to which and
is given as their union. It is otherwise with alike . . and, which
exactly answers to the Latin pariter atque, Anglosaxon gelice . .
and. The connections by what . . what, what . . and are also
old, more completely what . . and what, properly, something . .
something, that is partly . .'partly, corresponding to the Anglo-
saxon hvat, aliquid. Old-English: But what for the yles, what,
for the see, and what for strong rowynge, fewe folk assayen for
to passen that passage (MAUNDEV. p. 306.). In this firste host
is the nombre of poeple 50 Cumaunez; what of hors, what of
fote (p. 240.). Wat vor honger, wat vor wo, men deyde (Ros.
OF GLOUCESTER II. 378.). They shall . . yeve hem such than-
1. The Parts of Speech. C. The Particles. 3) Conjunctions. 419
kinges what, with kissing, and with talkinges (CiiArcER p. 255
Tyrwh.). -- not only . . but also, seems to be assimilated to the
Romance non-seulement . . mais encore, Latin non solum . . sed
etiam; but answers to the Anglosaxon conjunction but an, nisi,
therefore properly: not only. As well . . as, as well as, operates
similarly, wherein properly a modal junction of sentences is con-
tained. Anglosaxon presents sva gelic sva, pariter ac. Old-En-
glish has early the ealsvd and vela, vel based upon als, as wel
as: Als wel on hors back . . as on fote (MAUNDEV. p. 249.).
The wommen weren breech as wel as men (p. 250.).
Negative sentences are connected by the almost forgotten ne,
Anglosaxon ne, neque (see p. 406.), now commonly by nor, for
which neither also occurs. This nor, as well as neither is the
Anglosaxon uahvader, nafror, nacter, neque: Ye shall not eat of
it, neither shall ye touch it (SMART). Neither . . nor commonly
appear in reciprocal relation. In Old-English for neither the
forms nouther, nolher appear, yet also neither, also neydur (EcLA-
MOUR 883.), as still in northern dialects uqjvther, nawther, nother,
neither and nowdir, which, as in the Anglosaxon ndobr with ne,
often entered into reciprocal relation with ne: Nouther be day
ne be nyght (MAUNDEV. p. 303.). Nother after his death ne in
his lif (CHAUCER p. 76. II. Tyrwh.). That han neither konnynge
ne kyn (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 220.). Yet nother is also early re-
peated, and in the second member often assumes the shorter
form nor: For measure is a meane, nother to hy nor to lawe
(SKELTON I. 231.). In the form neither it also appears repeated :
Neither in this world, neither in the world to come (MATTH. 12,
32.), which is censured by moderns. There also appear nor . . nor
in reciprocal relation, especially in poets: Ye knew nor me, nor
monarchs, nor mankind (L. BYRON). Etymologically considered
all these forms are equally justified.
2) Disjunctive conjunctions announce that only one of the limbs
is valid. Here belongs or, Anglosaxon ahvaffer, avfrer, acfor, afrer,
alteruter, Old-English outher, other, or, also ather, as still in
Yorkshire, aythere (TOWNEL. MYST.), formed quite analogously
to nouther, nolher, nor, to which else, Anglosaxon elles, Old-En-
glish also elle, is given as an augmentative, which also operates
disjunctively: Be quiet, else be gone. It commonly enters into
reciprocal relation as either . . or, in both which forms the same
word is to be recognized. Here too Old-English mostly pre-
ferred the shorter form in the second limb. Comp. Old-English :
A tale outher tweye (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 167.). Oper he smot
of pe arm, or pe hond, or pe heued (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 17.).
Outher here or ellis where (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 280.). The use
of or . . or is still poetical: To try whose right, Or thine or
mine, is most in Helena (SHAKSPEARE Mids. N. Dr. 3, 2.). That
were heroic or to win or fall (L. BYRON). The Anglosaxon o&ffe,
aut, in reciprocal relation o&ffe . . od&e, was abandoned.
3) Adversative conjunctions oppose the connected limb, limitingly
or negatively, to another. Here belong but, Anglosaxon butan,
as a preposition sine, praeter, as a conjunction, nisi, which has
27*
420 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. IL
taken the place of the ac still widely diffused in Old-English
(RoB. OF GLOUCESTER, PIERS PLOL'GHM. &c.), ak (WRIGHT Po-
litic. Songs p. 211.), acke (HALLIWELL s. v.)} oc (BEVES OF
HAMTOUN p. 61.), Auglosaxon ac (oc, ac, 6c, Gothic ak). sed, at,
as the Anglosaxon vitodlice, sed, vero and sofrvhadere, verum-
tamen were abandoned. On the other hand yet (also combined
with and and but), Anglosaxon git, get, geot, ge'ta, mine, adhuc,
which appeared augnientatively before comparatives, git, svicFor,
^.dhuc melius, and some compounds came in, as, nevertheless,
Old-English also natheles, developed from the Anglosaxon naefre
and na py (pe) las, nunquam (minime) eo minus and correspond-
ing to the Old -French ueantmoins; notwithstanding, from the
Anglosaxou vicTstandan, and assimilated to the Old-French no-
nostant; however, formed from the Anglosaxon hve, hvy, hu, the
instrumental of hvdt and cefre, properly an elliptical sentence,
as it appears complete in howbeit (formerly abbreviated as howbe).
The hybrids meantime, meanwhile, from the Old-French meien
and the Anglosaxon tima and hvil may also be used adversa-
tively. Compare the French cependanf.
4) Causal conjunctions are those which indicate that the annexed
sentence contains the cause or the consequence of another.
The preposition for used to combine sentences serves to denote
the cause; essentially it annexes a subordinate sentence, which
however, sometimes receives a freer position and seems to pass
into a principal sentence. We may compare it with the French,
var, likewise originally annexing the subordinate sentence. Old-
English often denoted the sentence introduced by for, as a sub-
ordinate sentence, by the collocation of the words: pe Picars
were wroth eke . . For he inyd such vnkyn dede heore felawes
slow (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 110.).
A conclusion is mostly annexed by primitive pronominal
adverbs, as hence, therefore and thereupon, both which seem, both
in composition and application, unknown to Anglosaxon (also
thereon, Anglosaxon paeron, in eo), whereas the now obsolete
forthy = therefore, in Anglosaxon for py, igitur, ea causa, Old-
English for thi, forthy, undertook the same function, although,
in spite of its originally demonstrative character, it penetrated
into the subordinate sentence in Anglosaxon with the meaning
quia. Old-English also used forfhan, Anglosaxon for pam, propter
ea, forpan, forpon, igitur. Further, Modern-English employs also
the adverb then, Anglosaxon ponne, penne, also substituted for
ergo, igitur, and so, Anglosaxon sva, sic, ita, which also occurs
combined with then (so then), although it frequently, like the
Old-French si, serves only to lead on the discourse with more
emphatic reference to what precedes. Adverbs like accordingly
&c. are properly to be passed over here,
b) Subordinating Conjunctions:
They serve to connect the substantive sentence with the
adverbial sentence, whereas in the adjective sentence the
relative pronouns at the same time take the function of subordinate
conjunctions.
/. The Parts of Speech. C. The Particles. 3) Conjunctions. 421
1) To connect the substantive sentence with its (absolute or
relative) principal sentence the conjunction that, pat, quod, ut,
primarily serves. But this conjunction is in English, in the most
comprehensive sense, the conjunction of the subordinate sentence
generally, so that it was once attached to almost all conjunctions,,
as it still is or may be subjoined to some, a phenomenon which
•will be discussed in the Syntax, therefore is not considered
here.
Negative sentences of this class are also introduced by
lest, quin, quominus, Anglosaxon last, minime, Old-English least,
• leste, especially after verbs of apprehension. Anglosaxon used
pe las, and pe las pe for quo minus, ne, wherein the appended
pe is not to be regarded as the cause of the t. The t might be
an inorganic letter, but it seems more natural to derive it from
the form of the adverbial superlative, which, after the abandon-
ment of the pe, eo, quo, like the Latin minime, was adapted to
represent the negation ne. Thus too but (see above) is employed,
particularly after the notion of doubt.
In indirect questions, which belong here, stands if, An-
glosaxon gif, si, not num, like the Old-Hi ghdutch ibu, Old-English
gif, 3ef, 3ife, if &c., for which also whether, which was in use in
Anglosaxon, hvafFer, utrum, an, still sometimes occurs: People,
who came to learn whether the bad news was true (MACAULAY);
although commonly whether . . or, is used in double question.
In the direct question the Anglosaxon employed cvist pu, for
num, which has been abandoned in English. Whether appears
moreover sometimes in the compressed form wlte'r: Whe'r thou
beest or no (SHAKSPEARE Temp. 5, 1.); wher.
With the lower people the primitive interrogative particle how,
also in the combination as how, is sometimes substituted for the
particle of the substantive sentence that, with which we may
compare the French comme, comme quoi.
2) The adverbial sentence, which contains adverbial determi-
nations of the predicate of the principal sentence in the form of
a subordinate sentence, is divided into several sorts.
a) It serves to determine place. Sentences of this sort are
annexed by relative adverbs of place.
|3) It contains a determination of time.
Sentences which specify the When? in general as a space
of time, or point of time of an activity, are introduced by
when, Anglosaxon hvenne, hvanne, hvonne, quando, Old-English
whanne, whan, wan, which formerly also appeared in the com-
bination whenas (MILTON), and generalized, by whenever, when-
soever &c. The Anglosaxon ponne, penne, quando, was given
up ; on the other hand the Anglosaxon pa, pa pe, quando, quum
survived in the Old-English tho, tha: po pis folk was on lond,
forp into Kent hit drow (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 111.). Sori
ich am, quop Vortiger po he herde pis (p. 113.). pis was po
in Engolond Britones were (p. 2 ). The properly modal as,
Anglosaxon ealsva, Old-English als, as, is also substituted for
the temporal conjunction.
422 Jtoctn'n? of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forma. Part I. Sect. II.
To denote duration while, whilst, from the Anglosaxon hvil,
hvile, tempus, serve, whence pa hvile and pa hvile pe, quam
diu, for which in Old-English whiU, whiles was also early in
use: Wlcils that the peple of Israel passeden the see (MAUNDEV.
p. 85.). Whiles (as long as) I am on your side (SKELTON I.
37.), in which I take the s to be a plural (comp. Anglosaxon
hvilum, hvilon, dat. plur. aliquando). The form, connecting the
later whilst also occurs in Modern-English, for instance, often
in Shakspeare: It so falls out, That what we have we prize
not to the worth, whiles we enjoy it (Much Ado etc.). And
here you sty me In this hard rock, whiles yon do keep from
me The rest o'th'island (Temp.). While moreover formerly
served instead of until, as even now in Yorkshire. See Craven
Dialect. 2. p. 254. Modal forms serve to determine the limits
more particularly, as as long as, Anglosaxon sva lange sva &c.
Coincidence in a point of time is expressed by an ori-
ginally modal joint of a sentence: as soon as. Anglosaxon sona
sva, soua, pas pe, statim exquo. Old-English as sone as, at
the same time answering to the Old-French si tost comme,
alongside whereof a comparative joint no sooner . . than occurs,
Comp. French pas plus tot que.
Extension of an activity from a limiting point is denoted
by since, Anglosaxon sicTpan &c., as a conjunction ex quo, post-
quam (see p. 410.); duration up to a point of time by till,
Anglosaxon til, donee (Chron. Sax. 1140.). and the compound
until, see p. 409., whereas the Anglosaxon o& along with 63" pe,
off pat, donee also used as a conjunction, was abandoned.
If the activity which precedes that of the principal sentence
is denoted by the subordinate sentence, the latter is introduced
by after, Anglosaxon after pam pe, but which stands also for
quemadmodum (see the preposition after, p. 410.). If the suc-
ceeding activity is expressed in the subordinate sentence, it
is preceded by ere, Anglosaxon ser pe, ser pam pe, ser pon pe,
priusquam; Old-English er, ere, or. Or for ere also occurs in
Modern-English of early times: I . . return Or e'er your pulse
twice beat (SHAKSPEARE Temp,), as still in northern dialects.
Instead of ere, before also appears. Even Old-English used the
preposition beforne, beforn, before (that) in this case, but com-
monly gave in addition that, but also sometimes or: Beft.re or
thei resceyve hem (MAUNDEV. p. 83.).
7) Further, the adverbial sentence serves as the expression of
determinations of causality, and denotes the cause or the con-
sequence of the activity predicated in the principal sentence.
1) The causal sentence in the narrower sense, which speci-
fies the causal fact, is introduced by for, Anglosaxon for pam,
for pam pe, quia. Old-English for (that) and forthy, Anglo-
Saxon for py, for p}r pe, quia (see p. 420.), along with which
also in that, and the mere that, quod, occur in the causal sen-
tence. The particle of time since, obsolete sith, postquam, has
also been employed from of old, to which, however, as to the
French tandis que, an adversative relation is frequently given.
/. The Parts of Speech. C. The Particles. 3) Conjunctions. 423
Old-English: Why menestow thi mood for a mote in thi bro-
theres eighe Siihen a beem in thyn owene Ablyndeth thiselve
(PiERS PLOUGHM. p 189.). Alas! that a cristene creature Shal
be unkynde til another Syn Jewes . . Eyther of hem helpeth
other (p. 164.). The modal as, and therewith whereas likewise
stands with an adversative relation.
2) The conditional sentence, which contains a supposi-
tion or assumed cause, is introduced by if (see p. 421.).
Formerly the conjunction and, an was widely diffused in Old-
English and Old-Scottish instead of if, which is nothing else
than and, and hence is frequently expressed in Old-English
by &c. It answers to the Middle-Highdutch wide in conditional
and concessive sentences. See Benecke's Dictionary p. 186.
Compare Old-English: And myghte kisse the kyng for cosyn
And she wolde (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 36.). The pecok, and
men pursue hym, May noght flee heighe (p. 242.). But and
sche have children with him, thei leten hire lyve (MAUNDEV.
p. 171.). An frequently stands for and in Rob. of Gloucester.
And and an are not only in extensive use in dialects with the
common people, especially in Lancashire and Westmoreland,
but are also to be met with in Modern-English literature: Why,
an I were &c. (BEN JONSON). We steal by line and level
anoTt like your grace (SHAKSPEARE Temp.). An a may catch
your hide and you alone (King J. 2, 1.). Frequently an is
combined with if: I pray thee, Launce, an if thou seest my
boy, Bid him make haste (Two Gentlem.). Let me say no,
my liege, an if you please (Love's L. L.). Hence the formula:
without ifs or ands. Shakspeare also transfers an to the in-
direct interrogative sentence : To spy an I can hear my Thisby's
face (Mids. N. Dr. 5, 1.).
The conditioning sentence is also introduced by so (so that),
mostly however by way of limitation, like dummodo; the An-
glosaxon sva is not found thus employed, Old-English has so,
by so: Roughte ye nevere Where my body where buryed By
so ye hadde my silver (PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 206.). Periphrastic
forms have been fashioned upon the French, as, provided that,
providing, French pourvu que; in case that, French en cas que;
on condition that, French a condition que, and others.
Negative sentences are introduced by unless ; it is foreign to
Anglosaxon and seems fashioned upon the Old-French a moins
que . . ne, for which formerly lesse than (HALLIWELL s. v.)
occurred. The negation un perhaps arose from the endeavour
to indicate the nature of the dependent sentence at the outset.
Sometimes we find unless shortened into ''less (MILTON). The
Anglosaxon butan, butan pat, nisi, still appears in but, but
that. The particle without, Anglosaxon vijutan, Old-English
withouten, without, is also substituted for unless, especially in
dialects. Compare Old-English: I shall breake your palettes
Wythout ye now cease (SKELTON I. 106.), for which also the
Romance save that and except appear.
In the contraction of a modal sentence with a conditional
424 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 1L
sentence as if, as though (see below) or even as alone, with
suppression of the second particle, appear.
3) The concessive sentence is introduced by though, abbre-
viated the? and amplified although. Anglosaxon peah pe, peah,
quamvis [the pronominal peah is properly of demonstrative
nature: tameu], Old-English thau (DAME SIRIZ), theg (LiFE
OF TH. BEKET p. 8.), theigh (PIERS PLOUGHM.), thagh (HAL-
LIWELL s. v.), thowe (EGLAMOUR 592.), thofe, still dialectically
thof in the North of England (PERCEVAL 81.), though, thogh
&c. Old-Scottish thoch, thocht. The strengthening al, comp.
Middle-Hi ghdutch al, occurs also aloue in Old-English with
this meaning as al, all (CHAUCER); frequently it was placed
with other particles, as with though, comp. alle thow (TOR-
RENT OF PORTUGAL p. 10.). gif, if: alle3if (HALLIWELL s. v.)>
alle if (ID. v. alle-hool), in Skelton algife (I. 13.). Thus it
early appeared in the formula albeit (that) (CHAUCER), which
appears in the dependent sentence even in Modern-English,
as well as in albe that (LYDGATE) and all be though (SKINNER).
Notwithstanding) fashioned upon the Romance, also occurs in
these sentences. Generalizing particles, as however, whenever,
wherever &c., as also the disjunctives whether . . or, may also
introduce concessive sentences.
4) In the consecutive sentence, which expresses the conse-
quence of the activity, stands that) Anglosaxon pat, ut, to
which a correlative like so, Anglosaxon sva pat, adeo ut, or
such, Anglosaxon svelic, svilc, svylc, talis, is attached, which
the correlative as also follows.
5) The final sentence, which represents the purpose of the
activity of the principal sentence, likewise introduced by that,
Anglosaxon pat, ut, for which also in order that (W. SCOTT)
occurs; the negative final sentence is also introduced by lesty
Anglosaxon pe las pe, quominus. See above. In Old-English
the variously employed for, used with the infinitive to express
the purpose, is also referred hither: Briddes . . Hidden and
hileden Hir egges . . For men sholde hem noght fynde (PiERS
PLOUGHM. p. 223.)
3) The modal sentence, also called the comparative sen-
tence, denotes the sort and manner of the activity of the prin-
cipal sentence qualitatively and even quantitatively. The particles
occuring here are as, the shortened also: Anglosaxon ealsva.
Old-English alse, als, as, often with correlatives, as as, so, such.
The forms als, as long run alongside of each other: As foule as
thei ben, als evele thei ben (MAUNDEV. p. 153.). Als longe as
here vitaylles lasten, thei may abide there (p. 130.). That these
sentences may also be temporal sentences in meaning, is observed
above. Like, Anglosaxon gelice, similiter, may also, under cer-
tain circumstances, be substituted for as. The dependent sentence
is annexed to a comparative correlative by than, Anglosaxon ponne,
penne, quam.
The further development of dependent sentences and the seeming
interchange of particles, as well as periphrastic forms belonging to this
head, have to be stated in the Syntax.
/. The Parts of Speech. C. The Particles. 4) The Interjection. 425
4) The Interjection.
The Interjection, or the sound of emotion, is the expres-
sion of an emotion, of an affection, or even of desire, which, however,
expresses no notionally determinate image, and, not being interwoven
with the context of the sentence, stands outside of it. Interjections
are partly words by themselves notionless, partly notional words
whose determinate meaning has evaporated, so that they become more
or less the expression of the subjective frame of mind or the con-
ventional term for acts of the will. Ellipses whose complements are
neither clearly present to the imagination nor can be pointed out in
the history of the language also belong here.
Owing to the in definite character of sounds becoming the involuntary
expressions of sensations a strict division of interjections is perhaps
not possible, many of them, although often produced with a different
strength or pitch of sound, often answering to different moods of
the mind.
a) To express pain the ambiguous ah and o, oA, variously serve,
which seem to be absent in Anglosaxon, whereas in Old-French
a! ah! ahi! o! oh! ohi! are familiar emotional words.
Ah! is frequently the expression of pain and complaint, especially
in the combination ah me! (MILTON, LONGFELLOW &c.) for which
also ay ! ay me ! occurs, and with which we may compare the Old-
French haemi! hemi! aymi! and the Old-Highdutch ah mih! (NoxK.
Ps. 119, 5.), Middle-Highdutch achmich! (JULIANA p. m. 9.). The
Old-English has a!: A! Lorde, he saide, fulle wo is me! (Ms. in
HALLIWELL s. v., comp. CHAUCER p. 9. Tyrwh.). Besides ah na-
turally serves as the expression of unkind feelings, as to denote
indignation and contempt, but also of surprise and joy: Ah! isn't
this the Captain coming? (SHERIDAN). Ah! my dear friend! Egad!
we were just speaking of your tragedy (ID.). Ah I Mr. Delaval, I
am heartily glad to see you in England (Tn. HOLCROFT). Ah!
how the streamlet laughs and sings! (LONGFELLOW) as also ay!
becomes the expression of joyful astonishment: Ay! this is freedom!
(BRYANT). Comp. Old-English: A! swete sire! I seide tho (PiERS
PLOUGHM. p. 355.).
Still more ambiguous is o! oh! which frequently expresses pain
and affliction, and moreover indignation and astonishment:
0, woe the day! (SHAKSP. Temp.). Oh, horror! shall I be the
cause of murder (Tn. HOLCROFT). 0, the hideous fellow! (G. COL-
MAN). Oh! are you there, gentleman? (G. FARQUHAR); but readily
adapts itself to every frame of the mind: Oh! that I was safe at
Clod Hall! (SHERIDAN). Oh! the dear ^Colonel ! (J. VANBRUGH.).
0 joy! 0 joy! (LONGFELLOW); and attaches itself in a serious and
even jocose address to the vocative : I believe, 0 God, what herein
1 have read (LONGFELLOW). Hasten ! hasten ! o ye spirits (ID.).
0, sweet angel! (ID.). 0 doctor! that letter's worth a million
(FARQUHAR). This, 0 brave physician! this Is thy great Palin-
genesis! (LONGFELLOW); thus even in Old-English. 0! oh! also
becomes the expression of consideration or of delay in answering:
You seemed upon an interesting subject. — ^Oh! an affair of gal-
426 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
lantry" (S. FOOTE). Hence the frequent o, yes! o, no, oh, no! as
also ah, yes! ah, no occurs (frequently in Longfellow). Formerly
ou, ow were found with painful and joyful motion: Uu, he seide,
pe grete despit (Ron OF GLOUCESTER I. 18) — Ow! lord, pe
noble folk (p. 56.).
The obsolete welaway! is genuinely Anglosaxon, Anglosaxon va
la va, valava, proh dolor! properly miseria, ecce, miseria! Old-En-
glish walaway, weyloway (PiERS PLOUGHM. ), welewo (TowNEL.
MYST.), welawaye (LYDGATE), well away (SKELTON), which has
been deformed into well-a-day (even in Shakspeare), with which
we may compare woe the day! wherein, as in woe is me! &c. the
same Anglosaxon va appears as an original substantive.
The Romance alas! Old-French hailas, halas, alas, Modern-French
helas, properly ah, wretched! was early introduced along with woe
and walavay: He sayd Alas! and woe ys me! (PERCY Rel. p 4. II.).
Full oft he said alas and walaway! (CHAUCER). Alas, alas and
welewo! (TOWNEL. MYST. p. 4.), with which the notion of time is
often combined: alas the day! alas the wMlel as even in the most
ancient times: Alas! pilke stonde (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER I. 56.).
The expression is strengthened by out: out alas! (SHAKSP.), wherein
out is the expression of repugnance. Even this form is Old-English:
For the whiche his enmys cried Owte and alas! (Ms. in HALLI-
WELL v. out). Nowe, out alas! the tanner he cryde, That ever I
saw this daye! (PERCY Rel. p. 111. n ).
A popular deformation of alas is alack! from which alack-a-day!
lackaday! and jocosely lackadaisy! as in the Middle- Hi ghdutch
achlach! (BENECKE Wb.) to which perhaps good lack! does not
belong, since here lack, otherwise lawk, seems deformed from lord,
lear is elliptical. Comp.: Dear, dear! What will this come to!
(HOLCROFT); which likewise seems to be an invocation to God,
although o dear me! as well as ah me! oh me! springs from it.
The expression of affliction and longing is also heighho!
Heigho! I have no comfort (ARTH. MURPHY). Heighho! I wish
Victorian would come (LONGFELLOW). I may sit in a corner, and
cry heigh ho! for a husband (SHAKSP. Much Ado &c.). In dialects
it is heigh! often a calling to stop, as heigho! also occurs: Heigho I
la ha, ha! (HOLCROFT).
The outburst of emotion with bodily pain is rendered by ugh!
ouch! to which perhaps the Old-English verb uggen, to feel a re-
pugnance to, to be terrified, belongs.
b) Joyful emotions are expressed, besides by the above cited ah!
and ol oh!, especially by hey! cornp. Middle-Highdutch 1ml (al-
though this does not denote joy merely): Hey! boys! thus we
soldiers live, drink, sing, dance, play (FARQUHAR). Converting all
your sounds of woe Into Hey, nonny, nonny (SHAKSP. Much Ado
&c.); likewise heyday (which also appears as a substantive) ! Free-
dom! hey-day! hey-day! freedom! freedom! hey-day! freedom!
(SHAKSP. Temp.). Both certainly serve to express surprise and
indecision: Hey day! here's a cat! (SHERIDAN). What is your
intention in regard to him? »Hey! I can't tell you (S. FOOTE).
/. The Parts of Speech. C. The Particles. 4) The Interjection. 427
The loud shouts of rejoicing are hurrah! and huzza! Huzza for
the queen! (FAKQUMAK), also hilliho! (DICKENS). Comp. below/.
c) Surprise, with which vexation, indignation or doubt are partly
mixed, is intimated by eh! ha! or hah!. Eh! Ods life! Mr. Fag!
(SHERIDAN). Eh! what the plague! (ID.). Eh! why don't you
move? (GOLDSMITH). Eh! where's Rouse? Rouse, Rouse! 'Sflesh!
where's Rouse gone? (FARQUHAR). The Old-English usedez/!: Ey,
benedicite, What eileth you? (CHAUCER). Ey maister, welcome
be ye! (ID.). — Ha, my dear Sneer, I am vastly glad to see you
(SHERIDAN). Ha! what do I see? Miss Neville, by all that's happy!
(GOLDSMITH). Both however become also the expression of the
expectation of an answer, which is often supposed: Is he rich?
eh? (SHERIDAN). There must be something that you think might
be mended, eh? (ID.). Harkye, hast thou never a pretty acquain-
tance now . . ha? (MRS. CENTLIVRE). Oh, ho! also serves as the
expression of astonishment: Oh, ho! Mrs. Arnlet! What brings you
so soon to us again", Mrs. Amlet? (J. VANBRUGH). How! what!
are also peculiar to the question of surprise: Eh! how! what! Cap-
tain, did you write the letter then? (SHERIDAN); so too in com-
bination with other exclamation: how (what) the devil! and the
like. Z/o, la also becomes the term for astonishment, Anglosaxon
la, ecce, en, Old-English often 7#, which like look! behold! see!
is ambiguous: When they were . . removing the rubbish, lo\ they
found fragments of the marble tomb of Robert Bruce (W. SCOTT).
The old la is even in Shakspeare: Ay, or else I would I might
be hanged, la! (Merry Wiv. 1, 1.); so too Fielding, Holcroft &c.,
where la! is frequently to be taken in the sense of refusal. Aha!
expresses often satisfied expectancy: Aha! I see you well (W. SCOTT);
and triumphant expectance and contempt. Comp. Ps. 35. A ha!
also occurs in Old-English, for instance, in Chaucer, especially as
an expression of reflection and satisfied expectancy.
d) Expressions of contempt, abomination and indignant re-
jection are /y! or fiel Old-French fi, Old-English fy, fie, fye,
answering to the Latin phy (TEKENT.), Highdutch pfuil often com-
bined with on, upon with reference to the object of the abomi-
nation, even in Old-English: Fiel fie\ I blush to recollect my weak-
ness (WALPOLE). Fie on thee! (SHAKSP. Two Gentl.). Old-English:
Fy on faitours (PIERS Pi.oroiiM. p. 308.). Fie upon a lord that
wol have no mercie (CHAUCER p. 14. I. Tyrwh.). The same is
denoted by fohl fug hi faughl with an obscured vowel, from which
fudgel with which we turn off lying babblers, is perhaps to be
separated. In dialects fudge denotes nonsense, and perhaps be-
longs to the stem fagan, whence Anglosaxon fegan, pangere, fag-
jan, ornare, comp. Old-Highdutch fuogjan. With a change of vowel
pohl poohl (Mus. CENTLIVRE) pughl are used in the same sense,
along with which phol occurs In the ancients bawl Baw for bokes
(PiERS PLOUGHM. p. 210.). Pishl pshal pshawl are equal; to ex-
pressions of contempt, with which twishl HALLIWELL s. v.) is asso-
ciated, which is equivalent to tushl Old-English tusche! tushe! in
general commanding silence. Compare Danish tys! (from tysse,
to be silent). Tut I is also thus used, as buz (SiiAKSP.), which is
428 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. II.
perhaps the substantive "Twattle". Whewl likewise occurs: Whewl
away with inscriptions (Bp. OTTER). Indignant dismissal and con-
tempt is denoted by many parts of speech used elliptically, as, outl:
Out dog! out, cur! thou driv'st me past the bounds Of maiden's
patience (SiiAKSP. Mids. N. Dr.); particularly in the combination
out on (upony. I know not thy mistress: out on thy mistress!
(SHAKSP. Com. of Err.). Out upon him, the lazy loon! (LONG-
FELLOW). Other expressions make their notional value come out
still clearer, as hencel away I in Rob. of Gloucester awey I (1. 289.),
the Romance avauntl Old-French avant (Latin ab-ante): Rogues
hencel avauntl (SHAKSP. Merry Wiv.) aroynt\ (arroint, SHAKSP.),
which is compared with the Old-English roin = scab, begone \ in
the same sense; for shamel &c. Finally we use the substantive
fidde-faddle (fid-fad), by which we denote empty twattle: „ You tell
me marriage is a serious thing." — Why is it not? — ^Fiddle-
faddlel I know what it is: 'tis not the first time I have been
married" (Tn. SOUTHERN).
e) In assertions, which may accompany affections of every kind,
the popular language is particularly rich. They mostly contain
primitive notional words thrust forth elliptically, partly undeformed
or but little shortened, as, indeed I in faith I i' faithl faith I perdyl
French par Dieu! parde! (CHAUCER), perde! (SKELTON), partly as
mutilations of the name of God, Jesus Christ or the Virgin, wherein
roughness is strangely mingled with the dread of the abuse of the
divine name. Thus God is transformed into Gad, Cod, Cot, Cut,
Cog, Cock, Od, Odd and Ad, with which substantives are combined,
denoting qualities of God or the corporeality of Jesus Christ, but
also all sorts of forms of words, either in themselves or in their
combination devoid of meaning. Compare Egadl Ecodl Cod's lifel
also Cod's my lifel Od's my lifel Ads my life! (FARQUHAR) along
with God's my life! Cut's splatter and nailsl Cog's bonesl Cock's
soull Odsheartl Od's heartlingsl Odd'sblood and houndsl (mutilated
from wounds), Odd's bobsl Odd's pittikin si (from pity), Oddsdickensl
(= devil), Odsfishl &c., also Gadsol Odsol perhaps an abbreviation
of the likewise mutilated Odzooksl (see below). Mutilations of this
sort are old. Chaucer has Cockes bonesl and in the Scottish Lind-
say we find be Coks passion, hart blude, bones, toes, wounds, mother
&c. God is also transformed into Gar, hence dialectically begorzl
begosh commonly pronounced, along with begammersl Another muti-
lation is the rejection of the stem before the genitive termination,
whereby out of God's we have 's: 'Sdeathl 'S life I 'Slidl (SHAKSP.
Merry Wiv.); 'Sbloodl perhaps the same 'Sbudl to which also
Zounds I (= God's wounds) belongs, which becomes 'oundsl ounsl
oonsl and waunsl of which Pounzel is a new mutilation. I do not
venture to decide whether the exclamation: Zooksl Zookersl Zoo-
dikersl may have arisen from 'Shooks (from the Anglosaxon hoc,
xincus, or hoh, hoc, irrisio, comp. Old-English hoket). The name
of the Lord: Lord I is also used as an exclamation in the mutilated
forms Lori Ludl and also Lawk I The name of the Virgin ap-
pears in Marry I for by Mary I as in the term Lady I Comp. Bir-
ladtjl (by our Lady), Beleddyl in northern dialects, whence the
/. The Parts of Speech. C. The Particles. 4) The Interjection. 429
mutilations of the diminutive: Btfr lakinl (SriAKSP.) (By our lakin!
SKELTON), and in the North of England Beleakinsl The assevera-
tions By Jingsl Jinkersl are referred by Fiedler to the name Jesus;
by others to St. Gingoulph, as to which we may mention that in
the North of England By Jenl refers to John. The devil is not
only invoked as Devttl but also as Deucel dycel in Skelton, and
the Dickensl Whether 0, geminil which also becomes asseverative
(SHERIDAN Rivals) and as Gemminyl is an expression of surprise
in various dialects, answers to the Highdutch Oh Jemine! Slav,
jojmene! I leave undecided.
f) Invocations and Calls with various intentions are numerous.
With holloal hollol hollal we call, especially from a distance, com-
pare French hola! also occur here holal olal: Holal ancient Balta-
sar. — ,,Here I am" (LONGFELLOW). Ola, good man! — W0/a!a
(ID.); likewise with ho ! hoal Martina! hoi Martina! (LONGFELLOW).
Hoi seneschal, another cup! (ID.); strengthened: What hoi Yo hoi
and with hoy I hey I: Hey I Trapanti! (COLLY GIBBER) and Hipl
(SMART); with less exertion and partly privately by hem ! &nd histl:
Heml heml Madam — heml (SHERIDAN Rivals). Histl histl Donna
Violanta (CENTLIVRE). Histl Martina! One word with you (LONG-
FELLOW).
The ancient cry for help harowl Old-French haro, in Spenser
has been abandoned. Modern-English has help I hoal The encou-
raging summons is well thenl (= French allons); the sailors
shout: Ohoil and yo heave hoi: Cheerly, my hearties! Yo heave hoi
(LONGFELLOW); shout of approval: bravol well you I also well
done youl
Attention is awakened by verbal forms, as harkl lookl seel
and the like, Old- English we, wemo, wemay (TOWNEL. MYST.).
The sheriff or cries commands silence before a proclamation by
the Old-French imperative oyesl (oyez). In common life muml
histl whistl hushl tutl tushl as well as the substantives silencel
peacel are used, which partly express reproach and a monition to
be attentive. With bo I we frighten men. Children are lulled
to sleep by lullay, lullaby and the like. Compare: With lullay,
lullay, lyke a childe Thou slepyst (SKELTON I. 22.), with which
arbitrary variations are associated. A halt at sea is commanded
by avast \ = stop !
The English driver has encouraged horses from olden times by
hait, Old-English heit (even in Chaucer : Heit, scot, heit brok ! heit
now!), Old-French hait. He turns them to the left by the cry
hait-wol as well as by cametlter, Old-English come heder (Tow-
NEL. MYST. p. 9, of ploughing); to the right by reel and geel
He brings them to a stand by^'oss! Old-English jossa! (CHAUCER)
and stankl The cattle driver's cry is proul that of the goose
driver: shoughl (— shoo). The dog is set on by hey I Hey,
Mountain, hey I (SiiAKSP. Temp.); Old-English: Hey I dogge, hey I
(SKELTON I. 101.); as also enticed: Hay, chysshe, come hyder
(p. 261.). He is sent home by hout: Hout, hout, to kennel, sir-
rah, go (OTWAY). Swine are enticed by tig I in several counties.
Sohol is an old exclamation, Old-English sohowe, sometimes spelt
430 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. II.
sohow even now, which is customary as a term of the chase upon
finding the hare (PROMPT. PARVIL.), as the cry whoo resounds at
the death of the beast in whoo-upl and many more.
g) Consideration and doubt are expressed by huml humph I also
um\ to which is added heml (COLLEY GIBBER), also as the expres-
sion of embarrassment. The frequently employed, originally inter-
rogative why] Anglosaxon hvy, quornodo, cur? may also be regarded
as an expression of reflection and a decision following upon it:
And you bore all with patience, I make no doubt? — „ Why, yes,
though I made some occasional attempts at felo de se" (SHERIDAN).
Shall I order a private room, sir? — „ Why, no, Sam" (DICKENS).
If I don't lie myself out of it again, why, then I will be content
to be crucified (S. FOOTE); although why may also denote the delay
of surprise: Why, I never heard this of him (ID.).
h) There is a series of imitations of noises and sounds, not
indeed so much expressions of subjective emotion as repetitions of
outward affections of sense, but which often denote the former.
Thus whew I is the term for a rushing, quick movement: Whew I
how they tore along! (of horses) (DICKENS), Old-English with weheel
(CHAUCER). Whip, has been taken from the whip and its effect
(Angl. hveop, fiagellum), which also denotes the suddenness of an
event: And whipl we were all off at an hour's warning (SHERIDAN).
About an hour ago she was for scaling walls to come at me, and this
minute — whip, she's going to marry the stranger (COLLEY GIBBER).
flac\ flac\ serves for the report of a whip. — Pop! is used for
suddenness (whence the verb to pop). Dashl stands near to pop
(compare to dash), strengthened slap dashl = at once. Kap\ is
the imitation of the sound or noise in striking : Rap ! he gives me
a stroke on the head with his cane (SHERIDAN Rivals). Similarly
pat I is also used of clapping appearance: To hear her come pat,
pat, pal, along in her slippers (COLLEY GIBBER). The report of
a shot is expressed by boh: Lo, we fight. Boh\ I kill him (SHE-
RIDAN); the cracking and crackling, bouncel: JBouncel from
the fire, a coffin flew (GAY). Old-English: I herd gunnis rushe
out at ones Bowns, bowns, bowns (SKELTON I. 386.). Dub a dub
has denoted from of old the beat of a drum, as also tanlaral
Dub a dub, Dub a dub, thus strike their drums Tanfara, tanlara,
the Englishman comes (PERCY Rel. p. 146. II.). Thus too the tol
de rol, else used of humming, seems sometimes to stand: Tol de
rol, de rol — halt! Stand to your arms (JAM. COBB.). Compare:
Sing to de rol, and let her go (ID.). The fighthing step and
noise is imitated by sa, sa, sa: A duel's but a dance to him: he
has been at sa, sa, sal for you already (COLLEY GIBBER). Com-
pare: There's no tanlara, sa, sa, sa, or force Of man to man (TAY-
LOR).
The tolling of bells is denoted by ding, dongl (SHAKSPEARE
Temp.), dialectically ting-tang ! and bim, bom\ as the beating of
the clock is denoted by ding: Ding, ding, ding, ding I just four (DE-
LAMOTTE). Other clapping and dashing is denoted by: dashl clang I
tik, takl and the like.
Singing to oneself is denoted by turn, turn, turn and turn, dum,
/. The Parts of Speech. C. The Particles. 4) The Interjection. 431
dum (COLLEY GIBBER), reading to oneself um, um\ (ID.). Laugh-
ing is represented by ha, ha, ha\ also ha, he\ or hee, heal and
tehee ! Old-English We te hel Compare: We te hel quoth Tib and
lugh (PERCY Rel. p. 95. I.). And Annot . . laughes, tehe, wehel
(SKELTON I. 241.). Weeping is expressed by Colley Gibber
with uhl
The language denotes a few voices of beasts by some agreement
of sound, thus, dogs' barking by bow, wow (SHAKSP. Temp.), bough,
waugh, waugh, waughl (OTWAY); the bleating of sheep by baal
the cockcrow by cock-a-doodle-doo (SHAKSP. Temp,), cockl cock I
(CHAUCER); the note of rooks by caw, caw: Caw\ cawl the
rooks are calling (LONGFELLOW); of the lark by tirra, lirra
(SHAKSP. Wint. Tale 4, 2.); the whoop of the owl by to-who,
tu-whit, to-who (ID. Love's L. L. 5, 2.) and others, although the
different dialects make distinctions, and poets often follow their
individual apprehensions.
i) Finally, another class of words may here Le mentioned, which arise
from a play with the sounds, and partly in a picturesque man-
ner make up for the image of the thing by the meaningless
word. They mostly appear as notional words, and either represent
the same verbal body twice rhymed with a difference of initial
sound, or with a different accented vowel, without change of initial
vowel, when a clear interchanges with an obscure vowel (especially
i with a). In origin they lean partly on notional words, partly
consist of meaningless syllables.
Here belong rhyming substantives: handy-dandy ; hocus-po-
cus (from Ochus Bochus?); hoddy-doddy; hodge-podge and hotch-
potch; hurly-burly; hugger-mugger; hurdy-gurdy; cagmag; kicks y-
wicksey. Helter-skelter are commonly adverbial; higgledy-piggledy
(compare higgler subst.); harum-scarum; harry-darry, as an excla-
mation (OTWAY); habnab (HimiBR.) = at random ; hoity-toity; hob-
nob, challenge to drink (take or do not take).
Repetitions with an alternating clear and obscure vowel are
frequent: mizmaze (from maze); mish-mash; riff-raff; fiddef addle;
fingle-f angle ; flimflam; whimwham; tick-tack, sometimes used for
trie-track; tittle-tattle; 'twitlle-lwattle; snip-snap (SHAKSP.); kit-cat,
epithet of a club (after the pictures hanging there) is said to come
from the proper name Kit (Christopher) Cat; knick-knack; gibble-
gabble; chit-chat, the same — dingle-dangle = carelessly pendent;
skimble-scamble &c.
ding-dong; tip-lop; sing-song; slipslop; ninny-nonny; criss-cross*
— hip-hop.
see-saw; gew-gaw.
Many of these forms fluctuate between the interjection and the
noun. They are mostly foreign to the more noble literature, fami-
liar to common life, and denote particularly insignificant or blameable
subjects, and are formations in which the popular fancy still roams
at large and mocks etymology. Who would be able to point out
the place in which the mixed stuff made of linen and wool was first
named linsey-woolsey?
43*2 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrim of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
II. The formation of words.
A. Derivation.
The forming of words by derivation in the proper sense takes
place by means of the addition of sounds, in themselves without
meaning or obscured in regard to meaning, to the stem.
"We may, however, also reckon as derivation that formation of
words which is effected without the addition of sounds. It takes
place in two manners; firstly, by a verbal stem, with one of the
vowels of the strong verbs which change the vowel, either within
the same class of words or passing into another class, receiving an
altered signification; secondly, by one and the same verbal body
or part of speech passing immediately into another class of words
and adopting its inflection. Both sorts may be called improper
derivation.
A midde step between derivation and composition is made by
those words in which a syllable, in itself significant, appears so far
insignificant, as it is extinct as a word used independently, as -aid,
-ard, -dom &c.
1) Improper Derivation..
a) The formation of words in connection with variation of
sound, which is connected with the change of sound in strong verbs,
(as to which the reduplicating classes of verbs are hardly considered,
their change of vowel being mostly produced by reduplication,) is
the foundation of families of words with a distinction of meaning.
Proper derivation may be combined with the improper by means
of a termination, when the latter at the same time expresses its
effect, whereas a modification of the vowel has no influence
upon, the meaning. Compare Modern-Highdutch Saenger, Middle-
Highdutch singer, from singen, sang.
This derivation concerns Germanic words only, and lies in the
rear not only of the English, but partly even of the Anglosaxon
tongue, many forms produced by a variation of sound referring to
strong verbs which are no longer to be pointed out in Anglosaxon
nor even in other Germanic idioms. In English these strong verbs
are of course still more frequently absent. Compare broad, An-
glosaxon brad, Old-norse breida, expandere, to which an Auglosaxon
bridan, not to be pointed out, would correspond; cram, Anglosaxon
the same, Middle-Highdutch krimpfen, alongside whereof an absent
Anglosaxon crimpan must have stood.
By changes in the vowel, details whereof are given under Phone-
tics, the relations of the variations of the vowel have been frequently
dimmed in English. We give here bv way of example some series
of forms of verbs and nouns varying the vowel, attached to different
classes of strong verbs.
To the first class of Anglosaxon verbs with the vowels i (eo,
e) ; a (ea), u; u (o) (compare vinnen — vann, vunnon — vunneo)
11. The Formation of Words. A) Derivation. 1) Improper Derivation. 433
belong: stunt, Anglosaxon styntan, hebetare, from stintan, English,
stint, bendy band, bond, Anglosaxou bendan, Old -English band,
Anglosaxon bend, from bindan, English bind, wend, Anglosaxon
vendan, from vindan, English wind, brand, Anglosaxon brand, from
beornan, byrnan, brinnan, English burn, drink, drench, Anglosaxon
drinc and drynce; drencan, from drincan, English drink, spring,
Anglosaxon the same, from springan, English spring, string, strong,
Anglosaxon string; strang (strong), from an assumed Anglosaxon
stringan, Latin stringere. song, Anglosaxon sang (song), from sin-
gan, English sing; stench, Anglosaxon stenc, also stanc; stencan,
from stinkan, English stink, ground, Anglosaxon grund, from grin-
dan, English grind, foundling, from the Anglosaxon findan, English
find.
To the second class of Anglosaxon verbs with the vowels i (eo,
€'); a (a), ce (a, e}; u (o) (comp. beran — bar, bseron — boren)
belong: birth, bare, bere, a sort of barley in Scotland, Engl. barley;
beam, bier (barrow), Anglosaxon beorfr; bar; bere; beam; bser,
from beran, beoran, English bear, tale, Anglosaxon talu, from the
assumed telan, whence tellan alone remains, sale, Old-English sala,
with which only the verb sellan still agrees, hollow, Anglosaxon
ho!, from helan, tegere.
To the third class of Anglosaxon verbs with the vowels i (eo,
£); a (ea), ce (ea)} i, e, (compare biddan — bad, bsedon — beden)
the following are to reckoned: bed, Anglosaxon bedd from biddan,
humi prosterni. trode, Anglosaxon trod, from tredan, English tread.
set, Anglosaxon settan, settle, Anglosaxon site!, setel; sunset, Anglo-
Saxon siot, set, occasus, from sittan, English sit. lay, Anglosaxon
lecgan, from licgan, English lie. speech, Anglosaxon sprsec, spsec,
from 'sprecan, English speak, stick, stake, stock, Anglosaxon sticca;
staca; stocc, from Anglosaxon stecan. Compare English stick.
To the fourth class, of Anglosaxon verbs with the vowels a, ea
(0); 6, 6; a, ea (a) (compare standan — stod, stodon — standen)
are attached: step, staple, Anglosaxon stepe; steppan; stapul, from
stapan, gradi.*) fare, Anglosaxon far, far, and faru, iter, from fa-
ran, English fare, grave, Anglosaxon graf, from grafan, English
grave and the like.
To the fifth class of Anglosaxon verbs with the vowels «; a,
i', i (compare bitan — bat, biton — biten) are attached: drive,
drove, Anglosaxon draf, from drifan, English drive, shrove, shrift,
Anglosaxon scrift, from scrifan, English shrive, bit, bite, bait, bitter,
Anglosaxon bit; bite; bat, biter, from bftan, English bite, lid, An-
glosaxon hlifr, hlid, from hlidan, hlidan, togene.**) ride, road, An-
glosaxon rad, iter, from ridan, English ride; raise, rear, arouse,
Anglosaxon rasjan, rseran, from risan, English rise, wroth, Anglo-
Saxon vrafr, from vriftan, torquere, English writhe, strike, stroke,
*) The parallelism of logical development in mercare, French marcher, on
the one hand, and step, staple, on the other, is noteworthy; also that the course
of development is reversed, the root notion being marketing in the former,
and going in the latter.
**) Comp. clothe &c.
Matzner, engl. Gr. I. 28
434 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. //..
Anglosaxon strica, linea, stracjan, palpare from strican, English
strike.
The sixth class of Anglosaxon verbs, with the vowels eo (u);
ed, u; o (comp. cleofan, clufan — cleaf, clufon — clofen) is repre-
sented by: loose, loss, Anglosaxon lesan, lysan, los, from the An-
glosaxon leosan. shoot, shot, Old-norse skot, jactus; scot, Anglo-
saxon scot, tributum. sheet, Anglosaxon scete, linteum, from sceo-
tan, English shoot, frost, Anglosaxon the same, from freosan, En-
glish freeze; float, Anglosaxon flota; flotjan; fleet, Anglosaxon fleot,
sinus; fleet-milk, skimmed milk, Anglosaxon flet, flos lactis, from
fleotan, Anglosaxon fleet.
Many forms of the Germanic family of tongues founded upon
verbs which vary the vowel have been lost in English. With the
dimming and mixing of forms the language sometimes seeks here,
as elsewhere, to arrive at a distinction of the confounded forms by
the differentiation of a consonant; comp. singe, Anglosaxon sengan,
from sing, Anglosaxon singan.
b) The formation of words by the transfer of an unalteredverbal
body to another class of words is in English not to be sharply
separated from the formation just treated of, different parts of
speech often coinciding with forms attached to verbs which vary
the vowel.
But this freer management and interchange of the different parts
of speech has, in principle, little in common with that primitive
organisation of the word, and is common to the Romance as well
as to the Germanic elements of the tongue. It is attached to
the licence, practiced to a smaller extent in Anglosaxon than in
Old-French, of transferring an underived or even a derived word,
without any further derivational termination, to another class of
•words.
The cases belonging here concern the verb first of all, which readily
proceeds from other parts of speech :
1) From substantives. Anglosaxon commonly used, with this formation,
the derivational vowel ^ (e, j) : end-jan, ebb-jan, land-jan, vundr-jan &c.,
whereas Old-French contented itself with annexing a mere inflective
termination: branch-ir from branche, brance; bargaign-er from bargaigne;
esperment-er from esperment, experiment. English early contented itself
with the stem without a vowel of derivation: end, ebb, land, wonder,
branch, bargain, experiment, which inflection or the context must shew
to be verbs. Modern forms are therefore numerous: oar; mill; milt',
lead; beard; bag ; father ; flea ; fleece ; worship; Anglosaxon veordscipe,
honor; witness, Anglosaxon vitness, testimonium. — air; experience;
reverence; matter; favour; humour; pity; fancy; nurture; bayonet;
dungeon. Even proper names serve as verbs, as: hector. Comp.' also:
You look as if you were Don Diego 'd to the tune of a thousand pounds
(THE TATLER N. 31.). In the frequent identity of sound in verbs and
substantives, many verbs, which in Anglosaxon occurred in another form,
have been assimilated to substantives, as: foam, Anglosaxon subst. fam
from faeman; snow, Anglosaxon subst. snav from snivan, Old-English
snewen; comb, Anglosaxon subst. camb, comb, from cemban, Old-English
kemben; stone, Anglosaxon subst. stan, from stsenan; ground, Anglosaxon
subst. grund, from gryndan and others.
2) From adjectives. Anglosaxon often employed the derivational vowel
II. The Formation of Words. A) Derivation. 1) Improper Derivation. 435
even here, as in: idel-jan, efen-jan, open-jan, vearm-jan, hvtt-jan along-
side of hvtt-an (fee., where English offers idle, even, open, warm, white.
Even French formed verbs from adjectives without a derivational termi-
nation before the inflection, as palir, cherir &c. Thus we transfer to
Germanic and Romance adjectives the verbal notion: black; english;
sickly (SHAKSP.); — mature; mimic &c. Yet we here often find the
adjective termination en employed by preference, as it were as a verbal
suffix, as in: meek-en; fatt-en; whit-en; fresh-en; deaf-en; dead-en;
thick-en; sweet-en; hard-en &c., as the French forms often have the
derivational termination -ish (iss, Latin isc): cher-ish; burn-ish (brunir,
burnir) &c.
3) From pronouns this seldom happens, as in thou.
4) From particles: hence (SIDNEY) = to send off; but (L. BYRON); encore
(SMART); atone (from at one); in; out; over (DICKENS). Interjections
often become verbs, as: holla and hollow; huzza, hush, whist, hist: Hist
along! (MILTON) = bring along with the warning of hist! and the like.
As verbs arise from substantives, so also substantives often arise from
verbs, so that we may believe the infinitive turned into a substantive.
This happens not only in Romance words, as the French change
developed from changer, pleur from pleurer, like other abstract and con-
crete substantives, but also in Germanic words It is sometimes not to
be settled whether the verb arose from the , noun, or reversely. The
majority of Romance forms of this sort have been transferred to English, to
which, for instance search belongs, Old-French cerche, cherche, now re-
cherche. Thus arise concern; turn; crack: blush; fast (unless shortened
from the Anglosaxon fasten'), from verbs of the same sound. Here also
takes place the assimilation of a substantive, sounding in Anglosaxon
differently from the verbal stem, to the verb, as in: heed, Anglosaxon
from hedan, subst. hod; W'ish, Anglosaxon from vyscan, subst. vusc;
thirst, Anglosaxon from pyrstan, subst. ])urst; kiss, Anglosaxon from
cyssan, subst. coss; sweat, Anglosaxon from svaetan, subst. svat and
many more.
The transition of adjectives into the substantive meaning,
with or without the adoption of the inflective forms of the substantive,
may likewise be placed here. See p. 270.
2) Derivation Proper.
With derivation proper, which consists in an augmentation of
the word, whereby the general conception, lying at the bottom of
the root or stem, is more particularly determined, the Germanic is
to be separated from the Romance element, although both here and
there pass into or blend with one another. We give here the deri-
vational forms of nouns and verbs, referring to the Doctrine of Par-
ticles for the formation of particles.
a) Germanic Derivative Terminaions.
The derivative termination or the derivational suffix may be a
vowel, if the body of the word is augmented by vowels alone; the
suffix is called consonantal, if it contains consonants only, or is
formed of a vowel and consonant combined. Purely vowel suffixes
are rare, even in Anglosaxon; where they appear in English, they
have arisen by the suppression and softening of consonants. But we
28*
436 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. If.
consider suffixes according to their form in Modern- English, when we
regard the extinct consonant as no longer existing.
We must observe generally that the Germanic derivational suf-
fixes, although often sharply expressed, have remained less fruitful
for English than the Romance ones. Many of the former have been
lost as such for the linguistic feeling.
Vowel Derivational Terminations.
Here the terminations y (ey) and ow are considered for Modern-
English.
y, sometimes ey, appears in substantives for the Anglosaxon
suffix ig: bod-y, Anglosaxon bod-ig (Old-Highdutch pot-ah); iv-y,
Anglosaxon if-ig, (Old-Highdutch eb-ah); penn-y, Anglosaxon pen-ig
(for pen-ing, pend-ing); hon-ey, Anglosaxon hun-ig (Old-norse hun-
ang). Comp. kersey, Swedish kersing, French carisel, -set, creseau.
In adjectives they arise from the Anglosaxon suffix ig, eg; ad-
jectives of this sort are very numerous in Anglosaxon: ic-y, Anglo-
saxon is-ig; empt-y, Anglosaxon emet-ig; an-y, Anglosaxon an-ig,
sen-ig; mist-y, Anglosaxon mist-ig; mood-y, Anglosaxon mod-eg; prett-y,
Anglosaxon prat-ig, pratt-ig; blood-y, Anglosaxon blod-eg; fenn-y, An-
glosaxon fenn-eg, -ig; dizz-y, Anglosaxon dys-ig; speed-y, Anglosaxon
sped-ig; guitt-y, Anglosaxon gylt-ig; heav-y, Anglosaxon hef-ig, and
many more. Subsequent formations are very numerous, with which
stems not merely Germanic are considered : earth-y, mould-y, bloom-y;
brier-y (full of briers) ; fier-y (fire); word-y (verbose); hast-y; heart-y;
hoar-y; tallow-y; willow-y; window-y (having windows); bahn-y;
spum-y &c., after vowels ey also appears : clay-ey, sky-e^ glu-ey (from
glue). The termination imports the being provided with something.
The diminutive termination y, Scottish ie, which partly diminishes
(as blame) partly flatters, seems formed from ig: dumm-y; ninn-y (fool),
bab-y (babe), nodd-y (fool) ; especially in proper names : Silly , Betsy,
Tibby &c., see p. 177.).
Verbs in y have sometimes been developed from adjectives:
blood-y, Anglosaxon blod-eg-jan, cruentare; bus-y, Anglosaxon bys-
^g-jan.
ow rests partly upon », which also exhibits itself as u in An-
glosaxon, partly upon g and #, with or without a vowel before or
after it.
Substantives of this sort are: mead-ow, Anglosaxon mead-u,
-eves; mall-ow(s), Anglosaxon meal-ve; pffl-ow, Hollandish peul-uw,
Latin pulvinus, Anglosaxon pyl-e; wid-ow, Anglosaxon vud-uve; sparr-
ow, Anglosaxon spear- va; swall-ow, Anglosaxon sval-eve, sveal-ve;
shad-ow, Anglosaxon scad-u, -ves. — ew has arisen here in sin-ew,
Anglosaxon sin-eve and sin-u. — bell-ows, Anglosaxon bel-g; borr-ow^
(pledge), Anglosaxon bor-ga; will-ow, Anglosaxon vil-ig; sall-ow, An-
glosaxon sal-ig, seal-h; barr-ow, Anglosaxon bear-g, bear-h, bear-ug;
farr-ow (litter of pigs), Anglosaxon fear-h, porcus. -- The termina-
tion ough appears in bor-ough, Anglosaxon bur-uh, bur-h, bur-g.
Adjectives in ow arise chiefly from v (w). These end in the
strong Anglosaxon form in w, o, weak in va: narr-ow, Anglosaxon
21. The Formation of Words. A) Derivative. 2) Deriv.Prop. a) Germ. fyc. 437
near-u; fall-ow, Anglosaxon feal-u; sall-ow, Anglosaxon sal-u; call-ow,.
Anglosaxon cal-u; yell-ow, Anglosaxon gel-u. Words in ig seldom
occur here; but compare holl-ow, Anglosaxon hoi, Swedish hol-ig,
likewise the subst. hall-ow.
Verbs attach themselves to one or the other of those suffixes:
narr-ow, Anglosaxon near-v-jan; shad-ow, Anglosaxon scead-v-jan;.
watt-ow, Anglosaxon veal-v-jan; borr-ow, Anglosaxon bor-g-j an; sorr-
ow, Anglasaxon sor-g-jan; hall-ow, Anglosaxon hal-g-jan.
Consonantal Derivative Terminations.
Derivative consonants are in Anglosaxon either accompanied by
a vowel, mostly already weakened, or not. Derivative terminations
with more than one consonant are rare. Among them are decayed
forms, which we, like others, cite by their last consonant. Two pri-
mitive consonants appear sometimes in English as one simple sound;:
as, sh instead of sc. That many derivative terminations have been
cast off in English is pointed out in the Phonetics.
1) The nasal and liquid letters m, n, I, r are, as derivational con-
sonants, of particular importance, and are, in part still distinctly
felt and employed as such.
m appears in substantives partly as om, partly as m, me, An-
glosaxon commonly m, more rarely em, um or ma: bott-om, Anglo-
saxon bot-m; fath-om, Anglosaxon fafr-ein; bloss-om, Anglosaxon
blost-ma, blos-ma; bes-om, Anglosaxon be's-ma; bos-om, Anglosaxon
bos-um, bos-m. — drea-m, Anglosaxon drea-m (== dreag-am); sea-m,
Anglosaxon sea-m (seo-m, also se-m according to Boswell); strea-m,
Anglosaxon strea-m; glea-m, Anglosaxon glea-m; hel-m, Anglosaxon
hel-m; hal-m and hau-m, Anglosaxon heal-m, hal-m; hol-m, Anglo-
saxon hol-m; qual-m, Anglosaxon cveal-m, cvel-in, cvyl-ni; ar-m,
Anglosaxon ear-m; swar-m, Auglosaxon svear-m; Jmr-m, Anglosaxon
hear-m; wor-m, Anglosaxon vur-m — ti-me, Anglosaxon ti-ma
(=tiha-ma); ho-me, Anglosaxon ha-m.
Adjectives are rare: war-m, Anglosaxon vear-m, Old-Higlidutch
war-am.
Verbs arise from substantives and adjectives, &sfath-om, Anglo-
Saxon fao^-em-jan &c.; ti-me, Anglosaxon ti-m-jan, accidere, &c.
Hither we refer the substantive termination dom and the
adjective termination some, both originally selfstanding words,
but which in English have the import of suffixes only.
dom, Anglosaxon dom, Highdutch tkum (Anglosaxon dom, examen,
judicium, auctoritas) denotes, in composition with names of persons,
their station, dignity, power and dominion: king-dom, Anglosaxon
cyniug-dom; earl-dom, Anglosaxon eorl-dom; bishop-dom, Anglo-
saxon biscop-dorn; martyr-dom, Anglos, martyr-dom; chrisfen-dom,
Anglos, cristen-dom, christianitas; heathen-dom, Anglosaxon hseo^en-
dom; with adjectives the condition, the essence: wis-dom, Anglo-
saxon vis-dom; free-do m, Anglosaxon freo-dom. Even in Anglosaxon
dom often interchanges with had (hood) and nyss (ness) &c. Many
Anglosaxon forms have been abandoned; but few modern ones, as
duke-dom, birth-dom.
some, Anglosaxon sum, Highdutch sam (Gothic sama, similis,
438 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I Sect. II.
idem), expresses appropriateness, inclination, aptness and fulfilment,
and is annexed to various parts of speech: long-some, Anglosaxon
lang-sum; win-some, Anglosaxon vyn (vun)-sum. Imitated forms
are not rare; it is annexed to Romance words: blithe-some, weari-
some, whole-some, glad-some, "irk-some, burthen-some, toil-some, hand-
some, game-some, labour-some, trouble-some, humour-some. In noisome,
from the Old-French noisir = nuire an s has been cast out; buxom,
Old-English bowghsomme, also bowsom, belongs to the Anglosaxon
beogan, comp. beog-ol, flexibilis.
n appears in substantives rarely as in, more frequently as
en, on, n (ne), in Anglosaxon mostly as en, rarely as on, un and
n: ett-in (BEAFM. ET Fi,.), Anglosaxon e't-on, gigas (edax); welk-in,
Anglosaxon vole-en. -- ov-en, Anglosaxon of-en; mix-en, Anglos,
mix-en; maid-en, Anglosaxon magd-en, msed-en; rav-en, Anglosaxon
hraf-en, href-u; burd-en, burth-en, Anglosaxon by ro^-en; tok-en, An-
glosaxon tac-on, -un, -en (Old-English swev-en, Anglosaxon svef-en;
stev-en, Anglosaxon stef-n, stem-n); kitch-en, Anglosaxon cyc-ene;
heav-en, Anglosaxon heof-on. - - ir-on, Anglosaxon ir-en, iser-n ;
beac-on, Anglosaxon beac-en; weap-on, Anglosaxon vaep-en, -un;
wagg-on, also wag-on and wai-n, Anglosaxon vag-en, vag-n, yaen.
— mai-n, Anglosaxon mag-en, -yn; rai-n, Anglosaxon reg-en, re-n;
blai-n, Auglosaxon bleg-en; brai-n, Auglosaxou brag-en; aw-n, Old-
Highdutch ag-ana, ak-ana; loa-n, Anglosaxon Isen = laeh-en, Old-
norse la-n; fer-n, Anglosaxon fear-n; quer-n, Anglosaxon cveor-n;
bar-n, dialectically = child, Anglosaxon bear-n (barn, is a com-
pound ber-arn, contracted bern); yar-n, Anglosaxon gear-n; mor-n,
Anglosaxon morg-en, mor-n; thor-n, Anglosaxon por-n; cor-n, An-
glosaxon cor-n; hor-n, Anglosaxon hor-n. -- tha-ne, Anglosaxon
peg-en, pe-n.
Adjectives in en, n, Anglosaxon en, n, are with the exception
of names of materials, rare: ev-en, Anglosaxon ef-en; op-en, Anglo-
Saxon op-en (participle from *eopan); drunk-en, Anglosaxon drunc
-en (participle from drincan); heath-en, Anglosaxon hsecT-en. -
fai-n, Anglosaxon fag-en; ow-n, Anglosaxon ag-en (participle from
agan); der-n, Anglosaxon der-ne; ster-n, Anglosaxon ster-ne.
More frequent are adjectives in en, Anglosaxon en, Old-High-
dutch in, Old-norse inn, Modern-Highdutch en, which are derived
from substantives and by which notions of materials are turned
into adjectives. Anglosaxon derived adjectives of this sort from
names of beasts also, as bir-en, svin-en, gcet-en &c., in English these,
like many others, have been abandoned; some, on the other hand,
turned into substantives: ash-en, Anglosaxon ascen; asp-en (also a
substantive), Anglosaxon asp-en; oak-en, Anglosaxon ac-en; beech
-en, Anglosaxon bee-en; birch-en, Anglosaxon birc-en; lin-en (also
a substantive), Auglosaxon lin-en; flax-en, Anglosaxon fleax-en;
wooll-en, Anglosaxon vull-en, vyll-en; silk-en, Anglosaxon seoloc-en;
wheat-en, Anglosaxon hvset-en; lead-en, Anglosaxon lead-en; braz-en,
Anglosaxon bras-en; gold-en, Anglosaxon gyld-en (gold-en BOSWELL);
Old-English glaz-en, Anglosaxon glas-en. Some are imitated, as
wood-en-, hemp-en; yew-en; twigg-en (SriAKSP. = made of twigs),
milk-en &c.
11. The Formation of Words. A) Derivation. 2) Derw. Prop, a) Germ.fyc. 439
The forms in er-n: easter-n, Anglosaxon easter-n; wester -n,
Auglosaxon vester-n; norther-n, Anglosaxon nor6*er-n; souther-n,
Anglosaxon suffer-n, have substantive forms in er at their base,
whence Anglosaxon suffer, meridies, occurs. The Old-norse has
corresponding forms: ern, orn in undern, Anglosaxon the same,
hora nona matutina, and acorn, Anglos, acern, glans are scarcely
to be regarded as derivative suffixes. See Grimm 2, 237. &c. Die-
fenbach's Dictionary I. p. 115. 31.
Verbs in en, on, n rest partly upon substantives and adjectives,
as: tok-en, Anglosaxon tac-n-jan; beac-on and beck-on, Anglosaxon
beac-n-jan; rai-n, Anglosaxon rig-n-an ; ev-en, Anglosaxon ef-en-jan
<fcc.; of others English has not preserved the nouns, as fast-en,
Anglosaxon fast-en-jan, subst. fast-en, inunirnentum ; christ-en, An-
glosaxon crist-en-jan, adj. crist-en. Many have no noun for their
foundation even in Anglosaxon: glist-en, Anglosaxon glis-n-jan;
heark-en, Anglosaxon herc-n-jan ; reck-on, Anglosaxon rec-n-an, rec-
n-jan.
The formation of verbs in en has found great favour in English,
•especially from nouns, and often with a disdain for the simpler
Anglosaxon forms, from adjectives: meek-en', madd-en along with
mad; fatt-en; fresh-en', whit-en; tough-en', deep-en ; dead-en', thick-en;
sick-en; slack-en along with slack; sweet-en; stiff-en; sharp-en along
with sharp; short-en; gladd-en along with glad; hard-en &c.; from
substantives: length-en; height-en; comp. fright-en along with
fright; light-en along with light and others. It is also appended to
Romance stems: chast-en &c.
Here too we must cite the substantive diminutive termination
Jc-iii, answering to the Middle-Hi ghdutch ek-in, ik-in, in Modern-
Highdutch popular dialects eck-en, ich-in, Lowdutch ek-en, Modern-
Highdutch ch-en. It is foreign to Anglosaxon, in English it belongs
mostly to the popular language. Here belong: mini-kin, (from mi-
nion, Old-Highdutch minni), also used adjectively; mani-kin,
{comp. French mannequin); nipper-kin = small tankard; nap-kin
(French nappe); la-kin = ladikin (lady); lamb-kin; lad-kin; Od's
piti-kins (pity) (SHAKSP.); devil-kin; kilder-kin; can-akin; so too in
the names of dispraise bump-kin, thumb-kin = awkward, rustic; slant'
kin, slammer-kin = trollop and others; more frequently in Old-En-
glish faunt-ekyn; especially in proper names: Wil-e&m, Modern-
English Wil-kin (DAME SIRIZ p. 8.); Per-kyn (Piers); Haw-kyn,
Hal-kyn (Henry); Tym-kyn (Tim-othy), Tom-kyn (Thomas); Daw-
kyn (David), Sim-ekin &c. ; whence modern family names like Per-
kins, Wilkins &c., arise.
/ serves for the derivation of sub stantives as el, I (le), An-
glosaxon el, al, ol, ul, I, lei nav-ef, Anglosaxon naf-ola, -ela; weas-el,
Anglosaxon ves-le; wast-el, Middle-Highdutch wast-el; teas-el, An-
glosaxon taes-el, -1; haz-er, Anglosaxon has-el; hous-ef, Anglosaxou
hus-el, -1; kern-el, Anglosaxon cyrn-el. — nai-l, Anglosaxon nag-el;
tai-l, Anglosaxou tag-el, -1; sai-l, Anglosaxon seg-el, -1; snai-l, An-
glosaxon snag-1, snae-1; hai-l, Anglosaxon hag-al, -ol, -ul, hag-el;
sou-l, Anglosaxon sav-el, -1; ow-l, Anglosaxon u-le, Old-norse ug-la;
fow-l, Anglosaxon fug-ol; ear-l, Anglosaxon eor-1; pear-l, Anglo-
440 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 1L
saxon par-1; chur-l, Anglosaxon ceor-1. — ang-le, Anglosaxon ang-el,
-ol; app-le, Anglosaxon app-el, ap-1; need-le, Anglosaxon naed-1,
ned-1; nett-le, Anglosaxon net-ele; bead-le, Anglosaxon byd-el; bmt-le^
Old-norse bust-1; brid-le, Anglosaxon brid-el, 1; fidd-le, Anglosaxon
fifre-le, Old-norse fid-la = Latin fidicula; thist-le, Anglosaxon pist-el;
throst-le, Anglosaxon prost-le; sick-le, Anglosaxon sic-ol, -el; sadd-le,
Anglosaxon sad-ul, -ol, -el, -1; steep-le, Anglosaxon step-el; stap-le,
Anglosaxon stap-ul, -ol, -el; shack-le, Anglosaxon scac-ul; cand-ley
Anglosaxon caud-el; crad-le, Anglosaxon crad-ol, -ul, -1; kett-le,
Anglosaxon cet-il, -el, -1; gird-le, Anglosaxon gyrd-el: hand-le,
Anglosaxon hand-el.
A few adjectives in e7, le have been preserved, as ev-il, Anglo-
saxon yf-el, ef-el; id-le, Anglosaxon id-el; mick-le, muck-le (obsolete),
Anglosaxon mic-el, myc-el, muc-el; litt-le, Anglos, lyt-el; cripp-le
(used as a substantive), Old-norse crypp-ill, gibbosus, claudus. Of
the numerous class of Anglosaxon adjectives in of, as forgit-ol,
negligens; hat-ol, odii plenus; hun-ol, procax; hnit-ol, petulcus;
panc-ol, providus; picc-ol, corpulentus, sag-ol, loquax; sldp-ol, som-
nulentus &c., hardly one, except fick-le, Anglosaxon fic-ol, has been
preserved in the written tongue; some are still dialectical, as/or-
gettle, whence forgetilship. Britt-le, Old-English brotel (from bryt-
tan) seem formed later, brick-!e (from brecan).
Many verbs in /, le were developed from substantives even in
Anglosaxon, as nai-t, Anglosaxon nag-1-jan; sai-l, Anglosaxon seg-
el-jan; fow-l, Anglosaxon fug-el-jan; bria-le, Anglosaxon brid-el-jan;
wadd-le, Anglosaxon vad-1-jan, substantive vadl; whist-le, Anglo-
saxon hvist-1-jan, substantive hvistle. Others have been formed in
Anglosaxon even without this mean: nest-le, Anglosaxon nest-l-j an;
twink-le, Anglosaxon tvinc-1-jan &c. But this suffix, as in other
Germanic and Romance tongues, has been variously employed, and
modifies the meaning of the stem in various ways, where, how-
ever, the diminutive and the frequentative meaning pervade
each other. Hence the expression for a weakened activity in
mizz-le, to rain small; dribb-le, drizz-le; besprink-le; frizz-le; gigg-le;
fribb-le; dwind-le; with which diminishment or degradation
may be combined: nibb-le; babb-le; brang-le; wrang-le; cack-le;
dabb-le; gutt-le; or the frequentative meaning of hither and
thither comes to the foreground, as in dadd-le; dang-le &c.
The suffix s-el, s-le, Old-Highdutch is-al, is wanting in English,
except in ou-z-el, Anglosaxon 6-s-le, Old-Highdutch amisala. In
ground- sel (ground-sill, gronde-swyle) and hand-sel (Anglosaxon
.haud-selen, from hand-sellan) compounds are contained, and ax-le
belongs to the Anglosaxon eax, Latin ax-is.
The weakened /w/, Anglosaxon English /w//, may be regarded
as an adjective suffix compounded with substantives: bale-ful^
Anglosaxou bealu-full; thank-ful, Anglosaxon pane-full; sin-ful, An-
glosaxon syn-full &c. Imitated forms, even with Romance words,
are numerous: art-ful, power-fid, fruit-ful &c. Dialects even attach
ful to verbal and adjective stems: urgeful; weariful.
A suffix in adjectives, from which adverbs are also developed,
is the termination ty, Old-English lich, later li, ly, Anglosaxon licy
11. The Formation of Words. A) Derivation. 2) Deriv. Prop, a) Germ.fyc. 441
sirnilis, in use only in compounds, even in Auglosaxon. I mean
properly likeness, like like, still used independently, comp. child-ly
and child-like, Anglosaxon cild-lic, infantilis; man-ly and man-like,
yet the unaccented ly, recedes into the more general meaning of
appropriateness and relation; coinp. god-ly = pious, god-like
= resembling God, Anglosaxon god-lie, divinus. Combined with
substantives it particularly serves to express conformity and
relationship: father-ly, Anglosaxon fader-lie, paternus; mother-ly,
Anglosaxon modor-lic; friend-ly, Anglosaxon freond-lic; and so in
connection with other names of persons: king-ly; prince-ly,
broker-ly; bumpkin-ly &c ; as well as with names of things: love
-ly, Anglosaxon luf-lic; world-ly, Anglosaxon voruld-lic; Jlesh-ly,
Anglosaxon flsesc-lic; heaven-ly, Anglosaxon heofon-lic; bodi-ly &c.
It is distributive in notions of time, as month-ly, Anglosaxon
monad-lie; year-ly, Anglosaxon gear-lie; and so in week-ly, dai-ly,
quarter-ly &c. Annexed to adjective stems ly denotes the ap-
proximation to the notion of the stem, partly as a weakening,
partly as inclination and tendency: green-ly, from the Anglo-
saxon grene, and in other similar adjectives, now lost, which, on
account of their sameness of sound with the corresponding adverbs,
have been abandoned; and loath-ly, Anglosaxon lafr-lic; low-ly; sick-
ly; clean-ly, Anglosaxon clseu-lic; good-ly, Anglosaxon god-lie ; grim-
ly, Anglosaxon grim-lie; to which also on-ly, Anglosaxon an-lic, and
dedd-ly, Anglosaxon dead-lie belong. Ly is annexed to other stems,
even to particles: in-ly, Anglosaxon inlic, interims; over-It/, Anglo-
saxon only an adverb ofer-lice; Anglosaxou also possessed up-lic,
supremus; tit-tic, extraneus &c. For the adverbial ly comp. p. 393.
r affords numerous Germanic derivatives, not however to be al-
ways distinguished from Romance suffixes.
Here we must first mention substantives in er, rarely r, re, which
correspond to Auglosaxon forms in er, or, ur, r (re, ra). They
denote partly persons: broth-er, Anglosaxon brofr-or, -ur, -er;
fath-er, Anglosaxon fad-er; moth-er, Anglosaxon mod-or; daught-er,
Anglosaxon doht-or; sist-er, Anglosaxon sveost-or, er; partly beasts;
add-er, Anglosaxon nadd-re; beav-er, Anglosaxon bef-er; weth-er,
Anglosaxon ve'fr-er; chaf-er, Anglosaxon ceaf-or; culv-er, Anglosaxon
culf-re, columba; gand-er, Anglosaxon gand-ra; partly concrete
objects: udd-er, Anglosaxon ud-er, -r; liv-er, Anglosaxon lif-er;
bolst-er, Old-norse bolst-r; bladd-er, Anglosaxou blsed-re; fing-er,
Anglosaxon the same; feath-er, Anglosaxon fed"-er; fett-er, Anglo-
saxon feot-ur, -or; fodd-er, Anglosaxon fofr-ur, fodd-ur&c. ; wat-er,
Anglosaxon vat-er; timb-er, Anglosaxon timb-or, -er; tind-er, Anglo-
saxon tynd-er; tap-er, Anglosaxon tap-ur, -or, -er; silv-er, Anglo-
saxon silf-or, sylf-er; should-er, Anglosaxon sculd-or; hamm-er, An-
glosaxon ham-or; partly abstract ones: murd-er, Anglosaxon rnorcT-
ur, -or, -er; laught-er, Anglosaxon hleat-or; weath-er, Anglosaxon
ved-er; ivond-er, Anglosaxon vund-or, -er; thund-er, Anglasaxon
pun-or; summ-er, Anglosaxon sum-or, -er; hung-er, Anglosaxon hung-
ur, -or, -er. A mere r and re appear in tea-r, Anglosaxon t'ah-er,
tse-r; stai-r, Anglosaxon stag-er; eag-re (tide), Anglosaxon eg-or,
oceanus; ac-re, Anglosaxon ac-er; fi-re, Anglosaxon fy-r. Imitations,
442 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. //
to which slaught-er belongs, are often not to be distinguished from
Romance.
Names of persons in er, which answer to the Anglosaxon ere,
Old-English ere, Old-Highdutch an, require a particular regard.
They denote persons by their activity, and were chiefly developed
from verbs (although these were sometimes denominative) : mong-er,
Anglosaxon mang-ere; lead-er, Anglosaxon Ised-ere; rid-er, Anglo-
Saxon rid-ere; read-er, Anglosoxon red-ere; play-er, Anglosaxon
pleg-ere; bak-er, Anglosaxon bac-ere; fight-er, Anglosaxon feoht-ere;
Jish-er, Anglosaxon fisc-ere; follow-er, Anglosaxon folg-ere; fowl-er,
Anglosaxon fugel-ere; full-er, Anglosaxon full-ere; writ-er, Anglo-
saxon vrit-ere; delv-er, Anglosaxon delf-ere; thrash-er, Anglosaxoii
persc-ere; presc-ere, rarely from Nouns: wagon-er, Anglosaxon vagn-
ere; as in many imitated forms: glov-er; hatt-er &c. Modern forms
are not always to be distinguished from Romance ones in er, both
being confounded, and even ar, or occurring instead of er in Ger-
manic stems: li-ar, begg-ar, sail-or &c., where the older tongue
presented ere. We also find i, y inserted before er, whereas this ?', even
in French words in ier, is usually cast off: braz-i-er; glaz-i-er; coll-
i-er; cloth-i-er; law-y-er; saw-y-er; bow-y-er; in a few cases notional
differences are attached to i-er and er. Compare spurr-i-er, who
makes spurs; spurr-er, who spurs. Moreover the termination er
(ere) is transferred also to beasts and lifeless objects: grass Jwpp-er;
grind-er ; Jwpp-er; ten-pound-er ; crack-er\ cool-er.
It is doubtful whether the er often dialectically appended to sub-
stantive forms is to be reduced to the above er or to the er (ere)
appearing in names of persons. Compare chopp-er (HANTS.), hunk'
ers = haunches (NORTH.). This er becomes augmentative: balk-
er, a great beam (EAST.); team-er, a team of five horses (NoRF.);
and diminutive: fresh-er, little frog (EAST.); grom-er, a little man,
a boy; blan~k-er, a spark (WEBST.). Dialectical forms, as, mason-er
(also mason-t-er), musician-er (also musik-er), poeter &e., point de-
cidedly to the old termination ere.
Alongside of this er, Old-English ere, there stood a feminine
termination st-er, Anglosaxon est-re, ist-re, Old-English (e)st-ere;
bak-st-ere, Anglosaxon bac-ist-re; tapp-ist-ere, Anglosaxon tapp-est-re;
brew-est-ere; fruit-est-ere &c. Comp. p. 250. In Modern -English
this termination, like the Old-English ere, is used of men with
regard to their occupation. This more audible suffix is particularly
in use with the people: malt-ster •; web-ster; whip-ster; whit-ster ; tap-
ster-, team-ster; deem-ster, dem-ster, (Isle of Man); seam-ster', huck-
ster. Sometimes the modern tongue attaches a slur to the termi-
nation: lewd-ster; pun-ster; trick-ster; game-ster. In dialects more
such substantives are met with, as lit-ster; band-ster; woo-ster', salt-
ster; likewise in the older tongue: thack-stare, a thatches (PROMPT.
PARV.); shep-ster, a shearer of sheep (PALSGRAVE). Hence the fa-
mily names Brewster, Baxter, Webster, Whitster, Tapster, Kemp-
ster &c.
The tennination ster has remained feminine in a few words, as
spin-ster, dialectically bake-ster (DERBISH.), seiv-ster, (SOMERSET),
11. The Formation of Words. A) Derivation. 2) Deriv.Prop. n) Germ.fyc. 443
knit-ster (DEVON); as indeed er is sometimes referred to female
persons: bunt-er, rag- gatherer, common woman.
Adjectives in er, r, Anglosaxon er, or, ur, are rare: oth-er,
Anglosaxon 6fr-er; lith-er, Anglosaxon lyfr-er, malus; bitt-er, Auglo-
saxon bit-er; dapp-er, Hollandish the same; slipp-er, commonly
slipp-er-y, Anglosaxon slip-ur; fai-r, Anglosaxon fag-er (sicker, Old-
Highdutch sihhar, arising from securus, does not belong here), Old-
English waccher, dialectically wacker, Anglosaxon vacor, vaccor.
Dialects have imitations, as, call-er, Anglosaxon col, frigidus; hett-er,
Anglosaxon hat, fervidus.
According to the Anglosaxon precedent many verbs in er, de-
rived from nouns, and among them many from comparative forms,
have been received into the English: murd-er, Anglosaxon my ro^-r-
jan; feath-er, Anglosaxon fifr-er-jan; felt-er, Anglosaxon feot-ur-jan;
timb-er, Anglosaxon timb-er-jan; fost-er, Anglosaxon fost-er-jan,
subst. fost-re, nutrix; gath-er, Anglosaxon gad-r-jan (Bosw.), adv.
gad-or; hind-er, Anglosaxon hind-er-jan, adv. hind-er; bett-er, An-
glosaxon bet-er-jan, Comp. bet-er; furth-er, Anglosaxon fyrfr-er-jan,
Conip. furfr-6r &c. Others arise without this intervention, as:
whisp-er, Anglosaxon hvisp-r-jan; slumb-er, Anglosaxou slum-er-jan;
whence the English substantives whisper, slumber have been formed.
But the verbal formation in er has spread further, as in other Ger-
manic idioms. Verbs of this sort resemble those with a derivative
/, especially in the frequentative sense, yet not without being
distinguished from them. They often denote an activity repeating
itself, and in the repetition appearing undecided or unstable, as
flitt-er, flick-er, flatt-er\ quiv-er, quav-er; glitt-er; glist-er; shiv-er;
hov-er-, especially, and this partly in a reproachful sense, repeated,
unclear, disagreeable and defective sounds or noises: mutt-er; falt-er;
cTatt-er; gibb-er; comp. stamm-er, from Anglosaxon stamor, balbus;
sometimes with an admixture of desire and of indecision: hank-
er; ling-er. Sometimes, however, the suffix appears to be without
any particular influence; it is also annexed dialectically to many
other stems than in the written language, as in: nick-er, (neigh)
(NORTH.); snick-er, to laugh inwardly (SUSSEX); snift-er, Old-En-
glish snift, Modern-English sniff, sniffle &c.
2. Lip -sounds hardly need to be considered in English in Germanic
derivations. In words in mp (np), lp, rp, sp the p is by Grimm
rightly regarded as derivational; but the derivative sound has long
become dead, and no longer felt as such, as in lim-p, Anglosaxon
lim-pan; hem-p, Anglosaxon han-ep; yel-p, Anglosaxon gil-pan;
shar-p, Anglosaxon scear-p; as-p, Anglosaxon as-p.
A derivative b perhaps appears in lam-b, Anglosaxon lam-b;
dum-b, Anglosaxon dum-b. It is likewise extinct.
A derivative /, as it passed into Anglosaxon, partly from a pri-
mitive /, partly out of 6, quite like those just named in its inef-
fectiveness, appears in: wol-f, Anglosaxon vul-f; sel-f, Anglosaxon
sil-f, Gothic sil-ba; hal-f, Anglosaxon heal-f, hal-f, Gothic hal-bs
and subst. hal-ba.
A derivative / appears in dicar-f, instead of g {A), Anglosaxon
dveor-g, dveor-h, also pveor-g.
444 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
In sil-ver v appears for the Anglosaxon / in an audible syllable,
Anglosaxon sil-for, Gothic sil-ub-r; it likewise stands forfiufi-ve,
Anglosaxon fi-f, Gothic fim-f ; sal-ve, Anglosaxon seal-f, Gothic sal-ba.
The derivative Anglosaxon v, more effective and sensible, is per-
ceptible in English in olden times in the termination we; in Mo-
dern-English w has become mute, and appears in the suffix ow>
see abowe.
Here, however, the suffix ship, Anglosaxon scipe, scype (forma,
modus), must be mentioned, which, even in Anglosaxon did not
appear as a selfstanding word, but only in composition. It is made
use of to form abstract substantives, most frequently joined, as in
Anglosaxon, to substantives, particularly names of persons, and
denotes then the quality, the condition, the business, the
rank or the dignity of the person: lord-ship, Anglosaxon hlaford-
scipe (also as a title, and instead of domain); friend-ship, Anglo-
saxon freond-scipe; here numerous imitations: editor-ship; appren-
tice-ship (along with -hood); author-ship; owner-ship, lady-ship; re-
gent-ship ; rajah-ship ; prelate-ship ; beadle-ship ; bachelor-ship ; denizen-
ship; comrade-ship; consul-ship; coachman-ship (-skill); general-ship
grandee-ship &c. The suffix is also transferred to higher and lower
natures : god-ship ; fox-ship = foxery. More rarely it is added to
names of things: elder-ship, Angl. ealdor-scipe, dominatio (Bosw.);
wor-ship, also in use as a title, Anglos, veoro^-scipe, honor, in an
abstract sense; imitated in: court-ship; discourt-ship ; relation-ship.
The collective meaning seldom occurs here, as in the Anglo-
Saxon beor-scipe, convivium. Yet it is preserved, sharply expressed
in land-scape, formerly also land-skip (CLEAVELAND'S P. 1660. p. 70.),
Anglosaxon land-scipe, provincia, Old-Highdutch land-scaf (-scap),
regio, comp. Old-norse land-skapr, consuetudo, as also lord-ship
denotes a territory. Sometimes it is annexed to adjectives, as in
the Anglosaxon freoscipe: hard-ship, Old-English drunke-schipe (Go-
WER), now drunken-ness.
3) Of greater import in derivation than the lipsounds are the tooth-
sounds; here t, d, th, s, sh and the dental ch need to be con-
sidered.
t appears as a derivative letter for the Anglosaxon t, which, in
the combinations ft, st and ht without an intervening vowel, answers
to the z of all Germanic idioms; yet sometimes an English t also
takes the place of the Anglosaxon ff, Highdutch d, an interchange
which sometimes took place even in Anglosaxon.
In the primitive combination with /, s and gh (Anglosaxon h)
we meet with t often employed to form abstract and concrete sub-
stantives: lif-t, Old-English, Scottish, Anglosaxon lyf-t; shrif-t,
Anglosaxon scrif-t; gif-t, Anglosaxon gif-t; wef-t, Anglosaxon vif-t,
vef-t; shaf-t, Anglosaxon sceaf-t, contus; craf-t, Anglosaxon craf-t;
haf-t, Anglosaxon haf-t; crof-t, Anglosaxon crof-t, praediolum. -
mis-t, Anglosaxon mis-t; lis-t, lus-t, Anglosaxon lys-t, desiderium;
wris-t, Anglosaxon vris-t, carpus; res-t, Anglosaxon res-t, ras-t;
gues-t, Anglosaxon gas-t, ges-t, gis-t; breas-t, Anglosaxon breos-t;
rnas-t, Anglosaxon mas-t, malus; las-t, Anglosaxon hlas-t; bas-t,
Anglosaxon ba-st; fros-t, Anglosaxon fros-t, fors-t, gelu; ghos-t
//. The Formation of Words. A) Derivation. 2) Deriv. Prop, a) Gerni.fyc. 445
(ghas-t in ghas-t-ly &c.), Anglosaxon gas-t, gses-t; dus-t, Anglo-
saxon dus-t; gus-t, Anglosaxon gis-t, Old-norse gus-tr (procella);
thirs-t, Anglosaxon purs-t. — migh-t, Anglosaxon meah-t; nigh-t,
Anglosaxon neah-t, nih-t; righ-t, Anglosaxon rih-t; pligh-t, Anglo-
saxon plih-t; figh-t, Anglosaxon feoh-t; fligh-t, Anglosaxon flyh-t,
volatus; frigh-t, Anglosaxon fyrh-tu (-to); wrigh-t (cart-wright &c.),
Anglosaxon vyrh-ta; sigh-t, Anglosaxon sih-t; knigh-t, Anglosaxon
cnih-t, cneoh-t; speigh-t, Old-Highdutch speh-t; bough-t, Anglosaxon
byh-t, sinus; drough-t also draf-f, Anglos, droh-t, tractus (Bosw.).
Adjectives of this class are: swif-t, Anglosaxon svif-t; sof-t,
Anglosaxon sof-te, sof-t, sef-te. — fas-t, Anglosaxon fas-t; was-te,
compare Anglosaxon ves-te, desertus, Latin vastus. — ligh-t, An-
glosaxon lih-t, levis; righ-t, Anglosaxon rih-t; brigh-t, Anglosaxon
beorh-t, bryh-t; sligh-t, compare Old-Highdutch sleh-t, Old-norse
slettr, aequus.
Verbs: sif-t, Anglosaxon sif-t-an (sife, cribrum); res-t, Anglo-
saxon res-t-an; thrus-t, Anglosaxon prses-t-an, torquere; thurs-t, An-
glosaxon pyrs-t-an. — righ-t, Anglosaxon rih-t-an; frigh-t, Anglo-
saxon fyrh-t-an; digh-t, Anglosaxon dih-t-an.
The derivational t, answering to the Old-Highdutch 2, appears
in English mostly as t without a vowel before it after n, I and r,
rarely as et, Anglosaxon t (te, ta), et, ot, ut.
In substantives we find it in: min-t, Anglosaxon min-te, Lat.
mentba, and Anglosaxon myn-et, Middle-Highdutch mun-iza; flin-t^
Anglosaxon flin-t; din-t, Anglosaxon dyn-t; ben-t, Old-Highdutch
pin-uz. — mil-t, Anglosaxon mil-te; gi!-t, Anglosaxon gyl-t, delic-
tum; hil-t, Anglosaxon hil-te; bel-t, Anglosaxon bel-t, balteus; mal-t,
Anglosaxon meal-t, mal-t; sal-t, Anglosaxon seal-t, sal-t; bol-t, An-
glosaxon bol-t^ catapulta; hol-t, Anglosaxon hol-t. — far-t, Anglo-
saxon feor-t, crepitus ventris; war-t, Anglosaxon vear-t, verruca;
har-t, Anglosaxon heor-ut, hior-ot, heor-t; star-t, Anglosaxon steor-t,
cauda, promontorium ; hear-t, Anglosaxon heor-te; wor-t, Anglo-
saxon vyr-t. — emm-et, Anglosaxon sem-ete; thick-et, Anglosaxon
picc-et; gan-et, Anglosaxon gan-ot, fulica; horn-et, Anglosaxon
hyrn-et.
Adjectives of this sort are scanty: hal-t, Anglosaxon heal-t,
claudus; tar-t, Anglosaxon tear-t, asper; swar-t, Anglosaxon svear-t,
fuscus, niger; shor-t, Anglosaxon scor-t.
Verbs: stun-t, Anglosaxon styn-t-an, hebetare; grun-t, Modern-
Highdutch grunzen; hun-t, Anglosaxon hun-t-jan. — mel-t, Anglo-
saxon mel-t-an; hal-t, Anglosaxon heal-t-jan. — s^or-^=fail, shorten,
Anglosaxon scor-t-jan, decrescere. The great multitude of Anglo-
saxon verbs in etan, ettan, Gothic atjan, Modern-Highdutch zen9
has been abandoned, as dropp-etan, stillare; hopp-etan, exsultare;
rec-ettan, regere; roc-ettan, eructare; bealc-ettan, English belch-, blic-
ettan, coru scare; brod-ettan, tremere; jlog-ettan, volitare; cearc-ettan,
stridere; canc-ettan, cachinnari, &c.
In substantives a derivational t answers to the Anglosaxon <f,
Old-Highdutch d: thef-t, Anglosaxon peof-o""; heigh-t, formerly high-
th, Anglosaxon heah-<3b; mark-et and mar-t, Old-norse mark-adr;
-dar-t, Anglosaxon dar-ad, -60^, -ecT. Dialectical forms may be con-
446 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. 1L
sidered imitations, as: len-t (SOMMERSET), loan; dimm-et (DEVON),
dimness; Old-English brusschet, thicket and the like, groft (EAST.)
for growth.
For rt see below ard.
The suffix est, Anglosaxon est, ost, is presented only by sub-
stantives: harv-est, Anglosaxon haref-est, harf-est, Old-Highdutch
herp-ist; earn-est, Anglosaxon eorn-ost,
The Anglosaxon adjective suffix iht, eht, Modern -Highdutch ichty
whereby the being furnished, as well as likeness, especially
to an object denoted by a substantive stem, seems never to have
become familiar in English. It has been confounded with y\ com-
pare hcer-iht, stdn-iht, porn-iht, hdc-iht, English hairy, stony, thorny^
hocky.
d is likewise a frequent suffix in English. It remains perseveringly
faithful to the Anglosaxon rf, which answered on the one hand to
the Gothic d and Old-Highdutch t, on the other, often to the Go-
thic j5, Old-Highdutch d. The d, answering to the Old-Highdutch
t, appears in English without exception only immediately annexed
to the consonants n, I and r, that put at the side of the Old-High-
dutch d, with few exceptions, only after vowels.
Substantives with a derivational d, de, Anglosaxon mostly d,
rarely ed, od, ud, are numerous: bri-de Anglosaxon bry-d; ti-de,
Anglosaxon ti-d, for tihafr; nee-d, Anglosaxon nea-d ; dee-d, Anglo-
Saxon dse-d; see-d, Anglosaxon sse-d; spee-d, Anglosaxon spe-d;
mai-d, Anglosaxon mag-efr, Gothic magaps; yet comp. Anglosaxon
magden, mseden, English maiden; threa-d, Anglosaxon prae-d; hea-d,
Anglosaxon heaf-ud, -od, -ed, heaf-d; bloo-d, Anglosaxon blo-d;
floo-d, Anglosaxon flo-d; moo-d, Anglosaxon nio-d. — lin-d, com-
monly lin-d-en, Anglosaxon lin-d; win-d, Anglosaxon vin-d; rin-d,
Anglosaxon rin-d, hrin-d; hin-d, Anglosaxon hin-d, cerva; en-d,
Anglosaxon en-de; ben-d, Anglosaxon ben-d, ben-de; lan-d, Anglo-
saxon lan-d; ran-d, Anglosaxon ran-d; bran-d, Auglosaxon bran-d;
san-d, Anglosaxon san-d; stran-d, Anglosaxon stran-d; han-d, An-
glosaxon han-d; woun-d, Anglosaxon vun-d; groun-d, Anglosaxon
grun-d; houn-d, Anglosaxon hun-d. — fiel-d, Anglosaxon fil-d, fel-d;
shiel-d, Anglosaxon scil-d, sce'l-d; weal-d, Anglosaxon veal-d, val-d;
chil-d, Anglosaxon cil-d; fol-d, Auglosaxon fal-ud, -od, -ed, fal-d,
Anglosaxon feal-d (from Gothic falpan); gol-d, Anglosaxon gol-d
(yet Gothic gulp). — her-d in herdman, herdsman, Old-English
her-de, Anglosaxon hir-de; Anglosaxon heor-d; bear-d, Anglosaxon
bear-d; yar-d, Anglosaxon gear-d; boar-d, Anglosaxon bor-d; hoar-d,
Anglosaxon hor-d, thesaurus; for-d, Anglosaxon for-d (BOSWELL);
wor-d, Anglosaxon vor-d; swor-d, Anglosaxon sveor-d.
Adjectives are not frequent; here, along with d, ed also exists:
dea-d, Anglosaxon dea-d; lou-d, Anglosaxon hlu-d; nak-ed, Anglo-
saxon nac-od. - - blin-d^ Anglosaxon blin-d. - - ol-d, Anglosaxon
al-d, eal-d; col-d, Anglosaxon ceal-d, cald; wil-d, Anglosaxon vil-d
(yet Gothic vilpeis); bol-d, Anglosaxon bal-d, bol-d (yet Gothic
balps) ; fol-d, Anglosaxon -feal-d (yet Gothic falps) ; har-d, Anglo-
saxon hear-d.
Verbs: nee-d, Anglosaxon ne-d-an. — bin-d, Anglosaxon bin-d-an;
11. The Formation of Words. A) Derivation. 2) Deriv.Prop. a) Germ.fyc. 447
win-d, Anglosaxon vin-d-an; grin-d, Anglosaxon grin-d-an; en-d,
Anglosaxon en-d-jan; wen-d, Anglosaxon ven-d-an; sen-d, Anglo-
saxon sen-d-an (even Gothic sandjan, although belonging to sinp
*sinpan); shen-d, Anglosaxon scen-d-an; stan-d, Anglosaxon stan-
-d-an. — hol-d, Anglosaxon heal-d-an; gir-d, Anglosaxon gir-d-an.
The Suffix ed in adjectives, Anglosaxon ed (pd) is nothing but
the participial termination, which is also added to stems from which
no other verbal forms are made. This happened even in Anglo-
saxon: horn-ed, Anglosaxon hyrn-ed, cornutus; sword-ed, Anglosaxon
gesvurd-6d, ense armatus. English forms many from substantives,
mostly expressing thereby the being furnished with the object
contained in the stem: beaver-ed (covered with beaver); beak-ed
(having a beak); key-ed (furnished with a key, set to a key); castl-
ed (having a castle, castles); client-ed (furnished with clients);
jacket-ed (wearing a jacket) &c. often in compounds: bandy-legged;
bare-headed] bare-faced &c. Thus also forms in at-ed occur, not
derived immediately from a substantive: bacc-ated (having berries);
SiUYicul-ated (having large ears); anr-aled (resembling gold) &c.
and, Anglos, end, Modern-Highdutch end, is still found as a sub-
stantive suffix in: err-and, Auglosaxon ser-ende (from ar, nuntius);
thous-and, Anglosaxon pus-end.
old and aid seem equally to point to the substantive veald, vald,
which appears in Medieval-Latin as oaldus, aldus, French oud, aud,
ault, in: fbresh-old, Anglosaxon presc-vald, -void, -old; Old-English
thresh-wold &c.; cuck-old, Medieval-Latin cugus (cucullus), Old-
French cougoul, Old-English coke-wold; as in proper names: Har-
old, Old-Highdutch hariovalt; Reyn-old, Old-Highdutch ragin-alt;
compare Old-English Ose-wold, Anglosaxon Os-veald, Ecg-veald;
AfFel-vald, -veald, -void &c. Here belong also her-ald, (= Harold,
-aid, army ruler), rib-aid (DiEz Romance Dictionary p. 287.), which,
however, rests immediately upon the Old -French. Old-English:
riband, rilxiwd.
In substantives stands the suffix ard, sometimes art, answering
to the Anglosaxon heard, durus, fortis. This Germanic suffix is
also found in Old-French, which seems to have influenced English.
The Anglosaxon, as well as the Old-Highdutch, only offers proper
names, as Rich-ard, Anglosaxon Ric-heard, AfTel-heard &c. The
suffix expresses that the quality, activity or thing exists in a high
degree in the object expressed by the word. Sometimes, however,
it is employed in a censorious sense, especially in names of per-
sons, as in French, from which many words have been immedia-
tely taken: nigg-ard; wiz-ard', dizz-ard, dull-ard; drunk-ard; stink-
ard; many are, like similar French ones, at the same time adjec-
tives, as: lagg-ard; bragg-arl ; slugg-ard. Daslard = Anglosaxon
participle dastrod does not belong here. Some are taken from the
French, as basl-ard, palli-ard, cow-ard (couard), galli-ard, perhaps
also hagg-ard &c. We have, without a collateral notion of blame,
Span-iard, as well as Savoy -ard, after the French precedent. In
names of beasts are found ard: poll-ard, a stag that has cast
its antlers; spilt -ard; stagg-ard; agreeing with the French: mall-
ard, French mal-art; buzz-ard, French bus-art &c. The derivational
448 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. H.
termination used of things is found in poll-ard, and mostly in
French words, as: pet-ard, poni-ard &c. As to scab-bard, comp.
below Composition.
Words in er have often been transformed into ard, art, as: giz-
zard, French gesier, gigeria; dialectically millart for miller; miser t
for miser &c.
red, Anglosaxon rsed, red, Modern -Highdutch rath (Hei-rath),
commonly rasden, is in use as a suffix in a few substantives: Old-
English sib-rede, Anglosaxon sib-rseden, affinitas; frend-rede (friend-
ship); man-rede (vasselage); Modern-English kind-red (perhaps from
Anglosaxon ge-cynd, generatio); on the other hand Old -English
kun-rede, kyn-rede (Anglosaxon (cynn); hat-red, Anglosaxon hete,
from hatjan. The Anglosaxon suffix red, reed only stands in hiv-
red, familia, else reed is only adjective; here, however, hund-red,
Anglosaxon hund-red, -rid, Old-norse hund-rad, may also belong.
Compare Anglosaxon rdd, promptus, from ridan.
hood, sometimes head, Anglosaxon had, as a selfstanding sub-
stantive: persona, status, ordo, Old-English mostly hede, hed, yet
also early hode (MAUNDEV.), is the Modern-Highdutch heit. Even
Anglosaxon employed had to form abstract nouns. The termination
is added to names of persons, in order to denote their nature
or condition, but admits also a collective meaning; as well as
to adjectives, in order to substantive the notion as an abstract
quality. The termination hood commonly appears in Modern-En-
glish. From names of persons are formed: maid-hood, maiden-
hood, Anglosaxon rnagfr-had, ma3den-had; man-hood, Auglosaxon
man-had; priest-hood, Auglosaxou preost-had (also collective); bro-
ther-hood, Anglosaxon brocTor-had (also collective); wife-hood, wo-
man-hood, Anglosaxon vif-had, sexus, Old-English wif-hood; child-
hood, Auglosaxon cild-had; knight-hood, Anglosaxon cniht-had (also
collective); imitations are: neighbour-hood (collective); widow-hood;
apprentice-hood, Old-English prentis-hode and others. From ad-
jectives substantives of this sort were seldom formed in Anglo-
saxon, as efen-hdd, aequa conditio. English formed numbers, whereof
many have been abandoned : likeU-hood; lowli-hood; lusti-hood', false-
hood-, fair-hood (Fox's Martyrs); hardi-hood and others; Old-English
luper-hede, grene-hed (childishness) ; humble-hede ; yong-hede &c. The
termination head is still found in a few forms: god-head, maiden-
head, bounfi-head, lusti-head, goodli-head, mostly as obsolete collateral
forms.
ih as a derivational sound, answers to the Anglosaxon d, which
only in a few cases has become the English t.
The suffix th, Anglosaxon &, rarely e&, a&, od, u&, is found in
substantives of concrete and abstract meaning, and has shewn
itself effective in abstract substantives, and also in imitated forms.
Concrete substantives are: ear-fh, Anglosaxon eor-(5e; mon-th,
Anglosaxon mon-acT, -6cT, -u<5*, mon-cT; bur-th-en, also burden, An-
glosaxon byr-fr-en, comp. Old-Highdutch pur-di; bro-th, Anglosaxon
bro-d, jus; t oo-th, Anglosaxon to-fr; hea-th, Anglosaxon hae-o^, erica,
comp. Old-Highdutch hei-da, erica, hei-di, campus. Abstract
nouns are: clea-th, Anglosaxou dea-fr; sh-th, Auglosaxon slev-fr,
//. The Formation of Words. A) Derivation. 2) Deriv.Prop. a)Germ.fyc. 449
slav-fr; you-th, Anglosaxon geog-ofr, -afr, -fifr, -efr; tru-th, Anglosaxon
treov-fro, tryv-fr, treo-fr (BOSWELL); til-th, Anglosaxon til-fr; mir-th,
Anglosaxon iner-fr, myr-6 &c.; bir-th, Anglosaxon beor-fr, also byr-fr
(BOSWELL); heal-th, Anglosaxon hsel-fr; leng-th, Anglosaxon leng-fr;
streng-th, Anglosaxon streng-fru, -6*b, -&. Others are found in other
Germanic idioms: weal-th, Old-Highdutch weli-da, -pa; wid-th, Old-
norse vid-d; bread-ill, Old-English brede and breadthe (MAUNDEV.),
Old-norse breid-d; dep-th; Old-norse dyp-t. English readily forms
these from verbs and substantives: spil-th, steal-th, grow-th; warm-th,
dear-lh &c. Scottish transformations of the Romance suffix tie (ty)
by the addition of the Anglosaxon suffix are: poor-tith; boun-tith;
this new suffix was then added to Germanic stems, as in: mektith,
& meal. See Fiedler p. 175.
Adjectives with Anglosaxon &, English (h, the are: soo-tli,
Anglosaxon so-d = san-aS"; un-cou-th, Anglosaxon cu-fr, participle
from cann, un-cu-o*", ignotus; wor-th, Anglosaxon veor-o*", vur-d"; //-
the, Anglosaxon li-6^e (BOSWELL), Highdutch linde-, Old -English
$wi-fhe, adv., Anglosaxon svifre, from the adj. svi-fr, Highdutch ge-
schwinde.
Verbs, except a few denominatives, as li-the, Anglosaxon li-JjT-
" in, mitigare, are wanting.
s, also contained in x (cs), answers to Anglosaxon s.
In substantives stands the suffix se, also ese, Anglosaxon com-
monly s (sa), yet also ese: haf-se, Anglosaxon heal-s, hal-s; ar-se,
Old-English er-s, Anglosaxon ear-s, ar-s, ar-s; hor^se, Old-English
hor-s, Anglosaxon hor-s; cur-se, Anglosaxon cur-s; goo-se, Old-En-
glish goo-s, Anglosaxon go-s; ev-es, Anglosaxon yf-ese; often, in
combination with a preceding guttural, as x: ax, Anglosaxon ax,
eax, acas, compare Gothic aquizi, Old-Highdutch ahh-us; lax, An-
glosaxon leax, lex (now obsolete), Old-Highdutch lah-s; wax, An-
glosaxon veax, vax, Old-Highdutch wah-s; flax, Anglosaxon fleax,
Old-Highdutch flah-s; Old-English fax, whence the Modern-Englisli
fax-ed (obsolete), Anglosaxon feah-s, feax, fex, crinis; ox, Anglo-
Saxon oxa, oh-sa; fox, Acglosaxon fox, Old-Highdutch fuh-s.
Here are considered a few verbs with a derivational s (se):
bles-s, Anglosaxon blet-s-jan, bles-s-jan; rin-se, Old-norse hrein-sa,
compare French rincer, Anglosaxon hraenan, purgare; dean-se, An-
glosaxon claen-s-jan (ckesnjan); cur-se, Anglosaxon cur-s-j an; exclu-
sive of English denominatives, like wax.
The Anglosaxon substantive suffix els, was still effective in Old-
English: rek-ils, Anglosaxon rec-els, thus; comp. Anglosaxon stic-
els, aculeus; free-els, periculum &c. ; even in imitated forms: mel-
ds (from the Anglosaxon metan) and drem-els, a dream. It has
been abandoned.
ness, Anglosaxon ness, niss, nyss-, Gothic nassus; Old-Highdutch
nassi, nissi, nissa; Middle-Highdutch nisse, nusse, nusse; Modern-
Highdutch niss, is a frequent suffix to form abstract substantives
from Nouns, but particularly from, adjectives. In modern times it
has often taken the place of other Anglosaxon suffixes, for instance,
in the suffix -less-ness: life-less-ness, Anglosaxon lif-leas-t; reck-less-
ness, Anglosaxon rece-leas-t, and others, although rece-leds-ness also
Miitzner, eugl. Gr. I. 29
450 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 1L
occurs. The suffix mostly remains faithful to the denoting of a
condition or a quality: ill-ness, evil-ness, Anglosaxon yfel-ness;
old-ness, Anglosaxon eald-nyss; rank-ness, Anglosaxon ranc-ness;
bright-ness, Anglosaxon bryht-ness; fat-ness, Anglosaxon faet-niss;
drunken-ness, Anglosaxon druncen-ness; sick-ness, Anglosaxon seoc-
ness; good-ness, Anglosaxon god-ness; heavi-ness, Anglosaxon hefig-
ness; hard-ness, Anglosaxon heardness &c. Transformations of An-
glosaxon forms are frequent, as: needi-ness, Anglosaxon nyd-ness;
readi-ness, Anglosaxon rad-ness,- roomi-ness, Anglosaxon rum-niss
&c. ; in order to give to the root word the more decisive tinge of
the adjective. Imitations from Germanic and Romance adjectives,
even encumbered with derivational suffixes, are very common:
bad-ness; bold-ness; slow-ness; kind-ness: braz-en-ness; friend-li-ness ;
entire-ness; brief -ness; art-ful-ness; volupf-uous-ness; contin-ual-ness;
arti-fic-ial-ness; suit-able-ness &c.; comp. Anglosaxon ang-mod-ness;
afrel-boren-ness; aldor-lic-ness &c. A word in ness rarely passes
over into a concrete meaning, as wit-ness, Anglosaxon vit-ness; or
into the collective notion of a locality, as wilder-ness, Anglosaxon
vildeor-ness.
The syllable less, Old-English les (Roe. OF GLOUCESTER), lees
(PiERS PLOUGHMAN), Anglosaxon leas, vacuus, with the genitive,
Highdutch los, may be regarded as an adjective suffix, which is
appended to substantives and forms adjectives with a privative
meaning: end-less, Anglosaxon ende-leas; name-less, Anglosaxon nam-
leas; life-less, Anglosaxon lif-leas; beard-less, Anglosaxon beard-leas
&c. Imitations with Germanic and Romance substantives are very
common: eye-less; boot-less; wind-less; art-less; labour-less &c.
sh appears in English suffixes in a twofold manner: in this sound
which has arisen from sc the s has belonged to the stem and the
c has been derivational, or both sounds, united into one sibilant,
are derivational.
sh answers to the Anglosaxon s-c, transposed also in x (cs), Old-
Highdutch s-c (not ch) with a derivative c; only a few s-c have
been preserved as s-k, see k. In substantives we find sh: fish,
Anglosaxon fis-c, fix; dish, Anglosaxon dis-c, dix, comp. dis-k; flesh,
Anglosaxon flses-c; ash, Anglosaxon as-c, fraxinus; dash, Old-norse
das-k; frush, Anglosaxon fros-c, frox, rana (a horse disease?).
Adjectives are: nesh, Anglosaxon hnes-ce, nes-c, tener; fresh,
Anglosaxon fersc, purus, Old-Hi ghdutch vris-c, recens, Old-norse
fres-kr, glaucus; rash, Old-Highdutch ras-c, Swedish Danish ras-k.
Verbs: wish, Anglosaxon vys-c-an; fish, Anglosaxon fis-c-jan;
mash, comp. Modern-Highdutch maischen, from Anglosaxon mis-c-
an; wash, Anglosaxon vas-c-an, vaxan; dash, Old-norse das-ka;
thrash, Anglosaxon pris-c-an, pres-c-an.
ish as an adjective suffix, Anglosaxon isc, Gothic isks, Old-High-
dutch isc, isg, Modern-Highdutch isch, wherein the double conso-
nant belongs to derivation, imports in general appurtenance to
the notion contained in the stem, and has been used from the most
ancient times, for instance, of descent: engl-ish. Anglosaxon engl-
isc; brit-ish, Anglosaxon britt-isc; dan-ish, Anglosaxon den-isc; Jew-
ish, Anglosaxon jude^isc; greek-ish, (MILTON), Anglosaxon grec-isc;
II. The Formation of Words. A) Derivation. 2) Deriv.Prop. a) Germ.fyc. 451
and thus ir-ish, Old-norse ir-skr; turk-ish; babylon-ish &c. Some-
times the vowel is cast out, and, in collision with consonants, sh
even transformed into ch: wel-sh, Anglosaxon vealh-isc, but also
val-sc; fren-ch, Anglosaxon frenc-isc, Old-English frensche myles
(MAUNDEV. p. 54.); scot-ch, alongside of scott-ish, Anglosaxan scytt-
isc. Appurtenance and kind lie in mann-ish, Anglosaxon menn-
isc, humanus; foathen-ish, Anglosaxon hseften-isc; water-ish, Anglo-
saxon vater-isc; bard-ish == bardic; book-ish = versed in books
(SHAKSP.); unbook-ish = rough and the like; yet a slur is here
often annexed to the quality, although, sometimes presupposed by
the stem itself, as in: rogu-ish; bab-ish', baby-ish: fool-ish', fopp-
ish; brut-ish; swin-ish; hogg-ish', even upp-ish (vulgar) = proud.
Frequently approximation to a quality is alone expressed, when
adjectives with the suffix ish appear: redd-ish; brown-ish; green-ish;
gray-ish; yellow-ish; — old-ish (somewhat old); new-ish (rather new);
lat-ish (somewhat late); long-ish; sweet-ish; young -ish; the latter
forms belong to English.
Dental cA, as a derivational sound, stands for an Anglosaxon c,
which answers to the Gothic k, Old-Highdutch cA; it is divided
with the English k upon this field without any visible principle.
In substantives ch often stands: win-ch, Anglosaxon vin-ce;
jin-ch, Anglosaxon fin-c; wren-ch, Anglosaxon vren-c-le; dren-ch,
Anglosaxon dren-ce, dren-c; sten-ch, Anglosaxon sten-c; bir-ch, An-
glosaxon bir-ce, Old-Highdutch pir-icha; star-ch, belonging to the
adject, stear-c; chur-ch, Anglosaxon cyr-ice, a foreign word.
Of adjectives hardly any other in ch occurs than star-ch =
stiff, also used as a substantive.
Verbs of this sort are: wren-ch, Anglosaxon vren-c-an, fallere;
dren-ch, Anglosaxon dren-c-an; sten-ch, Anglosaxon sten-c-an; bel-ch,
Anglosaxon beal-c-jan.
4) Of throatsounds k and g have been preserved as derivational
letters in a few cases only, the former being inclined to pass into
dentals, the latter being frequently softened into a vowel sound or
cast off.
k has been seldom preserved after s, where it answered to the
Old-Highdutch c; it stands in the substantive tus-k, Anglosaxon
tus-c = tvis-c, as in the foreign words dis-k, and hus-k , not per-
haps belonging to the Highdutch hulse, see Diefenbach's Dictionary
I. p. 230.; and the unclear fris-k. Of verbs as-k, Anglosaxon as-
c-jan, ah-s-jan, axjan, k has been preserved.
On the other hand k, has been more frequent preserved instead
of the guttural c, which answers to the Old-Highdutch c/«, Anglo-
saxon c (ce), ac, uc.
Substantives: drin-k, Anglosaxon drin-c; swin-k (obsolete),
labour, Anglosaxon svin-c; stin-k, Anglosaxon stin-c; than-k, Anglo-
saxon pan-c; mil-k, Anglosaxon mil-uc, meol-oc, mil-c &c.; wil-k,
Anglosaxon veol-oc, veol-c; sil-k, Anglosaxon seol-oc, seol-c; fol-k,
Anglosaxon fol-c; hul-k, Anglosaxon hul-ce; lar-k, Anglosaxon laver-
ce; wor-k, Anglosaxon veor-c; stor-k, Anglosaxon stor-c; stur-k,
Anglosaxon stir-c. — haw-k, Anglosaxon haf-uc, -oc.
Alongside of &, which, with the rejection of the vowel sometimes
29*
452 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part L Sect. II.
preceding it in Anglosaxon, commonly appears in English as a
suffix only, ock, is also found in substantives, answering to Anglo-
Saxon oc, uc, as in: butt-ock, Anglosaxon bull-uca, juvencus; matt-
ock, Anglosaxon matt-6c, matt-uc, Cymrick mattog, ligo; butt-ock,
compare Old-norse butr, truncus; rudd-ock, robin readbrest, Anglo-
saxon rudd-uc (BOSWELL); mull-ock, Old-English mullok, rubbish;
mamm-ock, shapeless piece, fragment. This suffix is also employed
as a diminutive suffix (comp. bulluca); burr-ock', pinn-ock, torn-tit;
padd-ock, hill-ock; so too in proper names, as Matt-ock, Pott-ock;
and with a c inserted : Willi-c-ock &c. Compare Wile-k-in. Yet the
same ock is also augmentative, for instance in padd-ock, Anglosaxon
padde, rana.
Adjectives are: blan-k, Anglosaxon blan-c (BOSWELL); dar-k,
Anglosaxon dear-c; star-k, Anglosaxon stear-c, compare starch.
Verbs: win-k, Anglos, vin-c-jan; blin-k, Old-Highdutch blin-ch-an;
drin-k, Anglos, drin-c-an; sin-k, Anglos, sin-c-an; slin-k, Anglos,
slin-c-an; swin-k, Anglos, svin-c-an (obsolete); stin-kt Anglos, stin-c-
an; shrin-k, Anglosaxon scrin-c-an; mil-k, Anglosaxon mil-c-jan;
wal-k, Anglosaxon veal-c-an; mar-k, Anglosaxon mear-c-j an; bar-k,
Anglosaxon bor-c-jan; har-k (now hardly except in the imperative)
commonly hear-k-en, Anglosaxon her-c-n-jan; wor-k, Anglosaxoii
vyr-c-an.
From a derivational h, k has arisen in the substantive el-k, An-
glosaxon eol-h, Old-Highdutch el-ah.
Anglosaxon g, Old-Highdutch k, in Anglosaxon also interchanging
with c, eg, has been preserved as a derivational sound only after
n ; thus in the substantives : rin-g, Anglosaxon hrin-g, hrin-c; thm-g,
Anglosaxon pin-g, pin-cg; gan-g, Anglosaxon gan-g; ton-gs, Anglo-
Saxon tan-ge, forceps; ton-gue, Anglosaxon tun-ge; thon-g, Anglo-
saxon pvan-g; son-g, Anglosaxon san-g, san-c; lun-gs, Anglosaxou
lun-gen plur.; as in the adjectives: lon-g, Anglosaxon lan-g; stronrg,
Anglosaxon stran-g; youn-g, Anglosaxon geon-g, jun-g; and the
verbs: rin-g, Anglosaxon hrin-g-an; wrin-g, Anglosaxon vrin-g-an;
sin-g, Anglosaxon sin-g-an; slin-g, Anglosaxon slin-g-an; swin-gt
Anglosaxon svin-g-an; sprin-g, Anglosaxon sprin-g-an, sprin-c-an;
han-g, Anglosaxon han-g-an &c.
A derivational suffix, effective down to the most recent period in
the language, is ing. We have however to distinguish two suffixes
of the same form, which perhaps mingle in the modern tongue,
but are theoretically to be sharply separated: the one, which is
essentially used to form concrete substantives; Old-Highdutch inc,
and also takes I before it, Old-Highdutch line, Gothic liggs; the
other, which serves to form abstract substantives; Old-Highdutch
unga, Gothic eins.
ing, Anglosaxon ing, m, is even in Anglosaxon an infrequent suf-
fix to denote men (particularly, yet not exclusively, indicating
descent), beasts, coins, with a few imitations : athel-ing, adel-ing,
Anglosaxon acTel-ing; nid-ing, also nith-ing, Anglosaxon nid-ing; king,
Anglosaxon cyng = cyn-ing; lord-ing (subsequently regarded as a
diminutive; compare, on the other hand: per was po in Engelond
a gret louerding [RoB. OF GLOUCESTER II. 431.]); hild-ing, a ruf-
fian (Anglosaxon hyldan, inclinare); — herr-ing, Anglosaxon har-ing
//. The Formation of Words. A) Derivation. 2) Deriv. Prop, a) Germ.fyc. 453
(although arising from halec); whit-ing, Lowdutch wi-ting; geld-ing
(comp. Anglosaxon gelde, si ecus) ; - - skill-ing, Anglosaxon scill-
ing; farth-ing, Anglosaxon feorfr-ing, -ung, yet also feorfr-1-ing; An-
glosaxon pend-ing (penny) has passed into pen-ig even in Anglo-
• saxon. Ing operates decidedly as a diminutive in devil-ing.
This ing with I prefixed: ling, is used even in Anglosaxon to
form names of men and beasts, rarely of things, and is ap-
pended to substantives, adjectives, verbal stems and even particles.
The expression of disrespect, which is attached to many of these
forms, is in great part presupposed by the stem, but in later imi-
tations is intentional. Names ofmen: earth-ling, Anglosaxon eordT-
ling, earvF-ling, servus (now son of earth); f osier-ling, Anglosaxon
foster-ling; dar-ling, Anglosaxon deor-ling; hire-ling, Anglosaxon
hyre-ling; easier-ling', under-ling (comp. Old-English oferling, over-
ling = ruler, master); nurs-ling, found-ling; change-ling', with inten-r
tional disrespect: wit-ling', world-ling', whim-ling; pope-ling', starve-
ling &c ; yet not Old-English lord-ling (PERCY Rel. p. 201. II.),
although later, as in Swift. In names of beasts diminution
is not primarily expressed by this suffix, but the image of young
and small is often supposed by the stem, but, therefrom is de-
veloped in imitated forms the term for young: young-ling, young
animal, Anglosaxon geong-ling, juvenis; twin-ling ; yean-ling, (An-
glosaxon eanjan, eniti); year-ling', nest-ling; star-ling ; ground-ling
(fish); Young of beasts: kit-ling; kid-ling', duck-ling; chick-ling',
gos-ling: f rout-ling; Trees: sap-ling; oak-ling. Names ofthings
are rare, as Anglosaxon bac-ling, tergum. Comp. chitterlings; shor-
ling and some more. The dialectical substantive hid-ling, has ap-
pended the termination ing to the Old-English hid-el of like meaning.
Abstract substantives, like Anglosaxon berd-ling, puerperium, are
wanting in English, except perhaps in cast-ling. Sometimes the
words in ing and ling are employed as adjectives.
The termination ing, answering to the Anglosaxon ung, ing, High-
dutch ung, serves principally to form abstract substantives from
verbal stems, whereby in general activity or perseverance in
action and the condition are denoted, which the notion of the
stem presupposes. It coincides with the termination of the gerun-
dial participle, and may be annexed, as a substantive termination,
to almost every verbal stem: end-ing, Anglosaxon end-ung; bless-
ing, Anglosaxon. blets-ung: fight-ing, Anglosaxon fiht-ung; cunn-ing,
Anglosaxon cunn-ing; wander-ing; rov-ing', act-ing; perform-ing &c.
Here also the transition into the concrete meaning occurs. Comp.
Anglosaxon veof-ung, textura; eard-ung, habitatio. Then the result
of the activity is then partly denoted: build-ing', gild-ing', lad-ing,
cargo; leav-ing, some-thing left; dripp-ing; partly a collective
notion arises, which imports an object bringing about the activity:
wrapping, cover-ing; cloth-ing', which is especially the case with
forms derived from denominative verbs: foot-ing', floor-ing = floor;
pal-ing = fence work; shipp-ing; shirt-ing. Such substantives may
moreover be derived immediately from substantives: tavern-ing, a
feasting at taverns. The denoting of a single, not collective existence
is rare, as in be-ing.
454 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. II.
b) Eomance Derivative Terminations.
The Romance derivational suffixes which come under review here
rest upon the Latin. Many suffixes of this sort were obscured even
in Old -French; mutilated forms which, transplanted into English,
pass here as stems, have to be discussed in the etymology of the
French tongue.*) Words transplanted unaltered from the Latin or
other Romance tongues can likewise find no consideration here, even
if they conform to the English pronunciation and inflection. In order
not to encroach into remoter fields, those suffixes belonging to the
French constituent of the tongue which have remained effective in
English, although often blended with one another, are cited, when
substantives and verbs are divided; the latter, from the manner of
their treatment in English, exhibiting but few characteristic suffixes.
1) Derivative Terminations of Nouns.
We divide suffixes according to their final sound, so that those
with a final vowel, although forming only a glib shortness, are first
considered, then those with a final consonant, (when an e mute is
disregarded). The former, although partly preceded by consonants,
we call generally vowel derivational terminations ; those with a final
consonant, consonantal derivational terminations.
Vowel Derivational Terminations.
Y. In substantives stands the suffix for French e, Latin atus,
(participle) sometimes in names of persons: deput-y, alongside of
which the terminations ey, ee, ate are also to be met with. See
above.
y often stands, French e, for the Latin substantive atus (fourth
declension) mostly in collective substantives, as clerg-y; to which
territorial names belong, as: duch-y; count-y, Dauphin-y, rarely
abstract nouns, as treat-y. Here also we find ate. See below.
For the French suffix ee, Latin ata, y (also ey) also stands in
names of things, especially collectively: arm-y, jur-y (Medieval-
Latin jurata), countr-y, jell-y (gelee); and abstractly: embass-y;
entr-y; lev-y, destin-y.
Rarely y stands for ee instead of Latin aeus, a, um, as in troph-y.
Very commonly y answers to the French «'c, Latin ia, Old-English
ie, chiefly in abstract and partly collective substantives, which are
developed from adjectives and substantives: ignomin-y; modest-y; per-
fid-y; fur-y; jealous-y; courtes-y; heres-y; comed-y, traged-y; fanc-y
(fantaisie); harmon-y; baron-y; nav-y; (Old-French navie); famil-y^
compan-y &c., to which are added not only many imitations, but also
words, which in French have cast off the i, as miser-y (misere), fal-
lac-y (fallace). Of names of countries a few have preserved y
*) We may here refer to Diez's Romance Grammar, and to Miitzner's
French Grammar.
//. The Formation of Words. A) Derivation. 2) Deriv. Prop. b)Rom.fyc. 455
iorie: Italy; Normand-y; Lombard-y; Picard-y; Thessal-y; German-y;
with which Sicil-y (Sicile) and some in French agne, ogne are asso-
ciated by metathesis: Brittan-y ; Burgund-y (Burgundia, Burgogne);
Gascon-y, whereas the most are transmute into the Latin ia. See
below.
We must also observe, that y also appears for the Latin ium, for
which the e mute is substituted in French: augur-y; obloqu-y; obsequ-y
(MiLTON); mister-y; minister-y, ministr-y; monaster-y; presbyter-y ; lar-
cen-y (latrocinium, comp. French larcin); remed-y; stud-y; subsid-y &c.
Adjectives in y hardly occur, except priv-y (prive); for hard-y,
Jiast-y, joll-y answer to other forms. See we.
From the suffix y (id) is developed er-y, r-y, French er-ie, which
was primarily indebted for er partly to the infinitive termination of
the same sound, partly to the substantive termination, but was then
regarded as a selfstanding suffix. The e is frequently cast out in
English after consonants and vowels, but particularly preserved, where
it reminds us of substantives in er. Imitations are numerous.
The suffix denotes partly the continuous activity or quality
presupposed by the root word, frequently as exaggerated activity in
the sense of blame: chival-ry; bigot-ry; ribald-ry; revel-ry; babe-ry;
fopp-ery; pedant-ry; devil-ry; or a condition or station, as: slav-
ery; outlaw-ry ; english-ry ; as the exercise of a business or an art:
bart-ery; fisfi-ery; herald-ry; blazon-ry; poet-ry &c.; frequently too the
product of the activity, as poet-ry; drap-ery; tapest-ry; hos-iery; also
the place where an activity denoted by the root word is practised,
or the object denoted thereby is found in abundance: bak-ery; bark-
ery, tanhouse; nurs-ery; pant-ry (French paneterie); vint-ry; vest-ry;
nunn-ery; jew-ry; finally, collective notions of every sort: infant-
ry; caval-ry; peasant-ry; sold-iery ; poult-ry; weed-ery = weeds. It
is to be observed that many words unite a variety of these
meanings.
Substantives with the suffix ence and ance (see below), French
the same, Latin ent-ia, ant-ia, have in part assumed collateral forms
in ency, ancy, in part the latter only. Comp. indig-ency (indig-ence);
exig-ency (exig-ence); excell-ency (excell-ence); exist-ency (exist-ence) ;
consist-ency (consist-ence); brilli-ancy (brilli-ance) ; conson-ancy (con-
son-ance); without the collateral form: oppon-ency; urgen-cy; infan-
cy; constan-cy &c.; rarely with a difference of notion, as pend-ence,
slopeness; pend-ency, suspense.
With this is connected the termination c</, sy, in use in English,
as it were tia, (comp. Latin inertia, ineptia), which readily joins to
root words in f, mostly with rejection thereof, and often 'takes the
place of the Latin tio. It appears as a particular suffix, serving to
form abstract substantives, wherein cy approaches the suffix ness
and sometimes interchanges with it: idio-cy (also idiot-cy LEWES);
intima-cy (intimate); intrica-cy (intricate-ness); obstina-cy (obstinate-
ness); luna-cy (lunat-ic); degenera-cy (degenerate-ness); secre-cy (se-
cret); conspira-cy (conspiration) &c.; bankrupt-cy. It often serves to
denote office and rank: ensign-cy; episcopa-cy; magistra-cy; papa-
cy (Medieval-Latin papas, papatus); prela-cy; chaplain-cy; cura-cy;
456 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 1L
cornet-cy; min-strel-sy ; sometimes also collectively, as magistra-cy
and minstrel-sy. In a concrete meaning we have lega-cy (legatum).
The termination (c//) s</, zy, which has taken the place of the-
Latin sis, as in exta-cy, commonly ecsta-sy ; pal-sy (paralysis); fren-zy
(phrenesis), is to be distinguished from the former termination.
Of slight extent are the suffixes any., French ain, Latin aneus,
and OTii/, French ogne, oine, to which we may add also mony, French
moin, moine, Latin monia, monium: miscetl-any; chapell-any, Gasc-
ony (Gasc-ogne); imitated: balc-ony; — cere-mony; patri-mony; testi-
mony; sancti-mony. Instead of any, ain, aign occur.
Of greater importance are the suffixes ary and or*/, not merely
in substantives, but in adjectives also.
ary answers to the French aire, ier, Latin arius, a, um and aris,
whereas the French suffixes ier and er elsewhere pass into er, ar.
Those in ary are of English formation. The substantives belonging
here often denote persons, who are active or participa-
tors in what is expressed by the stem, and are properly adjectives
turned into substantives: incendi-ary ; penilenti-ary ; not-ary; secret-ary;
statu-ary; vision-ary ; vot-ary; prebend-ary ; dignit-ary. Diverging into
ory is mandal-ory, alongside of mandal-ary, likewise invenf-ory. A.
name of a beast is dromed-ary. Names of things also occur,
mostly ending in ier in French, wherein English approximates to the
Latin form; a few are originally masculine (arius), as Janu-ary;
Febru-ary; mostly neuter (arium): milli-ary; e/eclu-ary, Old-English
lettuarie; columb-ary (columbier, columbarium); gran-ary (grenier);
sal-ary (salaire); chartul-ary (chartulaire).
Adjectives of this form increase in English: necess-ary; prim-
dry; tempor-ary ; extraordin-ary ; heredit-ary; lacl-ary; cili-ary ; cir-
cul-ary; hor-ary &c., see ar.
ory, t-ory, French oire, t-oire, Latin orius, l-orius, a, um, often
passes over in English substantives into or, but remains, especially
in adjectives, faithful to the form ory. Substantives are: mem-
ory; vict-ory ; his I -ory ; audit -or y ; orat-ory; monit-ory ; reposit-ory &c.
Adjectives, many of which are turned into substantives, are: amat-
ory; obligat-ory; rolat-ory; putsat-ory; suas-ory; circulat-ory ; compen-
sat-ory; compuls-ory &c., derived from participles.
/y, Modern-French te, Old-French tet, te, Old-English tee, te, La-
tin tat-em, serves to form abstract substantives, mostly with the
connecting vowel i, sometimes e, yet also without a vowel : anliqui-fy;
maligni-ty ; liberafi-ty; vani-ty ; digni-ty; — pie-ty alongside of pi-ly
(Old-French pite); varie-ty; satie-ty; liber-ty, pover-ty (Old-French,
poverte); plen-ty (Old-French plente); proper-ty alongside of proprie-
ty; cert ain- ty &c.
Some assume a concrete, mostly a collective' meaning, as
universi-ty; lai-ty; ci-ty &c.; gratui-ty (present); even for an indivi-
dual: dei-ty.
ey, as a substantive, answers partly to the Modern-French e and
ee, Latin afus, a, urn, partly aie (Old-French, also oie, eie), Lat. eta,,
partly ie, Latin ia: attorn-ey, Old-French atorne (-atus); vall-ey., Old-
French va/ee; voll-ey; chimn-ey; journ-ey, cov-ey (couvee); medl-ey;
(mixture); parl-ey (oral treaty); — mon-ey, Old-French moneie; conip.
II. The Formation of Words. A) Derivition. 2) Deriv. Prop, b) Rom.fyc. 457
tourn-ey, Old-French torneis, tornoi; — gatl-ey, Old-French galie, ja-
laie; Turk-ei/, ubb-ey (abbatia).
ee, French e, Latin atus, is used in legal expressions of the per-
son who participates passively in an act; to the personal names
in ee there commonly stands opposed one in or, er, as that of the
active participator: legator — legat-ee-, appellor — appell-ee; pawner
— pawn-ee; promisor — promis-ee; bailor — bail-ee; vendor — vend-
ee; granter — grant-ee (one to whom a grant is made) <fec. Some-
times the personal name is devoid of this passive meaning: re-
fug-ee; ee even seems augmentative: devot-ee; grand-ee.
In names of things too we find ee, mostly equal to the French
ee, Latin ata: lev-ee; couch-ee; jamb-ee; yet also collectively of
persons: committ-ee, in the passive sense.
We must distinguish herefrom the ee which sometimes occurs
for the French e, ee., Latin acus, a, urn : jubil-ee (jubilaeus sc. annus),
particularly in names: Pharis-ee; Sadduc-ee; Pyren-ees.
ia, Latin ia, which in French passed into ie, was often entirely
cast off, whence many forms in English descend, as anguish (angoisse
= angustia), envy (en vie = invidia), grace (= gratia); Gaul (Gaule =
Gallia), Greece (Grece = Graecia) &c. Yet in modern times proper
names of countries in particular have frequently assumed the Latin
termination ia, even contrary to the Old-English custom: Ind-ia;
Ethiop-ia; Arab-ia-, As-ia; Pers-ia; Bactr-ia; which is also transferred
to others: Lithuan-ia; Bavar-ia; Dalecarl-ia; Siber-ia; Sardin-ia; Caf-
frar-ia &c. ; as the Latin a has also returned in other names : Afric-a;
Americ-a; Louisian-a; Chin-a &c.
o is found as a suffix and in foreign words, as negr-o, volcan-o
&c.; ech-o (fy-w = fy-y) and the like.
ue, lue is a rare suffix, answering to the French we, tu, tue: sta-
tue, French the same, Latin sta-tua, from sta-tum; vir-tue, French
ver-tu, Latin vir-tutem; va-lue, Ital. val-uta.
Consonantal Derivational Terminations.
1) The nasal and liquid letters m, n, I, r are of particular import-
ance among the Romance derivational consonants.
r», me appears in abstract substantives, like the French me
instead of the primitive Greek /x-ot: apophtheg-m; paradig-m; phleg-m;
the-me; sche-me; but in part instead of the Latin men (i-men, a-men,
u-men): real-m, Old-French real-me, Medieval-Latin regal-i-men;
cri-me; vol-u-me; leg-u-me (also leg- u-men). In vict-im it stands
for the Latin vict-ima (from vinco); in cost-ume and cust-om for
the Latin udinem (consuet-udiuem); in ransom, m has come in for
n (Old-French raancon = redemptionem).
asm, French asme, in part with an a of the stem before sm,
rests upon Greek-Latin asma, asmus: mi-asm-, ch-asm; catapl-asm;
enihusi-asm; sarc-asm; fant-asrn.
ism, French isme, apart from the suffix resting upon the Greek-
Latin isma, wherein the vowel is identical with the vowel of the
stem, as in prism, schism, is the derivational termination resting
upon the Latin-Greek ismus, iffftoSj and of extensive use. It is not
458 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. II.
only formed from verbs, as originally, but is also added, as in
French, to noun stems. It expresses a bias to the activity signi-
fied by the stem, or an adherence to principles or doctrines,
or a totality of principles and doctrines themselves: mechan-
ism', despot-ism; palriot-ism; pugil-ism; Platon-ism; Juda-isrn; Chri-
stian-ism; Calvin-ism; pagan-ism; gentil-ism; heathen-ism; often a
blamable bias: manner-ism; pap-ism; de-ism; baby-ism &c. ; to
which ego-t-ism, formed from the personal pronoun (French the
same, with egoi'sme) also belongs. We also denote thereby idio-
matic modes of expression*, provincial-ism; vufgar-ism; Irish-ism
&c. From the verbs derived from wto;, icus (like arroc^w) and the
forms ijaoyx.og, icismus arising out of them, forms in icism are derived:
att-icism; empir-icisrn; fanat-icism; Hibern-icism and even witt-icism.
— Upon the form iv/ma rests bapt-ism, Old-French bapt-isme, -esme,
Modern-French bapteme.
n appears in suffixes with vowels before it, which however are
often interchanged in English.
in, ine, French in, ine, Latin inus, also inus, sometimes mem (virg-
inem), serves to form numerous substantives and adjectives.
Substantives, answering to the termination inus, ma, although
not treated alike in the sound and quantity of the vowel and in
the accent, are partly names of persons, originally mostly of
the masculine gender, as: libert-me; palat-me; cous-in (consobrinus,
a); div-ine; concub-ine (concubina); to which belong also names
of notions, as: Lot-in; Philist-me; Sab-me &c.; and names of
beasts, as: dolph-m; sab-me (a fish). To these are attached pri-
mitive names of things in ina, and imitated forms in French,
both abstract and concrete: ru-m; medec-me; discipl-me; doctr-me;
seiz-m (saisine); fam-ine; ur-me; res-m; bobb-in (bobine); verm-in
(vermine) ; javel-m (javeline) &c., where we disregard words received
with their French accent. Others are originally neuters, as: intes-
tine, mat-in (SHAKSPEARE) (matutinum) &c. The scientific names of
materials in in or me, are imitated, as: ela-m; legum-m; case-in;
butyr-me &c. Court-ain has deviated, Old-French courtine; as in
engine, Old-French enging, engien, Latin ingenium, the syllable ine
belongs to the stem.
This suffix sometimes appears as a diminutive, as in fort-in (fort-
let); cab-in, Cymric cab-an, Dimin. from cab; cod-l-in alongside of
cod-1-ing = small cod.
The suffix in, ine, French ine, Latin mem, is rare: virg-in, Old-
French verg-ine; or-ig-in.
The adjectives in ine, French in, Latin inus and inus, coincide,
with a partial interchange of the long and the short vowel. The
suffix denotes the appurtenance to the substantive notion con-
tained in the stem, partly according to descent, by which the
above substantives are also explained. To the Latin inus answer:
porc-me; bov-ine; fel-ine; fer-ine; div-ine; sal-ine; but also alp-me;
mur-ine; femin-me; vufp-me; corv-me; clandest-me &c.; to mus, ori-
ginally belonging mostly to names of vegetable and mineral
things: elephant-me; corall-me; hyacinth-me; crystall-me (according
to some me). Imitations mostly end in me: lacert-me; cancr-me;
//. The Formation of Words. A) Derivation. 2) Deriv. Prop, b) Rom. fye. 459
sacchar-me; yet ov-ine. Mar-ine has deviated into the pronunciation
een, like some substantives with a French pronunciation, me- sel-
dom answers to a primitive ineus: sangu-me.
en is a rare Romance suffix of substantives, arising, by diver-
gence, from ain for amen and ain, aine, Latin anus, a, urn, in:
leav-en, French lev-ain, Latin lev-amen, Old-English leveyne (Go-
WER); mizz-en, Ital. mezz-ana, French mis-aine; doz-en, French
douz-aine; it stands for ien (oyen), itanus, in citi-z-en, Old-French
citien, citeain, in which z seems to have arisen from the allied
deniz-en, from Cymric dinas, urbs. In ward-en alongside of guard-
ian the Old-French gard-ein, -ain has been preserved; mitt-ens,
Old-French mitan, has like warr-en, French garenne, Medieval-La-
tin warenna, an obscured suffix.
In adjectives en is found in sudd-en, which fluctuates between
the French soud-ain (subitanus) and the Anglosaxon soden; and in
all-en (Latin ali-enus).
ain is likewise a rare suffix for substantives and adjectives.
In substantives, which are properly only adjectives used sub-
stantively, it stands for the French ain, aine, Latin anus, a, urn.
Here it certainly mostly yields to the suffix an: vill-ain alongside
of vill-an; chapl-ain; capt-ain and chieft-ain, Old-French chevet-aine;
fount-ain. This suffix is of doubtful origin in porcel-ain, Ital. por-
cell-ana; pursf-ain, Ital. likewise porcell-ana, from the Latin por-
cilaca. Of adjectives we must cite cert-ain, while the Old-French
sover-ein, super-anus, has passed into sover-eign; like for-ain into
for-eign.
Sometimes this suffix arises from the French aine and agne in-
stead of the Latin ania, anea, partly with a French mute g: barg-
ain, Old-French barg-aine, -aigne, from the Latin barca?; Sp-ain,
French Espagne, Hispania; Brit-ain (Brit-annia) ; Champ-aign, Old-
French champ-aigne, Campania.
an, particularly in ian, also in ean is, on the other hand a very
familiar suffix.
an answers to the French an, ain, more rarely en, Latin anus,
a, urn, an adjective termination, frequently turned into substantives,
denoting in the most general manner appurtenance to the notion
expressed in the substantive stem. Names of persons are here
principally considered: arfis-an, French the same; veter-an, French
the same; mahomet-an, French the same; public-an, French public-
ain; republic-an, French ain; particularly names of nations:
Tusc-an, French Tosc-an; Americ-an, French -ain; Mexic-an, French
-ain; Eom-an, French -ain; Germ-an, French -ain; Troj-an, French
Troy-en. The French doy-en appears in the form de-an. Primitive
feminines are: courtez-an, French courtis-ane; partis-an, French
pertuis-ane; tart-an, Medieval-Latin tareta. Adjectives are of
course not wanting; sometimes they have the suffix ane: gaffi-can,
French gallic-an; mahomet-an, French -an; hum-an, French -ain;
rom-an; germ-an; pag-an, French pay-en, Latin paganus; elisabeth-
an; even elv-an alongside of elf-in, elf-ish. Forms in ane are:
hum-ane, extramund-ane &c.
460 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. IL
In Irish names an is a frequent termination: Eg-an, Dor-an, Fla-
nag-an, Skog-an &c.
ion, French mostly ien, Latin ianus, is found chiefly in names
of persons, and is particularly used of appurtenance to what
the stem expresses according to occupation, station, partisan-
ship and f e 1 1 o w s h i p : m agic-ian ; music-ian ; physic-ian ; librar-ian ;
Iraged-ian; comed-ian; histor-ian; — patric-ian; p/ebe-ian; — christ-
ian; presbyter-ian ; Socin-ian; barbar-ian &c. ; also in names of
nations: lon-ian; llal-ian; Arab-ian; Austr-ian; Pers-ian; Bur-
gund-ian; Syr-ian; Scyth-ian &c. ian seldom stands in names of
things: gent-ian, Latin gentiana; fust-ian, French futaine, Ital.
fustagno, from the town, Fostat or Fossat (Cairo). Adjectives,
from which many names of persons are developed, are frequent:
pe/asg-ian; pretor-ian; Bacon-ian; diluv-ian; campestr-ian ; gregar-
ian; Gregor-ian &c.
ean, French een, developed from Latin aeus (aeanus) and eus,
mostly stands in geographical designations and party names
used substantively, else adjectively, with a fluctuating accent and
pronunciation. Substantives: Europ-ean; Chald-ean; Sab-ean;
Manich-ean; Pythagor-ean; Mediterran-ean. Adjectives: marmor-
ean; cerut-ean; cerber-ean; Prometh-ean; Hercul-ean-, adamant-can\
Aug-ean; Atlant-ean; lelh-ean &c.
on, ion is a usual suffix of concrete and abstract substantives, but
is divided into two classes, the one referring to the Latin mascu-
line o, io, the other to the feminine io.
on, ion, frequently also in modern words oorc, answers to the
Latin o, id (onis), as in: fullo, histrio, leo, papilio, pulmo &c.
It is used of persons who are occupied or affected with
what the stem denotes: mas-on, Old-French: mac-on, -un, Medieval-
Latin machio; fel-on, Old-French fels, felon; tabell-ion; centur-ion;
histr-ion; champ-ion; buff-oon; poltr-oon; sometimes inablamable
sense: glutt-on; simple-t-on. A departure is surge-on, Old-French
surgien. It also occurs in names of nations: Brit-on (Brito);
Sax-on; Gasc-on &c.
The suffix is not seldom applied to beasts (the termination oon
does not here occur): mutt-on; drag-on (on the other hand dragoon);
stall-ion; salm-on; sturg-eon (French esturgeon, Anglosaxon styrja);
falc-on; cap-on; pige-on (pip-io) &c.
In lifeless objects the suffix occurs as commonly: escutche-on;
punche-on; donge-on; septentr-ion ; pavil-ion (from the Latin papilio);
ball-oon-, bat-oon; pantal-oon; harp-oon; carr-oon &c.; sometimes
with an augmentative meaning: musket-oon; sal-oon; also with
collective numbers: mill-ion; bill-ion; tern-ion &c.
The diminutive import of this suffix has mostly disappeared
in English'; compare minion, French mignon.
ion, t-ion, s-ion, s-on, French ion, t-ion, s-ion, s-on, c-on, Latin
io, ionis, belonging originally to feminine abstract nouns derived
from verbal stems, to which are added a few denominative forms,
is numerously represented in English: obliv-ion; rebell-ion; act-ion;
orat-ion; lot-ion; expuls-ion; pass-ion; declens-ion; less-on; reas-on;
treas-on; ars-on; advows-on. Fash-ion (facon) also belongs here.
//. The Formation of Words. A) Derivation. 2) Deriv. Prop, b) Rom.&fc. 461
For rans-om see p. 457. Nat-ion', leg-ion', reg-ion &c. pass into a
concrete meaning.
Suffixes in / have all originally a vowel before them. With the
peculiarity of their treatment in French the vowel was often east
out,, and with it sometimes other suffixed consonants preceding.
In English the vowel has also often been lost, so that the suffix
appears as a mere / with a glib e after it. The remaining vowels
are also often interchanged. We here give the English suffixes
classed according to the vowel preceding and along with each we
treat its collateral form in le.
if, He has hardly been preserved as a substantive suffix. Adjec-
tives used substantively, French He, Latin ile are: utens-il,
French utens-ile, ustens-ile, Latin utens-ilia; miss-He (weapon),
Latin miss-ile. Per-H, French the same, answers to the Latin peri-
culum; pen-oil, Latin pen-icillum; sig-il, else seal, Latin sig-illum.
In adjectives, on the other hand, il, He, French ^7, ile, for the
Latin ilis and His, are frequent, commonly with a short i: miss-ile;
-. fiss-ile; fert-ile; flex-He', f rag-He-, duct-He-, tons-He-, sess-ile', — serv-
ile', civ-i/', juven-He; host-He', but gent-He, alongside of gent-eel, gent-le
with another meaning; also ex-He, Latin exilis. Rejections of the
i, 1 also occur: humb-le, French, the same; stab-le, French, the
. same; - - subt-le (subtilis). Those in ilis properly expressed the
passive appropriateness and ability, those in Ilis, appurte-
nance and conformity, the former being derived from verbs,
the latter from nouns.
e!, e!e in substantives takes the place of the French ele, elle,
Lat. eta: caut-el; client-ele-, quarr-el; Old-French querele; with an.
amplified suffix: tu-tel-age-, with the e cast out: cand-le, compare
Anglosaxon cand-el.
It often stands for the Old-French el, eUe, Modern-French eau,
. elle, Lat. ellus, a, urn, as in c-el, s-el, for the French c-eau, c-elle, s-eau,
, s-elle ; Lat. c-ellus, a, urn : mors^el, Old-French mors-el, morc-el, Modern-
French morc-eau; pomm-el, Modern- French pomm-eau; bow-el, Old-
, French bo-el (botetlus), Modern-French boy-au; grav-el, Old-French
grav-ele; chap-el, French chap-elle; bush-el, Old-French bois-el,
Modern-French boiss-eau, Medieval-Latin bust-ellus; tunn-et, French
tonn-elle; — ves-s-el, Old-French veis-s-el, ves-s-el (vas-c-ellum)
and vais-s-ele fern., Modern-French vaisseau, vaisselle; par-c-el^
French par-c-elle; dam-s-ef, Old-French damoi-s-elle (domini-c-ella);
with e cast out: cast-le, Old-French cast-el, Modern-French chat-
eau. While in these forms the primitive diminutive import of the
suffix is extinct, it is preserved in the double suffix er-el or r-el,
French er-eau, er-elle; comp. French mdt-er-eau; band-er-eau; saut-
er-elle &c.; cock-er-el-, pick-er-el (name offish belonging to the pike-
tribe); with an ethical diminution: mong-r-el, also adjectives; dott-
er-el; dialectically gang-er-el, gang-er-al, a vagabond (NORTH.); per-
haps too gang-r-H, a toad (IB.); without any such signification: suck-
r-el, a sucking foal (SUFFOLK); gamb-r-el, hindfoot (of a horse).
Sach-el, satch-el, Latin sacculus, has been assimilated as a dimi-
nutive.
From the last must be distinguished the substantive suffix
462 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. IL
el for the French el, elle, at, Latin alis, e: minstr-el, Old-English
mynstr-al, Old-French menestr-el, Latin ministeri-alis; vow-el, French
voy-elle, Latin voc-alis; Old-English host-el alongside of hospit-al,
Old-French host-el, host-ens; jew-el, Old-French jo-el, Medieval-
Latin joe-ale; chatt-el alongside of catt-le, Old-French chat-el, cat-el,
Latin capit-ale; kenn-el and chann-el, French chen-al. The termi-
nation al is here more frequent.
The French eif, eille, Latin iculus, a, um and ilis, has sometimes
assumed el: appar-el, Old-English par-aille, Old-French apar-eil
(from pariculus) ; fenn-el, French fen-ouil, Latin foen-iculum ; marv-
el, Old-English merv-aille, Old-French merv-eille, -oille, -ille, Latin
mirab-ilia; yet with the vowel cast out: bott-le, Old-French bout-
eille, -ille, Medieval-Latin but-icula.
el also stands for the French ^7, Latin His, e: kenn-el, French
chen-il, Latin can-He; barr-el, Modern-French bar-il, Old-French
bar-eil, -iel, Ital. bar-ile.
ail, French ail, aille, is a rare suffix (see al): entr-ails, French
entr-ailles, as it were Latin intralia; elsewhere el is also found:
trav-el, French trav-ail. In toiv-el, Old-English towail, French tou-
aille, the Old-Highdutch duahila is contained, a is cast out in
batt-le, as it were batt-alia.
In adjectives el is rare: cru-el, French, the same, Lat. crud-elis.
al is a frequent suffix of substantives and adjectives with
numerous modern formations.
Substantives in al answer to French ones in al, sometimes el,
and aille, Latin alis, e; alia (pi.). The suffix is originally adjective,
denoting that something is proper, conformable or appurte
nant to the notion of the stem. Here belong names of persons:
individu-al, comp. French individu-el; meni-al, Old-French meigni-
al, from meignee, maisnie; gener-al; cardin-al &c. (The feminine
fern-ale, French fem-elle, Latin fem-ella, does not belong here).
Names of beasts rarely: anim-al; names of things frequently,
primarily concretes: miner-al', materi-al; tribun-al^ journ-al; ca-
pit-al; hospit-al &c.; abstracts, as: sign-al; plur-al &c.; ritu-al,
French ritu-el; with these are associated the collectives founded
upon the French aille, Latin alia (pi.), then also abstract sub-
stantives, as: victu-als, French vit-aille, Latin victu-alia; spous-als,
French epous-ailles, Latin spons-alia; funer-al, French funer-ailles,
Latin funer-alia. The great number of abstract English substan-
tives in particular seems formed from these, as appears by the
Old-English forms: spousaile, arivaile &c.: espi-al; arriv-al; avow-
al', acquitt-al; refus-alj reviv-al; propos-al; buri-al; festiv-al; frisk-
al; tri-al; deni-al; dispos-al-, cit-al; carous-al &c., which, almost
without exception, are derived from verbs.
Adjectives in al (ial), French al, often el (ial, iel), Latin alis
(ialis), are uncommonly frequent: equ-al; liter-al; roy-al; rur-al;
fat-al', vit-al-, — etern-al; natur-al; re-al; — mart-ial; jov-ial; —
essent-ialj pestilent-ial &c.
Adjectives with the double suffix ic-al, which are often in use
along with those in ic, are also frequent: mag-ic-al; bibl-ic-al; bi-
II. The Formation of Words. A) Derivation. 2) Deriv. Prop, b) Rom.fyc. 463
bliograph-ic-at; Babylon-ic-al; bacch-ic-al; farc-ic-al; whirns-ic-al;
centr-ic-al; com-ic-al; lackadais-ic-al &c.
iole, eole, more rarely ol for the French diminutive termination
to/, eul, euil m.5 iole &c. fern., rarely of, ole, stands in some dimi-
nutives: alv-eole; fol-iole; glad-iole; sometimes with the suffix er
(r) also inserted in French: mus-r-ole, French mus-er-olle; band-
r-ol, bann-er-ol, French band-er-ole; in squirr-el the termination euil
(ecureuil, like sciuriolus) has passed into el.
ule, c-ule, French ule, c-ule, Latin ulus, a, um; c-ulus, a, um has,
as in French, sometimes remained unabbreviated, particularly where
the original import of the diminutive termination continues percept-
ible: pust-ule; barb-ule; form-ule; caps-ule; glob-ule &c.; animal-c-
ule; vermi-c-ule. Yet those in c-ule are, where the diminutive
meaning recedes, and where u was cast out in French also, not
only shortened into cle, as in ora-cle; mira-cle; specta-cle; recepta-
cle; arti-cle; cir-cle; un-cle &c.; but also where this meaning is pro-
minent, especially in words in i-cle; auri-cle; ossi-cle; parti-cle;
funi-cle; vesi-cle; versi-cle; corni-cle; cuti-cle; corpus-cle &c.
Where the termination ule had shrunk into le in Old-French, le
appears in English also without the character of a diminutive ter-
mination: ang-le; peop-le; tab-le; but also: mandib-le, French man-
dib-ule; scrup-Ie, French scrup-ule &c.
ble, French ble, Latin btlis, e, equivalent in import to the simple
t/w, mostly = Highdutch bar, sam (see z7); in Latin it was added
to vowel stems, or, with the connecting vowel «, to consonantal
stems. French added able and ible to noun stems also. The suf-
fix has regularly the form ble, no longer bile, as sometimes the
French and the older English, for instance mob-He (SKELTON), now
mov-able. Forms with any other vowel preceding than i and a are
rare: fee-ble Old-French floi-ble, foi-ble (fle-bilis); no-ble; igno-ble;
dissolu-ble.
ible and able appear as frequent suffixes, the latter whereof pre-
vails, attaching itself especially to Germanic stems: ed-ible; elig-
ible; ris-ible; vis-ible; flex-ible; cess-ible; corrod-ible; corros-ible; —
malle-able; navig-able; toler-able; commemor-able; commend-able; eat-
able; market-able; love-able; lose-able; begg-able; bear-able; sale-able;
know-able. Suffixes with other vowels sometimes pas into ible and
able: indel-ible, French indelebile; peace-able, French pais-ible.
The adjective suffix ble, pie, French the same, Latin -plus, -plex;
is to be distinguished from this: dou-ble; tre-ble; tri-ple &c.
r is mostly suffixed with a vowel before it, but in some cases
it takes as re, like le, the place of a suffix beginning with a
vowel.
er and ar are unequally divided between the French suffixes
ier, iere, aire, Latin arius, a, um; aris, e, to which ary, cited above,
and ier and eer, mostly for names of persons, are also annexed.
Some have also deviated into or. Er is often hardly to be distin-
guished in names of persons from the Germanic suffix er, Old-
English ere, the English termination having been given to Romance
words also.
Names of persons originally mostly of the masculine gender,
464 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part L Sect. II.
commonly have er where the French gives ier, the Old-French also
er: offic-er (officier); usk-er, Old-French ussier; messeng-er, messag-
er (messager); marin-er (marinier); prison-er (prisonnier) ; barb-er
(barbier); butch-er (boucher); sorc-er-er (sorcier); strang-er, Old-
French estrauger, estrangier &c.; instead thereof ar in vic-ar (vi-
caire); burg-l-ar, Medieval-Latin burglarius, burgarius; burs-ar,
Medieval-Lat. bursarius; Templ-ar (Templier); schol-ar, Old-French
escolier = scholaris. or see below, ier, eer in modern words : ar-
quebus-ier; brigad-ier; financ ier; caval-ier; gondol-ier &c.; musket-
eer; mulet-eer- pion-eer; volunt-eer; gazetl-eer ; privat-eer ; circuit-eer
and other imitations. Many fluctuate between ier and eer, like
bucan-ier and buccan-eer &c. Squi-re, Old-Engl. squiere, Old-French
esquier, escuier, has re. A few feminine names of persons have
been preserved, as laund-er (lavandiere) ; dowa-g-er, Old-French
doairiere (wherein g seems developed from i).
Names of beasts in er occur: lim-er (limier); lann-er (lanier);
plov-er (pluvier, comp. the Old-French verb plovoir).
Names of trees and shrubs in ier, not rare in French, have
been scarcely preserved, save in popl-ar (peuplier).
Other names of things, denoting concrete, rarely abstract
objects, have been preserved with the suffixes er, ar, ier-., they
are mostly referable to forms originally neutral and feminine : arium,
ariq, French ier iere, rarely aire: lard-er (lardier); litt-er (litiere)!
riv-er (riviere); gart-er (jarretiere, comp. Old-French garret = jar-
ret); gutt-er (gouttiere); — mort-ar, Old-English morter (mortier,
mortarium); pill-ar, Old-English piler (pilier, Medieval-Latin pilare
and pilarius); cell-ar (cellier); calend-ar (calend-r-ier) ; coll-ar, Old-
English coler (HALLIWELL s. v.) (collier, Latin collare); gramm-ar
(grammaire); — rap-ier (rapiere); pann-ier (panier); barr-ier (bar-
riere); front-ier (frontiere). Abstracts are: mann-er (maniere, as
it were manuaria); pray-er, Old-French proiere; dang-er (as it were
damniarium).
The suffix er moreover takes the place of other suffixes in sub-
stantives, as of iere (Latin eria): matl-er (mat-iere); of oir, eoire
(Latin orium): cens-er (encensoir); mang-er (mangeoire, manduca-
toria); of the infinitive er in: sapp-er (souper). Comp.: Justices of
oyer et terminer, ad audiendum et terminandum, and the like.
But the suffix er frequently arises from the insertion of an e
between a consonant and r, whether a primitive vowel is thereby
restored or not: memb-er (membre); monst-er (monstre); doist-er,
Old-French cloistre; waf-er (gaufre); chart-er, Old-French chartre,
chart-arium; ord-cr (ordre, ord-in-em); numb-er (nombre, num-er-
us); powd-er (poudre, pulv-er-em); cind-er (cendre, cin-er-em);
chamb-er (chambre, cam-er-a) &c.
In adjectives we find the derivational termination ar, French
aire, ier, Latin aris, since arius usually passes into ary; occasionally
this collateral form is found even here : sublun-ar, sublun-ary. Both
frequently interchange, even in Latin. Old-English sometimes has
er: syngul-er (PiERS PLOUGHM.); Modern-English singul-ar; regular;
pol-ar; popul-ar ; famili-ar ; vulg-ar; triangul-ar; simil-ar; navicul-ar^
with many imitations.
//. The Formation of Words. A) Derivation. 2) Deriv. Prop, b) Rom. Sfc. 465
The diminutive suffix aster , French dtre, Latin aster: poet*
aster-, ole-aster, is rare.
or, our, and /-or, Latin l-or and s-or, Modern-French eur and
l-eur, s-eur, occasionally I -re. In Old-French t was often thrown
out, so that in the nom. sing, eres, erres in the oblique cases eor,
•eour appeared instead of ator. In Old-English the suffix often
sounded our, which is lost in Modern-English. In imitated forms
or is regarded absolutely as a suffix, as in French; words in tor
have been received immediately from the Latin. This suffix of the
Latin supine denotes persons exercising the activity contained in
the stem: auth-or; trait-or, Old-French tra'itres, traitor; ancest-or,
Old-French ancestre, anceissor; success-or; predecess-or ; credit-or;
orat-or; testat-or; tut-or; govern-or; lail-or, Old-French tailleres,
tailleor; grant-or; conquer-or; appell-or; jur-or; bargain-or &c. The
form saviour rests upon the Old- French salvieres, saveor. — Rarely
forms of this sort have passed into er, as paint-er, from the French
peint-re ; or into eer, as engin-eer, Old-French engigneres, engigneor,
where the nominative is the standard. Conversely, many in er
{arius) has passed into or : warri-or, Old-French guerrier, yet also
guerreiur, guerreur, (like counsell-or, Old-French conseilleres, con-
seilleor, Modern-French conseiller); chancell-or, Old-French chan-
celier; propriet-or, French proprietaire; bachel-or (bachelier, bac-
calarius), Old-English bacheler &c.; as even Germanic ones: sail-or,
Old-English sailer; Old-English robb-our, Modern-English robber;
Old-English minour, Modern-English miner &c.
or, our, of which our is preferred, except in modern words, al-
though without agreement, Modern-French eur. sometimes our, La-
tin or, oris, is a suffix originally added to verbal stems, in French
also to adjectives and participles, and denoted the activity con-
tained in verbal stems, abstractedly, but especially as a condition
or quality: flav-our', vap-our; col -our; clam-our; hon-our; hum-
our; often as distinct from hum-or (moisture); splend-or; tum-or;
liqu-or &c.; some of which have passed into a concrete meaning.
Imitations are demean-our (from demener); behavi-our (from behave).
From this suffix is to be distinguished that which sometimes
takes the place of the French oir, Latin erium, orium : man-or (ma-
noir, Medieval-Latin manerium) ; parl-our (parloir); Old-English
dort-our (dortoir), in Bacon, dorture; mirr-or (miroir, as it were
miratorium); raz-or (rasoir); sciss-ors (imitated). Another deriva-
tion is arm-our, Old-French armeure, armure, armatura; vis-or
(visiere) = vizard.
ior, French ieur, the Latin comparative termination, is found in
some adjectives, sometimes also used substantively : infer-ior; exter-
ior; sen-ior &c.
ure (t-ure, s-ure), French ure, Latin ura. This suffix of the su-
pine, which denotes the abstract activity, but also its con-
crete result, was sometimes annexed to verbal stems not belong-
ing to the supine (fig-ura), but was added in French, as ure and
ture, to noun stems also. In al-ura Old-French also cast out the
/; hence armeure, engendreure, Old -English engendr-ure. Ab-
stracts, which moreover partly become also concrete, are: nurt*
Matzuer, engl. Or. I. 30
466 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. IL
ure; tor I -ure; deparl-ure; capt-ure; gesf-ure; expos-ure; cens-ure;
waft-ure; moist-ure &c. ; concrete: aper(-ure; nat-ure (also ab-
stract); pict-ure; furnit-ure; vest-ure; garnit-ure; verd-ure; ord-ure
&c. Those which have diverged into this form are: leis-ure, Old-
English leiser, Old-French loisir, leisir; pleas-ure, Old-French plai-
sir, pleisir; also treas-ure, Old-French tresor, Old-English tresoure*
and Old-English lang-ure (MAUNDEV.) instead of longuor, as, rever-
sely arm-our, instead of armure. Grand-eur retains the French
form.
2) Lipsounds are of slight moment; only v (/) needs to be con-
sidered.
ive, rarely iff, French if, ive, Latin ivm, a, um, Old-English fre-
quently if, is properly an adjective termination. It denotes the
inclination and capacity for the activity signified by the stem,
or the condition or quality answering to the notion of the
stem, and occurs in forms used substantive ly, and in adjec-
tives, rarely with the old spelling iff, by which a substantive is
sometimes distinguished from an adjective. Comp. plaint iff and
plaint-ive. Names of persons used substantively are: nat-
ive; representat-ive; capt-ive; plaint-i/; cait-iff, Old-French caitif;
bail-iff, also baily, Medieval-Latin ballivus; the name ofabeast:
rest-iff (stubborn horse); various names of things: alternat-ive;
mot-ive; narrat-ive; purgat-ive; prerogat-ive ; diminut-ive &c. Most
still occur as adjectives, along with many others: instruct-ive;
extens-ive; abus-ive; act-ive; offens-ive; primit-ive; destruct-we ; com-
prehens-ive; rest-iff; caitiff &c. Many have passed into y, as in
French partly into i: joll-y, Old-English jol-if, Old-French joli, -ive;
hast-y, Old-English hastif, Old-French, the same. Conversely, the
Old-English often has gilt-if, gelt-if, for guilt-y, Anglosaxon gylt-ig.
Among the imitations is talk-at-ive, with the insertion of an apparent
supine termination in at-um.
3) Of extensive efficiency are the tooth sounds, of which, besides
t, d and s, the dental c and g also need consideration,
t primarily stands as the final sound in the two primitive di-
minutive suffixes ef, more rarely ot, French et (at), ot, -e, which,
as such, were foreign to the Anglosaxon, invaded English from
the French, and have been added even to Anglosaxon stems. Here
et has partly taken the place of at and ot. In the diminutive
meaning many substanstives appear, especially in et: isl-et (ilot):
lapp-et; pock-et'} frisk-et (frisquette); banner-et; coron-et (inferior
crown); cabin-et; circl-et\ Names of young beasts: eagl-et (aiglat);
marmos-et; lever-et (levrette, from levrier); pork-et; pull-et, along-
with poul-t\ cygn-et', and proper names as originally petnaines:
Beck-ett (little brook); Grav-ett (little grove); Wttm-ot, also Charl-
otte^ and Ad-c-ot (little Ade, Adam); At-c-ot (Arthur); Wil-k-ot
(William); Hi-ck-ot (Henry), wherein c, k, answer to the
k in Wil-k-in &c., and which are corrupted into Accock, Wilcock,
Hickock. Another diminutive suffix is frequently inserted, espe-
cially /, el, as is the case in circlet (circ-ul-us) ; leaf-l-el] ring-l-el\
fort-l-et; branch-l-et; trout-l-el; stream-l-el ; gob-l-et (cup-ell-a).
The diminutive import is frequently lost, as in French: mall-el;
11. The Formation of Words. A) Derivation. 2) Deriv. Prop, b) Rom. fyc. 467
linn-et; lock-el-, banqu-et; budg-et; fresh-et (afresh); helm-et; gorg-
et; gaunt-l-et; ball-ot; fagg-ot; gali-ot; chari-ot &c. Modern forms
are the terms for materials according to a constituent, (with a base)
as sulphur-et. Compare the French anis-ette. Occasionally the suf-
fix works disparagingly: flor-et (imperfect flower); gigl-ot (girl of
light manners); perhaps also in strump-et.
From this suffix we must discriminate et, Latin eta, etes, Greek
IJTIJS : com-et, plan-et, and Latin etum : arbor-et, Latin arboretum =
arbustum.
Adjectives of the diminutive form in et are rare: dulc-et;
russ-et.
t moreover appears as a noun -suffix, alone or in the combi-
nations ite (it), ete, ute, which are referable to the Latin partici-
pial forms -tus, Itus, itus, etus, dtus, utus, and adjective forms formed
after them from substantives (cristatus, auritus). Adjectives are
frequent: erec-t; ex tine- 1; rap-t; perfec-t; corrup-t; infin-ite; exquis-
ite; defin-ite; — oppos-ite; decrep-it; — comple-te; — elev-ate; effe-
min-ate; priv-ate; — absol-ute; min-ute; deslit-ute. Imitations from
nouns end especially in ate and ute: labi-ate; lunul-ate; dent-ate;
crist-ate; often with the Germanized collateral from ated: labia-ted;
dentaled; cristated &c. ; delic-ate (deliciae) — nas-ute; hirs-ute.
Forms of this sort used substantively mostly answer to the mas-
culine or the neuter gender of the Latin. In names of persons
the forms in ate, rarely others appear: intirn-ate; advoc-ate; potent-
ate, Medieval-Latin potentatus ; favour-He. More frequent are names
ofthingsas primitive neuters: insec-t; edic-t; manuscrip-t; precep-t;
— un-it; — mer-it; cred-il; — mand-ate; duplic-ate; often in modern
scientific expressions, as: nitr-ate; sulph-ate; carbon-ate; Jiydr-ate
&c. ; — trib-ute; attrib-ute &c.
From these we must distinguish the few words in t, ite, ate,
Latin tus, itus, atus, according to the fourth declension: frui-t;
falsely formed, ascen-t (ascensus); appet-ite; among which those in
ate are particularly to be noted, which are referred to office and
station, sometimes also to the domain subject to a dignitary:
elector-ate; episcop-ate; magistr-ate; princip-ate; cardinal-ate; con-
sul-ate; celib-ale.
Of the Latin -Greek gentile names in it a, ela, at a, of a, Greek
i-njs, ifnjs, OCT^S, umjft those in ite, French ite have been particularly
preserved: israel-ite; Shem-ite; Canaan-it e; Stagir-ite; Jacob-He;
carmel-ite ; with a shortened i in Jesu-il. Mineralogy and Chemistry
form words, as braun-ite; byssol-ite; dry-it e; sulph-ite; webster-ite;
hydrar gill-it e &c. as terms for substances. Satell-ife on the other
hand rests upon the Latin satell-item. Of those in of idi-ot; pa-
tri-ot; Cypri-ot occur; many have passed into other suffixes. The
suffix borders on the meaning of ist. in Jacobite; Jesuit.
ent and ant, French ent, ant, Latin ent-em, ant-em, in which how-
ever sometimes the original Latin form, sometimes the French form
is the standard, are properly participial terminations, which partly
occur used substantively, partly as adjectives.
Used substantively they yield names of persons, which
are in part of both genders, ent, ant: adher-ent; ag-enl; reg-ent;
30*
468 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
presid-ent; stud-ent; cli-enf; -- inhabit -ant; mendic-ant; merch-ant;
def end-ant; descend-ant ; depend-ant (distinguished from the adjec-
tive depend-ent); serv-ant; serje-ant &c. In brig-and, according to
the French precedent, d appears instead of /; as the name of a
beast: serp-ent.
Names of things, partly concrete, partly abstract, point
to all three Latin genders, yet most rarely to the feminine: torr-
ent; curr-ent (courant); ingredi-ent; astring-ent (medicine); ori-ent;
occid-ent; sec-ant; accid-enl; incid-ent; sembl-ant (show, obsolete)
&c. Adjectives, some whereof are also to be met with among
substantives, are very familiar: innoc-ent; emin-ent; adjac-ent; urg-
ent; lat-ent; pati-ent; belliger-ent (belligerant) ; — eieg-ant; arrog-
ant; proluber-ant; brilli-ant; verd-ant; vali-ant; triumph-ant; con-
son-ant &c.
In ungu-ent the suffix entum (unguentum) lies at the root.
went, French menf, Latin menfurn, is the frequent substantive
termination, which is met with in abstract and concrete sub-
stantives, (among them many recent forms) and is added to verbal
stems, although in English sometimes apparently to nouns, but
whose denominative verbs are at the foundation (case-ment; ship-
ment). It denotes the activity or the condition which the
verbal notion qualified: imprison-ment; endow-menl; enchant-ment;
ease-ment, (relief); employ-ment.; abate-ment, ; agree-ment; punish- ment;
comport-ment; bereave- menf ; bewifch-ment ; f or eb ode-men f ; fulfil-ment
&c. Concrete objects appear partly as means for effecting the
activity contained by the verbal stem: oint-ment; orna-ment; liga-
ment; pig-ment; pave-rnent; fer-ment; gar-ment (French garne-ment) ;
partly as such as are effected by means of the activity: frag-
ment (a piece which has arisen through breaking); seg-ment; filam-
ent (spun). In parch-ment a change of termination of the Old-French
parcamin, parchemin, Old-English parchemyn, is contained.
lent, French lent, Latin lent us, a, urn and lens, is an adjective
suffix, whereby the being affected in a high degree with what
is contained in the stem is denoted: escu-fent.; opu-/enf; mad-lent;
mucu-lent; lutu-lent; lucu-fent; vio-fent; floru-lent, also floscu-Ient
(imitated); turbu-lent; sonmo-lent &c., which almost all belong to
Latin.
ist, French isle, Latin is/a, Freek £9$ is a suffix whereby names
of persons are formed. It denotes the person continuously engaged,
externally or internally, in what is predicated by the stem. It is
therefore applied to persons occupied with an art, science or
trade, as : art-ist ; latin-ist ; pian-ist ; pugil-ist ; psalmod-ist ; botan-ist ;
flor-ist; copy-ist; tour-ist; mechan-ist; tabacco-n-isf (with n inserted)
&c.; likewise to those attached to a party or to definite prin-
ciples, as: Jansen-ist; monarch-ist : royal-ist; deslin-ist; quiet-is t;
chart-ist &c. ; sometimes with an admixture of censure: egot-ist;
exclusion-is t; manner-ist; de-ist; devotion-isf ; whence also bigam-ist,
provincial '-ist; proverbial-ist. The allied suffix iast is rarer: enthus-
iast; encom-iast.
d appears in the adjective termination id, French wfe, Lat.
idus. It denotes that the notion of the stem inheres in an object
JI. The Formation of Words. A) Derivation. 2) Deriv. Prop, b) Rom. fyc. 469
as a quality in a higher degree or measure. The stem is a verb
and sometimes a noun: inlrep-id; insip-id; ac-id; mad-id; morb-id$
langu-id] lur-id; rig-id; putr-id; flacc-id; viv-id; turb-id; splend-id;
cand-id; hisp-id; herb-id &c. Imitations are wanting. Words in
id are sometimes used substantively, as, Hqu-id; flu-id.
From this we must distinguish the termination id, which is em-
ployed substantively, yet also adjectively by the language of the
n1 sical sciences, and answers to the Greek fc&js, Latin Ides: al-
)-id; chloro-id &c.; also id, French ide, Greek Latin is, idis: Ne-
reid; Aeneid.
ade, seldom ad, French ade, Latin ata, fern., which appears along
with the French ee, under the influence of the Ital. ada, is found
as a suffix, especially in substantives denoting a collective no-
tion: palis-ade; balustr-ade; barric-ade; brig-ade; cavalc-ade; casc-
ade; colonn-ade; similarly in lemon-ade; orange-ade. Abstract
ones are: par-ade; promen-ade; block-ade; seren-ade. It is shortened
into ad in sal-ad.
To the Greek and Latin feminine suffix as, ddis, French ade,
belongs ad, rarely ade, in: myri-ad; mon-ad; tri-ad; tetr-ad; dec-
ade. Of masculine names of persons in as, ddis, nom-ad belongs
here; of the feminine: Nai-ad.
tude, French tude, Latin tudo, commonly with the connecting
vowel i: itude, a suffix added to adjective stems, denotes the ab-
stract quality, seldom passing into the collective notion, as in
mutti-tude. Comp. : atti-tude (aptitudo); lippi-tude; lati-tude; longi-
tude; beati-tude; forti-tudel sollici-tude <&c.
bund (bond) and cund, French bond, -e, cond, -e, Latin bundus,
a, urn; cundus, a, um, two adjective suffixes to verbal stems,
both denoting the being continuously or strongly occupied
with the activity predicated by the verbal stem, are preserved in
a few words: mori-bund; vaga-bond, both also used substantively;
- rubi-cund; fe-cund; fa-cund; jo-cund; vere-cund.
s is often mixed in Romance suffixes of English, as in French,
with the dental c, whence the two sounds are not to be separated
from each other, so far as both rest upon a Latin c and t which
became subsequently dental.
ice, is, answers to the French ice, is, Latin icius, icium and itius,
itium in names of persons and things, yet the form is is al-
most extinct. Names of persons are: nov-ice; apprent-ice, Old-
English prent-is. Concrete names of things from the Latin
icius, -um are extremely rare, as: abat-is, French, the same; trel-
lis, French treillis, Latin trichila; latt-ice, French latt-is; crev-ice
has diverged from crev-asse; prejud-ice is abstract. Those origi-
nally ending in itium are : precip-ice; serv-ice; hosp-ice. Compounds
like edi-fice; ori-fice &c. do not belong here. Exerc-ise has passed
into the feminine form of abstract nouns.
In some words ice, French ice answers to the Latin termination
ex, ids; ix, ids: chal-ice, Old-French calice, Anglos, calic; matr-ice,
Latin matricem; pum-ice, Latin pumicem.
ice with the collateral form ise, and ise, also ess (es), French ice,
ise, esse, Old-French ece, Latin itia und ities, serve originally to
470 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 11.
form abstract substantives from adjectives: avar-ice; mal-ice; not-
ice; franch-ise; just-ice-, coward-ice, Old-English cowardise, -ie, Old-
French coardise, -ie; obsolete pal liar d-ue; covet-ise. — warrant-ise
(SHAKSPEARE, see SMART); merchand-ise; Old-English niggard-ise;
— larg-ess, formerly nobl-ess and others; rich-es. Many have been
abandoned; among other imitated forms are pract-we; treat-ise. A
feminine name of persons in itia is Lett-ice (Laetitia).
ass, ace, French as, m. ; ace, asse, fern., Latin aceus, a, urn, forms
substantives, partly denoting variation, or operates augmenta-
tively: embarr-ass (embarras); cutl-ass (coutelas); cuir-ass (cuirasse);
grim-ace, French, the same; popul-ace, French, the same; terr-ace,
French terr-asse.
The suffix is mingled with others : fourn-ace (fournaise, from for-
nax or fornacea?), men-ace, French, the same, Latin minaciae. —
Rarely act/ runs parallel to ace: popul-acy. In other words acy is
to be divided a-cy. (See above.)
ese, French ais, ois, Latin ensis, has been preserved in some names
of nations, in part also used adjectively: Malt-ese', Portuguese;
Chin-ese; Japan-ese &c.
For ess as a feminine suffix see p. 251.
ous and ose, Old-French os} ous, Modern-French eux, more rarely
oux and ose, Latin osus, a, urn, an adjective suffix, added to
substantive stems, and expressing the affection in a high degree
or the being replete with what the stem denotes, is uncommonly
extensive in English, and in modern formations frequently takes
the place of other suffixes, particularly of the Latin -us after vowels,
but also after consonants, when the characteristic import of the
suffix is often lost. The form ous is the most frequent: aque-ous;
monstr-ous; nause-ous', lumin-ous; fabul-ous: furi-ous\call-ous-, covet-
ous-, hide-ous- — mischieve-ous ; murder-ous; wondr-ous &c.; — 06-
vi-ous; spuri-ous; errone-ous; corne-ous; conspicu-ous ; contigu-ous ;
credul-ous ; barbar-ous ; fufv-ous &c. ; scurril-ous (Latin scurrilis) ;
illustri-ous (illustris) &c. The form ose sometimes interchanges with
ous, as in: varic-ose; aqu-ose^ calcul-ose &c , but is frequently the
sole one in use: bellic-ose, verb-ose, rug-ose\ joc-ose and others.
ence, ance, French ence, ance, Latin entia, antia, are substan-
tive suffixes in words which have been developed from the ori-
ginal participial terminations e?it, ant, and whose collateral forms
in ency, ancy are mentioned above at p. 455. They give rise to
abstract nouns, in which the verbal notion receives the meaning
of a continuous quality or of a condition, rarely concrete
substantives. Modern formations prefer ance: indig-ence] innoc-ence\
experi-ence\ occurr-ence; penit-ence] consequ-ence] consci-ence; —
ignor-ance\ entr-ance] admitt-ance'y repent-ance, griev-ance (Old-
French grevance); forbidd-ance1^ for bear- ance', hindr-ance; yield-ance
&c. Concrete ones are, for example, rom-ance\ subst-ance] ordn-
ance (cannon) &c. — Ence has passed into ense in the substantive
lic-ense.
age, French age, Latin aticum, is a substantive suffix proceeding
from the Latin adjective suffix, which early became very familiar
to French and in Medieval -Latin was rendered by ayium. Sub-
//. The Formation of Words. A) Derivation. 2) Deriv. Prop. b)Rom.fyc. 471
stantives with this suffix proceed from the most different parts of
speech, are both concrete and abstract, and their suffix expres-
ses in a broad sense appurtenance to the stem.
Concrete objects are: vis-age ; carri-age; saus-age (from sau-
cisse); cabb-age, from the Medieval-Latin gabusia, French cabus;
there are but few which do not denote a locality, as: vill-age;
vicar-age] cott-age; hermit-age; or assume a collective meaning,
as cellar-age; lugg-age; bagg-age; fraught-age (SHAKSPEARE); float-
age; plum-age; band-age; cord-age &c.; to which we may also refer
names of victuals, as: pott-age; supp-age. In person-age, which is
referred to the person, it is augmentative. It often denotes the
yield of a thing, or the product of an activity: mile-age; lact-
age; post-age; full-age; gain-age; keel-age (duty paid for entering
port); consul-age &c.
In an abstract sense it denotes partly the activity which its
Terbal stem expresses, or which is connected by its noun stem : mar-
ri-age; langu-age; broker-age; foster-age; voy-age; till-age; carn-age;
coin-age; horn-age &c.; or the quality and the condition or
station of the stern: cour-age; apprentis-age; peer-age; baron-age;
baronet-age; bond-age; whence collectives may be again developed.
In a few names of persons we must go back to aticus, as in:
sav-age; host-age (Medieval-Latin hostagius, ostaticus = obsidiaticus).
Adjectives hardly exist, as: sav-age.
In a few substantives this suffix meets the French age, Lat. ago :
im-age; cartil-age.
4) Throat-sounds hardly need to be considered in derivation.
ic, French ic, ique, Latin icus, a, urn (Greek ocog), is properly
an adjective suffix, denoting particularly appurtenance, and
runs in Modern-English ic, Old-English ike, where the French pre-
sents ique: aul-ic; rust-ic; publ-ic; babi/lon-ic;fran-cic; celt-ic; bard-
ic; fantast-ic; frant-ic; caust-ic; gener-ic &c.; it has also been pre-
served in the form alic (comp. age): aqu-atic; fan-atic; system-otic^
hanse-atic &c. The adjective forms often have the above mentioned
collateral form in ical. Joined to substantive forms the ter-
mination appears not only in names of persons, as: la-ic; do-
mest-ic; cyn-ic; cathol-ic, asthm-atic; lun-alic &c., answering to the
Latin in icus, but also in names of things, which presuppose a
neuter icum, as: celt-ic; gael-ic; ton-ic; or which are referable to
the feminine ica: arithmet-ic; mus-ic: phys-ic; phys-ic, and other
plural terms of sciences, mathem-alics &c. ; fabr-ic and others.
ic, French ique, Latin Icus, is very rare, as in pud-ic; ant-ique,
which belongs here, has preserved the French form, alongside of
unf-ic, with a different meaning.
iac, French iaque, Latin iacus (Greek i&xo'g), a termination nearly
allied to the last, is found in a few forms, commonly too in per-
sonal terms used substantively : il-iac; ntan-iac; syr-iac; simon-iac
and the like.
esque, French esque, with which the Latin iscus (syriscus) may
be compared, is an adjective suffix, transferred from the Italian
esco into French, and which at once gives substantive forms and
denotes derivation or variation. It has penetrated in some
472 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. IL
measure into English: mor-esque\ roman-esque] pictur-esque] burl-
esque; grot-esque &c., and also uses some forms substantively, as
burlesque.
2) Derivational Suffixes of the Verb.
The verbal derivation of the Romance constituent of the English
tongue attaches itself immediately to the French process, which
practised the Latin manner of derivation of words, not merely from
primitive, but also from derivative nouns, by means of weak conju-
gational forms, and with still greater freedom.
In French we find nearly all noun suffixes over again in verbs.
English could hardly extend this mode of forming words, with regard
to the sort of suffixes, although it has considerably augmented the
number of verbs which have thus arisen. Here, where, after the
rejection of the Romance inflective terminations of the verb, the pure
noun stem remains standing, only a few suffixes of the noun are
missed in the verb, among which the substantive and adjective ones
in y, as: ty, cy, %, ency, ancy, ery, ary, ory and the less usual ones,
as tude and the like, may be especially reckoned, although the language
scorns a fixed limit in this respect.
Here therefore only the derivation of verbs from verbs, as well
as that from nouns with particular verbal suffixes, has a par-
ticular interest as to the formation of words.
A) Verbs derived from verbs.
Latin-formed verbs denoting the persistence or repetition
of the activity (intensive and frequentative verbs) from primitives
by the suffix t and s of the first conjugation in tare, sare: sal-
tare, pren-sare. In their formation they lean formally upon the
supine and the passive participle agreeing with it. French imitated
a multitude of forms of this sort, often with the abandonment of
the intensive meaning, in connection with participial forms, and
English adopted these and augmented their number. Hence verbs
in £, te, 88, se (x, sh in contractions), as: trea-t, French trai-ter>
Latin trac-tare; no-te, French no-ter, Latin no-tare; profes-s, French
profes-ser; ra-se, era-se, French ra-ser; u-se, ab-use, misu-se, French
u-ser, abu-ser; disper-se, French disper-ser; fix, French fixer; pushy
French pous-ser, Latin pul-sare. English imitations: uni-te] comple-
te] promo-te] pollu-te] preven-t] asser-t] combus-t; corrup-t] inftic-t]
ac-t] instruc-t] dismis-s] agres-s] posse-s] percus-s] confu-se] elap-se^
•perple-x and many more.
English goes a step further in this, forming from the supine or
participle of the perfect of the first weak conjugation of the Latin
a numerous class of verbs, to which neither Latin nor French gave
any support. They arise from verbs of every kind, and in them
ate appears as a particular verbaji suffix, which has even been ap-
plied to modern formations (without any presupposed verb) : indur-
ate] enerv-ate] expatri-ate] migr-ate] navig-ate] renov-ale ; perme-ate ;
procre-ate] devast-ate; castr-ate] captiv-ate &c. — impan-ate] insol-
ate] emargin-ate] emascul-ate] edulcor-ate, diplom-ate &c. — Even
11. The Formation of Words. A) Derivation. 2) Deriv. Prop, b) Rom. fyc. 473
French participial forms give verbs: oin-t] poin-t] pain-t] prin-t]
fain-t: tain-t] count erf ei-t^ clo-se &c.
The suffix it gave Latin frequentatives in it-are (ag-itare), some
of which were also derived from nouns (pericl-itari). Verbs of
this sort have been preserved in English, as partly in French, but
they have at the same time assumed ate: ag-iiate; palp-itate] hes-
itate] perid-itate] facil-itate] debil-itate] nobil-itate &c.
Other suffixes coincide with Anglosaxon ones, as le, French ler,
ailler (ulare, aculare), which is contained, for instance, in amb-le
(ambler, ambulare); fremb-le] troub-le] scribb-le (ecrivailler) ; or,
like the French eter, oter, onner, asser, they are no longer considered
as self-standing suffixes in the derivation of verbs.
But here belongs the suffix ish, Old-English we, ice, ishe, ish,
Old-Scottish is, eis, even es, ische, which has arisen from the French
iss, Latin isc (esc), but in French rarely appeared in the infinitive
of verbs (see below), yet still exists in forms of the verb in ir
(fin-iss-ons, fin-iss-ais &c.). In Old-French this suffix was also in-
serted in other verbs and verbal forms than in Modern-French.
Moreover sc with i, e, a appeared even in Latin in verbs derived
from nouns. It originally gave to the verb an inchoative mean-
ing, which however was quite disregarded in French. In English
ish mostly appears in verbs in which Modern-French still usually
employs iss: impover-ish, comp. French appauvrir; embell-ish] establ-
ish] abol-ish] accompl-ish ; nour-ish] langu-isb] replen-ish (plen-ish),
Old-French replenir; per-ish] pol-ish] pun-ish] burn-ish; bland-ish]
brand-ishj fin-ish', furn-ish] van-ish, compare French evanouir; tarn-
ish j demol-ish] cher-ish] garn-ish &c. Yet the suffix is also put to
other Romance verbal stems, as aston-ish, Old-French estoner, Old-
English astonen; publ-ish (publier); vanqu-ish (vaincre); dimin-ish
(diminuer); distingu-ish (distinguer), hence also extingu-ish^ admon-
ish, compare Old-French amonester, also Old-English amoneste; and
to Latin ones, as: fam-ish (fames); relinqu-ish (relinquere) and the
like. In rejoice it has been mutilated, Old-English rejoisse (PiERS
PLOUGHM. p. 324.). Other forms, as angu-ish, Old-French angoisser,
from angustia, do not belong here. See also ize at the end.
In French we find esc in acquiescer, whereas an infinitive termi-
nation cir has els where been formed from escere, as in noir-cir (ni-
grescere). In English esce likewise sometimes stands, as in: acqui-
esce] e/erv-esce] intum-esce] efflor-esce] deliqu-esce and other modern
verbs.
B) Verbs derived from nouns.
Verbs of this sort sometimes presented the suffixes z'c, ig in Latin,
which came between the stem and the termination, although the
suffix ic already belonged to some nouns from which verbs were
derived (comp. fabrica, fabricare). French represented verbs of this
sort partly by iquer, iquer, iger, partly by cher, ger, ier, ayer, oyer
&c.
English has developed therefrom verbs in icate and igate: com-
mun-icate] mit-igate] nav -igate] fum-igate] cast-igate, along with cha-
stise, French chatier, Old-English chastien; and in some verbs has
leaned upon abridged French forms, as for-ge (forger = fabri-
474 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Fortm. Part 1. Sect. 11.
care); jud-ge (juger = judicare); char-ge (charger = carricare). In
icare also, French ier, oier, the i, as in other verbs has been pre-
served as y after the rejection of the termination: carr-y, Old-
French carier, charier, caroier &c., comp. marr-y (marier, maritare);
var-y (varier); remed-y (remedier); cand-y (candir); accompan-y
(accompagner = accompaniare), see p. 161. In verbs with an ic
of the stem, as in those compounded with ficare, -plicare, French
-fier, -plier, y appears: mystify, justify ', apply, multiply &c.; a ter-
mination, which we see transferred to others in ier, eer, and even
er (are): defy (defier, Ital. disfidare, from fides); supply (suppleer
= supplere); occupy (occuper).
ize, and sometimes ise, French iser, Latin issare, also izare (Greek
i£etv) is a frequent derivational termination of denominative verbs.
In French it gained a wide extension, appearing in intransitive
and transitive verbs, as in English, where it yields many modern
forms.
In intransitive verbs (which moreover become also in part
transitive) the suffix denotes the setting in notion in the sense
or in the measure of the person or thing denoted by the stem:
epicur-ize; moral-ize] poel-ize; fratern-ize\ tempor-ize] -- perhaps
too the producing or the obtaining of the object, denoted by
the stem: dent-ize.
Transitive verbs often have a factitive import: natural-ize^
real-ize\ fertil-ize\ general-ize] civil-ize\ human-ize] oxyd-ise\ bitumin-
ize\ pulver-ize] cry stall-tie] epitom-ize] substantial-ize* devil-ize (B.
HALL.).
The verb also becomes the expression of the activity brought
about by the stem, as in: exorc-ise; subsid-ize^ cauter-ize.
Lastly verbs of this sort may denote an activity, in which the
stem is the mark of the agent: lyrann-ize.
Verbs in foe, are modern collateral forms of those in ish, French
ir, as francli-ise, enfranch-ise, a/ranch-ise, eclairc-ise, although they
resemble Old-English ones.
B) Compounding.
Compounding consists in the combination of two words per-
ceptible by themselves, comprehended in a notional and vocal unity
under one acute accent. A compound word may enter into another
compound, as in : handkerchief, ale-house-keeper, gooseberry-wine, disem-
bark, pocket-handkerchief. Words of this sort are termed Decom-
posites.
The words comprised under one acute accent form, properly
speaking, one verbal body, and should accordingly be represented as
such in writing. In English however this happens by no means al-
ways or uniformly. While, on the one hand, this union is denoted
by the written language, as in: mankind, husband,, earthquake, sunset
&cv the notional comprehension is, in many compound words, signi-
fied by a hyphen, as in: Anglo-Saxon, sea-coast, death-bed, moon-calf
&c., or the uniting is left to the reader, as in Byron: Beyond his
palace walls. Till summer heats were down. The midnight festival.
//. The Formation of Words. B) Compounding. 475
'Thy birth planet. To some mountain "palace &c. The last loose
manner of compounding is not distinguished in effect from the others,
but is particularly in use where historically propagated combinations
<of words, already stereotyped, do not occur.
The compound word, as a simple notion, is as capable as other
simple words, of yielding derivative forms and of assuming derivational
suffixes: gospel, Anglosaxon godspell, evangelium: to gospel, Anglo-
saxon godspelljan, evangelizare ; harbour, Anglosaxon hereberge: to
harbour, Anglosaxon herebirigan; harbourer; harbourage; knight -errant;
knight-errantry; ramify; ramification. Derivatives of this sort are termed
Parasyntheta.
We distinguish genuine and spurious compounding as to
form. By the genuine we frequently understand the combination
of two words, originally effected by means of a connecting vowel not
being a mark of inflection, or, at least the union effected by the pre-
fixing of an uninflected stem before the determined word. We term
those compounds spurious, which consist only of the union of parts
of speech related syntactically to each other, and betraying such a
relation by their form (comp. : respublica; agricultura; English holy-
writ; Tuesday, Anglosaxon Tives dag). The compounding with par-
ticles has been placed here.
The connecting vowel is found in Latin (art-i-fex; trem-e-facio\
in Gothic (mat-i-balgs, meat, bag, travellers bag; figgr-a-gulp, finger-
gold, ring; bropr-u-lubo, Brotherly love), in Old-Highdutch (chind-i-
spil, spil-o-man). Yet in Latin, as well as in Gothic, the prefixing
of the first element of the compound in the fundamental form without
a connecting vowel is not unfamiliar. The connecting vowel had be-
come completely foreign to Old-French, save in forms transplanted
immediately from the Latin, and seldom remained in Anglosaxon.
English knows the connecting vowel only in imported Romance forms
and a few imitations of the Latin (anglo-saxon, burgo-masler, Medieval-
Latin burgimagister), and perhaps in the amplified Anglosaxon nihte-
gale, nactegale, nightingale. For handicraft and similar forms see
p. 179.
Along with these, combinations of words related to each other
syntactically have from the earliest times coalesced into a vocal whole
in the living speech, as well as into one verbal body in the written
language, and have therefore been regarded by the feeling of the tongue
as equally warranted with other fusions of words.
We have therefore, in considering genuine compounding, to look
not so much at the form, as at the substance and meaning. What
is essential is that with the verbal whole combined into a vocal unity
one particular image is connected. In this respect we may consider
compounding as the abridged expression of the developed represen-
tation of the relation of given images. We cannot deny that the com-
pounding of substantives may often be transmuted into an inflective
relation. The genitive relation especially approaches that of com-
pounding. Comp. Anglosaxon isgicel and ises gicel = icicle. More-
over the original sense of a compound is sometimes obscured (comp.
moon-calf), as the variety of meaning in compounds often hardens the
explanation of them.
476 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part L Sect. II.
The primitive manner of compounding has frequently been effaced
in English. Combined words, standing in a syntactical relation to
one another, as was disclosed by their form, have lost the inflective
termination in English, appearing therefore to be genuine compounds
as to their form. If we still perceive them in such words as Anglesey^
Anglosaxon Angleseg; Ramsay, Anglosaxon Rammesege; Thursday,
Anglosaxon punres dag; alder liefest and the like, they still vanish al-
most entirely where no genitive s has been preserved, which appears
in many modern combinations particularly in names of beasts, plants,
and the like, and is made manifest by an apostrophe (day }s-work\
death1 s-man = hangman; swine's- cress; dog's-rue; wolfs-milk), or is
subjoined without it (coxcomb = cock's comb; daysman = umpire; birds-
nest). This s does indeed appear where, as in Highdutch, it has the
character of a connecting consonant, sometimes in contradiction with
the older form: doomsday, Anglosaxon domdag; bondsman, Anglosaxon
bonda, socius, Old-norse bondamann, foederatus (distinguished from
bondman, though interchanging with it) ; herdsman formerly herdman,
Anglosaxon hirde, pastor; steersman, Anglosaxon steormann, Old-En-
glish steresman; helmsman, Anglosaxon healma, helma, gubernaculum ;
huntsman, Anglosaxon hunta, venator; Scotsman*, craftsman, Anglo-
Saxon crafta, artitex, and others. But in general the language inclines,
even in improper compounding, to the mere juxtaposition of verbal
stems, although it often fluctuates, as in crow-toe and bear's-foot, two
analogous names of plants.
From this genitive s the s (es) of the plural is to be distin-
guished, which is found in a few modern compounds, as is decidedly
the case in clothes-brush., clothes-basket, and not only occurs in bellows-
fish, news-boy, in which certainly the plural s has penetrated into
the singular, but also takes place in beads-man, beads-woman and the
like. It is limited to a few notions taken collectively.
Compounding supposes Bipartiteness. To be felt as a com-
pound there must make two syllables at least, in which two verbal
bodies are distinguished. They are distinguished as the determi-
ning and the fundamental word, of which the determining word,
in genuine composition, (apart from the compounding of particles)
as a rule has the chief accent, although the rule suffers many excep-
tions in English. Even the second constituent does not regularly
remain unaccented. Where this happens the compounding passes
into the form of derivation, and we might therefore reckon such forms
as dom, hood, ship, ly, some &c. in part among derivational suffixes.
If a compound is monosyllabic, like lord, Anglos, hlafveard, hlaford;
world, Anglosaxon veorold, vorld, from ver, veor, vir, the conscious-
ness of its living meaning vanishes; this happens to many bisyllabic
and polysyllabic forms, in which a verbal body is mutilated and loses
the accent: window, Old-norse vindauga; lady, Anglosaxon hlaBfdige
= hlafveardige ; gospel, Anglosaxon godspell; stirrup, Anglosaxon sti-
gerap; sheriff, Anglosaxon sciregerefa; daisy, Anglosaxon dages eage;
twinter (a beast two years old).
Many compounds not only become unrecognisable, but even die
out. English has abandoned many of them; on the other hand the
impulse to compound has ever remained alive in the tongue and con-
//. The Formation of Words. B) Compounding. 1) Compond. of Nouns. 477
tinues powerfully to operate. It is indifferent for compounding whe-
ther the words are simple or derivative; likewise whether they are
of Germanic or of Romance origin. The principle of English com-
pounding is the Germanic, to which compounds of purely Romance
elements conform. Imitations of a few Romance forms will be cited
in their place. Old-French compounds, the number whereof was
limited, have been received in a small number in English. Many of
them were originally Germanic Compare hauberk and habergeon,
Old-French hauberc, hauberjon, Anglosaxon healsbeorh; gonfalon, gon-
fanon, Old-French gonfanon &c., Anglosaxon giuffona = gunfrfona.
In the discussion of the details we draw no sharp distinction
between proper and improper compounding, so far as the living tongue
gives no definite support to it, and both often pass into each other,
and a few spurious, for example, appositional compounds are not to
be aptly separated from genuine ones, for the sake of a general view.
"We consider in the first place the compounding of the noun and the
verb, apart from their combination with particles, then the compounding
of both with particles. The formation and compounding of particles
has been already noticed in the doctrine of particles.
1) The Compounding of Nouns.
The Compound Substantive.
A compound substantive arises either through the union of
two substantives, or of an adjective and a substantive, or of a verb
and a substantive.
a) Compounding from two substantives.
1) Compound substantives may in the first place stand in a direct
relation to each other, or be apprehended as appearing in the same
case.
Here the relation of both may be a purely additional one.
Here belongs the substantive deaf-mute; barber-surgeon; merchant-
tailor (PASQUIN'S Night Cap. 1612.); wolf-dog (bred between a dog
and a wolf); This senior-funior ; giant-dwarf, Dan Cupid (SnAKSP.
Love's L. L.). The shepherd kings (L. BYRON). Old-English wer-
wolf, Anglosaxon vervulf, lycanthropus. Comp. zoophyte, gynander,
hermaphrodite. Here belong too northeast, northwest and the like,
Anglosaxon nortfvest &c.as an adverb, also the French nord-est.
From these are to be distinguished appositional relations. The
joining on of the apparently appositive generic name to the
specific name is common: woman, Anglosaxon vifman, comp. the
Highdutch Frauensmench, husbandman (Anglosaxon husbonda, do-
mus magister); fisherman (without the opposition); raindeer, rein-
deer, along with vane, Anglosaxon hrandeor, along with hran; humble-
bee, Danish humle; palm-tree along with palm, Anglosaxon palmtreo
and palm; beech-tree; cornel-lree, along with cornel, Anglosaxon corn-
treo; and often with trees, as the Anglosaxon actreo, acbeam, elm-
treo, ulmtreo, pintreo, cirisbeam &c — although the tree is here
and there named after the fruit: plum-tree, Anglosaxon plumtreo
from plume, prunum (yet whether not also for prunus? cornp. fig-lree,
478 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 1L
Anglosaxon fictreo from Jig, fruit and tree); nut-tree, Anglosaxon
hnutbeam &c.; — reed-grass, Anglosaxon hreod, arundo; pebble-
stone along with pebble, Anglosaxon papolstan and pabol; pumice-
stone, French pierre-ponce; roadway, pathway. Here too we may
reckon: eventide, Anglosaxon sefentid; noontide, Anglosaxon nontid,
for which also noonday stands, although here genitive relations might
be found. In but-end (comp. butt) no pleonasm takes place, as in
the Anglosaxon plumfeder = pluma, and in hap-hazard, waist-coat.
Another apposition makes the more general precede the more
particular notion : lord-lieutenant] earl-marshal] knight-bachelor] queen-
dowager] queen-mother] beet-rave] beet-ravish] French betterave. Of
French origin also is ostrich, French autruche, avis struthio. Here,
however, we must distinguish appositions in which the preceding
substantive appears completely turned into an adjective: fellow-
member] fellow -prisoner] fellow -creature] deputy -marshal] deputy-
sheriff.
Sometimes the former or the latter substantive solely serves to
determine the natural gender of the other: man-servant] man-
midwife] bondman] bondmaid] beggar-man] beggar-woman] beggar-
maid] washer-woman] peacock] peahen &c.
As in the union of given and family names, the former is related
to the latter as the particular to the general, the original relation
of the compounding of given names with generic names must be
also regarded. Here, as in other appositive relations, the English
accent fluctuates: Tomboy (rude boy); Tomfool (great fool; Tomtit
Magpie, Maggotpie; Jackdaw. Here also belongs hobgoblin, (per-
haps Robert Goblin), comp. Gobelyn (PIERS PLOUGHM. p. 386.),
Medieval-Latin gobelinus; also hobhoulard and hob-thrush, to which
Robin Goodfettow is commonly opposed.
Another relation is that in which a preceding concrete substantive
determines a second concrete one by way of comparison, ac-
cording to its quality. This is like the other, resembles it:
blockhead; kingbird (an American bird, thus named from its pugna-
city); needle-fish] horse-emmet] ear-shell] crab-louse; bell-flower; buck-
wheat, Danish boghvede (from the likeness of the grain to beech-
mast); garlic, Anglosaxon garleac, from gar, hasta (properly spear
lack); gold-fish, also called golden-fish; goldfinch, Anglosaxon gold-
fine; gold-hammer, Lowdutch goldamer, goldamel, emberiza citrinella
LIN.; silver-fish] silver-fir; copper-nose &c. The determining word
may be even taken figuratively, as in headman = chief (properly a
man like the head), Anglosaxon heafodmann; headland, promonto-
rium, Anglosaxon heafudland. Comp. head lady aad chief woman
(SHAKSPEARE Love's L. L. 4, 1.). The primitive abstract term
main, vis, robur, which is regarded also as an adjective, operates
similarly in the statement of the quality, as a variety thereof:
main-land; main-mast; main-sail &c., comp. Anglosaxon magenstan,
permagnus lapis.
2) Further they may stand in an indirect relation to each other,
ct) In this case the former, the determining word may be regarded
as a case of the substantive.
Very often it may be taken as a genitive, and spurious com-
11. The Formation of Words. B) Compounding. 1) Compounding of Nouns 479
pounds of a genitive with a second substantive frequently lie at
the root of words belonging here. Of this sort, for instance, are
names of days, some of which have still preserved an s: Monday,
Anglosaxon monandag; Friday, Anglosaxon frigedag; Saturday,
Anglosaxon Saternes dag, yet also Saterndag, Saterdag; Sunday,
Anglosaxon sunnandag; many proper names; Rochester, Anglo-
saxon Hrofesceastre ; Oxford, Anglosaxon Oxenaford; Buckingham,
Anglosaxon Buccingaham; Birmingham, Anglosaxon Beorminga-
ham &c.; as the sign of the genitive is still cast out in modern
names before son: Adamson; Richardson', Wrightson; Cookson
&c.; Anson; Nelson (Nel = Eleanor) &c. Of course all with the
sign of the genitive preserved belong here. But many others are
readily explained by a genitive, the wide use of which in many
tongues would allow a multitude of cases to be referred hither:
landmark, Anglosaxon landmearc, terrae limes; sea-shore; ship-
board; earthquake, terrae motus, as in Gower: terre mote; sunrise
and sunrising; sunset, sunsetting, Anglosaxon sunset, solis occasus;
folkmote, Anglosaxon folcmot, populi concio; gospel, Anglosaxon
godspell, dei sermo; bridegroom, Anglosaxon brydguma, nuptae
(custos) vir &c. Of Romance origin are: solstice, French the
same, Latin solstitium; oriflamme, oriflamb, Old-French oriflambe,
oriflam (auri flamma); aqueduct &c.
A succeeding genitive is found in French forms, as : court-baron
= a baron's court. Compare propernames like: Fitz -Walter;
Fitz-Gerald; Viscount Fitz Harris. Henry the second called
himself Fitz-Empress.
It may frequently be apprehended as pointing to an original
objective relation to a verb, therefore as an accusative.
This is particularly the case when the fundamental word is derived
from a transitive verb: innholder; innkeeper; man-killer, Anglo-
Saxon mancvellere; man-slayer, Anglosaxon manslaga; needle-
maker; land-owner; blood-letter, Anglosaxon blodlaetere; wine-bib-
ber; cheese-monger; cup-bearer; gold-finder; and many other names
of persons in er. Thus we may imagine wright to be effective
in: shipwright, cartwright &c., Anglosaxon vsenvyrhta. This ap-
prehension likewise takes place before abstract substantives:
oath-breaking, comp. Anglosaxon afrsvaring; man-stealing; blood-
shedding and bloodshed; thank-offering; deer-stealing and many
others in ing; manslaughter, comp. Anglosaxon mansleaht; promise-
breach, comp. Anglosaxon brae and brice, brecing, fractio. Ro-
mance forms of this sort, founded on Latin and Greek precedents,
are also naturalized, in part received immediately from the an-
cient tongues, and even imitated, as: armiger; dapifer; parricide;
infanticide; homicide; artifice; stillicide; sanguisuge; geometer; geo-
grapher; geography, cosmography; zoographer &c. Lieutenant is
French (locum tenens), originally a spurious compound.
|3) Far more frequent is the compounding of the sort that the rela-
tion of the compounded substantives is explainable by the inter-
vention of prepositions. But with the manifoldness and freedom
of compounding such a procedure does not always suffice to ex-
press the often remote connection of the members of the relation.
480 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
A division of compound substantives by their relations, as to be
explained by different prepositions, serves more to render visible
the manifoldness of the compounds than the possibility of redu-
cing to fixed points of view the mental bond of the compounding
and the boldness of the language in suppressing intermediate
images. A division must also be defective, since for many
compounds more than one of the links may be considered as
operating.
a) The relation of the compound substantives may be one of
space.
Here the determining word may denote the local object, in,
on, upon, near &c. which the subject (person, beast or thing)
denoted by the fundamental word is to be found or is active:
landman, Anglosaxon landmann (indigena, agricola); countryman
(born in the same country); country-gentleman (resident in the
country); ship-boy (serving in a ship); rope-dancer (who walks
on a rope); field-mouse; water-rat') sea-bear; sea-fish, Anglosaxon
ssefisc: earth-worm* grasshopper, Anglos, garshoppa, garsstapa;
mountain-ash') water-lily; church-yard (adjoining to a church),
comp. Anglosaxon cyrictun; tombstone (over a grave); top-knot
(worn on the top of the head); nest-egg (left in the nest); ear-
ring, Anglosaxon earhring; eye-tooth (under the eye); headache
(in the head), Anglosaxon heafodece &c. In such words too as
sea-farer; landlouper (loper); clodhopper, Lowdutch Klutenpad-
der; hedge-creeper-, fieldfare, the moving about within the
determinate space is what occupies the attention. Even Romance
words come to be considered here, as: funambulist, aeronaut &c.
But on the other hand the determining word may contain the
object from or out of which, or towards and to which the
object contained in the fundamental word moves: eye-drop ;
land-breeze (blowing from the land); sea-air (from the sea);
thunder-bolt, stem-leaf (growing from the stem); ground-oak
(raised from the acorn); — warfare; church-goer; side-glance,
quite as much to the side as from the side.
b) Or it is a relation of time:
The determining word may then denote the space of time
in which the object denoted by the fundamental word appears
or acts: evening-star (visible in the evening), Anglosaxon sefen-
steorra; morning-star, Anglosaxon morgensteorra; day-labour;
day-work; daylight, Anglosaxon dagleoht; nightingale, Anglosaxon
nihtegale, properly nightsinger; night-raven, Anglosaxon nihth-
rafn; night-rest, Anglosaxon nihtrest; night-brawler. Yet the
temporal relations are often looser, as in : night-hawk (hunting
its prey toward evening); winter-apple (that keeps well in winter)
&c. Romance: noctambuliste, French noctambule.
Or the determining word may denote the time for or up to
which the appearance or activity of an object extends: life-
annuity (during a person's life); day-fly (that lives one day
only).
c) The numerous other relations of compound substantives are
not to be readily distinguished from one another.
//. The Formation of Words. B) Compounding. 1) Compounding of Nouns. 481
The idea frequently lies at the root that the object contained
in the fundamental word is connected with the other, and
thus characterized by it: bell-wether (with a bell on his neck);
finger-post (with a finger); flag-ship:, stone-fruit] stone-horse (not
castrated) ; shell-fish ; thunder-storm ; whirlwind, Old-norse hvirfil-
vinds (as turbo-ventus); lime-twig (smeared with lime), grass-
plot (covered with grass). Sometimes the object which is filled
with another is denoted: earth-bag (filled with earth); feather-
bed &c.
By the determining word is also denoted the object with
which a person is conversant, or in which he works or car-
ries on business: goldsmith, Anglosaxon goldsmifr; iron-smith;
wine-merchant', stock-broker; stock-jobber; sword-player; ale-wife;
oil-man (who deals in oils); ploughman; whaleman (employed in
the whale-fishery) ; flax-wench (SHAKSP.).
The determining word further contains the mean or tool
with or by which the object, or the activity predicated by the
fundamental word is produced: handwork, Anglosaxon handveorc
(done by the hands); handiwork, Anglosaxon handgeveorc; hand-
writing; hand-blow; footstep; fist-cuffs; sword-fight; ear-witness;
birth-right (to which a person is entitled by birth).
The material of which an object consists or out of which
it is made is not seldom denoted by the determining word:
icicle, Anglosaxon isgicel; ice-isle, oat-meal; flint-glass (originally
made of pulverized flints); stone-wall, Anglosaxon stanveall;
stone-house; steel-pen; gold-wire; gold-thread; birch-broom (made
of birch); rail-way; where the object out of and from which
something is gained or arises appears as the fundamental word:
oil-gas (procured from oil); birch-wine; beech-oil; grape-wine &c.
Frequently the connecting idea is that of the design, of ap-
propriateness, of the destination to or for that which the
determining word contains. The fundamental word may denote
a person: pearl-diver (who dives for pearls); prize-fighter; thus
also we may take neatherd, Anglosaxon neathirde; shepherd, An-
glosaxon scsephirde (employed in guarding sheep) and the like;
or it denotes a beast: coach-horse; game-cock. But names
of things of every sort are very common. Here belong loca-
lities: orchard, Anglosaxon ortgeard (vyrtgeard); vineyard, An-
glosaxon vingeard; bee-garden (place for bee-hives); bedroom;
warehouse ; landing-place ; footway ; foot-bridge (for foot-passengers) ;
key-hole (for receiving the key); especially names for receivers:
ale-vat, Anglosaxon ealofat; inkhorn; money-box; pepper-box;
beehive; bird-cage; wine-cask; wine-glass; clothes-basket; articles
of clothing, armour &c.; ear -cap; breast-plate; head-piece;
head-dress: horse-cloth (to cover a horse); utensils and im-
plements; eye-glass ; ear-trumpet ; foot-board; finger-board; foot^
' stool; foot-shakles; hand-fetter; pen-knife; horsewhip; bird-bolt
(for shooting birds); hearth-broom (for sweeping the hearth);
toothbrush ; stonebow (for shooting stones) ; clothes-line (for drying
clothes); silk-mill (for manufacturing silk); cotton-machine &c. ;
in fine, objects of every sort to which the idea of appropriateness
Miitzner, engl. Gr. T. oj
482 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. 1L
or destination to anything is applicable: life-blood (necessary to
life); eye-salve, Anglosaxon eagsealf (for the eye); fire-wood (for
fuel); bird-lime; gun-powder-, when the reference is often not
proximate, as in ice-boat (used to break a passage through ice);
h>)iir-hand (for showing the hour on a chronometer) and the
like.
Sometimes the determining word indicates the condition in
which or the circumstance under which an object appears
or acts: rainbow, Anglosaxon renboga; sleep-walker, and Romance
somnambulist, French somnambule. An abstract determining
word may thus seem to receive the character of an adjective:
rear-mouse, Anglosaxon hreremus (agitatio? and mus).
Familiar compounds of this class often present such general
or remote references that they bear eloquent testimony to the
assurance with which the tongue commits a series of ideas, in
the closest compression, to the most general understanding.
Compare for instance homesickness, the pain excited by removal
from home or by the often unconscious longing for it; godfather,
godmother] godchild; godson; goddaughter, even Anglosaxon god-
fader, godmodor, godbearn, names for the persons lifting and
being lifted out of baptism, in which the name of God refers,
indefinitely to the holy act and the reference made thereby to
the Supreme being. Every-day names for business relations,
without more, .hardly give an intimation of their meaning; and
who could recognise in fire-office the office where objects are
insured for the case of risk from fire ? Occasionally the license
of compounds proceeds stepwise visibly further. Thus, for in-
stance, we readily recognise in game-cock the cock used for
fighting; thence is developed & game-egg in the second degree,
wherein, by help of the former we perceive the egg from which
a game cock is hatched.
In fact substantives connected by prepositions become
expressions for an object Here belong man-of-war, whence the
new compound man-of-war-bird = frigate-bird; father-in-law;
brother-in-law &c. ; love-in-idleness; will-o' the- wisp, Will-with-the-
wisp (wisp =); also Jack-a-lantern; Jack- of -all-trades (clever at
any business) ; Jack-a-lent, a simpleton (properly a doll in lent).
Jo hn-a-dr earns. The giving of names, as in the last examples,
is not unfamiliar to the popular fancy,
b) Compounding from an adjective and a substantive.
Here the two parts of speech stand in general in the compound
substantive only in the direct relation to each other. The number
of compounds of this sort is very large: ill-will; evil-eye; oldivife,
comp. Anglosaxon ealdacven = matrona; mid-day, Anglosaxon mid-
dag; mid-winter, Anglosaxon mid-vinter; neighbour, Anglosaxon neah-
bur; red-coat, figuratively, a soldier; broad-ax, Anglosaxon bradeax;
blindnettle, Anglosaxon blindnetel; blindworm, comp. Highdutch
Blindschleiche; blackberry, Anglosaxon blacberige; blackthorn; black-
smith; blue-stocking; freeman, Anglosaxon frimann, freomann; free-
mason (franc-macon) ; freestone; wild-goose; small-pox; small-beer;
sweetmeat, Anglosaxon svetmete; quick-beam and, strikingly, quicken-
//. The Formation of Words. B) Compounding. 1) Compounding of Nouns. 483
tree, Anglosaxon cvicbeam, juniperus, and cvictreo, tremulus; quick-
silver, Anglosaxon cvicseolfer; quick-grass and quitch-grass; good-
man; good-friday; gray-hound and greyhound, Anglosaxon grseghund,
greghund; highland; highway; half -penny, Anglosaxon healfpenning;
half-brother; half-wit (blockhead); half -scholar, compare Old-norse
half-brodir, halfviti, mente captus; holy-day, Anglosaxon haligdag;
commonwealth; common-sense. Half and wholly Romance forms are:
gentleman, French gentilhomme; grandam; grandfather; grand-seig-
nior; grisamber (reversing the French collocation of the words); ver-
juice, French verjus = vert jus.
Romance words have also been received with an adjective after
them : republic, French republique ; rosemary, mutilated from rosma-
rinus, French romarin; vinegar, French vinaigre, imitated in alegar
= sour ale; portcullis, Old-French porte colise, also substantive
cole'ice (coulisse), from the adject, coulis; bankrupt, French ban-
queroute. A hybrid imitation is knight-errant.
The combination is often to be met with inpropernames, as
in names of places: Newport; Newcastle; Newlands; Leominster
(Leofmynster); Longmeadow; Longwood; Smalridge; Gloucester
(Gleavceastre, splendidum castrum); and names of persons:
Broadspear; Strongbow; Longespee; For fescue (strongshield) &c.
An indirect relation seldom takes place between adjective and
substantive. This is the case in merry-making and merrymake
(festival), where an objective relation hovers before the mind's-eye.
A direct relation is also not to be assumed in self-murder; self-
murderer, Anglosaxon sylfmyrffra, selfcvala and selfbana; self -abhor-
rence; self-applause; self -charity ; self-esteem; comp. Anglosaxon se'lf-
licung, unless self is to be reduced to the meaning of remaining
in self (si-liba according to Grimm).
In falling-sickness, according to the Prompt. Parvul. falling down,
we must not seek the substantive falling, but the participial form.
Comp. falland-evyl (HALLIWELL).
c) Compounding of Verb and substantive.
Here two sorts of compounding are to be distinguished.
1) The first sort comprises those words in which the verb, as the
determining word, contains an activity for which the object con-
tained in the fundamental word is adapted, designed or de-
termining, whether it practise the activity itself or it is exe-
cuted by another. Here belong: hangman; neesewort; rattle-snake;
pismire; brimstone, Swedish bernsten, Old-English byrnston (SKEL-
TON), also brendstone (HALLIWELL); draw-bridge; tread-mill; bake-
house, Anglosaxon bachus (yet there is also a substantive bac);
wash-tub; wash-stand, Anglosaxon vaschus, vascarn (there is cer-
tainly also the substantive vase); hvetstone, Anglosaxon hvetstan.
Many words which might be referred hither remain doubtful, the
determining word being also to be interpreted as a substantive, as:
drink-money; work-day; show-bread &c. English in compounding
generally prefers, the abstract substantives in ing: eating-house;
burning-glass; wedding-day; writing-book, Anglos, vritboc; writ-
ing-school &c.
2) A second sort of compound substantives arises from the prefixing
31*
484 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
of a verb, to which a following substantive commonly stands as
its object in a relation of dependency. The verb is perhaps al-
ways to be regarded as imperative; the compound frequently
denotes persons, but things also. The bias, or the aptnes and
destination of a person or thing to anything is expressed of
by an imperative sentence in the form of a summons thereto, in
which derision is sometimes mingled. Anglosaxon offered no sup-
port here; the Romance tongue was rich in forms of this sort.
Many Romance compounds have also passed into English, which
multiplied similar forms.
Among the names of persons of this sort are also proper
names: Brakespear; Drinkwater; Shakestaff; Shakespeare (Shak-
spere); mumblenews (tale-bearer); lack-brain ; lack-love (SHAKSP.);
pinch-penny (miser); pickthank; pick-pocket; find-fault (caviller);
want-wit; turnkey; telltale; toss-pot (drunkard); spendthrift; smell-
feast (parasite); smell-smock (nmulierarius" NOMENCLATOR 1585);
carry -tale (tale-bearer) (SHAKSPEARE); cut-purse; cut-throat; kill-
courtesy, a clown (SHAKSPEARE); chaff- wax (officier of the lord
chancellor, who fits the wax for sealing writs) &c. Even Chaucer
has letgame (hinderer of pleasure); trede-foule (cock, treader of
hens).
Names of things are also often of Romance origin: breakfast,
comp. Anglosaxon fastenbryce; breakwater (mole); catchpenny, —
kerchief, Old-French cuevre-chief; curfew, Old-French cuevre-feu;
portmanteau. In pastime, French passe-temps, time may be regarded
as a vocative.
Allied to the above mentioned forms are compounds arising
from sentences of various sorts, especially imperative sentences,
which grow into one whole and become representatives of a notion.
To be taken imperatively are: pissabed, French pisse-en-lit, dan-
delion; runaway, also runagate (the latter whereof also mingles
with renegade); slugabed; also turnsole, wherein the preposition is
absent, as in the French tournesol, Ital. tornasole; further fare-
well; holdback; holdfast; chanticleer, Old-French chantecler; go-
between; come-off; go-by = evasion ; hangby (a dependent) ; Dolittle,
Standfast as proper names; forget-me-not; kiss-me-quick; kiss-me-
at-the-gar 'den-gate; touch-me-not; thorough-go-nimble, thin bur (Dial,
of Crav. 2. 201.), also provincially, a flux. Much more of this
sort is in use in the lower layers of society and in dialects. Thus
the Old-English poet formed imperative proper names: Sire Se-
wel, and Sey-wel, And Here-wel the hende, Sire Werch-well-with-
thyn-hand, A wight man of strengthe (PIERS PLOUGHM.); similar
are such proper names as: Godlovemilady, Goodbehere, in which
the conjunctive conditions an optative sentence. Assertive sentences
with the indicative are rare, as in the sportsman's: hunts-up (res-
veil or morning-song COTGRAVE) = the hunt is up ; love-lies-bleed-
ing. Also jeofail, the law term for an oversight (the Old-French
I err) belongs to this series.
Elliptic manners of expression (without the verb) seldom serve
to denote persons or things. Here belongs, for instance, penny-a-
77. Tfie Formation of Words. B) Compounding. 1) Compounding of Nouns. 485
liner, by which is contemptuously designated the literary man
who writes for public papers at a penny the line.
The Compound Adjective.
The compound adjective consists either of two adjectives or of
a substantive and an adjective. The compounding of a verb with an
adjective is hardly regarded,
a) Compounding of two adjectives.
1) The one adjective may here stand in a direct relation to the
other. This is the case if the compound denotes two qualities ad-
ditionally, the one of which does not appear as determining the
other, but as equally entitled or perhaps mixed with it. Here also
Romance forms with the connecting vowel o occur: oblong-ovate
(Botanical); concavo-concave] concavo-convex; red-short (breaking
short when red-hot); whity -brown; bitter-sweet (as a substantive, the
name of a plant); anglo-saxon. Examples of this sort are not fre-
quent; for in compounds like anglo-american; anglo-danish; anglo-
norman the first element, as the more particularly determining,
commonly preponderates. Here however may be referred nume-
rals in the additional relation, as thirteen, fourteen &c., twenty-
two &c.
Far more commonly the first adjective operates as a determi-
ning word of the second: manifold, Anglosaxon manegfeald; red-
hot; red-mad (quite mad [Durham Dial.]) imitations of the pre-
ceding; half-red; roman-catholic; full-hot; dead-ripe (completely ripe
HALLIWELL s. v.); daring-hardy (as else fool-hardy, Old-French fol
hardi; fool-bold, wherein fool may likewise be regarded as an ad-
jective), lukewarm^ Cymric Hug, Cornish lug, stifling. Here also
may be reckoned the adjectives compounded with all (aT), although
in them the Anglosaxon particle al is primarily to be presumed,
but which even in Anglosaxon is interchanged with the adjective
eal, omnis, totus, in Anglosaxon: almighty, Anglosaxon almeahtig;
all-eloquent; all-present; all-powerful; all-wise &c. Comp. omnipotent.
Yet from these we must distinguish the cases in which all appears
as an object: all-bearing = omniparous; all-making = onmific; to
which magnific, vivific, grandific, grandiloquent attach themselves
as Romance and Latin forms.
Apart from the compounds of adjectives with /// and some, like
lowly; weakly; cleanly; goodly &c.; longsome; wearisome; wholesome;
gladsome &c. ; in dialects even threesome = treble &c. we find most
frequently adjectives compounded with the participles, with which
the adjective sometimes receives wholly the character of the ad-
verb: new-made; new-born; long-spun; fresh-blown; full-fed; dear-
loved; dead-drunk; dead-struck; dear-bought; high-born; high- finished;
high-grown; hard-gotten &c. ; fresh-looking; long-stretching; deep-mus-
ing; high-flying; hard-working &c. Comp. multivagant, altiloquent
and other Latinized forms.
2) In an indirect relation stand compound adjectives the second
of which is derived from a substantive, which must be originally
thought in a direct relation with the first, although the existence
486 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Parti. Sect. II.
of a compound with the substantive does riot follow from it. Com-
pare the Latin tardipes, from tardus pes. In a few cases cer-
tainly compound substantives subsist along with derivative adjec-
tives of this sort: even-hand — even-handed; hot-spur — hot-spur-
red; red-coat — red-coated. Latin forms of this sort passed into
French, and are also to be met with in English, even in imitative
forms, as magnanimous ; multiform:, multinodate; mullilocular; longe-
vous', longimanous ; longirostral &c. Numerous English forms give
to the derived adjective the form of a participle of the perfect, al-
though this often does not exist in Anglosaxon: Anglosaxon clcen-
heort (clean-hearted); dnhende (onehanded); glmenedg (glasseyed);
yet participial forms also occur: dneged (luscus) along with aneage;
dnecged (oneedged) along with anecge &c. Comp. old-fashioned;
open-hearted] mild-spirited] narrow-minded] long-legged] long-fanged;
loud-voiced (L. BYRON); red-haired] blunt-witted] full-eyed] full-
winged] wide-branched; deep-vaulted] dark-eyed] sure-footed] high-
minded] hard-fisted] hot-blooded] hot-brained &c. Numeral adjectives
especially are thus compounded: one-eyed] two-handed; two-seeded]
three-edged] three-leafed; three-cornered] four-footed Anglosaxon feo-
verfete; comp. quadruped; seven-hilled &c. This is likewise not
rare in Anglosaxon: anhyrned; pribeddod; prifyrhed (trisulcus);
priheafded; prihyrned &c. A few English compounds preserve the
Anglosaxon form without the participial form, as barefoot, along-
side of barefooted, Anglosaxon barfot. As an imitation of such forms,
of the same sound as substantives, may be regarded: Three-foot-
stool SIIAKSPEARE); Three-man-beetle (ID.); whereas the apparently
adjective use of substantives, as in half-blood, is founded upon the
license of loose composition in English.
b) Compounding of a substantive and an adjeetive.
1) We may regard a substantive and adjective as standing in a
direct relation, when their being placed together rests upon a com-
parison of the quality expressed by the adjective with a characte-
ristic quality of the object denoted by the substantive. Compare
blood-red, that is, red as blood is red, Anglosaxon blodread; blood-
warm] blood-hot] armgaunt (SHAKSPRARE); armgret (CHAUCER);
milk-white, Anglosaxon meolchvit; nut-brown] sea-green; snail-slow
(SHAKSPEARE); snow-white, Anglosaxon snahvit; stone-cold] stone-
dead; stone-blind] stone-still] key-cold; coal-black] clay-cold] grass-
green, Anglosaxon grasgrene; heaven-bright, Anglosaxon heofonbeorht;
honey-swete (CHAUCER); hell-hated (SriAKSP.); arm-shaped] pencil-
shaped] cone-shaped &c. This compounding is extended to adjec-
tives in the form of the participle of the perfect, derived from
substantives, and in which the comparison touches the object ex-
pressed by the substantive lying at their root: oar-footed, that is,
having feet like an oar; cock-headed] coal-eyed; lily-livered = white
livered, cowardly (SHAKSP.) &c. With these may be compared
remnants of Romance forms like vermiform.
Occasionally the comparison does not go to the characteristic
quality of an object generally, but to its constitution, so far as the
aforesaid quality belongs to it: maidpale (SHAKSP.), not: pale
'II. The Formation of Words. A) Compounding. 1) Compounding of Nouns, 487
like a girl; but: like a pale girl; dog-mad, mad as a inad dog:
dog-weary; dog-sick.
From such compounds are developed those in which the middle
links are more remote, so that even the consciousness of an original
comparison recedes, and the substantive preceding the adjective is
often felt only as a strengthening of the adjective, and is interchanged
with others which no longer have any reference to it. Compare
sand-blind, halfblind (as if sand glistened before the eyes, hence
in the North of England sanded), whence the strengthening in
Shakspeare: high-gravel-blind (Merch. of V. 2, 2.); moon-eyed, that
is with eyes change like the moon (with the change of the moon)
are affected like the moon; span-new (even in Chaucer), that is
Anglos, spon = splinter, perhaps with the meaning of nail, hence
also compounded with spick = spike, spick-and-span-new, piping hot
(HuDiBR.), that is, new like a nail just coming from the
fire, agreeing with fire-new, new, as if coming from the fire
(glowing), for which also brand-new and bran-new (perhaps Ussi-
milated to span-new) is used. Hence the combinations: span-fire-
new ; brand-fire-new ; bran-span-new; brand-spander-new and the like,
in the mouth of the people. Belly -naked (which also formerly
stood in Chaucer 9200, where Wright has al aloone body naked) =
entirely naked; comp. starke bely-naked . . as naked as my nayle
(ACOLASITS 1540.) with which Fiedler compares mother-naked, seems
to go to the nakedness of the child as it comes from the womb.
In purblind, porebfind, for which strangely spurdlind (LATIMER) also
occurs, no substantive is to be sought for: pur, pore is naught else
than the adjective adverb pure: Me scolde pulte oute hope hys eye
& make hym pur blynd (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER II. 376.). Thus we
find in the same author purwyt (pure white); pur fersse (pure
fresh); pure dene and others. Compare also plat-blind (HALLIWELL
s. v.). Moreover in the provinzial starnaked (Suffolk) star is not
substantive; it stands for starknaked, as starkgiddy (LANG.), stark-
staring (Var. Dial.).
2) A substantive and an adjective frequently stand in the indirect
relation. -.
ot) The substantive may in several cases be apprehended analogously
to a case dependent on the adjective; as, a genitive in those
compounded with full (for the most part) and less and in some
others, as those with weary, worthy, guilty; life-weary; b ood-worthy;
blood-guilty and the like; as a dative in composition with ly and
like: deathlike; godlike; snow-like &c. In Romance compounds a
substantive appears not rarely as an accusative before a verbal
adjective, as in ignivomous; armigerous; oviparous; mammiferous^
morbific; morbifical; pacific; fatiferous; fatidical; carnivorous, and
others. In English forms a participle of the present in ing ap-
pears with its object preceding it. Comp. earth-shaking; mind-
filling; life-giving; love-darting; death-boding; soul-stirring; heart-
piercing; heart-rending and many more, in which only the collo-
cation of the words departs from the common syntactical combi-
nation of the verb with an object.
/3) Some substantives compounded with genuine adjectives are
488 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. IL
to be explained by means of connecting prepositions. They
are to be reduced in part to relations of space, so far as the
quality makes its appearance in, on or upon an object, or ex-
tends up to an object: bedrid, Old-English bedrede, Anglosaxon
bedrida, -ridda, -redda, properly a substantive, participially, by a
misunderstanding, bedridden; steadfast, Anglosaxon stedfast (fast
in place); Armstrong, as a proper name, Anglosaxon earmstrang
(bracchio validus); headstrong, figuratively; heart-sick (sick atheart)>
Anglosaxon heortseoc; soul-sick; heart-deep (rooted in the heart);
brimful, full to the brim; topful, the same, hence figuratively top-
proud (SHAKSP.); br east- deep; breast-high, that is, to the breast;
knee- deep; threadbare, that is, bare to the thread. Other references
are not frequent, as that of the cause: love-sick, sick from love;
sea-sick, sick from the sea. In arme-puissant (WEBSTER) the idea
of the cause is likewise approximate. That of an inclination or
bias to something lies in the dialectical, particularly Scottish
compounding with rife, as: playrife, comp. playful, playsome; ivast-
rife, squandering; toothrife, enjoyable, comp. toothful, palatable;
rife is Anglosaxon rif, frequens, Old-norse rffr, largus, Lowdutch
riwe, which is also used for "readily resolved, not shy at
anything". In watertight, we may suppose the idea of tightness
against water. Latin had similar forms, which, scantily native
to French, were still more scantily copied; they have not been
lost in English: armipotent; armisonous; noctivagous; noctilucous;
caprigenous &c. English is however most rich in compounds of
this sort of a substantive and a participle, in which the reference
to space, time, connection and causality is expressed, and which
poetry particularly multiplies: air-built (in the air); forest-born
(in a wild) (SHAKSP.); heart-hardened; soul-felt; earth-wandering
(over the earth); sea-roving; sea-faring; night-blooming; night-shin-
ing; birth-strangled (suffocated in being born) (SHAKSP.); air-born
(of the air); earth-born alongside of terrigenous; ale-fed (with ale);
moss-clad; dew-besprinkled; sea-girt; snow-crowned; copper-fastened;
angel-peopled; fool-begged (begged by a fool, foolish); wind-dried;
dew-bent; sea-tossed; sea-torn; thunder-blasted; wind-fallen; book-
learned; death-doomed (to death) &c.
c) Compounding of a verb and an adjective.
This sort of compounding, foreign to French, less limited in Ger-
manic tongues, as in the Highdutch compounds with bar, haft,
lich &c., is almost wholly unknown to English. A verbal stem
is sometimes found here before the termination som, as in: tiresome;
buxom (from beogan, bugan) ; in forgetful, and perhaps a few more.
Through the sameness in sound of these verbs with substantives
the decision is, moreover, sometimes doubtful here, as in toilsome^
the dialectical feelless and others.
2) The Compounding of the Verb.
a) Compounding of two verbs.
No verb is compounded with another verb in Anglosaxon; Latin
offers compounds of verbal stems with facere and fieri, as calefacere
II. The Formation, of Words. B) Compounding. 1) Compounding of Nouns. 489
&c., besides valedicere. French has adopted some such verbs, even
imitated them; forms of this sort with the French form infy (fier)
have passed into English: arefy; liquefy, stupefy; calefy.
b) Compounding of a substantive and a verb.
The formation of verbs of a noun and a verb is in general for-
eign to the older Germanic tongues, most forms which might
appear to be such being parasyutheta, therefore verbal forms from
an already compound noun. Primitive compounds are especially
those with the substantive mis, Anglosaxon miss, mis, mist, which
indeed even in Anglosaxon was only employed as a particle in
compounding, and in English coincides in form and meaning with
the Old-French particle rues, Modern-French mes, tne, Latin minus:
miswrite, Anglosaxon misvritan; rnisteach, Anglosaxon mistsecan;
misdo, Anglosaxon misdon ; misthink, comp. Anglosaxon mispyncean ;
mishear, Anglosaxon mishyran; misbehave', misbelieve', misgive &c.;
miscounsel, Old-French mesconseiller ; misesteem, French mesestimer;
misjudge; misgovern &c. English hardly has any others, resting
upon older Germanic tongues, at whose root no visible compound
lies; handfast, Anglosaxon handfastan (in manum tradere); handsel,
Anglosaxon handsellan (subst. handselen, Bosw., Old-English hand-
sal); ransack, Old-norse ransaka (explorare; subst. ransak, from
ranni, donms, but also ran, spolium and saka, arguere, nocere,
comp. Highdutch heimsuchen).
English forms are: motheat (to eat as a moth eats a garment);
landdamn (to condemn to quit the land); landlock (to encompass
by land); ringlead; partake (a hybrid form from part take); back-
bite (to censure the absent); in backslide (to fall of) back seems to
operate as a particle; bloodlet; browbeat (to depress by severe looks);
waylay (to beset by the way); kilndry (to dry in a kiln); cater-
waul, comp. Old-English catwralling (to cry as cats in rutting time);
keelhale; cleftgraft (to ingraft by inserting the cion in a cleft);
hoodwink (to blind by covering the eyes), from Anglosaxon hod,
pileus and vincjan, connivere. Hamstring, is derived from ham-
string ; spurgatt, to gall with the spur, has also a substantive of the
same sound alongside of it (comp. Old-norse galli, naevus) and
seems a derivative verb, like to gall alongside of the substantive
gall. Romance forms, which attached themselves to Latin ones,
have likewise been received, partly imitated, particularly those in
which the substantive may be taken in the accusative: belligerate
(belligerare) ; edify (aedificare, French edifier); modify; mortify
(mortificare, mortem facere); pacify; signify; versify; tergiversate; =
duncify; fishify (jocosely); ignify; rapidify; mummify; salify; sang-
uify &c. Verbs too, in which the substantive could not answer to
an accusative, have been received according to the Romance pat-
tern: manumit (manumittere) ; crucify (cruci figere) ; maintain (main-
tenir = manu tenere).
<?) Compounding of an adjective and a verb.
Of this sort of composition the same was true in Anglosaxon,
with the exception of the adjectives efen (Engl. even), full, sam,
as has been observed of substantives. Of them on\j fulfill, Angl. ful-
fyllan, is remaining; besides a few modern forms, as finedraw;
490 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part L Sect. II.
finestil/, to distil (WEBSTER); dumfound (to strike dumb); new/ 'angle
is derived from the Old-English adjective newfaugel, greedy of in-
novation (comp. Anglosaxon fennel = susceptor); and newmodef re-
minds us of the subst. -model with the adj. new, like as white-wash
and dry-nurse are to be derived from the substantives of the same
sound. In soothsay, which leans upon the Anglosaxon sofrsagol,
sodsprecande and the like, sooth may be taken either as an adjec-
tive or a substantive. Romance forms of this sort after the Latin
pattern are mostly compounded with fy: magnify] mollify; falsify,
fortify \ vivify ; ratify; dulcify; also with pronouns: identify; qualify;
rarely others, as vilipend. The agglutination of the verb with an
adjective after it is peculiar in vouchsafe, in Old-English mostly
written distinctly vouchen safe (vouche saf MAUNDEV. p. 148. the
king vouches it save [LANGTOFT 260.], vouche ye hur safe (Ms. in
HALLIWELL from vouchen) that is Old-French vochier, rocher and
««//, sauf. vocare salvum. Along therewith was formerly found the
hybrid combination: witsafe (Anglosaxon vitan, imputare): That God
witsafe to saue them fro dampnation (THE PARDONER p. 117.).
How far participles can appear with a noun before them, has
been before pointed out. In this respect the language has ruled
much more freely, the verbal nature of the participles blending
with that of the adjective.
There is a number of apparent or real compounds, in which a mis-
understanding or a disfigurement of the fundamental forms prevails.
Roundelay, French rondelet, has been occasioned by the Romance virelai;
Old-English Synggyng of lewcle balettes, rondelettes or virolais (Ms. in
HALLIWELL from virolai); .beaf -eater (a yeoman of the guard) must have
arisen from the Old-French buffet = buffetier (on account of their being
appointed at the buffet); farthingale, the hoop of a frock, rhymes with
nightingale, and has been deformed from the Old-French vertugale, ver-
tugadin ; furbelow (apparently fur-below), is the Ital. falbala, also farfala,
farubala. Peter-see-me, a Malaga wine, is the corrupted Pedro-Ximenes;
as zinc wares in Lincolnshire and Nottingham bear the name (tutenag),
the corrupted name of the metal tooth-and-egg; sparrow-grass arose from
asparagus, in Fletcher: sperage; causeway alongside of causey is an ap-
parent compound instead of the Old-French cauchie, chaucie, Modern-
French chaussee; crayfish and crawfisli with crab stand under the in-
fluence of the Old-French escrevisse, Modern-French ecrevisse and the
like. Other for ns are puzzling, as balderdash, with which haberdasher,
is nearly allied, since in Old-English haberdash likewise denoted a jumble
of things: An hole armory of suche haburdashe (SKELTON I. 2(i7.). In
the North of England the schoolmaster is also called haberdasher. Two
analogous forms are tatterdemalion, tatterdemallion (tatter, perhaps = Old-
French maillon = maillot), and slubber degullion, a filthy fellow (slubber,
and gullish, or gully), in which de seems to be the French particle.
Pedigree, which some would explain by pes and gradus, others by par
degres, has an older form petygrewe (PALSGRAVE) which confutes those
explanations Even scabbard, seems a compound; in Old-English it is:
scawberk; sckaubtrk, perhaps Scheiden-berge, compare Old-norse scafi,
scalprum, and hauberk, Old-French hauberc and haubert, Hals-berge. A
greater number of obscure compounds has been incidentally treated of
in the Phonetics. Others, in which a play with rhyme, alliteration and
alternation of sounds takes place have been discussed at p. 431.
'11. The Formation of Word*. B) Compound. 3) Compound, of the Verb fyc. 491
3) The compounding of the Verb and of Nouns with Particles.
With this sort of Compounds, prepositions, or particles nearly
allied to prepositions, together with a few others, come chiefly under
review. There are on the one hand primitively Anglosaxon; on the
other, Romance particles. Both have entered into hybrid combinations
and agree with one another here and there in form. The Romance
compounding has however been preserved to a wider extent than the
Germanic, many compounds with Anglosaxon particles having been
wholly or partly abandoned.
a) Compounding with Anglosaxon particles.
We discriminate inseparable particles, occurring only in com-
bination with and before verbs and nouns, and separable ones,
which also occur in syntactical combination outside of these. Anglo-
Saxon formed numerous compounds of both sorts; English has gra-
dually abandoned them more and more, yet also employed many par-
ticles in various new forms.
1) Inseparable Particles.
a, Old-Highdutch ur, ar, er, ir, Gothic us (ur-r), Angl.tf, and in
Angl. not to be always distinguished from the a standing for an, on,
and of, of, and Modern-Highdutch er, has been getting more and
more rare in English. It still stands in a few verbs, partly with
the meaning of direction upwards, as if up out of something:
arise (arisan); arouse (arasjan); awake (avacan); awaken (avacn-
jan, yet also onvacnjan); partly of a continuous, also success-
ful activity: affright (afyrhtan); or of an inchoate activity: alight
(alihtan). — Many are obsolete, as: abare (abarjan); aby (abycgan);
ashame (ascarnjan), the participle from which, ashamed, is still par-
ticularly in use; agrise (agrisan, horrere); aslake (asleacjan). The
old tongue had many more, as: ab'enden (ablendan); awreken (avre-
can); aferen (af«ran, terrere); aquellen (acvellan): agulten (agyltan)
&c. In nouns it is hardly found save in parasyntheta : a/right,
Anglosaxon afyrhto.
an, a, un, Gothic and, Old - Saxon ant, Modern-Highdutch
ent, in Anglosaxon rarely and, often on, answering to the Old-
Highdutch ant and and, is found, as and, only in the substan-
tive answer (andsvara) and the derivative verb answer (andsvar-
jan). The and interchanging with on and a, appears as an Engl.
a in: abide (abidan), also and-, an-, onbidan); as well as in the
obsolete acknow and acknowledge (oncnavan, Old-Saxon antkennjan)
and in the participle adread (andrsedan, ondrsedan), Old-English
adrenchen (adrencan, ondrencan). But the Anglosaxon on in the
privative sense, belonging here, early passed into the English un.
The reason lies in Auglosaxon forms, in which un appears along
with on &c., without any essential distinction: unbind (onbindan,
ondbindan, but also unbindan); ungear (ongearvjan); undo (ondon);
unlock (onlucan and unlucan); unwind (unvindan), retexere along-
side of onvindan, solvere; untie (ontygan and untygean); unyoke
492 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. IL
(ungeocjan). The number of verbs, compounded with this privative
un, answering to the Romance dis, is very great; it is also readily
annexed to Romance forms: unarm; unparadise; unbias; unbutton;
unfix; unsaint; unchain; uncage; unharness; unhumanize &c.
un, Anglosaxon un, Old-norse 6, Modern-Highdutch un, not only
in the sense of the Romance dis but also of in, belonged, even in
Anglosaxon, less to verbs than to substantives, and particularly to
adjectives. In verbs the forms with un are hard to distinguish from
those with a primitive on; see an. The number of substantives
compounded with an Anglosaxon un very much rneeted away: un-
truth (untreovft), and is contained in hardly any Germanic imita-
tions: unfriend; unfriendship; unrest; unbelief; unhap; as in para-
syntheta: unansiverableness ; uncouthness; uncleannes &c.; also com-
pounded with Romance substantives : unacquaintance ; unrepentance;
unreserve; unconcern &c.
But the number of adjectives and particles compounded with un
is uncommonly large: uneven (unefen); unwise (unvis); unright (un-
riht); unfair (unfager); uncouth (uncufr); unclean (unclaene); un-
earthly; unbearable; unseemly ; unhandsome &c.; unending ; unebbing;
unabiding; unbeing; unedifying; unaccording; undeclining &c.; un-
abetted (unabett = abeted) ; unbroken (ungebrocen); unwrinkled; un-
told; unexhausted', unacted; unlimited; undated &c. Nouns often
alternate between un and the Romance in (see in); we find a
solitary case of this in most remarkably in Anglosaxon: incuff,
ignorans, incufflice, ignoranter.
be, Anglosaxon be, hi, big, Old-English be, bi, Gothic bi, Old-
Highdutch pi, in Modern-English in verbs and in the form be, ex-
cept in the parasyntheton by-name; on the other hand in use some-
times in nouns in the separable form by, answers, as an inseparable
prefix, to the Highdutch be. It affords a pretty good number of
compound verbs, although many Anglosaxon compounds have been
lost. The particle gives essentially, as it seems, especially to the
transitive verb, the import of the activity working in the imme-
diate proximity, therefore comprehending and comprising
the object and extending beyond it: bemoan (bemenan); belie
(beleogan); belay (belecgan); befoul (befylan); beweep (bevepan);
bethink (bepencean) ; beseech (bisecan); besmear (besmerjan); bespeak
(besprecan); bestride (bestridan); bestrew (bestrevan); begird (begyr-
dan); beget (bogetan); begnaw (begnagan); behave (behabbau); be-
hold (behealdan) &c.; bemaze; benumb; bewail; bewilder ; bedash &c.
Even Romance verbs receive the particle : bemask; bepinch; bepaint;
bepowder; bepurple; betray; besiege &c. Many verbs of this sort
are formed from nouns, although simple derivative verbs often
stand alongside of them: bewinter (to make like winter, on the
other hand, winter = to pass the winter); bedevil (abuse, on the
other hand devil = to make devilish); benight; betroht; beleper (to
infect with leprosy); besnuff (to befoul with snuff, not from the
verb to snuff); belee (to place on the lee) &c. On the other hand
befriend, bewitch, behoney, bespot, bestain and many more, have
simple verbs alongside of them. Expressions like belittle (to make
smaller), beguilty (to render guilty) are not naturalized in England.
//. The Formation of Words. B) Compound. 3) Compound, of the Verbfyc. 493
The privative import of the verb behead (beheafdjan) also belongs
to the simple head, as well as to the Anglosaxon hedfdjan, decol-
lare.
In intransitive verbs the import of the particle recedes more: .
become (becviman); belong; behappen, although most of the intran-
sitives are also at the same time transitive, as: betide; beseem and
others.
be is seldom united with the substantive: belief (leMa) ; behest
behaes); behalf; behoof (behof); but the accented by often; by -word
(bivord); by-spell (bi-, bigspell) with various later formations in
the meaning of the collateral, deviating and private: by-
interest; by-end; by-matter; by-name; by-passage; by-path; by-blow;
by-speech; by-street; but also by-stander as spectator. In proper
names: By water; Bytheway; Bythesea &c. by works as a preposi-
tion. Adjectives in be are formed from participial forms: be-
mused; beloved; befogged; betumbled; betutored; begilt; begored &c.;
whose remaining verbal forms do not occur, although we sometimes
find their infinitives cited in dictionaries.
for, Anglosaxon for, answering to the Gothic faur, fair and fra,
Old-English for, vor, ver (RoB. OF GLOUCESTER), Modern-High-
dutch ver, precisely distinguished from fore, yet sometimes con-
founded with it, belongs especially to verbs and their parasyntheta.
A great number of compounds with for has been gradually aban-
doned. The essential import of the particle, that of forth, away,
off, appears in: forbid (forbeodan); forbear (forberan); fordo (for-
don); forsake (forsacan); forswear (forsverjan); forgive (forgifan);
forget (forgetan); participle forlorn. The older tongue has for/end,
fordrive, forsay (forsecgan = forbid) and others. The idea of devia-
tion, as if of a perversion of the activity lies in the Old-En-
glish for shape (transform); forthink (repent); that of out beyond
and past lies in forego (forgangan, praeterire, distinct from forego,
foregangan = to go before), and the old forpass (go by). The idea
of going on in doing to the end, of finishing, which goes on
to annihilation, has been quite abandoned in Modern-English: Old-
English forbeten (beat down); forbiten (bite to pieces); forfreten;
forwasten; often in participial forms: forwept; for dwined; forpined;
fordronken &c.; also as fore: forespent (SHAKSPEARE); foreshame;
foreslow; in which the particle often works only strengtheningly.
In forelay, also forlay (to block up the road) the particle fore
= before is perhaps to be sought; comp. forestall, Old-English
also forstallen (hinder &c.). Parasynthetic nouns are: forbiddance;
forbearance; forbear er; forgiveness; forgetful &c.
The particle ge, Mod.-Highd. ge, here and there appearing in participles
as y, has been abandoned : yclad <fec., Old-English also in nouns, as : ywis ;
ylike &c. ; Modern-English as e in enough. Instead ofylike we find in Modern-
English alike, as akin (allied by nature) answers to the Anglosaxon ge-
cynne, congruus. To, Anglosaxon to, Modern-Highdutch zer, has also
disappeared in Modern-English. Old English still often used it in the
meaning of the Latin dis: tobreken (tobrecan); tobresten (toberstan); to-
eleven (tocleofan); torenden; todrawen; toswinken; toluggen (tear) ; toshul-
len (cut off); tohewen; and in Skelton: toragged and torente I, 43.
494 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. 11.
2) Separable Particles.
in, Anglosaxon in, with the meaning of the Latin /'// and intra,
has been preserved in a few Anglosaxon verbs and nouns, as in:
indrench (indrencan); inland (inland = terra dominica); income (com-
re incviman, intrare); infangthef (infangen pef); inwit (invit). How
extended the Germanic in, not assimilating its n before other
sounds, is to be assumed to be cannot be properly determined>
since it blends with Romance forms. Thus in comes before Ger-
manic words: inlock; inbathe; inbreathe; infold; inwall; inweave;
insnare; inhold &c. ; inroad; inlet; instep &c.; yet it yields to Ro-
mance forms: enlighten (Anglosaxon onlyhtan); enfetter; engird; em-
bolden; imbolden; embody; imbody; imbrown &c.
after, Anglosaxon after, post, is no longer found in verbs, as in
Anglosaxon, but only in a few nouns, in the sense of succession
in time: aftermath; afternoon; afterages; afterpiece; afterbirth ; after-
taste; afterthought; aftercrop.
on, Anglosaxon on (au), Old-Highdutch ana, Modern-Highdutch
a n , is frequent in verbs and nouns in Anglosaxon, but only to be
met with in English in a few nouns: onset (comp. onsettan, an-
settan); onset ting; onslaught (comp. onslag); onstead (single farm-
house) might belong to one; onward. Formerly the verb onset
also was found; onbraid (= upbraid, PALSGRAVE). Onsland is
dialectical (NORTH.), a money compensation from the outgoing to
the ingoing tenant; onfall, and the like.
off, Anglos, of (af, of), Old-norse af, Modern-Highdutch ab, is
in use in only a few nouns: offspring (ofspring), suboles; offset',
offal — off-fal, Old-norse affall, rubbish; offscum, Old-norse afskum
(also regarded as an adjective = vile); off scouring (without a cor-
responding verb), refuse-, in off horse (most distant) off is regarded
as an adjective. Offset, as a verb, is not the Anglosaxon ofsettan.
but a parasyntheton of offset in the meaning ofcounterreckon-
ing.
over, Anglosaxon ofer, Old-Highdutch ubar, Modern-Highdutch
iiber, is common in Anglosaxon in verb and noun compounds, and
is frequently employed in English in composition with Romance
stems. It has the sense of over in space, with regard to an
activity passing above an object. Verbs: overflow (oferflovan);
overgild (ofergildan) ; overspread; oversnow; overcloud; overarch;
overveil; here belong also over glance and the like; in the meaning
of the movement passing over: overclimb (oferclimban) ; overleap
(oferhleapan) ; overreach = to extend beyond; overfly; overshoot;
overship &c., therefore also of the movement going from above
downwards: overset (diverging from ofersettan, supra ponere);
overthrow; overturn. Nouns: overleather; over story; overfall (ca-
taract) &c. ; overbuilt ; overgrassed &c. In regard to time the sense
of beyond lies in overlive (oferlibban) = outlive ; over date.
The meaning of overstepping a relative or absolute measure
is frequent. Verbs: overpoise; overweigh; overbalance; overtop; —
overeat (oferetan); overdrink (oferdrincan) ; overween (ofervenan);
overdo (oferdon); overdrive (oferdrifan) ; over agitate; overrate; over-
freight; overjoy; overcharge &c. Nouns: overlight (immoderately
II. T lie Formation of Words. C) Compound. 3) Compound, of the Verb fyc. 495
light); ocerhaste; over care] overjoy &c.; overfull (oferfull); over -eager ;
overlong; over modest ; overneat; overwise; over elegant; overpassionate ;
overzealous &c.
To that is attached the meaning of superiority, which may
appear as an outstripping, surpassing, and as overpowering.
Verbs: overget (yet Anglosaxon ofergetan, oblivisci); overreach (of
horses); overgo = surpass; overmatch; overcome (ofercuman, super-
are); overawe; overbear; overpower; overrule; overpersuade &c.
The going over a thing has also the sense of negligence
and superficial doing: overlook; overpass; oversee; oversljp; as
the activity going over a thing may sometimes have the sense
of a quicker doing in a succession: overread; overname. Over
may also work merely strengthen in gly : overstand (of er stand an, in-
sistere).
The coming over to may further have the idea of sudden-
ness, and even of privateness; thus sometimes in: overtake;
over com e ; overhear.
Generally speaking, many even of the above words combine se-
veral of the meanings above indicated, the understanding whereof
is given by the context; comp. overrun, 1. to cover all over, 2. to
outrun, 3. to harass by hostile incursions; overstep, 1. to step over,
2. to exceed. Here also belong overpass; oversee; overlook; over-
lay; overcast; overgrow; overhaul and many more.
out, Anglosaxon ate, tit, Old-Highdutch uz, Modern - Highdutch
aus, has in compounds, which in Anglosaxon especially prevail as
verbal compounds, in general the meaning of proceeding from
something internal, when either the quitting of that space
or of a point in space, or the further movement to the goal
and end may occupy the mind. Therefore the out and away
come in part into the foreground in the verbs: outwind; out-
wrest; outbud; outpour; outroot &c. ; as also in outraze, outweed &c.,
and, in connection therewith, selection: outlook. Nouns: out-
going (utgang); outset = beginning; figuratively: outbreak; outburst;
outcry; and of concrete objects: outgate; outlet and outcast. With
that is connected the idea of outside and abroad, as of removal
or exclusion from space, as in the verbs: outbar; outshut; and
in nouns: outpost; outwall; outparish; outport &c.; outlaw (utlah);
— outborn (foreign); outlandish (utlendisc); as also outside, belongs
here. Extension and stretching from the point of departure
lies in verbs like outspread; outstretch. The out and to the end
lies in outwear; outreign; outbreathe (expire).
Alongside thereof the idea of proceeding beyond something
or of outbidding, in the sense of over, is frequent: outnumber;
outbrave; outbalance; outwit; outwork; outdo; out drink; out knave;
outgo (on the other hand litgangan = exire); outgrow; outjest'and
many more. Even here we find verbs used in more senses than
one.
wnder, Anglosaxon under, Modern -Highdutch unter, stands be-
fore Germanic and Romance stems, and forms the contrary in
space to over, as referred to the deeper and lower. Verbs:
undermine; underline; underprop; underwrite (undervritan) ; under-
496 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
sign', hence also figuratively underbear (underberan, supportare);
underfong (underfangan); undergo (undergangan, subire); undertake
(Old-norse undirtaka, annuere); understand (understandan, intelli-
gere); and so too underset (undersettan, substituere). Nouns:
underwood', underbrush; undergrowth; underground; underpetticoat
&c. Adj. undershot.
With that is connected the notion of less, as of a remaining
behind under a measure. Verbs: underdo (on the other hand
underdon, supponere); underlet; underrate; nnderprize; underpraise;
undervalue; undersell &c. Nouns: underdose; — under saturated.
The notion of subordination is frequent, especially in sub-
stantives: under sheriff (comp. undergerefa); under-master; under-
labourer; underfellow; under-workman; under-chamber lain &c. Adj.:
underbred (of inferior breeding). In underplot (clandestine scheme)
there lies the notion of secrecy, as of what is done in the deep,
beneath; in the obsolete under say, to contradict, there lies the
image of denying by speaking. Sometimes even here different
senses are annexed to the same compound in different contexts.
up, Anglosaxon up, upp, uppe, Adv. sursum, in altum, Modern-
Highdutch auf, is not frequently to be met with, and mostly in
verbs, as in Anglosaxon. It remains true to its fundamental mean-
ing, in the proper and the figurative sense; but up now commonly
comes after its verb. Verbs: uplift; upfead (upled MILTON); up-
rise; upraise; uproot; upbear (upaberan); upbind; upstay (to sup-
port); upswarm; upheave (uphebban) &c., many are growing obso-
lete. In up lay, uphoard, there lies the notion of hanging up as of
heaping up; on the other hand in upset, to overturn; uproot, uptear
and the like, are perhaps the standard. Figuratively: upbraid (up-
gebregdan, exprobrare). In the obsolete uplock =* lock up (SHAKSP.),
we must think of the drawn up bolt. Nouns are rare: upland.
(highland); upstart, also a verb; uproar (hror, motus); upshot (final
issue); upright (upriht); upward &c.; uphand (lifted by the hand);
uphill (difficult).
fore, rarely for, Anglosaxon fora, more frequently fore, sometimes
for, ante, antea, Modern-Highdutch vor, is compounded with Ger-
manic and Romance stems.
In verbs it denotes less commonly the before in space: fore-
run; foreflow; forego sometimes for go before; often in Nouns:
fore-end; fore-mast; foreland; forelock; fore-part; forehead (forehea-
fod); fore-horse &c. — forward (foreveard). Herewith is combined
the notion of priority, as in foreman; forerank; forehand = chief
part (SHAKSP.) and the like.
By far more common, especially in verbs, is the meaning of
before and previousness in time: forebode (forebodjan); fore-
token (foretacenjan); foresay (foresecgan) ; foresee (foreseen); fore-
speak (foresprecan) ; forearm; forelook; foredoom; foreshadow; fore-
admonish; fore-appoint; fore-determine &c.; in nouns: forenoon;
forefather; foresight; foreknowledge; fore-belief &c.; frequently in
participial adjectives without a verb: forepast; forequoted; for edited
&c. Parasyntheta are also numerous.
The doing before appears also as anticipation in the man-
//. The Formation of Words. B) Compound. 3) Compound, of the Verb fyc. 497
ner of checking or excluding; forestall (foresteallan) ; foreclose;
forelay.
forth, Anglosaxan for&, inde, frequent in Anglosaxon in the com-
pounding of verbs and nouns, is found in a few verbal adjec-
tives: forth-coming (forftcuman) ; forth-issuing] and in forthgoing,
also used substantively. The adverb forthright (for6*rihte) likewise
occurs as a substantive (straight path, SHAKSPEARE). Old-English
had more compounds still: forthwerpe; forthhelde] forthword (bar-
gain); also with the comparative f other fete (RITSON).
with, Anglosaxon vi&, has been preserved in a few verbs and
their parasyntheta only, and only with the meaning against: with-
stand (vifrstaudan, resistere); which may be apprehended as back
in withdraw^ withhold. Old-English also has withsay (vicfsecgan) ;
withsitten; withscapen &c.
wither, Anglosaxon vi&er, an adverbial comparative form formed
from vi&, Old-Highdutch : widar, Modern-Highdutch wider, occur-
red only compounded with verbs and nouns. Modern-English
still has substantives, as the law term withernam, reprisal (vi-
frernam); witherband] Old-English witherwin (vifrer vine, inimicus);
dialectical: witherwise (otherwise); wither guess, the same &c.
thorough, rare in composition through, Anglosaxon purh, puruh,
Modern-Highdutch durch, to be met with in Anglosaxon in verbs
and nouns, is now found only in a few nouns, in the. meaning
of movement through, as well as of being permeated, ofbeing
filled through and through or completely: thoroughfare (purh-
faru); thorough-base-, — thorough-wax; thorough-wort] — thorough-
bred; thorough-paced; thorough-lighted; thorough-sped; thorough-
going.
gain, Anglosaxon gagn, gedn &c., is rare in Anglosaxon in the
form gedn, frequent on the contrary in compounds, in engedn &c.
In English a few, mostly obsolete verbs and parasyntheta are to
be met with: gainsay; gainstand (ongeanstandan) ; gainslrive: —
gainsay er ; gainsaying.
The particle well too, rarely wel, Anglosaxon vela, vel, Modern-
Highdutch wohl, rarely occurred in Anglosaxon in verbal com-
pounds, as veldon, rarely too in substantives, as veldced] but fre-
quently in adjectives, particularly participles used adjectively. In
English accordingly the number of the last named compounds is
preponderant; the fundamental words are generally of verbal nature,
when well operates adverbially : well-wish; welfare; well-being ; well-
doing (comp. veldon); well-meaner; well-wilier; well-doer; — well-
meant; well-born (vel boren); well-built; well-bred; well-beloved;
well-set; well-educated] well-established; well-anchored; well-com-
plexioned and many more. — Welcome (vilcumjan, from Anglosaxon
villan, ville, velle, voluntas) does not belong here.
The particle wan, Anglosaxon van, von, properly deficiens, even
in Anglosaxon occurring only in compounds, works privatively,
as un or dis. It is now hardly to be met with save in the ob-
solete wanhope (despair, want of hope); Old-English wantrust] still
frequently in Scottish dialects, partly too in the North .of England,
as: wanchancy (unlucky) and others.
Matzner, engl. Gr. I. 32
498 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forma. Part I. Sect. II.
Prepositions compounded in Anglosaxon with verbs often appear in
English, and in gradually increasing extent, as adverbial determinations,
or working as prepositions, separated from and after them: inbringan,
to bring in; incuman, to come in; afterfylgjan, to follow after; ongedn-
bringan, to bring again; ofadrtfan, to drive off; fitciman, to come out;
oferbringan, to bring ofer; underbeon, to be under; forffdsendan, to send
forth; purhbre'can, to break through &c. But such particles, especially
prepositional ones, are sometimes found invertedly combined into one
word with the preceding, particularly a verbal constituent, as in hang-by;
hanger-on; luck-up (a prison): even with participial forms, presupposing
a verb with a separate particle: This seaPd-up counsel (SHAKSPEARB
Love's L. L. 3, 1.). Until the longed-for winters come (BUTLER); a com-
bination explicable by the syntactical relation and by the accenting of
the members syntactially united.
b) Compounding with Romance Particles.
Romance particles, that is, those originally Latin which have
passed through the French, have received a great extension in En-
glish, where they indeed chiefly go along with Latin, yet are fre-
quently put to Anglosaxon stems. They are never, like Germanic
particles, detached and placed adverbially after a word. Many com-
pounds of particles, moreover, proceed immediately from or attach
themselves again more closely to the Latin. Many have occasioned
•very numerous imitations. Particles which, like avec, dans, have
not in French been the means of forming compounds, also remain
foreign to English. "We consider firstly the inseparable particles of
the Latin tongue, then its separable ones, and lastly, a few adverbial
ones, which have proceeded from Latin adverbs and nouns, and even
in French have received the character of particles, so far as regards
composition.
1) Inseparable Particles.
Here belong the privative in, amb, the adverb ne (not) occur-
ring in the finished Latin tongue in compounds only, as well as
re, se and dis.
m, Latin: French: the same, equal to the Greek ou> as a privative
particle, and coinciding notionally with un, whose place it takes
•without any fixed limit (comp. mcertain, uncertain ; incertitude, un-
certainty; inapt, wnapt; mhabile, wnable; ^concealable, imconcealed
&c.); assimilates, like the preposition m, the n to a following rw,
Z, r, and before p and b passes into m. It is originally added to
nouns (also to participles used as adjectives). Yerbs with, a pri-
vative in were in Latin only parasyntheta, which were much aug-
mented in French, even newly formed substantives were in French,
and are mostly in English, although with many exceptions, para-
syntheta. Newly formed adjectives are numerous. Substantives:
insipience; inscience; inexperience; impiety; illiberality, — inexertion;
inharmony (comp. inharmonic); intranquillity ; irremoval; inunder-
standing. Adjectives: immemorial; impolite; illegal; incautious;
inextinguible ; inopulent; invalitudinary ; inconduding ; indiscussed;
infragrant &c. Along with parasynthetic verbs, as: inquiet; im-
11. The Formation of Words. B) Compound, 3) Compound, of the Verhfyc. 499
mortalize; illegalize; individuate (Latin individuus) : incapacitate (in-
capacious), but is also found, for instance inexist.
amb, am, an, properly ambi (compare Greek a/«J>0, around,
about, is found, as in French, rarely. It is contained in the verb
amputate, and in nouns, as ambition; ambiguity; ambages; ambu-
stion; ambulance; — ambiguous; ambulant; ancipital &c., all of which
take root in Latin.
?ie,Latin ne, not, is very rarely contained in Latin words: ne-
science (nescientia) ; neuter, neutral, French neutre, -al; Latin ne-
uter; nefarious (nefarius); nefandous', Parasyntheta : neutrality; ne-
fariousness.
re (red before vowels), is French re (red), Latin re, red, even
redi, from which red appeared especially before vowels. Eed stands,
for instance, in English in redintegrate; redeem; redound (French
redonder); redargue; redolent; yet reintegrate is also found, comp.
French reintegrer. French often cast out the vowel e before en
(in), e (ex) and a (ad) in modern forms ; English reimported the e
(reenter, French rentrer; reattach, French rattacher &c.). The
principal meaning of the particle is back, whence proceeds the
meaning again (reluctance, resist), with which is connected that
of repetition. It often appears only as a strengthener, as
in rejoice; recommand; repute; receive; in which at least the idea
back no longer appears. Instances of received compounds are un-
commonly numerous and need no quoting. Modern forms attach
themselves particularly to the meaning again, and are added not
merely to Romance stems, sainreimplant; reimprint; reinvest; re-
appoint; reobtain; reurge; recelebrate; recaption; recapture &c.; but
also to Germanic ones: reopen; remind; remake; renew; relight;
rebellow; rebuild; rebreathe; refind; redraw; regather; rehear; re-
hearse; rekindle; requicken &c.
se, French se, Latin se, also sed (in seditio), so (in socors), is
rare even in French, and in English to be met with only in a few
words originally Latin. The fundamental meaning is that of re-
moval and severance (without, particularly, aside). Verbs:
select (seligere); separate; seduce; Severn; secede; segregate; sefoin
(WEBSTER, Scottish), whence nouns, especially parasyntheta: se-
dition; seduction; sejunction; secret &c.; seducible; seditious; secure &c.
dis, di, with the collateral form de, Old-French des, Modern-
French dis, di, des, de, Latin dis, di, before / with an assimilated
s = dif, denotes division and distribution; the idea of sever-
ance also passes into that of interrup^'on. Along with that
arises the privative or negative meaning of the negation of
the notion of the fundamental word. English chiefly recurs t6 the
Latin form, and uses dis before vowels and consonants. Before s
with a consonant after it, s is cast out, as in Latin, (distinguish,
dis-stinguere); dispirit. Modern formations are numerous, especially
with the privative sense of dis, with which the Modern-Highdutch
ent may be compared. The compounding with dis is favoured in
verbs and nouns: dispute; distend; dissolve; discern; differ; diffuse;
— dispensation; disquisition; discourse; difficulty; — distant; dis-
sonant; discrepant; discreet; diffluent; — disarm, Old-French des-
32*
,-500 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
armer; disappoint, Modern-French desappointer; disobey, Modern-
French, desobeir; disdain, Old-French desdaigner; disjoin, Old-
French desjoindre; disconfit, Old-French desconfire; disguise, Old-
French desguiser; — disease, Old-French desaise; distress, Old-
French destresse (from the Latin districtus); dishonest, Old-French
deshoneste.
The form di is rare in English, as in French: diminish; dilapi-
date', dilacerate', dilate; divert; diverge; divest; divide; divulge; di-
judicate; digest; digress; — dimension; diminution; dimission; divorce;
divulsion; — direct; divers; diluent; dilute.
The particle in the form de (Modern-French de) is only to be
distinguished by collation with the fundamental ancient forms from
de — Latin de. Frequently de and dis run alongside of each other:
deoxydate along with disox.; denaturalize along with disn. ; deploy
along with display, Old-French desploier; decolor along with dis-
color; decompose along with disc.; devest along with div.; defame,
Latin diffamare; defy, Old-French desfier; depart, Old-French des-
partir, distinct, however from dispart; detach, French detacher,
Ital. distaccare; — delay, French delai, Latin dilatum; defeat from
Old-French desfaire, deffaire; deluge, French deluge, Latin dilu-
vium.
des also is found in descant, Old-French deschans, compare Me-
dieval-Latin verb and subst. discantare; discantus.
Modern forms in dis, ent, are numerous, not merely before Ro-
mance words, as: disincline; disinherit; disable; dispauper; dissatisfy;
disconnect; — disimprovement; dispalhy; dispassion; discongruity ; dis-
courtesy; — disingenuous; disinhabited; disparadized &c. ; but also
before Germanic ones: disembody; disembosom; disown; dislimb;
dislike; disroot; disbowel; disburden; disbelieve; dishearten; dishorn;
2) Separable Prepositional Particles.
in (im, il, ir) and en, em, Latin in &c., French en, em, has come
into English partly in the Latin, also in assimilated forms, but which
are likewise not foreign to the French, partly in the French trans-
formations. Frequently the Latin and the French form run along-
side of each other: intitle, entitle; inthrone, enthrone; injoin, enjoin;
incage, encage; ingender, engender &c.; imbarTc, embark; impeach,
empeach &c. Frequently also the French form has given way to
the Latin. In compounds in, en answers in meaning to the Latin
preposition in, especially with a reference to movement, as in,
on, upon, particularly also to the Modern-Highdutch ein, denoting
the direction to the internal and the tendency to include. The
Latin forms of the particle stand in words like: immit; immerge;
inescate; inaugurate; innovate; infatuate; invade; invoke; incarcerate;
illustrate; irritate; — invasion; instinct; infeudation (infeodation)
impulse; inescation; — innate; infernal; incavated; ingenuous &c.;
and in those to which French had given its forms, although the
latter are often used alongside of the former: inebriate; inter; in-
cloister; inquire &c. Yet French forms have also remained unaltered:
endure; engage; enhaunce; embellish, embrace &c.; envoy; ensign.
11. The Formation of Words. B) Compound. 3) Compound, of the Verb fyc. 501
Imitated forms are numerous, both with Latin and French forms of
the particle, yet those with in are not always to be distinguished
from compounds with the Anglosaxon in. Comp. moreover: im-
mask; impalsy; impawn; impoverish &c.; immailed &c.; — enact;
enambush; enlarge; enravish; enfeeble; enfranchise; endanger; enseal;
empurple; empark; embody; embroider; — enarmed &c. Occasionally
the assimilation before m is omitted: enmarble; enmew along with
em mew.
inter, enter, French infer, entre, Latin inter, appears in English
in both these forms, yet rarely in the French enter. The particle
has the meaning of between, and refers to what severs two
objects, comes into their midst, also interrupts and works
negatively: interpose; interpoint; intercede; interject; interclude;
intercept; — interval (properly a space between two poles); inter-
act (French entr'acte); interclude; — intermundane; interosseous.
This idea also lies originally in interdict; as well as in interpret
(to speak as an intervening interpreter); so in interlope; inter-
course. Connection appears also in the meaning among one an-
other: intermix; interlace (entrelacer) ; inter 'join; entertain (entre-
tenir). Modern forms, which are chiefly of the latter sort, are
not rare, even in union with Germanic stems: interfere; inter ani-
mate; interchain; interchange; intermarry; — interspace; interchapter ;
— intercellular; international; — interlink; interleave; interweave;,
inter talk; intertwist; — interleaf; interknowledge ; — interwreathed &c.
inlro, French : Latin : the same, is very rare in French, in English
in a few forms borrowed from the Latin. The meaning of the par-
ticle is: into, of movement into the inside of an object: intromit;
introduce; introspect; with parasynthetic nouns: introduction; intro-
gression (introgredior) ; introit (introitus). We also find introvert;
- introreception; introsusception; — introflexed, as modern forms.
ex, //before/, e, es, Old-French ex, commonly es, Modern-French
ex, e, es before s, occurs most rarely in English in the form es.
The particle denotes essentially the movement out from the inside,
also away and off from it, which may also go upwards (extoll);
when the image of extension from the point of departure (ex-
pand, extend) as well as of the carrying out to the end, of fi-
nishing, may be the standard (comp. exsiccate and effect, elabo-
rate). A going beyond a measure is likewise not remote; as
well as a .departure from the essence of an object (exceed, exor-
bitant, effeminate). Many Latin and French forms have been im-
ported, when the French es, e often returns to ex, comp. extend,
Old-French estendre; extinguish, Old-French esteindre; exchange,
Modern-French echanger. The great majority of compounds com-
prehends imported words: exempt; exalt; exonerate; expatriate; ex-
hale; examen; exaninwus; exterior; (after x an initial s is wont to be
cast out: expect; extil; exiccate along with exsiccate; exude along
with exsudation &c.); — effect? efface; — emaciate; elect; erase;
evade; edict; elocution; elegant; — essay, Old-French essaier, asaier,
as it were, exagiare; escape, Old-French eschaper, as it were ex-
cappare; estreat, comp. Old-French estraire; escheat, Old-French
subst. eschet. Modern forms are rare: exauthorize; exculpate; effran-
502 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. II.
chise (to invest with franchise); eradiate; eglomerate; eglanduhus;
more frequently with a privative ex, as in the Latin exmagister,
exdecurio and the like; ex-mayor; ex-presidenl ; ex-prefect; ex-re-
presentative; ex-dictator; ex-secretary &c.; also adjectively: ex-of-
ficial.
extra, French: Latin: the same, outside of (of the not included)
was to be met with in Latin only in compound nouns; French
formed a few verbs with extra. English adopts a few such verbs:
extravagate; extravasate. With nouns, like extraordinary; extra-
mundane; extravagant &c. are associated modern forms: extramis-
sion; extra-pay; extra-work &c. ; extra-regular; extra-parochial; extra-
geneous; extravenate and a few more.
a, ab, abs, French Latin the same, exists in French in traditional
forms, as in English also. The prefix opposed to ad has mostly
the meaning of going from a point, in the sense of the Highdutch
ab, ent, weg. Nouns are mostly parasyntheta : avert; avolate
(avolare), along with abvolate (comp. Latin abvoco, abverto and
the like); abalienate; abridge (abreger) along with abbreviate; ab-
solve; absterge; abstain; — abolition; abdication &c. ; abnormous;
absonous; absent, together with many substantives derived from ad-
jectives. The forms advance, advantage are erroneous formations
from the Old-French avancer, avantage, from avant = ab ante.
ad, a, French Latin the same, remained in Latin before vowels
and h, d, v, mostly also before m, ad, but cast out the d before
double consonants (sp, st, sc, gn), and assimilated to the consonants
n, I, r, p, f, t, s, c, q, g, although not necessarily. In French the
rejection of the d before consonants and in Old-French also before
vowels was usual, without any fixed principle. In English the pro-
ceeding with regard to d is likewise without consistency, yet less
than in French, with a more frequent return to the Old-Latin
usage. French has many imitated forms, especially in factitive
verbs, which English adopts, without attempting considerable new
formations. The fundamental meaning of the particle is that of
direction and striving, as well as of motion and reaching
to an object or into its immediate neighbourhood: adapt; adore;
adorn (Old-French aorner, adornare); addict; adhere; adjoin; ad-
mire; arraign, Old-French araisnier from raison; appear, Old-French
aparoir; approve; affirm; attain; assail (assaillir, assilire); assuage,
Old-French assoager, as if assuaviare; accept; acquaint (accointer,
as if accognitare) ; aggrieve, Old-French agrever; asperge; astrict
&c.; adhortation; advent (French avent, adventus); arrai, Old-French
arroi, arrei, arrai from roi = ordre, from Anglosaxon rad, raede,
promptus; appetite &c. ; — aduncous; adjacent; apparent; affable &c.
Imitated forms are seldom found; comp. acfcfoom = adjudje; allure,
French leurrer; affreight (to hire a ship for freight). Compounds
with a remain doubtful, on account of the Anglosaxon d, as: amaze;
amate (accompany) and the like.
ante, anti, French: I^atin: the same, with the meaning of before
in time, in space and in rank, is rare in French in traditional
verbs, and is hardly imitated, but is to be found on the other hand
in a few adopted and imitated nouns (also with the form anti).
//. TheFormation of Words. B) Compound. 3) Compound, of the Verb fyc. 503
In English there exist a few Latin and French compounds, and a few
nouns have been imitated: antepone (anteponere) ; antecede (ante-
cedere); antedate, French antidater; anticipate (anticipare) ; — anti-
loquy (anteloquium); anfecessor; antechamber, French antichambre;
- antelucan; antemeridian &c. Imitations: antechapel; antiport;
^antetemple; anteroom', antenuptial &c.
ob, French: Latin: the same, with the assimilations of the b be-
fore p, /, c (in omit, Latin omittere, b has been cast out before m)
passed into French without occasioning imitation, likewise into
English. Ob denotes the direction and motion towards an
object, therefore also against something, then, generally, exten-
sion over something (obversari, offuscare). The strengthening
meaning of ob in obserare, as in obsecrare, returns to the sensuous
image of influence away and over. "Verbs: obviate; observe;
obsecrale; oppose; offend; occur; occupy. Nouns: obedience and
obeisance; opponent; office; occasion; — oblivious; oblong; obscure;
opposite; occult. In obovate, French obove, there lies the idea of
an opposite direction, inversely ovate. — Occasionally the English
has abolished the assimilation: obfuscate along with offuscate; ob-
firm; obfirmate.
ultra, French ultra, outre, Latin ultra, beyond, in Latin only
in ultramundanus, in French in a few words, as ultra and outre,
stands in the English ultramontane; ultramundane; ultramarine (adj.
and subst.).
per, par, French per, par, Latin per. French used per and par
in traditional words, par, on the other hand, commonly in imitations.
The English has adopted a few compounds with par, • and trans-
formed par in part into per. The assimilated particle pel still oc-
curs in pelluced (pellucidus). The language hardly knows imita-
tions. The particle is used of going through in space, as
well as of diffusion through space (also through and through),
therefore further of completed activity. Verbs: perish; pera-
grate; permit; permeate; perpend; perfume (parfumer); pervert; per-
tain; persist; persuade; perjure (parjurer); pardon; parboil (par-
bouillir whether = part-b?); Nouns: pererralion; peroration; per-
fidy; — peracute; perennial; perpetual; perfect] pervious; pervica-
cious (pervicax). Modern forms: peruse (per uti?), Old-English —
examine, survey; parbreak = to vomit (SKELTON).
post, French Latin the same, after, with reference to time and
rank, an infrequent prefix in Latin, more rare in French, is not
much in use even in English, yet at the same time not without a
few modern forms. Verbs: postpone; post-date, French postdater.
Nouns: postliming (postliminium) ; postil, Medieval-Latin postilla;
postscript, French postscriptum; postscenium, Latin the same; post-
fact, subst. and adj.; postpositive, French postpositif; posthumous.
Modern forms: post-fix; — post-entry; post-existence; post-obit* post-
fine; post-disseizin; post-disseizor; — postnate; post-nuptial; post-
remote; postdiluvial (-ian).
pre, French pre, Latin prae, has in compounds the meaning of
before in space (present, pretend, precipitate}, but more frequently
that of the before in time (predetermine, preoccupy, as preclude,
504 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part 1. Sect. II.
prevent and pr eminent) with which is connected the idea of pre-
cedence (precede, prefer, preeminent) and superordination as a
previous determination (prescribe, precept). French has adopted
a great number of Latin compounds in prae, and imitated many;
English has obtained them from both tongues and imitated not a
few, especially with a reference to the before in time, as: prein-
struct,; preengage; preelect; pr examine; ' preadmonish ; preappoint;
preobtain; prepossess; pretypify; preconceive; — preintimalion; pre-
acquain(ance; preaudience; predelineation; precontract; — preremote;
preconsolidated &c. pro is also prefixed to Germanic stems: pre-
warn; preknowledge; predoomed.
prefer, French prefer, Latin praeter, was little employed in
compounding in Latin, occurs rarely in words preserved in
French, and in English is also of little import. The prefix de-
notes past, with reference to space and to time, with which the
idea of going beyond a measure is associated: pretermit; —
preterit; (preterilion, preterilive), preterlapsed (praeterlapsus). Never-
theless there are a few modern forms: preterimperfect; preterper-
fect; preterpluperfect; preterlegal; preternatural.
pro, pour, pur, por, French pro, pour, por, Old-French por, pour,
pur, Latin pro, in compounds occasionally pro (prod to take away
the hiatus). As in French compounds with pro are the most nume-
rous, so also in English. Imitations were in general not frequent,
English has hardly any to shew. The prefix denotes essentially
the direction forwards, before, forth: propel; progress, proceed;
promote; prominent. Thus in profane the before is contained (being
before the temple, therefore not in it, unholy), as in prohibit the
forth (to keep removed). With that is connected the meaning of
forth from: proffer; procreate; produce; provoke; wherewith is
connected the idea of bringing forth to sensuous perception in ge-
neral, or of making notorious and of publication: pronounce;
proclaim; profess; protest; also proscribe. Forwards appears re-
ferred to time, as if out into the future, in provide, protract;
and in prorogue (yet perhaps properly to ask previously) and the
like. The meaning of representation lies in proconsul, that of
relation in proportion. — The French forms pour, pur, por ra-
rely appear, but are sometimes interchanged: poursuivant and pur-
suivant; pourpresture, Medieval-Latin proprestura, from the Old-
French porprendre, purprendre, also parprendre, whence porprise;
pourparty, purparty, Medieval-Latin purpartia, propartia and per-
pars; purloin, Old-French purloignier; purpose, Old-French pur-
poser; purvey, Old-French porvoir; pursue, Old-French porsevre,
parsevre; purchase, Old-French purchacier; purfle and subst. pur-
file, Old-French porfiler, parfiler; purview, comp. proviso ; purprise,
Old-French purpris, and a few parasyntheta. As the Old-French
pur interchanges with par, so in English purienance has run along-
side of appartenance. Por stands in portray, Old-French portraire,
whence portrayal and portrait, portraiture come.
trans, tra, tres, French trans, tra, Ire, Old-French tres, Latin
trans, tra, was transferred in old forms from the Latin into French,
and in both served to make new forms. English, except in tres-
//. The Formation of Words. B) Compound. 3) Compound, of the Verb fyc. 505
pass, Old-French trespasser c. der. always has the Latin forms and
mostly trans. "With an s after it the s of trans is commonly cast
out, even Latin fluctuates between transsillio, transscendo and tran-
silio, transcendo &c. The fundamental idea with this particle is
that of motion or position out over an object, beyond it, as
in: tranate, transnate; transmit, transport, transcend, transgress; —
transition; transit; tramontane &c.; transatlantic; transmarine; trans-
padane; as past in transient; transitory; which may also appear
as motion through an object: transfix; transcolate; transpire; trans-
ude; — transparent; translucent &c. Sometimes it imports the
transfer from one place to another: transplant; transfuse; trans-
cribe; transcript '&c. With that is connected the idea of trans-
formation or transmutation: transfigure; transform; transmute;
transubstantiate; travesty &c. In transact lies the idea of comple-
tion; traduce, slandering &c., is properly to draw through, to
expose to scorn, with obliteration of the figure even in Latin. Mo-
dern forms are: transanimate; transplace; transship and tranship;
transshape; transfreight; translocation and the like.
de, Modern-French de and de, Latin de, has been preserved in
many Latin forms in French and English. The particle has ori-
ginally the meaning of removal in space : off, away, forth, which
is readily transferred to other predicaments, as it especially passes
over into the idea of deviation and of need. The regard to
progression and the movement to the end gives the idea of fi-
nishing, when the particle may frequently appear as a streng-
thening of the expression. Examples are numerous in which the
French compounds with de are to be distinguished from the com-
pounds with the Latin dis only by a comparison of the fundamental
forms. Verbs: deaurate; demean, French demener; demur, Old-
French demorer; deny (denegare); delight, Old-French deleiter;
derive; depaint; deflagrate; detrone, French detroner, Ital. detroniz-
zare; decipher, French dechiffrer, Ital. diciferare; degrade &c.
Nouns: dedition; desuetude; deceit; — derelict; devious; devout;
desultory &c. Imitations, as: deprive; depauperate; debase; deface;
deforce; defoul; devoid &c., are not frequent; yet we may reckon
here any coinciding with the French des, as: deobstruct (desobstruer) ;
deoxydate; deoxydize (desoxyder); decarbonate; decarbonize &c. Com-
pare decorticate, Latin decorticare.
sine, Latin the same, French sans, without, stands in English
in sinecure, sinecurism, -ist; the French form perhaps in sansculot-
tism. See prepositions p. 410.
sub, sus, under, are developed from the Latin sub and subtus;
the b in sub is commonly assimilated before m, p, f, c, g, some-
times also before r. In French sub with its assimilations has been
in part preserved, therewith stands the Latin sus, French sous, sow,
arising from subtus, Old-French sos, soz, suz, sous, which however
operates quite like sub. In meaning it is nearly allied to the An-
glosaxon under. It is chiefly referred to the deeper and lower
in space, both in the proper and in the figurative sense: submerge;
subscribe; suffumigate; suppurate; support; suffer; subside; subsist;
suppress; subvert; submit; succomb; subdue, Old-French sosduire,
506 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
souduire, subducere; 'supplant; — suburb*, snbhastation; — subja-
cent', subcelestial &c.; whence the notion of subordination, as
in subserve; subordinate:, subdivide', sub-prior, French sous-prieur;
subdean, French sous-doyen; subalterns readily results. The idea
of a movement immediately behind, after and to an object, such
as the Latin preposition sub affords, makes its appearance in com-
pounds in: succeed', subjoin', suffix', sufflate; succory subsequent &c.
The notion of a completing representation lies in surrogate;
supply, suffixe and others. ^The meaning of lessening, as in
'subtract; subduce; subduct, rests upon the idea of taking away be-
neath. That of secrecy is connected with that of space: suborn;
surreption; it has been lost in summon (submonere), sub gives to
adjectives a diminutive meaning: subacid; subfusc, Latin suffus-
cus. The forms cited have all come down; rarely those in sus:
suspire; suspend; suspect; sustain; suspicion; suspension; sustentation;
susGeption; susceptible, and other parasyntheta.
In modern forms verbs seldom appear, substantives often,
in which sub has the meaning of subordination : sublet = to under-
let; subdiversify; — subinfeudation (Medieval-Latin subfeodare);
subpur chaser; subtutor; sub-brigadier; sub-committee &c.; also sub-
worker; subkingdom. Adjectives are most numerous, partly with
the meaning of under in space; subaerial; subapennine; subcau-
dal; subdented (indented beneath), but commonly with a diminutive
meaning: sub astringent; subtepid; subsaline (comp. subsalsus); sub-
crystalline; subglobose &c.
subter, under, beneath, in Latin sometimes used in compound-
ing, was preserved in French only in subterfuge; in English in sub-
terfuge, Latin subterfugium, and in subterfluent; superfluous, from
the Latin subterfluere.
super, rarely sur, was not rare in Latin compounds. French sel-
dom preserved the form super; it was changed into sur, Old-French
sor, sur, sour, and appeared in this shape even in modern forms.
Compounds with super and sur have been adopted in English, mo-
dern forms have arisen, particularly with super. Both particles
denote above, upwards over and beyond, the latter also in
regard to time, as well as measure, and also assume the mean-
ing of superordination in the ethical sense. English often
restores super instead of sur in traditional words.
Adopted compounds with super are, for example: superpose: super -
struct; supervene, rarely survene, French survenir; supervive along
with survive French survivre; super exalt; super abound; superinspect;
supersede (French superseder and surseoir) &c.; — superstition; su-
perabundance &c.; supermundane; supernatural, French surnaturel;
superfluous; supereminent, French sureminent; supercilious &c. The
French form sur stands in: surmount; surmise, comp. surmit HAL-
LIWELL s. v., Old-French surmettre, subst. surmise; surpass; sur-
vey, Old-French sorvoir; obsolete survise, surview, also supervise;
surfeit, Old-French sorfait = exces ; surcharge; — surprise; surplice,
Medieval-Latin superpellicium; surface; sur coat, Old-French surcot,
sorcot; surquedry, Old-French sur Guidance; sur solid.
Imitations with super, mostly with the meaning of going out
//. The Formation of Words. B) Compound. 3) Compound, of the Verbfye. 507
beyond a measure, or an excess, are the verbs: superreward; su-
perpraise; super strain, occasionally for overstrain; and nouns, like:
superimpregnation; super excrescence; super oxyd; superfecundity and
the like; super essential', superangelic; super celestial; super tragical;
supersubtle = over-subtle and the like. A few verbs even have been
freshly compounded with sur : surname, perhaps with regard to the
Old-French surnom, sornom; surrebut; surrejoin c. der.; surrebutter ,
surrejoinder (two law terms). The forms surcease, V. and subst.;
surrender, V. and subst.; surround cannot be properly reduced to
the particle sub. Comp. Old-French surrender, surcingle also be-
longs here.
supra, above, over, was rare in compounds in Latin; in French
it occurs a few times as soubre, subre. English has a few modern
forms: supranaturalism; supralapsarian; — supraorbital; supramun-
dane; supravulgar; suprafoliaceous; supradecomposed and the like.
circum, circu (in circuit c. der.), French circom, circon, Latin
circum, around, has been preserved in English in a series of
compounds, and is here and there employed in modern forms. Verbs:
circumambulate; circumnavigate; circumvent; circumvest; circumvolve;
circumfer; circumflect; circumduct; circumscribe &c. with parasyn-
theta. Nouns: circumition alongwith circuit; circumligation, Latin
-ligare; circumlocution; circumrasion; circumrotation, Latin -rotare;
circumposition &c. — circumambient; circumforaneous; circumfluous;
circumspect; circumjacent; circumpolar, French circumpolaire &c.
Modern forms are: circumgyrate; circumundulate; circummured; cir-
cumterraneous.
com, con, co, French the same, Qld-French com, cum, con, cun
&c., Latin com, con, co, before /, r with assimilated consonants,
has in English occasionally the form coun in words borrowed from
the French. The meaning of the particle is always that of com-
munion or cooperation; with, together with, but which is
weakened even in Latin. Latin and French compounds with com
&c. have been introduced in numbers. Verbs: command; compre-
hend; combine; comfort, Old-French comforter and conforter; con-
fess; concern; collect; correct; counsel; cooperate; coestablish, Latin
constabilire &c. Nouns: complex; concitizen, French concitoyen,
comp. concivis; concent; colleague (collega); correption; counsel; coun-
tenance; coadjutor; covenant, Old-French covenant; coheir (cohaeres);
— compliant; concave; collateral; corrodent; coeternal (coaeternus
Eccl.); coeval; coessential, French coessentiel, and many more.
Modern forms are to be found in verbs and nouns, yet only
in those to which the meaning of communion or cooperation
decidedly belongs. Verbs: concoagulate (with a reduplication of
the particle, in the meaning = to congeal one thing with another);
comprint; coenjoy; coextend; coannex; coassume; coafforest; and some
little used, among them congreet. Nouns, especially substant-
ives compounded with names of persons are not rare : coinhabitant;
coexecuter; corival, also corrival; cotenant; cojuror; co-sufferer and
the like; also with Germanic stems: coelder; co-worker; further
abstract substantives: coinheritance; coelection; coefficacy; even coun-
508 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
derstanding — mutual understanding &c. Adjectives: connatural^
collingual; coextensif; conutritious ; cosentient and the like.
contra, counter, contro, French contre, rarely contra (contradiction)
and contro (controverse), Old-French contre, cuntre, Latin contra,
contro. In Latin these prefixes were in general rare. Nouns, ex-
cept parasyntheta, were unknown to it. French had from of old
new verbal forms and nouns, rarely adjectives. English has adopted
Latin and French compounds, and therewith attempted a few mo-
dern formations. The meaning of the prefix as of over-against
in space is perhaps found in (counterbalance, counterpoise); com-
monly that of striving against and of hostile opposition
lies at the root.
The compounds with contra, contro are the more rare: contra-
pose; contravene; contradict; contrast (French contra-ster, that is
stare) c. der. ; contramure, French contre-mur; contravallation, French
contre-vallation ; contrafissure] - - controvert, comp. Latin contro-
versari; controversy c. der.; more frequently those with counter^
corresponding to French forms. Verbs: countermand; counterpoise;
counterfit; counterbalance; counterprove; countersign; counter seal &c.
Nouns are in part parasyntheta, yet others also: countermine (also
verb); countermarch (also verb); counter-mark; counter-revolution;
counterpart, compare French contre-partie ; counterrole and control
(French controle = contrerole); counferpoison &c. Modern forms
arise from Romance and Germanic fundamental words, rarely with
contra: contradistinguish* contraregularity; contr aversion; contranatu-
ral (rare); often with counter; verbs: counteract; countermove;
countervote &c.; counter weig/i; counterwheel; counterwork; counter-
draw &c. ; Nouns: counter-influence; counter-evidence &c. ; counter-
wind; countertime; countertide &c.
3) Adverbial Particles.
male, mal, French male, trial, man, Latin male, evil, is used in
Latin to compound a few verbs and nouns, in French also in mo-
dern forms. English has adopted from both tongues. Verbs:
maleficiate, French nmleficier; — maltreat, French maltraiter; Nouns:
male/action; malefice; malediction; malevolent; maledicent &c.; — mal-
versation; maltalent &c. Occasionally male has a privative sense,
as in: malcontent; malcontent edness. A few modern forms are like-
wise found: malexecution; maladministration; maladjustment; malpo-
sition; malpractice; malformation and the like.
The contrary to male is formed by bene, French bien, existing
in English in a few Latin forms. Nouns: benefit, Old-French bien-
fet, bienfait; benefice; beneficence; benefactor; benefaction; benediction;
— beneficent; beneficial; and parasyntheta, among them also the verb
benefit.
non, French, Latin the same, not, un- rarely employed in com-
pounding in Latin, as in nonnemo, nonnullus, nonnihil &c., is fre-
quently used in compounding in French, still more frequently in
English, which is the more striking, as there is here no scarcity
of privative particles (comp. un, in). Comp. non-age, French non-
age; nonsense, French non-sens; non-payment, French non-paiement
&c.~ English compounds are not confined to Romance nouns, as:
II. The Formation of Words. B) Compound. 3) Compound, of the Verb <§rc. 509
non-entity] non-execution; non-appearance; non-episcopalian] non-re-
semblance] non-joinder] non-juror &c.; non-essential] non-electric;
non-conforming ] non-contagious &c.; but extend also to Germanic
ones: non-fulfilment] non-slaveholding] non-sparing and the like.
Even the verb non-concur occurs, as well as the parasyntheton
non-suit.
retro, French: Latin: the same, replaced in French compounds
also by arriere, Old-French arere, occasionally rere, whence still in
English rear-ward] rear-guard; rear-rank] rear-admiral &c., partly,
backwards, back, of motion, partly back, behind, in the re-
lation of rest, is little employed in the Latin form. Verbs: retro-
act (retroagere) ; retr overt] retrospect] retrocede] retrograde; with
these, parasynthetic nouns and a few others: retrogression] retro-
flex. Imitations are perhaps: retromingent] relropulsive; retro-
fract: retrofracted.
pen, French pen, Latin paene, almost, nearly, in the Latin
paeninsula, in French in a few imitated words, stands in English,
as there, in substantives: peninsula, penumbra, French penombre;
and the parasyntheton as a verb: peninsula! e, as in the adjective
for, Old-French fors, Modern-French for, Latin foris, for as, pro-
perly, abroad, is in use in Old- and Modern-French in several
compounds in the meaning of out, and at the same time, in the
sense of going out beyond the measure. The English has
preserved forfeit, Old-French forsfaire (forsfait) with its derivatives:
forfeiter] forfeiture; forfeit able.
vice, Old-French vis (hence English viscount, -county, -countship
&c.), Modern-French vice and sometimes vi, is employed in French
like pro in propraetor, proconsul, and in this meaning has passed
into English: vice-admiral] vice-agent] vice-legate; viceroy] vice-pre-
sident] vice-chancellor] vice-chamberlain] vicegerent; vice-consul &c.;
with parasyntheta, as: viceroy ally] viceroy ship] vicegerency &c.
Finally, the quantitative determinations bi, demi, semi are to
be mentioned.
bi, rarely bis, French bi, bis, Latin bi, rarely bis in compounds,
twice, double, is employed in Latin mostly in nouns (also in
the verb bipartio, bipertio). In French the compounds of this sort
are increased, likewise in English, particularly in the scientific
language. Verbs exist not, save in the new form bisect. Sub
stantives are likewise rare: binocle, French the same; bireme}
biscuit; bissextile] else parasyntheta, as: biformity; bifurcation &c.
Adjectives are on the other hand frequent, partly derived from
old words: biennial, Latin biennis, French biennial; bimanous, French
bimane; bimedial, French the same; bimensal, Latin bimestris; bi-
nocular, -ate, French binoculaire; bilateral, French the same ; biped]
bifid] bifronted, Latin bifrons; bivious; bisulcous, bisulcate, Latin bi-
sulcus, and many more. Modern forms are not wanting, as bian-
gidous] biaxal; birostrate; biparous; bipolar; bifacial] bifoliate; bi-
ventral and the like, even bifold.
demi and semi, French the same, Latin semi, alongside of which
French set the form arising from dimidium, for which also mi stood,
510 Doctrine of the Word. — The Doctrine of Forms. Part I. Sect. II.
run alongside of each other in English in the meaning of half, as
in French, yet semi is by far more frequent in English. Both be-
long essentially to nouns.
demi stood even in French chiefly in nouns, to which in En-
glish it almost exclusivity belongs (deminatured excepted). Comp.
demi-lune; demi-bain, imitated demi-bath; demi-tint; demi-tone; demi-
cannon] demi-culverin, French demi-couleuvrine. Compounds with
Germanic fundamental words especially are imitated: demi-man;
demi-premises; demi-vill; demi-wolf; demi-devil; demi-semiquaver ; demi-
god; demi-goddes; demi-groat. demi-deify is cited as a verb.
semi attaches itself immediately to Latin compounds, and some-
times takes the place of the French demi, as in semi-diameter, French
demi-diametre; semi-column, French demi-colonne ; semi-circle, French
demi-cercle and others. Semi-arian; Semi-pelagian; semiped, Latin
semipes; semitone, French semi-ton, demi-ton; — semi-annual; semi-
lunar; semi-pagan; semi-barbarian; semi-vocal &c. Among the mo-
dern forms is the verb: semi-castrate, some nouns, as semi-tran-
sept; semi-sextile; semi-diapason &c.; and many adjectives: semi-
indurated; semi-acidified; semi-opaque; semi-osseous; semi-lapidified;
semi-perspicuous; semi-formed; semi-fluid] semi-vitrified; semi-transpa-
rent] semi-crystalline &c.
Plus is found in the form plu in pluperfect.
End of the First Part.
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Maetzner, Eduard Adolf
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