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HISTORICAL REVIEW

PUBLISHED QUARTERLY
EDITED BY THE

EEV. MANDELL CEEIGHTON, M.A., LL.D.

DIXIE PROFESSOR OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY IN THE
UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE

American Editor, JUSTIN WINSOR, LL.D., Librarian of Harvard College, Cambridge, Massachusetts

VOLUME III.
1888

LONDON
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1888

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CONTENTS OF VOL. Ill,

pAon

Gneist on the English Constitution. By G. W, Prothero . 1

The Claim op the House of Orleans to Milan. By Miss

A, M. F. Bobinson (Madame James Darmesteter) . ^.}, 84, 270 -^*^^

BenoIt de Boigne. By Sidney James Owen . ; . . , 63

The Campaign of Sedan. By TF. O'Connor Morris . . . 209

Chatham, Francis, and Junius. By Leslie Stephen . . . 233

The Plantation op Munster, ^ 584-1689. By B. Dunlop . . 260

The Suitors of the County Court. By F, W, Maitland , . 417

The West- Saxon Conquest op Surrey. By H. E. Maiden . 422 <

Hrotsvitha of Gandersheim. By W, H. Hudson . . . 431

The Early Life op Thomas Wolsey. By the late T, W. Cameron 458

The Great Conde. By /. Breck Perkins 478

The Settlement of Australia. By E. 0. K. Gonner . . 625

The Tomb op Dante. By the Bev. Principal of St. Edmund Hall,

Oxford . . . 685

Elizabethan Presbyterianism. By William A. Shaw . . 655

The Battle of Naseby. By Lieut.-Colonel W. G. Boss, B.E, . 669

Notes and Documents 94, 292, 498, 680

Reviews of Books 127, 851, 558, 761

List op Historical Books recently published 190, 329, 609, 814

Contents op Periodical Publications . . 201, 409, 619, 825

Index ^^^

TO-

The English

Historical Review

No. IX,— JANUARY 1888

Gneist on the English Constitution

IT is strange that Dr. Gneist, who has made the study of English
institutions the object of his Hfe, should have had to wait nearly
forty years for a translator. He has published a series of works of
great interest to Englishmen, beginning with his treatise on trial
by jury (1849), but — to our shame it must be spoken — not one of
these was translated till a year or two ago. In England he has been
almost unknown, and only a few students have been aware that the
highest living authority, after the bishop of Chester, on the history
of English government, was a foreigner.

Dr. Gneist's interest in English constitutional history is not
solely, or even perhaps mainly, that of an historian : it is also that
of a public man, a great jurist and a conservative political reformer.
* It was the "Sturm und Drang" period of 1848,' he tells us in
his preface to the ' Yerfassungsgeschichte,' * which first drew him
from the domain of law into the wider area of politics.' The con-
stitutional conflict in Prussia led him to examine the origin of
social relations, and the issue of his investigations was a treatise
entitled *Adel und Kitterschaft in England' (ed. 2, 1853). The
confusion produced by rash and ill-informed attempts to assimilate
foreign political ideas induced Dr. Gneist to examine in detail the
development of administration in this country. The fruit of his
labours was the * Geschichte und heutige Gestalt der Aemter in
England' (1857), which was followed ten years later by the *En-
glisches Verwaltungsrecht.' The chief object which Dr. Gneist had
in view, namely to show the vanity of any attempt to establish
representative institutions without those local and provincial bases
on which in England the parliamentary system till lately reposed,
was meanwhile attained in his work on ' Die englische Communal-
Verfassung oder das System des Self-government ' (1860), a book

VOL. III. — NO. IX. B

2 GNEIST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION Jan.

which with some modifications has passed through three editions.
Out of a combination of this work and the * Verwaltungsrecht,' as
Dr. Gneist himself tells us, the ' Verfassungsgeschichte ' was com-
posed, and * the third division of the subject,' the constitution of
parKament, has now been laid before us. We infer from some
words of Dr. Gneist in the preface to * Das englische Parlament,'
that this treatise is only the precursor of a longer and more impor-
tant work.

In ' Das englische Parlament ' there is, indeed, except in the
last sixty pages, which are concerned with the present century, not
much that is new. It is for the most part a repetition of those
portions of the * Verfassungsgeschichte ' which bear on the history
of parliament. In some respects the newer work supplements the
older, by treating the actual constitution of parliament and of the
assemblies which preceded it in greater detail, but generally speak-
ing it is the * Verfassungsgeschichte ' over again in a more or less
compressed form. Some objections may doubtless be raised to this
method of treating the subject — for the subject, after all, is but one
— in three or four distinct works. There cannot but be needless
repetitions ; the same matters reappear in different order and pro-
portion ; and the reader is not always sure where to find the fullest
information on any particular point. But the whole series of
works, taken together, undoubtedly contains a mass of information
which is not to be found elsewhere except in books and documents
inaccessible to most readers, as well as original and thoughtful
conclusions which, whether we accept them or not, never fail to
deserve the respect due to careful research and impartial judgment.

The introduction which Dr. Gneist has prefixed to 'Das englische
Parlament ' throws an interesting light on the author's general views,
and his manner of regarding the institutions of society in the present
day. These views are consistent and intelligible ; they are those
.of an evolutionary optimist. As a good Prussian and a lawyer, he
exalts the state; as a religious man and a practical politician, he
does not underrate the value and power of the church ; as a student
conversant with the unceasing development of society, he has faith
in sober and rational reform. The need of common defence, the
necessity of a power to define the duties and maintain the rights
of the citizen, created the state and justify a strong executive. The
spiritual wants of men, the demand for a power to mediate between
class and class, established and will continue to support the church.
The eighteenth-century theories of equality and the social compact
are mentioned only as examples of a style of speculation which the
objective investigation of later times has driven from the field.
The institution of private property, the inequality of classes and
individuals, are justified by a sober analysis of human nature.

After a few remarks on the development of medieval society, in

1888 GNEIST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION 3

its three great aspects, the state, the church, the army, Dr. Gneist
goes on to sketch the development of EngHsh society in particular.
The peculiar character of the relation between society and the
state in this country is due to the fact that the state has always
demanded the personal services of its subjects in war, justice, and
police. Most of these duties could only be discharged by men of
wealth and position — that is, by great landed proprietors. Hence the
aristocratic nature of our constitution. The reliance which even
the absolute monarchy of the Norman kings placed on the leaders
of society, who discharged the duties of local government and
defence, seemed at first to establish a sort of servitude of the upper
classes, an SiYistoduly. But this regular discharge of public duties,
involving a reciprocity of public rights, called into being the
strongest and most durable aristocracy/ which the world' has seen.
The monarchy, however, retained sufficient power to prevent the
formation of an exclusive noble caste, as of exclusive trade-guilds,
to rescue the peasants from serfdom, and to hinder the growth of
class privilege. Under these circumstances, the formation of dis-
tinct estates of nobles, burghers, and peasants was impossible.
What was lost by class was gained by the local communities.
Eural and civic corporations, counties and boroughs, acquired a
sense of individuality and a cohesion which forced the House of
Commons slowly into power, enabled parliament to outlive the
Tudor s and to overthrow the Stuarts, and formed the basis of the
parliamentary constitution of the eighteenth century. In a similar
spirit the author sketches the relations of society and the church,
and of church and state. Here, however, there is nothing specially
calling for remark, unless it be the prominence given, in a general
view of political history, to the church. Dr. Gneist's co-ordination
of church and state, as the two great institutions in which society
gives expression to its aims and cohesion to its scattered particles,
may well be compared with the remark of Dr. Stubbs in one of his
recently published lectures, that * modern history (including medi-
eval history in the term) is coextensive in its field of view . . .
with ecclesiastical history.' For both these great writers, church
and state are but two aspects of the same organism.

Dr. Gneist divides his History of the English Constitution into
six periods: the Anglo-Saxon; the Anglo-Norman or feudal, which
he considers as lasting down to 1272 ; the period of the estates of
the realm — that is, the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries; the
Tudors ; the Stuarts ; and the eighteenth century. The History of
the Parliament is told in nine * Essays,' giving a series of pictures
of that institution at different epochs. * Looking at these from the
outside,' says Dr. Gneist, * we might imagine them to be the par-
liaments of different nations ; but a closer view brings to light an
inner unity or continuity not to be paralleled in the history of the

B-2

4 GNEIST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION Jan,

world.' The first six of these essays cover periods identical with
those of the ' Constitutional History.' The last three bring the
history of parHament down to the reform bill of 1885.

In his survey of the Anglo-Saxon period, little effort is made by
the author to bring out the collective growth of the constitution.
It will hardly be denied that there was almost as much difference
between the time of Ethelbert of Kent and that of E their ed the
Unready as there was between the time of Ethelred and that of
William the Norman. It is no doubt very difficult — it may even
be called hazardous — to trace the development of many institutions,
before the Norman conquest, but it is an attempt worth making.
The student is only too apt to forget that six hundred years elapsed
between the coming of Hengist and the coming of William, and
that to produce a definite set of ideas and customs and to call it
the Anglo-Saxon system is pretty nearly the same thing as tO'
group together the absolute monarchy of Henry I and the parlia-
ment of Henry VI and to call such a mixture the medieval
constitution. Dr. Gneist has perhaps hardly kept this enough in
view. The order, too, in which he treats the different departments
of his subject is rather likely to confuse the reader. For instance,
after discussing the primitive bases of English society, he describes
the Anglo-Saxon monarchy at the height of its power, with all the
attributes and prerogatives which belong to it in the ninth and
tenth centuries. He then harks back to the period of the Hept-
archy and the union of the kingdoms, and discusses the origin of
shires and other local divisions. What he has to say is in detail
always clear and intelligible, but the general arrangement is defec-
tive. *The history of institutions,' says Dr. Stubbs, 'cannot be
mastered, can scarcely be approached, without an effort ; ' but this
effort would be infinitely lightened if only historians would adopt
a definite and consistent arrangement of their matter.

In his treatment of these early stages of English society, Dr.
Gneist displays a wholesome historical scepticism. English writers
have, under the influence of strong political feelings, not unfre-
quently shown a tendency to discover democratic principles in
early times or to attribute powers to popular institutions for which
there is but little evidence. It would not be fair to say that Dr.
Gneist displays bias in any direction, but he is obviously concerned
to refute those writers who, ' like heralds making out a pedigree,'
are over-anxious to trace back the continuous history of popular
government into a remote antiquity. This is very apparent in the
second section of his work, which deals with the Norman period,
but it is also evident in his account of still earlier times. Very
shortly after the English Conquest, according to Dr. Gneist, > 'the

' C. H. i. 3, 4. The references at the foot arc to the English translation by IMr. P.
Ashworth, but the quotations in the text are generally translated directly from the.
original

I

1888 GNEIST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION 5

inequality of property had undermined the old position of the free-
man.' The condition of dependence thus introduced produced
widely divergent results on the upper and lower classes. On the
one hand, the dependence of the thanes on the monarchy raised
them into the position of a great territorial nobility ; on the other
liand, the dependence of the poor or landless man upon the rich
tended to deprive the former of his ancestral liberty, or at least of
all political influence.

Accordingly the great county courts were, at their first authentic ap-
pearance, assemblies of greater landed proprietors. ... A picture of old
<jermanic peasant communities, forming a court in full assembly, under
the presidency of elective officials, is not to be deduced from Anglo-Saxon
Tecords. The inequality of property has, in the larger assemblies, thrust
hack the small man into the position of a bystander. Even in the small
liundred courts the verdict is generally left to the decision of a narrower
•circle of witan.^

Dr. Gneist repeats elsewhere ^ the assertion that in the county
•court * the more influential witan ' or * the thanes ' were the regular
judges. It is difficult to reconcile this with what is known to have
been the composition of the county court in the middle ages, and
with the often quoted passage from the * Leges Henrici Primi : '
* Regis judices sunt barones comitatus, qui liheras in eis terras habent :
villani vero dc, non sunt inter judices numerandiJ' The distinction
is clearly drawn, not between great men and small men, but be-
tween freeholders and non-freeholders. It is impossible to believe
that the county courts should have become less restricted in course
of time : the tendency must have been the other way. One can
hardly help supposing that Dr. Gneist has been led to adopt this
view by the difficulty of evolving the aristocratic witenagemot from
the popular shire-moot. But if, as is quite possible, the witenage-
mot had another origin, the assumed restriction of the county
•court becomes a superfluous hypothesis.

As to the composition of the hundred court, Dr. Gneist is less
positive. In the passage just quoted he maintains the existence
of a restricted franchise. But elsewhere ^ he recognises the free-
holders as habitual attendants at the court of the hundred. That
this was the case can hardly be doubted. The origin of the hun-
■dred is traced by Dr. Gneist to the military organisation of the
early settlements. It is, as he points out, a common Germanic
institution. He seems to think ^ that the boundaries of the hun-
dreds were frequently altered before their thorough revision by
Alfred.

Hence it is clear why the hundred is recognised so comparatively late
as a territorial division, why the Saxon Chronicle does not mention the

* C. H, i. 9. Here, by the way, the translation is seriously at fault.

* C, H, i. 69, 166. * lb. 49, 69, 94, 95 noU. » lb. 48.

6 GNFAST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION Jan.

hmidreds, &c. . . . The silence of the early Anglo-Saxon laws cannot be
entitled to any regard [as pointing to the non-existence of the institution
in early times], on account of the extreme rarity of their allusions to the
military system.

It is well known that the acreage of the hundred and consequently
the number of hundreds in a given area vary very much in different
parts of England. Dr. Gneist takes note of this,^ but in calling
attention to the fact he falls into some curious geographical errors.
He reckons Dorset as a midland county, while he places Worcester,
Kutland, Leicester, and other midland counties among those of the
north. These mistakes do not, however, affect the gist of his
argument.

Few among the obscurities of the Anglo-Saxon system are more
obscure than the history and meaning of the * tithing.' Dr. Gneist
has a good deal to say on the subject, but he cannot be said to have
cleared up the difficulty. After a survey of the different enactments
on the subject in the law^s of Edgar, Cnut, and others, he arrives^
at the negative conclusion, * that the nature of the existing local
aggregations absolutely excluded a territorial division into tithings.*
And again : ^ * The local districts were formed on no regular system,
and the tithing w^as no such local division.' The tithing, however,
he says elsewhere, was * a small community with a responsible
head,' and it originated, like the hundred, in the early military
organisation.^ Now, if this be so, it must have been originally, at
all events, a territorial unit ; and if it was afterwards utilised, like
the hundred again, for police purposes, it can hardly have been
anything else but a local division still. Neighbourhood is of the
very essence of the early English arrangements for maintaining the
peace, and mutual responsiblility would have been impossible if the
members of the union had not been closely grouped together. Dr.
Gneist, it appears to me, has hardly paid sufficient attention to the
development of the system of joint surety from the original family
bond (maegth, msegburh), through the voluntary association (gild,
gegildan) — of which he says nothing — to the compulsory personal
responsibility enforced by the law^s of Edgar and Cnut, which en-
acted that every man should have a surety who should be re-
sponsible for him. But it does not appear that these enactments
have anything directly to do with the tithing. The notion that
they are directly connected with it seems to have arisen from a
failure to observe that the London frith-gild, ^° with its grouping
into tens and hundreds under tithing-men and hundredmen, like
the tenman-tale of York, is an entirely different thing from the
rural tithing. In these great towns a new system of joint
responsibility, on a strict numerical basis, seems to have sprung up

« C.H.i.A9.. ' lb. 51, « lb. 55.

» lb. 28, 50. »» Jvdicia Civitatis Lundonice, Thorpe, i. 229.

1888 GNEIST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION 7

about the time of Athelstan. But these frith-gilds did not extend
into the rural districts. In the country at large the only substitute
was the rule enforced by Edgar and Cnut, mentioned above. The
authors of the compilation called the * Laws of Edward the Con-
fessor,' confused the two systems. Then, finding the enactment of
Cnut, that every free man should be 'brought into a hundred
and 1^ tithing,' they jumped to the conclusion that the rural tithing
was a group of ten persons, instead of being, as it is, the tenth
part of some larger aggregate. Lastly, on this assumption they
founded the theory that the whole population of England was
arranged in groups of ten for the purpose of mutual responsibility.
This they called the system of frank-pledge, and thus foisted a
Norman institution on their predecessors before the Conquest. No
joint responsibility of the rural tithing can, it appears to me, be
deduced from the Anglo-Saxon laws. All they enact is that the
inhabitants of any tithing, like the inhabitants of a hundred, shall
be liable for certain duties, such as helping the authorities to catch
criminals ; and that every freeman shall be a member of a tithing —
that is, that there shall be some district in which he may perform
those duties. It is certainly rather presumptuous to differ from
such an authority as Dr. Gneist, but I cannot help thinking that
the rural tithing is a local division, a fraction of the hundred,
originating in military necessities, and afterwards utilised for other
purposes of state ; that it has nothing to do with the system of
mutual responsibility ; and that it is quite different from the urban
tithing, which was strictly numerical, probably local too, and did
involve mutual responsibility. Dr. Gneist ^^ traces the * error that
the tithing is a local district ' to a passage in Ingulfus, in which the
law is stated * ut omnis indigena in aliqua centuria et decima existeret*
This he calls a corruption of the passage in William of Malmes-
bury, * ut omnis Anglus haheret et centuriam et decimamJ But the
author of * Ingulfus,' whoever he may have been, is simply trans-^
lating the law of Cnut, and is so far from copying "William that he
states correctly what William states incorrectly.

On the later history of the thanehood, Dr. Gneist has some
clear and excellent remarks ; but one could wish that he had more
fully explained its origin, and the relation between the thane and
the gesith. If, as seems probable, the title thane was at first,
confined to the fighting gesith, it was natural that the former, as^
the more honourable denomination, should eventually extinguish
the latter. In the earlier laws the title gesith is found, but not that
of thane; in the later the reverse is the case. The older title,
however, exists into the tenth century in the form gesithcund and
gesithcundman. Dr. Gneist ^^ says that the *twelfhynde man**

» Not or, as the translation, C. H. i. 51, has it. " C. H. i. 51, note,

« lb. 90, 91, note.

S GNEIST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION Jan.

(i.e. the man whose * wer ' is twelve hundred shillings) is equivalent
to the thane who owns five hides of land and is bound accordingly
to military service, while the ' sixhynde man ' is equivalent to
the * gesithcundman,' and denotes the warrior without such free
possessions. He adds that the latter grade *did not apparently
maintain itself long.' This remark seems to be true of the title
* sixhynde,' but not of the grade which it indicates. The title * gesith-
<;und ' originally had a wide signification, meaning simply * noble,'
and is used in this sense in the laws of Wihtraed. But in the
general body of the ' gesithcund ' there arose certain grades, and
that denomination became restricted to the lower nobility, as dis-
tinct from the ealdormen and king's thanes, who formed the
highest ranks. The title * sixhynde ' may have been the equivalent
of * gesithcund ' in this restricted sense, but it nowhere appears
that * gesithcund ' was a title specially denoting the * warrior with-
out free possessions.' The * gesithcundman,' according to the
laws of Ine,^^ may hold land or not, but, according to the table of
wergilds,^^ probably a century and a half later, a man could not
become ' gesithcund ' without getting five hides of land. From
this and other indications it would appear that the title, which dis-
appears before the end of the tenth century, simply means noble,
and was thus the equivalent of thane ; but that, like the latter
title, it was not applied to nobles of higher rank, who were especi-
ally denoted as earls, ealdormen, or king's thanes. The distinc-
tion is much the same as that betw^een majores and minores
barones in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. But the question
is obscure, and, after all, possesses rather an archaeological than an
historical or political interest.

One of the best chapters in this section of Dr. Gneist's work is
that on the monarchy. But here again, as in the cases of the
msegburh and the gesith, he show^s little interest in the origin of the
institution. He passes over in complete silence the curious pheno-
menon of the double kingship, which appears to have been the
earliest form in several at least of the tribes which conquered
Britain. It may be compared with the double monarchy of which
there are traces in Homer and in early Kome, and which
■existed in Sparta in historic times. In Kent it continued, as the
laws of Hlothsere and Eadric show, almost as long as that state
preserved a separate existence.

Very little is said about the witenagemot in the * Verfassungs-
geschichte,' but the deficiency is to a large extent supplied in * Das
englische Parlament.' Dr. Gneist does not enter upon the ques-
tion of its origin. This is perhaps a wise abstention, but much
that is obscure in its later history might be elucidated if we knew
from what earlier form of assembly it was developed. For instance,
" Thorpe, i. 135. '* Jb, 189.

1888 GNEIST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION 9

did any but a few great men ever appear in the assembly in later
times, or was it in theory — if we can speak of theory at all before
the Conquest — the right of every freeman to take part in the
council of the nation? Dr. Freeman asserts that this was the
theory; Dr. Stubbs contents himself with pointing out that no
case is known in which the freeman availed himself of the right, if
right there was. Obviously, if the witan in its original form were
the assembly of the whole folk spoken of in the ' Germania,' the
recollection of the right might have been expected to live long
in the mind of the people. It seems to be the received theory
that the witan was a sort of extract of folkmoots, formed by the
gradual withdrawal of the poor man, who, as the kingdoms became
larger by absorption, found it more and more difficult to attend.
There are several objections to this theory, which I have not space
to set forth here. On the other hand, it is clearly possible that
the witan was developed from the assembly of principes, which
Tacitus tells us existed alongside of the popular assembly. But I
cannot help thinking that the theory which most fully accords with
the characteristics of the witan in later times is that it originated
neither in the assembly of principes, nor in an amalgamation of
folkmoots, but in the royal comitatus, the body of officials and
others at court, with any great men from subject or tributary
kingdoms whom the king chose to summon. On this question
Dr. Gneist has unfortunately nothing to say, though he would
perhaps be as much pleased as Dr. Freeman would be annoyed
to find the witan turn out to be in its origin merely a royal
xjouncil. As to the powers of the witan he for the most part
follows Kemble, but makes a distinction, which is certainly neces-
sary, between the normal rights, as that of taking part in legis-
lation, and the abnormal exercises of power, as in the deposition
of kings, of which there is no really valid case after the time of
Egbert. In fact, while allowing the witan a considerable share of
power, especially towards the close of the Anglo-Saxon period, he
refuses to invest it with the extensive control over almost all
matters of government which, according to Kemble, Palgrave, and
other writers, it possessed.

It is in his treatment of the Norman and early Angevin periods
that Dr. Gneist's views diverge most widely from those hitherto
generally received in this country. While not going to the lengths
of Prynne and other historico-political writers of the seventeenth
century, EngHsh historians of a later date have as a rule refused
to recognise an unlimited or absolute monarchy as existing in
England at any time. Most of them moreover, if asked at what
period English government most nearly approached a despotism,
would probably have answered that it was in the time of the Tudors
Tather than in that of the Norman kings. Dr. Gneist undertakes

10 GNEIST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION Jan.

to show that William the Conqueror and his immediate successors,
were as nearly autocratic as it is possible for European sovereigns
to be. He points out that the whole of the administrative
machinery — ^justice, police, the army, taxation and expenditure- —
was in their hands. They established courts of law and depart-
ments of state, the cuiia regis and the exchequer, according to their
convenience ; they alone appointed and dismissed their high
officials, and created new offices ; they made peace and war,
unhindered by the voice of the nation or by considerations of ex-
pense ; even over the church, for a generation at least after the
Conqueror, their will was law. If they wished to make fundamental
changes in the law of the land, as by the act separating the civil
and ecclesiastical jurisdictions, the utmost concession which they
made to the theory or tradition of a legislative witan was to
summon their great vassals, and to go through the form of obtain-
ing an assent which no one would have dared to refuse. If they
issued charters they did but impose voluntary fetters on themselves,
which with equal ease they could throw aside, or they offered them
as a bribe in order to silence objections to a defective title. It is
true that certain assemblies, the curice de more, were for some time
held, but these were mere gatherings for show, occasions for feast-
ing and display. They were a substitute for the gatherings of the
witan in Anglo-Saxon times, but the powers of the witan were in
abeyance. What had been a legislative assembly became a mere
consultative council, which owed its existence to the royal will, and
even these gatherings fell into desuetude within two generations
after the Conquest. Such is the picture which Dr. Gneist draws,
and which he supports, it must be allowed, with very strong argu-
ments.

He explains ^^ how this absolutism inevitably resulted from the
circumstances of the time. There was wanting throughout the
country that cohesion of individuals and classes which alone enables
a people to make head against a centralised despotism. The
Norman lords had no common bond except their suzerain, they
could not trust their own vassals, and still less could they combine
with the Saxon population. The Norman prelates were equally
severed from the mass of the clergy by national differences, as well
as by their support of celibacy and other alien principles. The
conquered Enghsh could not resist the tyranny of the crown with-
out exposing themselves to the nearer tyranny of the barons ; the
conquering Normans were restrained by the dangers of their own
position in the midst of a hostile population, or, if they rebelled,,
were easily destroyed piecemeal by a king who in his conflicts with
them could always rely upon the nation.

In the light of recent investigations, few will deny that in almost.
'« Gesch. des Pari 11 ff.

1888 GNEIST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION 11

all branches of government the Norman sovereigns exercised a
sway practically unlimited, except by their own shrewd perception
of what was politic or expedient. The question resolves itself into
this : what measure of influence on the general affairs of state was
exercised by those national assemblies which undoubtedly met at
short intervals during the greater part of the period ? and secondly,
to what extent did the crown control the great vassals in the enjoy-
ment of their local authority ? Allowing full weight to the argu-
ments which Dr. Gneist deduces from the lack of evidence about
these national assemblies, and from the impregnable position of the
Norman king as the single head of two hostile nationalities, I cannot
help thinking that he underrates the limitations imposed both by
the collective forces of the baronage in council and by the right
which they enjoyed within the area of their feudal jurisdictions.
We have, unfdrtunately, no reports of proceedings at the curice de
moref but we know that they were not merely empty show. Im-
portant affairs of state were discussed, sometimes at considerable
length. On one occasion, for instance, in 1085 the sittings lasted
for ^Ye days,^^ and * the king had a great council and very deep
speech with his witan about this land.' Legislation of the type of
Ine's or Alfred's codes there was none, so that in this respect a
comparison between the Anglo-Saxon witan and the Norman curice is
impossible. But for such legislation as there was, the consent of
the great lords was not assumed ; it was asked for and obtained.
The Conqueror states this himself in the act about ecclesiastical
jurisdictions ; it is stated for him by Henry I with regard to the
amendments which he introduced into the laws of Edward. Henry
is not likely to have departed from the truth in order to invent a
precedent limiting his own power, and even if the statement were
untrue it would represent the theory in existence early in the
eleventh century, a theory which asserts itself elsewhere in Henry I's
charter. The autocratic character of legislation in the Norman
times is inferred by Dr. Gneist ^® from the use of the first person —
* volo,' * prohibeo,' and the like — and from the absence of the signa-
tures which attest the documents of Anglo-Saxon times. Too much
stress, however, should not be laid on these indications, which
might be paralleled from times when there could be no question as
to the necessity of parliamentary assent. It must also be remem-
bered that William I occupied the throne as the rightful heir of
Edward. He came not as a conqueror, but as a legitimate king*
It was not his cue to reverse the whole system of government, and
needlessly to alienate the mass of his English subjects by abolishing
their chief political institutions. Nor, on the other hand, had the
duke of Normandy possessed unlimited power in his own country,
and his chief supporters in England were well enough acquainted

" Engl. Chron. s. a. '« Gesch. des Pari 77.

12 GNEIST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION Jan,

with this fact. It is hardly conceivable that, as soon as he crossed
the Channel, he should have been able to emancipate himself entirely
from the influence which his vassals had been wont to exercise in
Normandy. It is scarcely more easy to understand how the great
feudal lords should have been content to meet time after time in
order to discuss affairs of state, if their wishes or opinions were of
no effect. An assembly of great men, called together frequently to
give advice, inevitably becomes something more than a mere
advising body. It is true that we have no positive evidence that
the projects of law or other measures submitted to these assemblies
underwent any modifications at their hands, but this does not
justify us in assuming that no such modifications took place. Dr.
Gneist remarks that the English might see in this assembly their
time-honoured witenagemote, and the Normans their cour de baronies
but that the Conqueror took care that it should be neither the one
nor the other.^^ Dr. Stubbs ^^ says : —

The view which I have maintained is different ; I believe that the Con-
queror wished to make these councils both witenagemotes and baronial
courts, so maintaining form and reality that the one principle should be
a check on the other ; but it is a mistake to adopt too strict definitions in
such matters.

Elsewhere *^ Dr. Stubbs speaks in stronger terms : —

The royal court . . . entering into all the functions of the witenage-
mote, was the supreme council of the nation, with the advice and consent
of which the king legislated, taxed, and judged.

It would perhaps be difficult to establish the full truth of this
statement, but the view maintained by Dr. Gneist seems also to
require modification.

As to the control which the crown was able to exert over the
great lords individually in the exercise of their local jurisdictions,
Dr. Gneist has some instructive remarks. He points out ^^ how
the private jurisdictions were from the first limited and gradually
curtailed.

For financial and political reasons the English monarchy, unlike its
fellows on the continent, impeded every development of the court baron,
and, without attacking it in principle, gradually neutralised the judicial
power of the mesne lords.

Various circumstances contributed to this result; the dispersion
of baronial properties over the country, the superior character of
the royal courts, the growing complexity of the law which necessi-
tated professional judges, and the gradual falling in of great fiefs,
the re-grant of which was not necessarily accompanied by the grant
of judicial rights. Later on ^3 Dr. Gneist explains how, through

•» C. H. i. 247. 2. co^^i^ jji^^^ i 357^ ^^^^ 2, j^^ 276.

''■" C. H. i. 172 f. " j6. 191^ 196^ ^Q^

1888 GNEIST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION IS

the interference of the sheriff, and the system of fines or amercia-
ments for any transgression or neglect of duty, the crown was able
to bring strong pressure to bear upon the feudal lords, and gradu-
ally to oust them from their jurisdictions, though this process was
not completed till after the reign of Edward I.

His description of the Norman and early Angevin system of
justice and police, a description repeated with additional details in
his work on * Self-Government,' throws much fresh light on a very
difficult portion of the subject, and may perhaps be regarded aa
one of the best parts of his book. He considers the sheriff's tourn,
though held in the hundred court, as an offshoot of the county
court, due to a royal commission, in which the sheriff appears as a
sort of justice on eyre in his own county .^"^ Eegarded in this way,
the sheriff's tourn anticipates the journeys of the itinerant justices.
The development of the private courts leet from the sheriff's tourn
is clearly explained by the author, ^-^ who, in this and other con-
nected matters, compresses the more detailed account given in
' Self-Government.'

Of the royal revenue in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Dr.
Gneist gives, on the whole, a full and clear account ; but even he
leaves unexplained not a few of the difficulties which puzzle a
beginner. It is impossible, for instance, to discover from Dr.
Gneist's pages whether hidage and carucage are the same tax
under different names, and whether the same lands were at one
time liable to scutage and at another to carucage, or not. It is a
pity, too, that the author has not more clearly marked the develop-
ment of the financial system under Henry II and his sons. The
unwary student might almost fancy that scutage was a Norman
tax, and his attention is certainly not sufficiently directed to the
importance of the step involved in the taxation of moveables. Dr.
Gneist has his own explanation to give of a difficulty which has
puzzled other historians, that of the continuation of the Danegeld —
in spite of its abolition by Edward the Confessor — during the Norman
times and upon certain estates. He says : ^^ —

The Danegeld as a lawful tax was abolished and remained so ; but the
old valuation of the productive returns of ordinary lands was often retained
on the occasion of the later exaction of tallagia, dona, and auxilia, in order
to avoid making a fresh valuation each time. . . . But it is easy to under-
stand that the hated name of Danegeld, with its humiliating memories,
was studiously avoided. Moreover every revival of Danegeld as such
would have involved the result that the numerous exemptions from the=
old tax would have revived also.

But though Danegeld was dropped in common parlance, the old
phrase was naturally used in the exchequer to denote what was.
only the old tax in a new form.

2* C. H. i. 177. " lb. 191. '" lb- 213, note.

14 GNEIST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION Jan.

In his treatment of the central, judicial, and administrative
bodies of the twelfth century, the curia regis and the exchequer, Dr.
Gneist differs somewhat from the notions generally received in this
country. With regard to the origin of the exchequer, he accepts
Dr. Stubbs's refutation of the statement which Dr. Gneist maintained
in the * Verwaltungsrecht,' that the exchequer was bodily transported
into England from Normandy. Though the ' Dialogus ' itself states
this, * an actual importation from Normandy cannot be substantiated
. . . the material part of the institution certainly belongs to the
Anglo-Norman state. '^'^ But he retaliates by rejecting Dr. Stubbs's
suggestion that the Sicilian exchequer was imported into that island
by an Englishman, Thomas Brown.^^ According to Dr. Gneist,^^ the
exchequer, * in contradistinction to the other functions of the central
government, which are merely temporary and periodical, forms the
only department of state with a definite and permanent organisa-
tion ' in the Norman period. The importance of this statement
lies in its bearing on the curia regis regarded as a supreme court of
law. As to the exchequer itself. Dr. Gneist has nothing new to say,
unless it be in the note on the exchequer of the Jews, which is
taken from Madox, and which supplements a deficiency in Dr.
Stubbs's work. But his view of the curia differs in very important
respects from that of Dr. Stubbs, and still more from that of other
writers on the subject. He treats the curia regis under three
aspects, (1) as a court-day, i.e. a levee, or general assembly of great
vassals — the so-called curia de more; (2) as a high court of law;
(3) as a council of state.^^ I have already dealt with his view of it
under the first aspect. As a high court of law Dr. Gneist considers
that it had no definite form, continuous existence, or regular body of
judges till the reign of Henry H. He bases his negative arguments
partly on the fact that the Norman baronage, being ignorant of
English law, could not try cases in which English law was involved,
while a cour de harojiie could not be formed out of the crown- vassals,
five hundred in number, the greater of whom would not have
submitted to be outvoted by the mass of smaller tenants-in- chief.
Nor were the great officers of state so permanent or homogeneous a
body as to form the regular nucleus of such a court as was required.

For obtaining a proper legal decision there was therefore no course open
but to select a body of persons to act as judges. . . . We find the judicial
supremacy of the crown exercised only through the medium of commis-
sions, and this only in comparatively few cases, in which the most
powerful and most highly favoured tenants-in-chief were concerned. In
all cases for which there is documentary evidence these commissions
display so fleeting a character in respect oi ^personnel, form, and legal prin-

2^ C. H. i. 220, note.

2" Here, by the way, the translation is completely at fault, as a reference to Dr.
Stubbs would have shown the translator.

» C.H. 1.219. 3« j^, 246,/.

1888 GNEIST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION 15

<}iples, that the idea of a permanent court of justice of Norman peers
would never have arisen had not the lack of evidence been supplemented
hj interpolations from the institutions of the continent and of later
centuries. . . . This cicria regis did not consist of the collective body of
all the vassals of the crown, who in their present form constituted no
exclusive body, nor of a definite number of great vassals, . . . nor of a
definite number of great officers of state.^^

Dr. Stubbs, on the other hand,^^ regards the curia as a court
which before the end of the Norman period had already assumed a
tolerably definite shape. It was ' the court of the king sitting to
administer justice with the advice of his counsellors ; these
counsellors being, in the widest acceptation, the whole body of
tenants-in-chief, but in the more limited usage, the great officers
of the household and specially appointed judges.' Dr. Gneist's
view is, as Dr. Stubbs remarks, ^^ * an extreme view, in harmony
with his general idea of the despotism of the Norman sovereigns,'
but it is probably nearer the mark than that of most English
historians, w^ho ' attribute more solidity and definiteness to the
legal institutions of the period than they can be proved to have
possessed.' Whether the special commissions which had been
entrusted with the decisions of important cases had before the end
of Henry I's reign crystallised into a more or less permanent and
definite court, it is probably impossible to decide with certainty.
But the fact that such a court existed in the very early days of
Henry II' s reign, together with certain allusions to the curia in
still earlier times — for instance, in the ordinance of Henry I for
the holding of the hundred and shire courts — seem to make it
probable that this was the case. Dr. Gneist, indeed, refuses ^ to
fix an earlier date than 1178 as that of the establishment of a
permanent and definite royal court. In that year, as is well known,
the court of king's bench — the body of justices acting coram rege
in hanco — was established, but it is surely hypersceptical to refuse
to recognise the existence of a regular court before that time. It
was not a new court which Henry II created in 1178 : all accounts
point rather to the modification of one already in existence.

On the other hand, we cannot but agree with Dr. Gneist when
he asserts the non-existence of a regular council of state at this
period. Although it cannot be doubted that Henry I or Henry II
would take counsel with one or more of his high officials as cir-
cumstances seemed to require, there is no evidence that the whole
body of officers with or without the assistance of other persons,
formed in the twelfth century anything like the later council,
regularly summoned and consulted, and acting with a collective
authority differing essentially from that vested in any individuals.
Such a body does not appear till the minority of Henry III.

s» C. H. i. 257, 259, 261. ^s c^^ws^. Hist, i. 387. " Ih. 388, note. '* C. H. i. 279.

16 GNEIST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION Jan.

The assumption of the existence in the twelfth century of a permanent
royal council, under the name of a concilium ordinarium, or ' select
council,' is an anticipation of the result of circumstances which only
developed in later times.^^

The origin of what may properly be called parliamentary
government Dr. Gneist finds in the national councils summoned by
Henry II. These assemblies, called together not for show but
primarily to discuss important affairs of state, formed a series of
precedents not to be ignored, and established a custom which could
be stated as law in the constitutional clauses of Magna Carta. I
do not know that any previous writer has so clearly noted the
importance of the conflict between Henry and Becket in bringing
about this change. As Henry I summoned the national militia to
aid him against his rebellious vassals, as Henry VIII used the
parliament to help him in banishing the pope, so Henry II called
together the temporal lords to support him in his struggle with the
spiritual power.

The ecclesiastical disorders [says Dr. Gneist] form the turning-point
at which the king found it advisable to proceed only with the express
sanction of the crown-vassals . . . The first step in this direction was
when, in 1164, the king laid before them the Constitutions of Clarendon.
. . . Thus the deeply rooted national idea of the highest legislative power
* conse7isu melioncm terrm ' woke to new life on this occasion. ... In
place of the informal councils, the collective body of the great prelates,
earls, and great barons was summoned . . . and at Becket's condemna-
tion this assembly acts as a court of peers in the form of a great feudal
curia, no longer as a judicial commission appointed by the supreme power
of the crown.^^

It is to these occasions, too, that Dr. Gneist traces the begin-
nings of a separate estate of * lesser barons,' summoned now and
then to take part with the greater baronage in the discussion of
public affairs. Not that the distinction between majores and
minores barones now first arose : on the contrary it had existed
and had been recognised in various ways from the times immedi-
ately succeeding the Conquest. But the distinction was accentuated
by the different treatment which the two classes received in con-
nexion with the national council, and was legally established by
its recognition in the great charter. The parliamentary side of
constitutional history during the latter half of the twelfth century
is, however, rather superficially treated by Dr. Gneist. One need
not be much surprised at this being the case, in accordance with
his plan, in the ' Verfassungsgeschichte,' but there is some reason
for surprise that instead of treating it more fully he has paid even
less attention to it in * Das englische Parlament.'

The same remark may be made about Dr. Gneist 's treatment of

»* C. H. i. 269. »« lb. 286-8.

1888 GNEIST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION 17

Henry Ill's reign. He devotes a chapter — by no means too much
— to a sketch of the causes which rendered possible the national
combination of 1215, and to an analysis of the great charter. The
whole of the long and important reign of Henry III is disposed of
in another chapter. This is perhaps to be justified as being in
accordance with Dr. Gneist's general aim, which is rather to give a
series of pictures of the institutions actually existing at particular
epochs, than to trace their development, or to describe the attempts
and failures of revolutionary times. Still, it may perhaps be re-
gretted that neither in the * Yerfassungsgeschichte ' nor in * Das
englische Parlament' has the author devoted fuller attention to
what he rightly calls ' the attempts at a government by estates of
the realm,' which distinguish the reign of Henry III. It is need-
less to say that in the space of twenty pages it is impossible to deal
satisfactorily with the parliamentary history of the reign before
1258 and with the events of the next seven years, so fruitful in
constitutional precedent and constructive ideas. A few lines only
are given to the Provisions of Oxford ; no notice at all is taken of
the Ordinance of London (1264) ; the essential difference between
the movement of 1258 and that of 1264 is not remarked, although
it is this difference which marks the point when the third estate
first comes forward as an independent claimant for political rights.
There are some errors, too, in the sketch, short as it is. It was
not in 1258, but in 1259, that the * communitas hachellerice Anglice '
sent in the protest which resulted in the Provisions of Westminster.
The so-called barons' war did not begin in 1264, but in 1263. In
a long note at the end of the chapter, Dr. Gneist enumerates the
cases during Henry Ill's reign in which representatives from the
counties were summoned to meet the king. But he will not allow
that any but tenants-in-chief (Kronvasallen) were summoned before
1265, and he maintains that even these were summoned, not for
the purpose of taking part in general discussions of affairs of state,
but only for certain specified and limited objects. I cannot see
sufficient ground for either of these statements. The choice of
representatives may have been practically limited to tenants-in-chief,
but this cannot be proved from the writs, or from the method of
election which, as far as we know^ was employed; certainly the
phrase 'fideles nostri,' to which Dr. Gneist points ^^ as proving the
limitation, is capable of a wider interpretation. In speaking of the
parliament of 1264, Dr. Gneist says,^^ ' The question here touches
only the restoration of the national peace, and a deliberation con-
cerning it.' But the * restoration of the national peace ' was just
then the most important subject that could have been discussed,
and the outcome of the discussion was a complete revolution in the
system of government. Fuller and higher powers could not have

3' C. H. i. 331. ^ Ibid,

VOL. III. — NO. IX. C

18 GNEIST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION Jan.

been exercised by any parliament than were exercised by the par-
liament of June 1264, and we know, from the Ordinance of London
which was passed by that parhament, that the ' commnnitas," that is,
the * commons,' as distinct from the ^pnelati et harones,' were present
and consenting. The difference between the parliament of June 1264
and the better-known one of January 1265 is not in the object of
the summons or the business discussed, but in the fact that on the
latter occasion members from the boroughs as distinct from the
counties took their seats for the first time. In ' Das englische Parla-
ment,' the parliament of June 1264 is altogether omitted.

The third division of Dr. Gneist's two works carries the student
from the beginning of Edward I's reign to the end of the middle
ages and the accession of Henry VII. In the ' Constitutional His-
tory,' although one long chapter is devoted to the history of parlia-
ment, a far larger share of attention is devoted to the other portions
of the subject ; in the ' History of Parliament ' this proportion is
naturally reversed. The chapters in which the author treats of the
system of justice and police under Edward I and his immediate
successors are admirable specimens of his work, luminous and
suggestive throughout. He brings out clearly and forcibly the
importance of the period, as that in which the higher and lower
portions of the machine of state, the central and the provincial
organisation, were finally welded together into one compact and har-
monious whole. Here he is in complete harmony with Dr. Stubbs,
whose words, * The peculiar line of Edward's reforms, the ever per-
ceptible intention of placing each member of the body politic in
direct and immediate relation with the royal power, in justice, in
war, and in taxation,' ^^ are quoted with full approval.

The greatness and peculiarity of this legislation [from 1267 to 1377] lies
in the constant realisation of a single fundamental idea — the combination
of all the functions of the civil power with the larger communal unions
already in existence ; a combination through which the people became
penetrated with the consciousness of political duties, inspired with an
idea of political unity, and competent to take the preservation of peace
and order into their own hands.'*^ ... On the one hand [Dr. Gneist goes on
to say], thanks to the retention of the Anglo-Saxon judicial system, to the
complete obliteration of national differences, and to the transformation
of the old judicium parium into the system of trial by jury, the local
unions of county, hundred, and borough were ready to act as foundations
for the political edifice, while the Norman autocracy had habituated the
wealthy classes to the discharge of public duties. On the other hand, the
central authority of the state had been established in sufficient unity and
power, through the action of the exchequer, the curia regis, and other
means. The problem now was to blend together these elements so as to
form an organic union of the central government with the government of

*» Stubbs, Const. HisL ii. 292. *" Gneist, C. II. i. 348.

1888 GNEIST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION 10

the provinces, smaller districts, and towns, such an organic union as still
forms the chief problem which the German empire has to solve."*^

Dr. Gneist then proceeds to show how this prohlem was solved
in England in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The mili-
tary forces of the nation were organised by statute and ordinance,
by such acts as the statute of Winchester, and by the commissions
of array, which brought the national army directly under control of
the crown. The principles underlying the administration of justice
in the local courts are stated by Dr. Gneist as follows. (1) A sepa-
ration is made between sentence and evidence [i.e. the same persons
no longer act both as witnesses and judges] ; (2) the duty of giving
sentence is laid upon professional judges appointed by the crown ;
(3) the question of fact is determined by committees of the commu-
nity [juries] selected from the hundreds and counties and named
by a royal official.''^ The processes by which the local courts were
connected with the benches of judges, the steps by which the jus-
tices of the peace and other elements of the police system were
evolved, the application of the local unions to the purpose of self-
assessment, are clearly and explicitly stated. In another chapter
Dr. Gneist treats of the central courts of justice, which, according
to him, did not take their final shape, with distinct staffs of judges,
till towards the end of the thirteenth century. Gradually the work
of itinerant justices came to be absorbed by the justices of the
central courts ; the work of these courts was largely extended, a
class of professional lawyers sprang up, and the law itself was
developed and determined by countless legal decisions, which sup-
plemented the deficiencies of statute and ordinance.

On the subject of the permanent or continual council, which
at this time became a body of primary importance in the state.
Dr. Gneist has not much to add to or correct in the work of his
predecessors. But in treating of the history of parliament from
Edward I's reign onward, he attaches greater importance to the
magnum concilium, or meeting of prelates and barons only, along
with the members of the permanent council, than has been attached
to it by other historians. The * parliament ' of the fourteenth cen-
tury, in Dr. Gneist's view, is primarily this body. He devotes a
chapter to its functions and powers, crediting it with a distinct and
independent existence down to the end of the fourteenth century
and even later, and with much legislative and other work which is
usually attributed to the larger body in which the commons formed
a part. According to Dr. Gneist, the magnum concilium, inter-
mediate between the continual council and the full parliament of
three estates, was generally convoked four times a year during the
greater part of this period.

"' C. H. i. 349. *^ lb. 356.

c 2

20 GXEIST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION Jan.

We have here to do [he says"*^], not with a mere estate of the realm, in
which a privileged class of landowners claim a right to be heard, but with
a constant and regular participation of the magnates in a political system
with fully developed powers over mihtary matters, justice, police, and
finance.

Like the continual council, the magnum concilium shared with the
crown the ordinary work of government, first by voluntary royal con-
cession, afterwards by custom which stiffened into law. It enjoyed

* a quadruple sphere of action, as a court of law, a council of state
for administrative purposes, a tax-granting and a legislative body.' "^^
Its functions as a court of law, affording the great lords the judi-
cium parium to which they laid claim, and to other persons an
appeal from lower courts, were at first most obvious. Its members
were recognised as peers, with the right of being tried by the body
to which they belonged, by the statute of 1341. The title * parlia-
ment ' was attached to the body in question especially when dis-
charging judicial duties of this kind ; it was known as the magnum
concilium when acting as a deliberative and administrative council.
As such, it took a leading part in investigating and answering peti-
tions, and it claimed the right of influencing the king's choice of
his habitual advisers in the continual council. ' Under the house
of Lancaster the greater part of the executive council consists of
members who owe their position to the high estimation in which
they are held in the magjium concilium.'' ^^^ In the matter of taxa-
tion, though the great council possessed the right of granting
scutages and aids. Dr. Gneist allows that ' this right had soon to
be shared with the representatives of the commons, which in this
respect "^^ gradually acquired a preponderance.' Lastly, with respect
to legislation, *the great council,' says Dr. Gneist,"^^ 'is until later
in the reign of Edward III the ordinary body for the discussion of
laws.'

In a subsequent chapter Dr. Gneist considers the steps by which
the commons gradually came to share in the powers of the great
council, and to form a separate estate in parliament. He is not
clear as to the date at which this fusion may be regarded as fully
established, but the general impression left upon the mind after
reading these chapters is that the normal parliament consisted of
the great men only till after the middle of the fourteenth century,
and that the right of the third estate to take its full part in the
national discussions was not recognised till at least the end of
Edward Ill's reign. In the matter of legislation, Dr. Gneist takes
little, if any, notice of the famous declaration of 1322, which re-
cognises the legislative rights of the commons. According to him,^®

* the turning-point is the long and financially embarrassed reign of

" C. H. i. 414. <* lb. 415, « Ih. 421.

<• Not ' from this point,' as the translation has it. " C. H. ii. 422. *« lb. 19.

1888 GNEIST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION 21

Edward III. The commons, who until then had been only occa-
sionally mentioned in connexion with parliamentary statutes, are
from this time seldom omitted.' The same view is maintained in
' Das englische Parlament.' In tracing the growth of parliamentary
control over the different departments of government, he does not
differ essentially from the view of other historians, though he is
much less complete in this part of his work than Dr. Stubbs, whose
* chief merit and success ' he considers ^^ * to lie in this period.' But
it is clear that, in his view of the importance to be attached to the
limited parliament or great council of prelates and barons, he
differs widely from the English historian. * The national council,'
says Dr. Stubbs,^" * as it existed at the end of the reign of Edward I,
was a parliamentary assembly, consisting of three bodies, the clergy
. . . the baronage . . . the commons of the realm.' He recog-
nises, of course, the separate existence of the magnum concilium^
but the difference between him and Dr. Gneist is clearly brought
out in the following passage : -^^ —

In conjunction with the rest of the prelates and baronage, the permanent
council acted sometimes mider the title of magnum concilium ; and this
name was occasionally given to assemblies in which the council and the
estates met, which are only distinguishable in small technical points from
proper parliaments. Many of the assemblies of the reign of Henry III . . .
may be regarded, in the light reflected from the fourteenth century, as
examples of the magnum concilium ; but in point of fact the magnum
concilium under Edward II and III was only a form of the general
national assembly which had survived for certain purposes, when for
other practical uses of administration it had been superseded by the
parliament of three estates as framed by Edward I.

The question is one which it is difficult to decide. The verdict
will partly depend on the value to be attached to precedents such
as that set by the model parliament of 1295, and to such declara-
tions of principle as that of 1322, and partly on the idiosyncrasies
of the investigator.

In his remarks on the method of election of representatives for
counties and boroughs. Dr. Gneist, in the later of his two works,
adopts the conclusions of Dr. Kiess, as set forth in his ' Geschichte des
Wahlrechts zum enghschen Parlament' (Berlin, 1885). Dr. Eiess's
investigations bring out the extreme uncertainty which prevailed in
the fourteenth century, with regard both to town and county fran-
chise, and the wide range of influence which the indefiniteness of
local custom left to the sheriff. They also explain how it was that so
many of the smaller boroughs escaped the burden of representation.
Forming only parts of hundreds, they received cheir writs through
the officers of the hundred and thus escaped making any direct
return to the sheriff. A very useful excursus on the origin of the

« C. H. i. 346. 50 Const Hist ii. 194. s' Stubbs, ih. ii. 260.

22 GNEIST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION Jan,

hereditary peerage, with an elucidation of the difficulties connected
with barony by writ, barony by tenure, and kindred matters, is
given at the end of the chapter on the great council ; ^^ while a
detailed summary of the steps by which the system of parlia-
mentary taxation was developed forms an appendix to the chapter
on the House of Commons.^^

The chapters in which Dr. Gneist sketches the condition of the
church in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and reviews the
changing fortunes of the ' king in parliament ' in a rapid survey of
the different reigns, are slight and call for no remark. Those on
the ' Three Estates ' and the ' Prerogative of the Crown ' are an
able and interesting summary of the condition and mutual rela-
tions of classes, and on the monarchy as forming the keystone of
the political edifice at the close of the middle ages.

Every collision of the estates with each other and with royalty awakes
afresh the consciousness that the source of all the rights of the great
lords and the last protection and support of the weaker classes are to be
found in the permanent sovereign power — that is, in the monarchy. . . .
In spite of all the fluctuations and violence of this period, the parlia-
mentary constitution raised and enhanced the dignity of the crown to a
point still higher than that at which it had stood in the Norman times.^^

The king is still * in theory the sole landowner,' he is ' the head
of society,' the * hereditary possessor and source of all magisterial
authority ; '.in him is vested the ' wiperium,' the right of the state
to command and ordain ; * the king, and not the parliament, makes
laws.' This view is in accordance with that which Dr. Gneist
throughout maintains, and the pages in which he relates it form a
natural stepping-stone from the medieval monarchy to the absolu-
tism of the Tudor s.

Up to this point, the close of the middle ages. Dr. Gneist
traverses ground already occupied by the exhaustive work of Dr.
Stubbs. It is hardly necessary to say that neither work can well be
dispensed with by the student. Dr. Gneist is sometimes clearer in
arrangement, more easy to follow through the maze of detail ; he is
positive and incisive where Dr. Stubbs is judicial and balanced; he
presents new views with force and originality, and not unfrequently
throws fresh light on obscure portions of the subject. But if here and
there Dr. Gneist supplements or even perhaps corrects Dr. Stubbs,
there are many more departments of constitutional history in which
the reader who wishes to find the fullest and most authoritative
treatment must have recourse to the latter rather than the former.
It would be invidious and unnecessary to institute a detailed com-
parison between the two authors. I have noted the more impor-
tant points on which their opinions differ, and it is impossible to

« C. H. i. 434. S3 j5, II 40. M j5. II 114,

1888 GNEIST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION 23

say more for auy one who differs from Dr. Stubbs on his own
ground than that he is a foeman fully worthy of his steel.

"When we pass beyond the middle ages, the relation between Dr.
Gneist and the chief English authority is somewhat different.
Here, again, he cannot be said to supersede Hallam, for on his own
ground, the principles of government, the nature of the great
questions at stake, the arguments on either side, the general course
and connexion of political events and legislation, Hallam will not
easily be superseded. It is on this side that Dr. Gneist is most
deficient. But the English writer almost entirely neglects one por-
tion of his task. Generally speaking, we look in vain through his
pages for information about the machinery of government, the
offices of state, the local and provincial authorities, the nature of
the different bodies or institutions by w-hich the country was
governed. It is this deficiency which Dr. Gneist supplies, and by
so doing he becomes a guide of primary importance, indispensable
for certain purposes to any one who wishes to study the history of
our constitution during the last four hundred years.

If, however. Dr. Gneist's work supplies certain defects in other
authors, there are considerable gaps in his own. In his account of
the reformation, for instance, he displays an impartial mind, but
his survey of the legal and constitutional revolution brought about by
the parliament of 1529 and its successors is sketchy and insufficient.
An exhaustive examination of the constitutional results of that series
of enactments which introduced and legalised the reformation is still
to be made. Nor, again, does Dr. Gneist investigate, except in a cur-
sory manner, the position of parliament under the Tudors, the esta
blishment of some of its most important privileges, the influences to
which it was subjected, and the control which it in its turn exercised
upon affairs. Of the use made of her ecclesiastical supremacy by
Elizabeth in the legislation against papists and puritans we hardly
hear anything in this section, though in his review of the ecclesias-
tical question in the next century the author returns to this subject.
It is characteristic of Dr. Gneist's view that he describes the execu-
tive as ' surrounded by its more or less intimate councillors, in the
three traditional grades ' — that is to say, the privy council, the mag-
num concilium, and the House of Commons."^^ One hardly expects
to meet the magnum concilium in the sixteenth century, and it is
difficult to see what separate existence was enjoyed by the House
of Lords apart from the House of Commons. In ' Das englische
Par lament ' Dr. Gneist drops the title magnum concilium , but he
enumerates the same three bodies, and treats the upper house of
parhament separately from the lower. What Dr. Gneist seems
to mean is that the privy council and the parliament were the two
bodies into which the councillors of the crown were divided, but

« C. H. ii. 143.

24 GNEIST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION Jan.

why he treats the two houses of parliament as on a different
footing in this respect is not easy to understand. A beginnefr
would certainly infer that Henry VIII and Elizabeth summoned a
magnum concilium as Edward I and Edward III did, but Dr. Gneist
can hardly mean him to believe this. On the other hand, he re-
frains from drawing a distinction — unless this is what is meant by
the separate mention of the magnum concilmm — between the inner
circle of the privy council and the larger body or ordinary council.
That such a distinction was recognised, but that confusion also
existed as to the limits of the concilium ordinarium, is clear, for in-
stance, from the fact that it was sometimes maintained, as Hudson ^^^
tells us, that all peers had a right to sit in the Star Chamber.

Dr. Gneist devotes the greater part of a chapter to the i^rivy
council, which he describes as practically identical with the old
continual council,^^ and not as an unrecognised committee of it.
This chapter contains much that will be new to many readers, es-
pecially with regard to the officers of state, the rise of the secre-
tary, the precedence and functions of the different members of what
may now be almost called the ministry.

In his account of the Star Chamber, Dr. Gneist differs from
Hallam in attaching more importance to the statute of 3 Hen. VII
as establishing its powers than does his predecessor. He guards
himself, however, by saying : ^^ —

This is the extraordinary criminal jurisdiction of the king in council,
which had never ceased, and which was in this act acknowledged afresh
and embodied in a committee. . . . The Star Chamber is accordingly only
a committee of the privy council, on which account also every privy
councillor could occasionally take part in the proceedings, as was done
at first in important cases, and later was the general rule.

Hallam, on the contrary, maintains ^^ that * no ^m?^ of the juris-
diction exercised by the Star Chamber could be maintained on
the authority of the statute of Henry VII.' This is exaggerated,
for the authority conferred on a portion of the council could surely
be exerted by the whole body. It is clear that some of the most
important powers exercised by the Star Chamber, i.e. by the council
in its judicial capacity, were founded on statute, e.g. on the acts of
1412 and 1453, and that others were well established by precedent.
What was really illegal, or at least not founded on statute or
justified by the analogy of early custom, was that the criminal
jurisdiction which belonged to the whole council was exerted, and
at length exclusively exerted, by a small and unauthorised part of
it. Dr. Gneist misses this fact by ignoring the distinction between
the privy and the ordinary council, which had apparently originated
in the previous century. In other respects his view of the Star

*^ Treatise of the Star-chainber, in Collectanea Juridica, vol. ii.

" C. H. ii. 177. S8 j5. 183. 5« CQjist. Hist. I 54.

1888 GNEIST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION 25

Chamber corresponds with that put forward by Dr. Stubbs in his
recently pubhshed lectures (Lecture xvi.).

In his account of the high commission court of Elizabeth's
reign Dr. Gneist has not used the report of the Ecclesiastical Courts
Commission, in the framing of which Dr. Stubbs was principally
instrumental, or he would probably have modified some of his
views. He treats the court of high commission as if it always
acted together and in one place. He even calls it ^'^ a ' spiritual
privy council,' whereas its efficiency depended on its members
being able to act in many different places at once. It was, in fact,
much more like the commission of the peace than the privy council.
To local institutions Dr. Gneist, as usual, devotes a good deal of
attention, and in this respect brings much which is generally
neglected to light. He describes at length the parochial system,
now an important element in the political constitution ; the prin-
ciples of the new poor-laws ; the development of the powers entrusted
to justices of the peace, with other kindred matters, as well as the
connexion between these local institutions and the central govern-
ment. It would be hard to find anywhere else within an equally
small space so good an account of this part of the subject.

In his sketch of the reformation Dr. Gneist distinguishes two
currents of thought and feeling which mark the movement in
general: one the opposition to Eoman doctrine, the other the
revolt of the national principle against the papal sovereignty. He
justly remarks that the English reformation differs from the
German chiefly in this, that in England the latter current pre-
ponderated, in Germany the former. But it is an inadequate view
of the English reformation to trace it to these two movements
only. It is hardly necessary to point out that there were two
other currents of feeling almost as important as the revolt against
the doctrine and the power of Eome. There was the demand for a
moral reform, which was uppermost in the minds of Colet and
More ; and there was the deeply rooted dislike of the political in-
fluence of the church which had supported Eufus against Anselm
and Henry II against Becket, which had animated John of Gaunt
and assisted the Yorkists against the Lancastrians. The constitu-
tional results of the reformation cannot be explained unless full
weight is given to these tendencies of English feeling.

Dr. Gneist's view of Henry VIII's character and ability is much
the same as that of Eanke, Brewer, and Dr. Stubbs. He does not
idolise Henry with Mr. Froude, nor condemn him with Mr. Fried-
mann for a tyrant equally vicious and incapable.

The boldness and acumen with which Henry VIII carried out his
scheme, when he had once resolved upon it, give his ruthless and violent
personality a providential significance for England.^ ^

«» C. H. ii. 171. "'16. 158.

26 GXEIST OX THE ENGLISH CONSTFTUTIOX Jan.

On the political side he compares him with Eichelieu.

It was by no means the passion or caprice of a despot which predomi-
nated in his policy. It was rather an anticipation of Eichelieu's system,
which acting on well-considered reasons of state always strikes directly
at the heads of the opposition, in order to prevent contagion.^^

But it would be wrong, he declares, to style Henvy's government
an absolute despotism.

The parliamentary constitution existed, and there was on the part of
the Tudors no serious intention of abolishing it, nor on that of their
parliaments any idea of permanently abandoning any part of it.^^

Dr. Gneist sums up his view of the Tudor period in the following
words : —

The defects and cruelties of this courageous, self-willed family were the
defects of the time in which they lived and of the nation with whose
greatness, welfare, and rights they wished to identify themselves. It is
an epoch of great excitement and intellectual movement, such as seldom
fails to aifect the character of individuals and classes. But all this makes
the personality of the Tudors, with their courage and their strength of will,
the main feature of an era which in spite of its faults was a great one.^''

The fifth section of Dr. Gneist 's ' Constitutional History,' which
deals with the Stuart period, is in some respects the least satis-
factory portion of the work. The system of administration, the
subject in which our author is most deeply interested, is of less
historical importance in the seventeenth century than the great
struggle between crown and parliament for the control of that
system. But in the history of the struggle Dr. Gneist does not
appear to find much that is attractive, a-nd he treats the period
in a somewhat superficial manner. His remarks are, as usual,
judicious and impartial, but his remarkable insight and penetration
are not so obvious when a constitutional conflict is under discussion,
as when the problem is to discover the nature of an institution or
the bearing of an obscure law. One would have expected a fuller
treatment in ' Das englische Parlament,' but this is not the case.
It is somewhat strange, too, that Dr. Gneist does not mention in
either of his books Mr. Gardiner's great work among his list of
authorities, although he mentions several authors of far less im-
portance.

If he has not consulted Mr. Gardiner, he has, nevertheless,
arrived at the same conclusions respecting the primary importance
of the religious question in the conflict between king and parlia-
ment. It is the object of Dr. Gneist's introductory chapter to
point out the political danger which resulted from the ecclesiastical
reformation. Between the political power of the crown, limited by

«'^ C. H. ii. IGl. i-s lb. 154. «^ lb. 193.

1888 GNEIST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION 27

those restrictions which it had been the work of the middle ages to
impose, and the unhmited ecclesiastical supremacy which the ex-
pulsion of papal authority had placed in its hands, there was a
wide difference. This difference Elizabeth had recognised and had
been content to maintain. The Stuarts sought to obliterate it by
bringing their political power up to a level with their ecclesiastical,
while they used their position as heads of the church in such a way
as to endanger their headship of the state.

As every political power [says Dr. Gneist ^■^] bears within itself a ten-
dency to develope into absolutism, so the monarchy inevitably aimed at
transforming the state into an administrative system after the pattern of
the church.

The author goes on to point out how natural it was for the church
itself to adopt these political theories, and to enhance the royal
authority in its own interest.

Thence arose for the first time in England theories about the rights
of the crown, based almost exclusively on theological conceptions, and
supported by theological arguments.^^

And again : —

The fate of the monarchy and the constitution depended on the
attitude which the Stuart dynasty would adopt towards these new theories.
... By taking part with one extreme, they drove the other to a resist-
ance which overthrew the monarchy. The English reformation began in
the sixteenth century with an alteration in the constitution of the church ;
it ended in the seventeenth century with a political revolution.^'^

The introductory chapter of this section is excellent. The
history of the struggle itself is given in so compressed a form that
an adequate account of its chief incidents or appreciation of con-
tending aims and arguments is impossible. Dr. Gneist's griind-
idee, the reciprocity of rights and duties, which allows him to
justify the Tudor absolutism, leads him to condemn the Stuarts in
no measured terms.

Hardly has any family of rulers ever mounted a throne which has
shown itself so devoid of all sense of kingly duty as that of the Stuarts.
. . . The characters of these four monarchs, while differing in other re-
spects, had this one thing in common, a total inability to understand or
to respect the law of the land.^^

He perhaps goes a little too far in saying, * All aims of this royal
race, both domestic and foreign, were mistaken.' ^^ James I was
not mistaken in aiming at religious toleration, at the union with
Scotland, and at universal peace abroad. It was his methods
rather than his objects that were wrong. Dr. Gneist is quite right

"* C. H. ii. 226. «« Das engl. Pari. 231. «^ C. H. ii. 230.

«« Das engl. Pari. 232. "^ C. H. ii. 233.

28 GNEIST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION Jan.

in laying stress on the djaiastic aims of the Stuarts, their insin-
cerity, their * incapacity for great and lasting political combina-
tions.' But when he brands Strafford as * a political renegade,'
and Charles I as ' equally cowardly and selfish,' ^° it may be doubted
whether his feelings have not got the better of his accustomed im-
partiality. As to the methods by which Charles I attempted to
establish an absolute monarchy, and as to the powers of parliament
which he set himself to abolish. Dr. Gneist is clear and to the
point, but adds nothing to what previous writers have said. His
remarks are of a very general nature, and he altogether omits or
mentions only in a cursory manner the great incidents of the con-
stitutional struggle. The student who wishes to know why the
system of unparliamentary government broke down, why after so
many concessions war nevertheless became inevitable, why the army
fell out with the parliament, and many other things about which it
is natural to inquire, will be disappointed if he expects to find
much light thrown on his difficulties from Dr. Gneist's pages.
Perhaps these matters do not strictly belong to a history of the
constitution, but it is somewhat surprising to an English reader to
find so much that he is apt to call constitutional history left out.

Of Cromwell's character and ability as a ruler Dr. Gneist has
a high estimate.

The impartial observer must confess that Cromwell represented the
state with honour. . . . The ponderousness (Schtverfdlligkeit) of the
man, combined with his indefatigable activity, the dry, blunt manner
with which he makes straight for his object, are incarnations of the
English character. So too above all are his truthfulness and the sincerity
of his convictions, ignored as these characteristics have been by later
writers on account of the biblical unction of his language, which, after
all, was but the language of his time and of his party.

The difficulties which obstructed all Cromwell's attempts to form a
permanent government are well explained by Dr. Gneist. He
traces these difficulties principally to the anti-bureaucratic character
of the English system, in fact to the nature . of self-government.
The whole management of public affairs had been for ages in the
hands of the classes opposed to Cromwell's power ; they supplied
alike members of parliament and justices of the peace ; without
their aid government could not be carried on. It was this which
overthrew Charles I's absolutism. That the English constitution
did not share the fate which representative institutions met with
on the continent was due ' to the substructure of the English
political system, to the equality of classes before the law, and to the
mutual cohesion of these classes, which the Stuarts so disastrously
misunderstood.' ^^ And what saved the constitution from the
Stuarts saved it also from Cromwell.

'» C. H. ii. 244, 245. "' Das. cngl. Pari 231.

1888 GNEIST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION 29

In discussing the results of the restoration, Dr. Gneist is careful
to point out that it was, after all, only a half-restoration.

The exaggerated party-watchwords of the royahsts, and the violence
of their measures against all resistance, may easily make it appear that
the barriers of the parliamentary constitution were overstepped in a
retrograde direction. And so the restoration has often, though very
wrongly, been conceived. . . . The restoration meant the re-estabhsh-
ment of the monarchy by the wealthier classes, who on that very account
asserted themselves both in the upper and lower house with a com-
manding self-consciousness such as had not been heard of since the time
of the baronial parliaments.'^^

In fact, although there was still a wide sphere of influence left to
the crown, and although Charles II and his brother used this
influence unscrupulously, the reign of Charles II bore more resem-
blance to that of William III than to that of Charles I. The manner
in which the later Stuarts employed the advantages which the long
parliament had left to them, especially in the appointment of
ministers and of judges and in the control of foreign policy, is well
explained by Dr. Gneist, but he treats very slightly the growth of
the reaction against the monarchy. He hardly mentions the Test
Act or the Exclusion Bill, the Popish Plot or the Habeas Corpus
Act ; he says nothing of Temple's scheme for a council. On the
other hand, he has some useful pages about the great ofiices of state,
and the practice, beginning under Charles I and much developed
by Charles II, of delegating the business of the privy council to
committees. But in general, it must be allowed, the affairs of this
century are treated with scant attention in comparison with those
of earlier times.

The last section of Dr. Gneist' s ' Constitutional History ' carries
the subject; in some detail down to the end of the eighteenth century,
and concludes with a slight sketch of the era of reform, ending with
the Eeform Act of 1867. In ' Das englische Parlament ' the latter
portion is rather more fully treated and the story ends with the
Eeform Act of 1885. In the larger work this section, like the pre-
ceding one, is deficient in its treatment of that part of the subject
which occupies the chief attention of Hallam and May. A single
sentence is all that can be spared for Wilkes ; Chatham, Burke, and
Fox are not mentioned ; we hear next to nothing of whig and tory
measures during the reigns of William and Anne ; the India bills,
Pitt's attempts at reform, the measures taken to deal with the
regency question, are hardly, if at all, alluded to ; the unions with
Scotland and Ireland and the quarrel with the American colonies are
only incidentally mentioned, but not discussed or explained. But
little notice is taken of the contrast between the self- obliteration of
the first two Georges and the efforts of George III to be a king.

« C, H. ii. 281.

30 GNEIST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION Jan.

These omissions are not mentioned as a subject of complaint, for it
was not part of Dr. Gneist's plan to dwell much upon such matters,
but attention should be called to them. The author has only
followed in later times the plan which led him to pass lightly over
the baronial struggles of the twelfth century and the constitutional
conflict of the seventeenth.

In the opening chapter of the section. Dr. Gneist has some re-
marks upon that characteristic of the later English system, the
supremacy of law, which are in remarkable accord with the main
thesis of Professor Dicey's admirable work ' The Law of the Con-
stitution.' Speaking of the powers of the executive. Dr. Gneist
says : ^^ —

The crown is at all times the source, the courts of justice the barrier,
and the law the supreme regulator of these powers. . . . The law
recognises the crown as the fundamental institution of the land . . . the
law controls the sovereign rights of the state . . . the law regulates the
exercise of magisterial rights, &c. &c. . . . The long struggle against the
absolutism of the Norman kings and the century of Stuart misgovern-
ment brought the specialisation of these rules of law to a climax, which
was attained in the eighteenth century. This regulation by law embraces
all departments of internal political life.

This result, which had been so long preparing, was finally established
by the Eevolution of 1688. Many of the author's remarks on this
event would gladden the hearts of the most ardent whig. But the
true Prussian spirit of obedience to the sovereign and the wisdom
of the legist and historian come out in the following words : —

The lesson taught by the glorious revolution . . . was that even the
most righteous insurrection of society against the constitutional executive
is the greatest disaster that can befall a nation. ... It was not until the
third generation that the wounds caused by the change of dynasty were
fully healed.''^

Dr. Gneist is by no means inclined to minimise the results of the
revolution, or to treat it as not marking the commencement of a
new epoch.

Every sentence of the Declaration of Rights was but too fully justified
by preceding events. The whole chain of negative legislation since the
days of Charles I leads to a fundamental alteration in the system of
government. . . . Every remnant of dictatorial power, which can have
any practical importance in the state, is from that time forth denied to
the king.7'^

In support of this view the author sketches the steps by which the
crown was brought into dependence on the parliament, or, as he
puts it, the * king in parliament ' supersedes to a great extent the
' king in council.' The transition from council to cabinet and the

'» a. H. ii. 332, 340. •' lb, 339. " lb. 407.

1888 GNEIST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION 31

introduction of the modern ministerial system through the dissohi-
tion of the great offices of state are also discussed, but there is
nothing here that calls for remark. It may be noted, however,
that the author, with his usual sound common sense, dismisses the
idea that representative government without party is practicable.

The philosophical ideals of a perfect political system, which without
party strife shall blend the natural diversities of the popular mind into a
single and undivided will . . . are based on a misconception of human
nature.'^**

In expounding the essential differences between the two great
parties he follows very much the same lines as Macaulay in his
famous contrast between whigs and tories, but takes care to point
out that, whatever were their theories, both parties belonged to the
aristocracy and betrayed an equal reluctance to take any steps
likely to subvert their order.

In several interesting chapters Dr. Gneist sketches the lower
stages of the governmental system in the eighteenth century, and
the connexion of sovereign rights and local institutions. He draws
a distinction between what he calls economic self-government and
magisterial self-government, the two branches of the same system
as embodied on the one hand in the local rates, and on the other
in the local courts and magistrates. He describes the duties and
powers of the justices of the peace and other local officials, for an
account of which Hallam and May may be searched in vain. He
compares our system with those of Germany and France, but with-
out emphasising, as Professor Dicey does, the great distinction in-
volved in the fact that in England there is no special law for officials
such as exists across the Channel. He discusses with great clear-
ness what he calls the ' final consolidation of the ruling class ; '
the means by which the aristocracy secured for itself the complete
control of affairs, the command of the militia, of justice and police,
and of finance ; the close connexion between the peerage and the
gentry, the former being merely a higher rank of the latter, con-
stantly recruited from it ; and, lastly, the ' welding ' of the church
into the * parliamentary state,' so that it became an essential
and important element of the political system. He shows great
respect for the sagacity with which cabinet government and the
alternate rule of parties was developed. He notes how the problem
of combining elasticity and durability was solved, and how the per-
manence and consequent independence of the judicial and admini-
strative bodies in all but their highest places rendered frequent
changes of ministry comparatively innocuous to the state. The
members of these bodies discharged for ages their allotted tasks,
either individually or by corporate action, as justices of the peace

'« C. H. ii. 422.

32 GNEIST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION Jan.

or magistrates, as grand juries or vestries, as churchwardens or
constables, undisturbed by parhamentary disputes and turmoils.
It is in these humbler stages of our polity, for the most part
neglected by continental observers and historians, that Dr. Gneist
finds the durable foundations of the English constitution.

It is not [he says] the rights of parliament and the forms of parliamen-
tary government that have founded England's greatness, but, as in ancient
Rome, the personal co-operation of all, from the lower classes upward,
in the daily duties of public life. The details of this system are simple,
sober, and earnest, as in the old Roman state, far removed from the
glowing pictures which were disseminated through Europe by the author
of the 'Esprit des Lois.' But these sober institutions are firm and durable,
and in the hour of danger, in the strain imposed by great tasks, they
display the energy and greatness of character which distinguish a proud,
free nation.^^

These words form the keynote of Dr. Gneist's work. They show
the general drift of his thoughts, the main object which he has had
in view, the lesson which he has set himself to teach his country-
men and ourselves. It is in the investigation and description of
these institutions that the pre-eminent merit of his work consists.

It is no wonder that, regarding the past history of our consti-
tution from this point of view. Dr. Gneist finds grave ground for
anxiety as to the future. These foundations of our polity are and
have been for some time breaking up. In ' Das englische Parlament '
the author sketches succinctly the progress of social reforms, of the
agitation against monopoly of land and capital, of changes in local
administration, in the army, the universities, and the civil service.
He points out with great force the revolution involved in the
abandonment of the connexion between direct taxation and the
franchise.

The reduction of society to its atoms was carried out jointly by both
parties [in 1867] in active competition for the support of public opinion.
Thenceforward there was no principle left whiich could oppose any claim
to the franchise. A very chaos of ideas ensued.^^

The necessary consequence was the Reform Act of 1885. This act,
says Dr. Gneist,^^

made visible and tangible the organic defect which had originated in the
displacement of the bases of the parliamentary constitution. . . . England at
the end of the nineteenth century finds herself, though at a higher stage
of development, in conditions analogous to those of the continental states
at the commencement of their constitutional reforms. Granted that a so-
called House of Commons still exists, the communitates exist no longer.
The ancient combinations for the discharge of common duties are obsolete,
and in their place have arisen social groups, maintaining their cohesion
through the press and the right of association.^"

" C. H. ii. 438. " Das. engl. Pari 397. '^ lb. 892. »" lb. 400.

1888 GNEIST ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION 33

In every department of life the tendency to equality is making
itself more and more strongly felt. * With the growth of democracy,
the administration becomes more bureaucratic. The age of the
caucus and of wire-pullers is come. The simple division into
liberals and conservatives exists no longer.' The old parties are
dissolving into fragments. ' Till the advent of radical governments
nothing but coalition ministries will be possible.' But, in spite of
the threatening aspect of circumstances, there is good hope for the
future. The remedy is to be found in * a thorough and uniform
enforcement of public duties on all members of the state.' ®^ * The
immediate problem for legislation is a reform of the county system,
which will render the personal discharge of civic duties incumbent
on every person. Self-government in England is the equivalent of
universal military service on the continent.' The discharge of
public duties alone justifies and renders innocuous the claim for
public rights. * The whole history of this state,' Dr. Gneist hope-
fully concludes,^^ * justifies us in the expectation that the EngUsh
people will weather the impending storm, and discover in its
own past the corner-stones on which it may rebuild a free
constitution, like the German nation, whose latent strength lies
and has ever lain in the cellular system of its communes.'

G. W. Prothero.
«• Das engl. Pari 401. «2 j^. 405.

VOL. III. — NO. IX.

34 Jan,

The Claim of the House of Orleans
to Milan

WHEN, on 16 Sept. 1380, Charles V of France expired, he left
behind him two young sons. One was twelve years old,
tall, stalwart, healthy, amiable ; the other was a lad of nine, less
regularly handsome than his brother, slighter, darker, more agile,
more acute and more engaging.

Charles V had left his younger son no more than the pension of
a private gentleman ; the elder was the king of France. The
dying monarch, a man of many brothers, had seen the dangers
that arise when royal princes are too rich. But he had died before
his time; and of his two heirs the king was gentle, dull, and
generous ; the gentleman, brilliant, grasping, and ambitious. The
result was calculable. Twenty years later the younger son was
king in all but name ; he was rich, puissant, terrible, and hated ;
while his brother, impoverished and neglected, starved on the
throne, the best-beloved man in France. Circumstances had made
the rise of the younger son singularly easy. In his twenty-
fourth year King Charles VI became violently mad, and hence-
forward till his death there were long regencies (the subject of
angry contests between his uncle and his brother) interrupted by
periods of lax and kindly government. His younger brother, Louis,
duke of Orleans, became as regent, and first prince of the blood,
more powerful than the king. He was too powerful; and his
arrogance and his extortions raised many enemies against him.
On 23 Nov. 1407 he was cruelly murdered as he was riding by
night through the streets of Paris. He had made himself so
terrible that even the brother who loved him did not seek to
avenge him, but praised the murderer * who, for the public good
and out of faith and loyalty to us, has caused to be put out of this
world our said brother of Orleans.' No one mourned the murdered
man absolutely and completely except his devoted widow and his
orphaned children.

A year and a week later the duchess died. Her three sons, her
one daughter, with Dunois, the natural son of Orleans, whom his
widow had adopted, were left fatherless and motherless in a king-

1888 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN 35

clom full of enemies, where their father's murderers triumphed.
They entered the world as a battlefield; but, though so young,
they entered armed and mounted. From their father they in-
herited the duchies of Orleans, Luxembourg, and Aquitaine, the
counties of Valois, Beaumont, Soissons, Blois, Dreux, Perigord, and
Angouleme, with the seigneuries of Coucy and Savona. Through
their mother they acquired the county of Yertus in Champagne,
the county of Asti in Lombardy, and certain pretensions to the
ducal crown of Milan.

In the year 1387 their father, Louis of France, not yet the
duke of Orleans, had been contracted to the duke of Milan's only
daughter, Valentine Visconti, whom two years later he espoused.
In relation to the established monarchs of his time, the father of
Valentine stood in much the same situation as afterwards the great
Napoleon, in the first years of his empire, towards the kings of
Germany. He was rich, too powerful to be safely opposed, a
conqueror of whom the end was still beyond prediction ; hence a
man to conciliate and appease. Yet in their hearts they despised
him as a parvenu and an adventurer, and deplored and deprecated
the moral flaws that marred the beauty of his prosperity.

Giangaleazzo, first duke of Milan, was the only son of Galeazzo
Visconti, who, in conjunction with Bernabo, his brother, swayed the
city of Milan and the greater part of Lombardy. They had
murdered their own brother, and divided his inheritance between
them — Bernabo, the elder, holding his state in Milan, Galeazzo in
the city of Pavia.

Bernabo had no less than nine-and-twenty children. Galeazzo
had but two, but for these he was ambitious. He married his
daughter to the son of the king of England ; his son he married to
the daughter of the king of France. This was in 1360. The bride
and bridegroom were still of childish age. Six years later their
eldest child was born. It was a girl, Valentine. The three
brothers who followed her died in their minority ; but Valentine
flourished, grew to womanhood, and brought into the house of
Orleans the tangled question of the Milanese succession.

At her birth and during her childhood her father was but one
of several rulers in Milan. The Visconti ruled as a clan rather
than as an organised dynasty. They were the descendants of a
certain captain Eriprando, who, in the year 1037, defended Milan
against the Emperor Conrad. Notwithstandmg this beginning
the Visconti were eminently Ghibelline and depended for all their
subsequent fortunes on the emperor. In 1277 they chased the
Guelfs from Milan and made themselves masters of the state.
They became lords or domini in Milan, lords of an imperial fief,

. »2

86 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN Jan.

but with no pretence to an imperial investiture. The emperor re-
cognised them only as his captains, his viscounts, or his im-
perial vicars.

In 1372 the Emperor Charles IV, alarmed at the pretensions of
the Visconti clan, deprived them of their office. The rich tyrants,
not afraid of a distant emperor beyond the Alps, paid little heed
to this punishment. The emperor died, and his son succeeded — the
dissolute Wenzel, who was to do so much for Milan. Almost his
first act was to create the youthful father of Valentine imperial
vicar of the Milanese.

This taste of power whetted the ambition of the young man,
left fatherless now to confront the faction of his uncle Bernabo and
his innumerable children. Lax and irregular forms of government
favour a violent ambition. By one bold stratagem Giangaleazzo
took his uncle prisoner, dispossessed his cousins, and established
himself as lord of Milan.

Milan was not enough. Fire and sword cleared the way before
Mm, and his territory stretched to the Apennine ridges. Florence,
on the other side, trembled for her independence. The Lombard
kingdom was alive again, and, though the pope refused the in-
domitable conqueror the title of king of Italy, in 1395 the Emperor
Wenzel invested him with the duchy of Milan.

Meanwhile, in 1389, Valentine Visconti had gone to her husband
in France. When she left Milan she was no longer her father's
only child. A few months before, her stepmother, Caterina Vis-
conti, had given birth to a son. A little later a second son was
born. The greatest conqueror of his age could now divide his
possessions between two sons born in wedlock, a bastard boy named
Gabriello, and his only daughter Valentine, the child of his first
wife, the Princess Isabelle of France. The first question that con-
fronts us is this : What provision did Giangaleazzo Visconti make
for his daughter Valentine of Orleans ?

For many centuries there has been much debate concerning the
claim of Orleans to Milan. Much argument and little evidence has
confused the question ; it is only the evidence that we shall examine
here. In the national archives of Paris ^ there exists the original
marriage- contract of Valentine Visconti. A copy of this document
is contained in a brown leather folio, stamped with the Visconti
serpent, existing in the British Museum.^ The document is in the
form of an instrument granted by the antipope, Clement of Avignon,
on 27 Jan. 1387, in favour of Louis of Orleans and Bertrand de
Gasche, governor of Vertus, as representing the father of Valentine.
The document is at once a dispensation (Louis and Valentine were
cousins), a deed of transfer for the bride's dowry of Asti and its
.dependencies, and a declaration of her right to succeed her father

» J. 409, No. 42. 2 Additional MSS., No. 30669, fo. 215.

1888 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN 37

in Milan, in case his direct male line should become extinct. The
clause which chiefly concerns us runs as follows : ' Item est actum
et in pactum solempni stipulatione vallatum et expresse deductum quod
in casu quo prafatus dominus Johannes Galeas vicecomes, comes
Virtutwm, dominus Mediolanensis^ decedat sine Jiliis masculis de suo
proprio corpore ex legitimo matrimonio procreatis, dicta domina Valen-
tina, nata sua^ succedat et succedere deheat in solidmn in toto dominio
suo presente etfutnro quocumque, absque eo quod per viam testamentiy
codicillorum, seu alicujus alterius vltimce voluntatis, aut donatione inter
vivos, ipsa aliquid faciat seu facere possit in contrarium quovis modo.'

The husband of Valentine was for many years the tool with
which the astute Visconti hoped to assure his own supremacy in
Italy. In 1393 and in 1394 Visconti had no dearer scheme than
that Clement, the antipope at Avignon, should make the Duke of
Orleans king of Adria. With Clement at Eome, Anjou at Naples,
Orleans ruling the centre from Spoleto to Ferrara, Visconti beheld
the annihilation of Venice and the Tuscan republics — a united
Italy north of Kome. Doubtless he intended the kingdom of Adria
and the kingdom of Lombardy to lose themselves in one monarchy ;
but whether that result was to be attained by the subsequent spolia-
tion of Orleans or by his adoption as heir to Milan, was a question
which probably depended on the living or dying of the sons of
Giangaleazzo. Orleans, however, though so young, proved himself
no facile instrument. Giangaleazzo began to suspect this count of
Asti and seigneur of Savona, whom the Genoese implored to
become th6 governor of the Ligurian republic. From 1395 to 1397
there is a moment of division between the interests of Orleans and
Visconti ; but, as we shall see, the last act of Visconti was to enforce
the claim of Orleans to Milan, and the Duke of Orleans in his will ^
expressly bequeaths to his eldest son * la comte d'Ast et autres terres
que fay et puis avoir au pays de Lombardy et d' outre les monts,' As
far as Orleans and Visconti could decide, there is no doubt of the
claim of Orleans to Milan. But it is more difficult to decide by
what right Giangaleazzo Visconti disposed of the emperor's fief of
Milan. The claim of the emperor was a claim which Visconti him-
self abundantly recognised ; for although, when Visconti signed his
daughter's marriage-contract, he was simply the illegal despot of
Milan, eight years later the emperor made him duke and received
tribute at his hands. The lands which Visconti had gained by
succession, by fraud, and by conquest, which he had ruled by force
and national custom, were now indubitably his by feudal right.
But in order to acquire the security of this legality, the duke of
Milan, in theory at all events, had sacrificed a certain portion of
his independence.

The first investiture was granted him on 5 Sept. 1395. From

5 ChampoUion-Figeac, Lotds et Charles dues d'OrUans, p. 253.

38 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN Jan.

this date he held his duchy of Milan as an imperial fief. But as
what manner of fief ? And which class of fiefs admits a woman to
he her father's heir ?

These questions, seemingly simple, are in reality difficult to
answer, because feudal law was quite indefinitely modified by
provincial custom. It was chiefly custom which decided if an
hereditary fief could be inherited by a woman in default of males.
Thus in France the provinces of Burgundy and Normandy were
strictly masculine fiefs; but Lorraine, Guienne, and Artois de-
scended to daughters in default of sons ; and the duchy of Brittany,
the kingdoms of Cyprus, Navarre, and Naples, will occur to every
mind ; while in Germany itself, in the stronghold of feudalism,
the duchy of Mecklenburg descended to daughters on extinction of
the masculine branch ; many fiefs in Swabia, Zutphen, Pomerania,
and Saxony, followed this example; moreover it was through a
woman that the Hohenstaufen emperors themselves inherited the
kingdom of Sicily.

What was the custom in Italy ? In Naples, women wore the
crown almost as often as their fathers or their brothers (not, it is
true, with the happiest results) ; but in the North, the distmction
between legitimacy and illegitimacy had become so trivial a thing,
that sons, born in or out of wedlock, were generally forthcoming in
sufficient numbers to distance any feminine claim. Yet, in the
fourteenth century, the marquisate of Montferrat was brought into
the house of the Palaeologi through a feminine succession ; and in
1387 Valentine Yisconti brought the county of Asti (no less than
Milan, an imperial fief) unquestioned to her husband, and with
only the pope's investiture. A century later Caterina Sforza ruled
in Pesaro. The custom in Italy, then, was clearly the same as the
custom in Mecklenburg, Pomerania, Swabia, Hungary, Brittany,
Navarre, and other places : on extinction of the male descent a
woman might succeed.

That is to say, a woman might succeed if her succession were
provided for by the terms of the investiture; or, in other cases,
unless she were deliberately excluded. In the ordinary imperial
fiefs, which, even so late as the end of the fourteenth century, still
in many cases preserved their original idea of military service
granted in return for territorial possessions, a woman could not
succeed without direct and especial mention of this fact in the
investiture, or in some subsequent privilege. But in a purchased
fief, I believe that, in all provinces, daughters were admitted to the
succession in default of males. How are we to class the fief of
Milan ?

Milan was certainly an imperial fief, derived directly from the
emperor, and held by the pecuHar sort of tenure known as Fahn-
lehen, from the homage of a banner or standard paid by its

1888 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN 39

possessor to his feudal lord ; it was destined, even if not explicitly
reserved, for masculine occupation only ; and though Giangaleazzo
Visconti paid the enormous price of 100,000 florins (about 50,000/.
sterling) for the title and investiture, I am not aware that this is
sufficient to grant the fief the looser privileges of s>feiidiim emptum.

There is in this investiture of 1395 no mention of Valentine,
but neither is there any direct mention of the sons of Giangaleazzo.
The duchy of Milan is bestowed on him, sui heredes et successores.
Now this term in Italy, where the Pandects were still the model of
civil law, would certainly be held to include all the children of the
possessor ; and, on failure of the male line, the daughter would be
entitled to put in her claim. I am not aware how much was implied
in Germany at this date by the employment of this term ; but
probably there also it was at least ambiguous, since, under the
Hohenstaufen emperors, Koman law had made a great advance
through Germany, and since, later on, it was found necessary to
formulate a special clause that the use of the expression sui heredes
should not be considered sufficient to authorise females to claim
succession to a masculine fief.

Any ambiguity was dispelled the following year. There was
then a possibility of war between France and Milan, grievously
estranged at that date by the presence of the French in Genoa, and
by the rumours of witchcraft which defamed the reputation and
endangered the safety of Madame Valentine in France. At this junc-
ture Giangaleazzo, probably alarmed at the terms of his daughter's
marriage-contract, procured a second imperial investiture,"* distinctly
limiting the succession to male heirs. But this was not the end.
In 1396 news came to Paris of the battle of Nicopolis, which necessi-
tated an immediate rapprochement with Milan ; for Giangaleazzo
Visconti, feared and hated because of his friendship with the Turk,
was at this juncture the one necessary man, the sole personage
capable of mediating between the French and the East. Great
court was paid to him, and he accepted the French advances.
Peace and amity being restored between the two countries, on
30 March, 1397, he obtained a third and last investiture from
Wenzel,^ which restored the conditions of inheritance to their
original footing, and bestowed the duchy of Milan on Giangaleazzo
Visconti, descendentes et successores sui.

This ambiguity of phrase may possibly have been designed.
The fact that the fief was a Fahnlehen, directly dependent on the
emperor, and that (so far as I can discover) no special privilege had
been granted to Madame Valentine, would in Germany itself appear
as strong evidence in favour of a solely masculine succession as even
the second investiture could afford. But in Italy, by the custom of the
country and the authority of contract and testament, the children

* Ann, Med., in Muratori, Eer. Ital. Script, xvi. ^ Dumont, II. clxxxix.

40 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN Jan.

of Valentine would be included among the heirs and descendants of
her father ; and, in case the whole race of his sons expired, the
vague terms of the investiture would allow the line of Orleans
to put in a claim which would prevent so important a part of Italy
from relapsing to the foreign emperor. Such at least, as it
appears to me, must have been the design of the duke in obtaining
this last investiture, a two-edged weapon in the hands of him who
has been described as the wisest and the most astute among all the
princes of the west.

His position, therefore, seems to have been as follows. To
secure himself against any inconvenient pretensions of the French,
he had the restrictions of the feudal law ; and yet he was equally
protected against the encroachments of the empire. He had the
sanction of local custom, the ambiguity of the terms of investi-
ture; and a papal privilege conceding to Valentine the right to
succeed her brothers or her nephews in the state of Milan.

The right of a pope to dispose of an imperial fief appears upon
the face of it a very questionable matter. Yet under certain
circumstances it was enforced : for instance, both Naples and
Provence were transferred by papal investitures, imperio vacante.
When Valentine Visconti was contracted to her husband, Clement VH
had declared an interregnum in the empire. Either of the two
popes regnant in those days of schism considered himself entitled
to arrange imperial matters. Therefore it appears that three persons
in 1387 were capable of conferring Milan on Giangaleazzo Visconti :
namely, in the first place, the Emperor Wenzel, who was actually
reigning at that date, but who, utterly disregarded in Germany, was
apparently equally disavowed abroad ; in the second place, Urban VI,
pope at Eome, ally and counsellor of Wenzel ; or, lastly, Clement VIIi
pope at Avignon, who actually did bestow the investiture of Asti
upon Valentine, alleging a vacancy of the empire. Such was the
supremacy of the church over imperial affairs at this period, that,
notwithstanding the absurdity of this plea and the fact that Clement
was an antipope, none was ever found to question the legality of
the French claim to Asti, which was not granted to Orleans by any
imperial privilege until the investiture of 1413. An intriguing
adventurer anxious to consolidate a new and unpopular dynasty
by every legal claim, was not likely to neglect so various an oppor-
tunity. In fact, we know that Urban and Clement and Wenzel were
all in turn solicited to confirm the tenure of Visconti. Corio appears
to believe that the succession of Valentine to Milan was granted by
Urban, who was certainly in Lombardy in the year 1387. But
Urban had denied to Giangaleazzo the coveted title of king of
Italy ; and there is nothing to prove the alluring hypothesis that
the astute Visconti, to make matters surer, pressed both pope and
antipope into his secret service.

1888 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN 41

Enough, however, remains to show by what a cunning opposi-
tion of France to Germany, and Germany to France, the duke of
Milan strove to secure ItaHan independence. If the Germans, then
but the shadow of a power, chose to assert their over-lordship, the
claim of the French was strong enough to insure them two enemies
instead of one ; and vice versa, as, indeed, a later century too ade-
quately proved. Hoping to hold each neighbour in check and fear
of the other, Giangaleazzo meant to insure a period of quiet growth
for his own principality of Lombardy.

Thus the contract securing Milan to Valentine by a papal
transfer made for France ; the second investiture was absolute for
Germany ; the first and third were so worded that they conveyed
a different meaning on either side of the Alps. Besides papal
privileges and imperial investitures there is, however, a third way
of conferring property : I mean the way in which Naples was trans-
ferred to Anjou — the way of bequest.

But, the reader will exclaim, can a feoffer dispose of a fief
without the written consent of his feodary ? Here, as in the ques-
tion of feminine succession, the matter was chiefly decided by the
custom of the province. In certain countries — as, for example,
Nassau, Friedland, Ober Lausitz — a feoffer might dispose of his
possessions by will, although a contrary law held good in other
countries.

But whatever the local law, the tendency was strong, even in
feudal Germany, to diminish the rights of the empire to the advan-
tage of the feudatory powers. As Menzel puts it, ' the emperor
grasped but a shadowy sceptre . . . the princes increased in wealth
and power, while the emperor was gradually impoverished. Impe-
rial investiture had become a mere form, which could not be re-
fused except on certain occasions ; and the pfalzgraves, formerly
intrusted with the management of the imperial allods, had seized
them as hereditary fiefs.' What was done with impunity in Ger-
many, was done with audacity beyond the Alps. And the duke of
Milan, who had received his principality as a vassal, intended to
dispose of it like an hereditary monarch. If we impeach his right
to pursue this course, it is not only the claims of the Visconti, but
of almost every noble family in Italy, Germany, or Flanders that
must submit to be denied or censured.

Yet claiming and acting upon his own authority to dispose of
Milan, Giangaleazzo Visconti involved his testament in the same
web of intrigue and counter-intrigue which characterised his earlier
policy. No less than three wills, entirely different, are open to us ;
and as the most important of these is only known in an undated
copy, it is difficult to decide which was his final disposition of affairs.
The first, familiar enough to the student of Corio, was drawn up in
1397, and was modified in 1401 ; it makes no provision at all for

42 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN Jan.

Valentine. The second (No. ccxxiii in the first volume of Oslo's
documents), undated, but probably composed in 1397, confirms her
in all possessions previously bestowed, but grants her nothing else,
unless she should fall into a state of poverty or widowhood, in which
case she was to have sufficient and princely nurture in her brother's
home at Milan, with a dowry in case she should contract a second
marriage. This is all, yet this is enough to confirm the contract
of 1387. But it is the latest-found of the testaments of Gian-
galeazzo Visconti which is most important to the student of the
French claim to Milan. This will, discovered in 1872 by Signor
Luigi Oslo in the Milanese Archives, gives an entirely new force to
the pretensions of Orleans. Yet it exists only in copy and in extract
— like a passage of Sappho saved by some unconscious grammarian
— quoted by a Sforzesco advocate in a letter of warning addressed
to Lodovico il Moro on 10 Jan. 1496.

At this date, the usurper Lodovico (possessed by the family
conviction that at some time his grandfather, Filippo-Maria Visconti,
must have made a will bequeathing Milan to Lodovico's mother) had
entrusted his friend and kinsman Giason del Maino {elegantissimo et
celeherrimo legista, if we may trust the verdict of Corio) with the
task of searching the Milanese Archives to this end. Del Maino
discovered nothing concerning Madonna Bianca; but instead he
found two highly compromising copies of the will of Giangaleazzo
Visconti, which had come to light in the house of Messer Giovanni
Domenico Oliari, notary of Pavia, son of Andriano Oliari (an obsti-
nate and honest servant of the Visconti dukes) , of whom my readers
will hear more upon a future page.

As for these copies [wrote Messer Giasone], though they are only
copies, and by no means according to the terms, I entreat you to have them
seized at once, as well as three other copies which I have reason to
believe are in the possession (1) of the brothers of the Certosa of Pavia,
(2) of Manfredo da Ozino, and (8) of the Signore della Mirandola. You
will do well to keep them safe, for they would be of the greatest value to
the duke of Orleans, since this testament and fidei-commissio provides
that, should the sons of Giangaleazzo die without male heirs, one of the
sons of Madonna Valentine shall succeed to Milan. And, though I could
find it in my heart to maintain that the duke of Orleans has no right
to obtain anything, as to Milan, from you or your illustrious children,
none the less you will do well to keep these copies safe.

Lodovico took the hint. Of the five copies mentioned not one
exists to-day. Only the forgotten letter remains to show the inten-
tion of Giangaleazzo Visconti. Sudden death and swift oblivion
rudely damaged his dexterous intrigues — so much here for France,
BO much there for Germany — an even balance held neatly in a steady
hand. The plague numbed that cunning hand for ever in the
autumn of 1402. Murder soon removed the elder son of the great

1888 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN 43

duke ; and the bastard Gabriello died on the executioner's scaffold
in hostile Genoa. Both died childless, and Milan fell to their
younger brother, Filippo Maria. He ruled in peace and splendour
for more than thirty years in Milan. But two marriages brought
him no sons; only one daughter, and she illegitimate, cheered
his magnificent palace. As the duke grew old, men began to ask
each other who should succeed him in Milan : his natural daughter,
married to the great captain Francesco Sforza ? or his nephew, his
sister's son, the duke of Orleans ? or his wife's relations of Savoy ?
or after all, must Milan return, a lapsed fief, into the foreign hands
of the German emperor ?

II

Meanwhile a melancholy fate had pursued the French heirs to
Milan, the children of Valentine and Orleans. This is not the
place to explain how their young dissensions with their father's
murderers summoned the English into France ; or how the
youngest, John of Angouleme, was sent to England, a mere child,
in 1412, as a hostage for his brother's debt ; or how, three years
later, the defeat at Agincourt sent Charles of Orleans to join him
there. The sons of Valentine remained in prison all their youth.
When, in 1440, the son of their father's murderer, the gentle duke
of Burgundy, ransomed them out of bondage, Charles was a man
of fifty and John was thirty-nine. They returned home to find
their estates half ruined by disastrous wars ; their brother Philip
dead ; their half-brother a hero — Dunois, the restorer of his country.
It was late to regain their position in this altered world, but at
least they lost no time. Visiting his sister, married in Brittany,
John of Angouleme married her neighbour. Marguerite de Eohan,
to whose elder sister he had been contracted in his youth. In the
same month of the same year (November 1440) Charles, the elder
brother, also married a foreign princess, Mary of Cleves. The two
princes were determined to recover their inheritance, to raise up
children, and restore the ancient dignity of their house. Much of
Angouleme and much of Orleans and much of the inheritance of
Bonne d'Armagnac was still in the hands of the English. The
estates of Orleans in France were grievously diminished. And out-
side France Asti had been lost also.

In the year 1422, when Charles of Orleans had lain already
seven years, and John ten years, in an English prison, when
Philip of Vertus was dead, when France was paralysed, and Henry
VI of England crowned the king of France in Paris, the county of
Asti, in great fear of the English (those Goths of the Eiviera) and
of the nearer jealousies of ambitious Montferrat, sent to Filippo
Maria Visconti, duke of Milan, and begged him to receive Asti
under his guardianship and protection until such time as either of

44 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN Jan.

his nephews should be released from England. The duke of Milan
consented willingly. Asti was the Calais of Italy, and from the
Italian point of view it appeared intolerable and unnatural that
this one county should remain a little island of France in Lom-
bardy, a pied-a-terre across the mountains for invading Gaul. And
now, after twenty years of undisturbed possession, the duke of
Milan turned a deaf ear to his nephew's reminder that he was
home again and ready to reassume his inheritance. As a fact the
duke did not dare to restore Asti. In 1438 he had made Francesco
Sforza his lieutenant there ; and he was afraid of Sforza. It was
in vain sending letters and requisitions ; so in the end of the year
1442 the princes of Orleans sent Dunois to Milan .*^

There were other matters more important even than the resti-
tution of Asti, upon which it was well that a man so wise, so expe-
rienced, so persuasive as Dunois should confer with the uncle of his
half-brothers. The duke of Milan had no sons, one daughter only,
and she was illegitimate. Therefore, the princes of Orleans con-
sidered themselves the heirs to Milan. But they were not alone
in expecting this inheritance. The emperor pointed to the clause
in the investiture of 1396 which declared that, in default of males,
Milan should revert to the empire. Jacopo Yisconti, a distant
cousin of the duke's, brought forward some pretensions of his
own. Sforza, the husband of the duke's natural daughter, thought
of the house of Este and of other Italian houses where more than
once a bastard, if courageous and beautiful, had succeeded to his
father before legitimate heirs ; and as to the fact that Madonna
Bianca was a woman, had not Giovanna I of Naples succeeded to
King Kobert, even in defiance of a Salic law? Meanwhile the
princes of Savoy remembered that when the duke of Milan had
married the Savoyard princess he had made, upon receipt of
her dower, a promise to her father and her brother that if no
children sprang from this union, he would bequeath the titles of
Milan to Savoy. It is significant of the strange confusion of the
laws of inheritance in Italy that all these princes believed in the
right of a duke of Milan to bestow by testament, or deed of gift, or
marriage-contract, that which was in fact a fief of the Holy Koman
Empire. But the rights of the empire had fallen into long disuse
across the Alps where a strange confusion of kinship, bequest,
investiture, or election by the people regulated the succession to
papal and imperial fiefs. Some princes succeeded in one way, some
in the other. To the eyes of contemporaries they all appeared
justifiable alternatives, giving some shadow of right to that which
a strong hand meant to grasp and meant to keep. * Most of the
princes in Italy,' wrote Commines fifty years later, * hold their lands

' ' The Bastard came with this requisition in the year 1442 to Milan, where I,
Secundinus Ventura, saw him.' — Memorialc Secundini Ventures.

1888 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN 45

by no title, unless it be given them in heaven, which we can but
divine.'

Thus eyed suspiciously by rival heirs, Dunois, as the repre-
sentative of Orleans, crossed the Alps in 1442 and came to Milan,
both to require the restitution of Asti, and also, as Ventura re-
marks, to confer on other matters with the duke. The duke of
Milan was a sad, timid, indifferent man, old at five-and-fifty and
harassed by an almost lunatic suspicion of danger from his friends.
As he grew older his fears and doubts grew stronger, and he saw
no motive for any sort of conduct beside the desire to succeed
him in Milan. Oppressed by hypochondria, corpulent to deformity,
fatigued by the weight of his body and exhausted by the heaviness
upon his spirits, this timid and sceptical Volpone of Lombardy
found his sole amusement in weaving into a complicated per-
plexity the expectations of his heirs. Sitting immovable in his
corner at Milan, like some huge spider spinning in the dusk, he
crossed and recrossed, twisted and confused, in his dreary web,
the hopes of Sforza and of Orleans, of Savoy and of the bastard
cousins of his house.

No one could be sure of the succession. Sforza, the object of
his senile fondness, was the object also of his insane suspicion.
The duke had tried a score of times to shuffle out of a promise
to give him his natural daughter ; and the very week that he had
finally consented to their marriage, he sent a private messenger
to Lionello d'Este, offering hwi the hand of Madonna Bianca.
Nevertheless, in 1441 Sforza married Bianca and acquired with her
the signories of Cremona and Pontremoli, in addition to his lieu-
tenancy of Asti. But after the marriage he was no more sure of
the duke of Milan than he had been before. The uncertain see-
saw of the duke's caprices continued as unsteady as of old. On
the one hand the duke was aware that Sforza, though the son of a
peasant, was the most remarkable Italian of his day, courageous,
frank, spirited, kind of heart, and cunning. His immense strength
of will both attracted and repelled the vacillating and suspicious
Visconti. He loved Sforza, and Sforza was the husband of his
only child. Still more, Sforza was secretly supported by Agnese
del Maino, the mother of Bianca, the sole woman whose influence
had ever touched the indifferent and preoccupied heart of Filippo
Maria. On the other hand, the duke was afraid of Sforza — and
to fear, in timid natures, is to hate.

When fear and suspicion sank the scale, Visconti inclined to his
wife's relation of Savoy, who, having no right at all except such as
he chose to give them, presented no cause for fear. Or he en-
couraged the claims of Jacopo Visconti. Osio, in a note, informs
us that this Jacopo Visconti was the son of Gabriello, the bastard
of Giangaleazzo, and had this been the case Jacopo Visconti would

46 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN Jan.

have had a certain claim. But Gabriello left no children, and
Jacopo must have been the son of one of the numerous children
of Bernabo. Nevertheless he considered himself to have preten-
sions. When all these had been weighed in the balance and found
wanting, there remained the princes of Orleans.

In early life the duke of Milan had been inclined to France ;
and he had been a suitor for that Princess Marie d'Anjou, who
afterwards married King Charles VII. From 1420 to 1427 the
pages of Osio abound in messages and treaties. Then the vexed
question of Asti began to embitter his relations with France, and
to increase that fatal suspicion which ever made him turn with
sudden loathing from his former friends. While his discontent
with Anjou was still undecided, the Genoese handed into his custody
the enemy of Anjou, the prince of Arragon, taken prisoner at sea.
In Visconti, the ally of Anjou, the Genoese imagined that they had
found a sure custodian for Arragon. But they had not reckoned
upon the personal charm of Alfonso the Magnanimous, nor upon
the capricious indifference of Visconti. Young, handsome, engag-
ing, fearless, their chivalrous captive won the heart of his timid
jailer, and easily turned his fluctuating policy from Anjou towards
Arragon. Visconti suddenly deserted his allies, released Alfonso,
and supported him upon the throne of Naples.

With some thought in his heart, doubtless, of the success of
Alfonso, Dunois turned his steps to Milan. He also was handsome,
persuasive, rhetorical ; and if no longer young, his comely head
was encircled by the aureole of heroic victory. But Dunois lacked
the enthusiasm, the spontaneity, that, in Arragon, had warmed for
a moment the numb and chilly heart of the duke of Milan. Dunois
was as cold, as sceptical, as wise, as worldly as himself. His
flowers of speech made no real effect upon the weary duke, who, to
get rid of him, made, doubtless, some magnificent promise for the
future ; for Dunois did not insist on his demand for Asti, but
returned almost immediately to France, hoping to settle matters by
the friendly intervention of the Emperor Frederic ; but at that time
the customary malentendu as to the occupation of Alsace estranged
France and Germany, and Frederic declined to interfere with the
projects of the duke of Milan.

Dunois had not impressed the duke, who was impressed only by
youth, fearlessness, and a never-daunted will. He thought he per-
ceived these qualities in the young dauphin, half in disgrace on his
estate in Dauphine. Him also Visconti determined to drag into the
tangled web of the Milanese succession ; and about this time ne-
gotiations with the dauphin Louis begin to complicate the difficulties
of Transalpine policy.

Already in the spring of 1445 ^ a minute in the Archives of
' 23 Feb. (The Milanese began the year upon 25 Dec.) Osio, Vol. III. cccxviii.

1

1888 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN 47

Milan, transcribed by Signer Luigi Osio, records the willingness of
the duke of Milan to further the dauphin in his plan of an Italian
invasion, provided that Louis agree to help the friends and not the
enemies of Visconti. Asti should be confided to a person equally
trusted by Orleans and Milan, and after the expiration of a given
term be freely handed back to the eldest son of Valentine. Not-
withstanding this fair-spoken scheme, Visconti finds it necessary to
caution his young ally against certain persons on the French side
of the Alps who use threats and menaces towards the crown of
Milan. By these it is clear that he intends his nephews of Orleans.
He has no friendship for them. Nolidt restituere^ briefly remarks
Secundino Ventura.

The negotiations with Louis proceeded briskly, and in May the
Milanese ambassador arrived in Paris, where he found grande
garra e divisione between the restless dauphin and King Eene of
Sicily, who he remarks (to our unfeigned surprise) 6^ quello die
governa tucto questo reame.' Meanwhile Louis, young as he was,
had already learned a maxim as true in policy as in almsgiving :
he let not his right hand divine the secrets of his left ; and while on
the one side he treated with the duke of Milan, on the other he
practised with Savoy. According to the latter plan Savoy and the
dauphin, aided by Montferrat and Mantua and Ferrara, were to
conquer between them the north of Italy ; France was to take
Genoa, the Lucchese, Parma, Piacenza, Tortona — all south of the
Po and east of Montferrat ; Savoy was to gain Milan and keep the
Eiviera ; Alessandria was to be handed over to Montferrat, and the
duke of Ferrara and the marquis of Mantua were, for the present^
to keep their actual possessions ; but this significant phrase was
followed by one more significant still : ' All future conquests are to
be divided at the rate of two shares to France and one share to
Savoy.' ^

An intimate acquaintance with documents inspires little con-
fidence in the rectitude of human nature. Of all these personages,
Charles of Orleans, a simple lyric creature kept fresh and whole-
some in arrested youth behind his prison bars, and Sforza, an
honest, grasping, and ambitious soldier, alone inspire respect or
sympathy. This old duke, conscious that in a few months his
immense possessions will have dwindled to a single grave, amusing
the last hours of his sceptical, indifferent existence by juggling the
expectations of a dozen heirs ; this child-prince, without an impulse
or illusion left of youth, successfully deceiving a couple of enemies
who each believes himself his sole ally — these unfortunately are no
exceptions to the rule of the game.

8 B. de Mandrot. See also MSS. of Bib. Nat., Lat. 17779, fos. 53-56 ; and for
the correspondence of Pope Felix with his son, Duke Louis of Savoy, upon this
subject, an exhaustive article by M. Gaullier in the eighth volume of the Archiv fUr
schweizerische Oeschichte.

48 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN Jan.

Savoy, in the act of drawing up this project of conquest, was
encouraging the Milanese to trust him to secure them a free re-
pubHc on the death of the duke. Montferrat and Mantua, pledged
on the one hand to conquer Italy with the dauphin, w^ere as deeply
pledged to Venice ^ to oppose the invader and preserve the peace.
Each had been careful to risk something on every possible event,
so that no sudden turn of the wheel of Fortune could bring about
complete disaster.

On 9 Feb. 1447 an indiscreet French squire, riding to Eome
upon a message, let out to the Florentines that a league had been
formed between the dauphin of France and the duke of Milan. ^^
According to this report Visconti had offered to aid the lad to
recover Genoa, and had volunteered, in defiance of the rights of
Orleans, to make him lord of Asti. A document in Osio (t. iii.
ccclxxiii) dated 20 Dec. 1446, and a series of letters in the Biblio-
theque Nationale,'^ confirm this remarkable statement, which, if
it spread horror throughout Italy, caused no less indignation among
the heirs of Valentine. Strangely enough it was Sforza, at that
time the Milanese governor of Asti, who advocated the cause of the
Dauphin. * Give him Asti, and he will do you excellent service.
Pay him well ; and yet contrive it in such a w^ay that none but
your highness shall be cock or hen in this country.' This advice
was rendered still more unpalatable to the Italians and to the
house of Orleans by a rumour that the duke of Milan intended to
adopt the dauphin as his heir. Before the month was out the
north Italian princes had formed themselves into a counter-league
against France and Milan, and Orleans and Dunois had despatched
to Milan the baillie of Sens, a certain Eeynouard du Dresnay, with
a demand for the immediate restitution of Asti. This time they
would brook no refusal, they would be tempted by no future benefits.
Indignant and disenchanted, they instructed their lieutenant to
press the matter home ; and on 4 May, Asti again returned to
France. The conditions of the surrender were peculiar. The
county was not directly given back to Orleans, but yielded to Du
Dresnay as the lieutenant of the king, so long as the said king
should preserve the good will and consent of Charles of Orleans,
directus dominus ipsius civitatis 'et patriae.

In this matter at least the shifty duke of Milan was outwitted.
Asti had slipped from his grasp ; France had again her hand upon

» 14 Feb. 1447. Reg. 17, fol. 106, Secreta, Venice. This document records
the dismay of Florence and Venice upon learning the league of France and Milan.
These two cities with Montferrat, Mantua, Angleria, and the other Lombard powers,
joined in a solemn convention to oppose the common enemy and to preserve the
peace.

'" Des jar dins. Nig. MpL avec la Toscane, t. i. p. 60

" Bibl. Nat. MSS. Ital. 1584, Nos. 21 and 84, quoted by the Marquis de Beaucourt
in the Bevue des Questio7is Historiqtics for October 1887.

1888 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN 49

the key of Lombardy. Much of his interest in the game was gone.
As the summer waxed and waned, the duke grew more than ever
heavy, indifferent, and lethargic. He was not seriously ill, but, as
I have said, his interest in the game was over. In August his
health, always feeble, sank in the great heat of the summer.
Immense in his unwieldy corpulence, the duke sat in a darkened
chamber of his palace brooding over his unfinished testament. He
suffered no physician near him, and his illness — a low fever— was
kept a secret. But the faint heart of Filippo Maria could no longer
animate the weight of his body. On 13 Aug. 1447 he died — less of
his illness, it was said, than of utter indifference, as one who, weary
of the spectacle of existence, left his seat and retired whence he
came.

Above the corpse, scarcely yet cold, the rival heirs, in eager
expectation, gathered to the reading of the will. The duchess-
dowager represented Savoy; Madonna Bianca appeared for the
absent Sforza ; Eaynouard du Dresnay came to Milan on behalf of
Orleans ; while, at a distance, Montferrat and Jacopo Visconti looked
to their own interests ; the Venetians had hopes of their own ; the
Milanese, as we know, intended to inaugurate a republic ; the
emperor, serene above these petty quarrels, declared that by feudal
law Milan had already devolved to him. Absent or present, there
was not one of these, save him, but had some promise of Filippo
Maria's in his mind when at length the testament was opened. The
will was dated 12 August,^^ the day before the death of the duke.
There was no mention in it of his daughter. Madonna Bianca, none
of his wife, none of any of his nephews or kinsmen. He left
Alfonso of Arragon his universal heir.

Perhaps, as Guicciardini suggests, love of his people induced the
dying duke to leave his city to a distant tyrant ; perhaps, in his
suspicion of his present friends, his fancy turned with pleasure to
the good bright youth who had been his captive long ago ; perhaps
his defeat at Asti made him like to think of the evil turn that once
he had done the French in Naples ; or, it may be, the mere desire
of outraging the detestable cohue of his quasi-legal heirs proved
irresistibly fascinating to the sceptical old man. At least so it was.
Every right was outraged ; ^^ the king of Naples was left the duke
of Milan. * Nevertheless come here as soon as you can,' wrote
Antonio Guidoboni to Sforza ^^ on the 14th ; ' once on the spot and
half the game is won.'

'- Archivio Storico Lombardo, Anno iii. fasc. iv.

'3 Osio, ii. note to page 2. In the hour of his death, on 14 Aug., the duke
drew a codicil leaving everything to Alfonso. Two days before he had left Alfonso
erede universale, and Bianca erede particolare. Of course in either case she remained
mistress of Cremona and Pontremoli.

^* Osio quotes this letter, which exists in the Archives of Milan: Fece d Be
d'Arragona erede del tutto, non facta mentione veruna di M. B. [Madonna Bianca^
VOL. III. NO. IX. E

50 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN Jan,

III

It was at this moment that for the first time the French claim
io Milan became a question for practical politics. Frederic the
Pacific was not the man to press the rights of the German empire
in Italy, rights which at this time were continually disregarded, and
which nothing less than a military occupation could enforce. Even
the Ghibellines in Lombardy declared, not for the Emperor Frederic,
but for Count Francesco Sforza. Yet the Emperor Frederic was, so
far as the legal and abstract side of the matter was concerned, the
one really serious rival of the duke of Orleans.

For Alfonso of Arragon showed no inclination to take up arms
in defence of his unexpected bequest. Although, in the city of
Milan itself, he had a considerable party in his favour, at this time
neither Alfonso nor his rivals appear to have regarded the will of
the late duke in any serious spirit. The story ran in Milan that,
in the week before his death, when that astounding testament was
made, Filippo Maria had smiled and said, * It will be good to see
how it will go to pieces when I am dead.' A cynical pleasure in
aggravating as much as possible this imminent ruin must, I think,
have prompted the duke to leave Milan to Alfonso. And if his
detached, amused, malevolent soul could really from any extra-
mundane point of vantage have watched the events which quickly
followed his decease, he would have found the spectacle as exciting
and as novel as he wished. The Milanese at once declared them-
selves a free republic, governed by various Princes of Liberty.
"Whereupon all the subject cities announced that if Milan was a
republic, so was each of them, for they would not submit to bear
the yoke of a city no nobler than the rest. Hereupon such of the
cities as were not strong enough to stand alone gave themselves,
some to the Venetians, some to Savoy, some to Genoa, some to
Orleans, some to Montferrat, some to Ferrara ; and all these powers
sent armies into Lombardy to protect their rights. Matters were
still further complicated by the dissensions of the Bracceschi and
Sforzeschi, the Guelfs and Ghibellines. In Pavia alone, for in-
stance, the Guelfs declared, some for Venice, some for Orleans,
some for the king of France, some for the dauphin; the Brac-
ceschi declared for Alfonso of Arragon; Savoy and Montferrat
each had a faction at their service, but the great body of the
Ghibellines were in favour of Count Francesco Sforza, to whom
finally the city submitted. This was a blow to the free republic
of Milan next door ; but in the miserable state of their dominions,
the unfortunate princes of liberty did not dare to remonstrate with

Tie de la mogliere ne d'altri. . . . Vegnate pur vol via senza veruna dimora; zo7ito siate
^iia lo mezo del giocho e vincto.

1888 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN 61

their too potent commander, and Count Francesco, sovereign at
Pavia, continued to be the servant of the Milanese repubhc.

So soon as the news of the death of the duke of Milan came to
France, the French prepared to assert the rights of Orleans. On
3 Sept. Charles VII wrote from Bourges to Turin, recommending the
rights of Orleans to Savoy : —

Nostre tres-cher et trds-ame frdre, le Due d' Orleans, d present Due
de Milan [asserts the king] par le deces du feu Due son oncle, qui est
nagudres alU de vie a trespas, eomme son plus proehain hoir, nous a bien
expres faiet dire et remonstre le hon droict qu'il ha au diet Dueht de
Milan }^

And Savoy, in all his further proceedings to obtain the protectorate of
Milan for himself, excepts the French claim, against which he avows
himself powerless to protest. This claim, theoretically so strong,
had also in its favour the devotion — the veneration, says Corio —
which the royal name of France inspired in the Guelfs of Lombardy ;
and in this moment of revolution, the Guelfs, the democratic party,
were exceptionally powerful. The governor of Asti, Eaynouard du
Dresnay, a hot-headed soldier infected by the ardour of the times,
could no longer await the coming of his master, but on 22 Sep-
tember, furnished with 3,300 golden ducats of Asti, at the head of
a little force of 1,500 men-at-arms, sallied out to plant the royal
lilies of Orleans upon the soil of Milan.

Almost at once the inhabitants of Felizzano, Solero, Castellaccio,
and Bergolio yielded to his arms. So many of the fortresses in the
Alessandrino followed suit that Alessandria and all the country
round were filled with fear. The force of Eaynouard was very
small, but inspired with so much fury, such fervour and cruelty of
battle, that the softer Italians did not dare resist him. The smaller
cities opened at his knock, and even in the larger cities there was a
party which, afraid of his vengeance, and fascinated by the prestige
of France, would have welcomed him with open arms. Yet there
were many, hating the stranger and his barbarian ferocity, who
sent messenger after messenger to Sforza, bidding him arrive and
deliver them. * Patience ! ' said Count Francesco. * In the first
onslaught the French are more than men. Soon they will weary,
and then we will attack them.' But meanwhile, with undiminished
energy, day after day the victories of Eaynouard proceeded, and
further and further into Lombardy advanced the banners of the
king of France.

On 1 Oct. an embassy from the unhappy republic of Milan
arrived in Venice requesting aid and counsel. This, of a truth, was
seeking sweetness in the jaws of the lion ; for Lodi, Codogno, and

'* This letter is quoted in M. Gaullieur's interesting collection of documents from
the correspondence of Duke Louis of Savoy, published in the eighth volume of the
Archw fiir schweiz&rische Geschichte.

E 2

52 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN Jan.

other cities had akeady revolted to the Venetians, who hoped in
time, by skilful management, to possess the greater part of Lom-
bardy. But the bewildered princes of liberty knew^ not in whom to
place their trust. Venice and Florence were leagued together, and
each hoped to obtain something from the dismemberment of the
territories of Milan ; Montferrat, Mantua, Savoy, Genoa, and
France, in open arms, were spoliating the corpse of their neighbour
— for a corpse indeed it seemed — and of the captain-general of their
own forces these heads of the republic were more profoundly sus-
picious than of any open foe. Too many of the nobles in Milan
were secretly in favour of this adventurer. Only the people, the
Guelfs, sustained their republican ardour with violent rhetoric, and
declared that they would rather be the servants of the Turk, or of
the Devil, than of Count Francesco Sforza.

There was this in favour of Venice, that she detested Count
Francesco (who had left her service for the duke of Milan's) as
bitterly as any Guelf in Lombardy. And Venice, the most aristo-
cratic of oligarchies, was for some complicated political reason
greatly favoured by the Guelfs. Therefore, not without hope in
their hearts, the delegates of Milan aw^aited the answer of the
Venetian senate. Three practicators, or agents, were deputed by
the Ten to confer with the ambassadors concerning the proposed
alliance between Milan and Venice ; but these agents were secretly
bidden in no way to commit or bind the Venetian government
{nichil ohligando nos) ; for the conference really was to be only
a means of extracting information as to the true condition of
affairs in Milan. ^^ And it would be as valueless to us, as to the
hapless, bamboozled Milanese, were it not that here we get, I
think, the first evidence of the Venetian inclination to pronounce
for France.^^

There was no help here from the violence of Raynouard. Venice
especially declared that against France and Genoa she would do
nothing. And every day recorded the conquests of the French.
The Milanese ambassadors returned very sadly, * despised by the
Venetians,' says Corio, * and treated as perniciously as possible.'
In vain they bade Francesco Sforza give battle to the audacious
little force of Eaynouard. Count Francesco, who had ever been
favourable to France, pursued his waiting game, although Bosco
Marengo, closely besieged by the French, was almost at the end of

" Secreta, Eeg. 17, fol, 171, tergo. Largely owing to the unfailing kindness of Mr.
H. F. Brown, of Venice, I have been able to obtain copies of all the documents relating
to the Duke of Orleans existing in the Venetian Archives, 1387-1498.

" Sed si in colloquiis fieret me?itio per ipsos oratores de serenissimo B6ge Fran-
eorum, et de Januense, qui occupassent de locis que fuerant quondam diwis, in hoc
casu, praticatores ipsi iustificare debeant, in modesta et convenienti forma verhorum.y
factum prcsfati Regis, et Januensis ; videlicet, quod per nos, contra cos, honeste et
convenienter fieri non possit.

1888 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN 63

possible resistance, and the fall of Bosco meant the loss of Alessan-
dria. At last the Milanese succeeded in scraping together about
fifteen hundred soldiers, and these, under Coglioni, they sent to
Alessandria to harass the enemy. The French were taken between
two fires—on the one side Coglioni, on the other the Alessandrian
reinforcements ; yet at first they gained the day, but so furious was
their anger, and so long they dallied in the slaughter of their ene-
mies, that before they had despatched the last, a further reinforce-
ment of the Milanese, and a successful sally on the part of the
besieged, intercepted their return. Eaynouard was taken prisoner
with many of his men ; the cities which had revolted to him returned
to the allegiance of the Milanese republic ; and the royal troops,
leaderless and disbanded in the very hour of victory, fled home as
best they might to Asti.

This was on 17 Oct. 1447. Twelve days later the duke of
Orleans himself arrived in Asti. There he made a solemn entry
on 26 Oct., riding under a dais borne by the notables of the city
robed and hooded all in white, pro majori letitia adventus ipsius
domini ducis. Charles of Orleans was now a man of fifty-eight,
amiable and sanguine. Something of the charm and of the in-
efficiency of youth appeared to linger round this aging poet, who,
taken captive a youth of twenty-four, issued into the world again a
man of fifty. Those intervening years had held for him none of
the serious business of life : and his experience was still the expe-
rience of charming, ardent, and unhappy youth. Since Agincourt
he had counted his years by lyrics, not by battles ; and now perhaps
one of the serious things to him in this contentious Lombardy was
his friendship with Antonio Astesano, professor of eloquence and
poetry at Asti, himself no inconsiderable versifier, and author of a
poetic epistle on the victories of the Maid of Orleans, which in 1430
he had sent to the duke in his English prison. Charles, with
his serene unpractical temper, his interest in literature, his inex-
perience of life, hoping all things, doing nothing, appears a strange
figure in that distracted Lombardy : a garlanded maypole stuck in
the front of battle.

At first the arrival of the duke of Orleans appeared an event of
immeasurable importance. The Guelfs in every Lombard town,
who at first had thought only of Venice, began, more loudly even
than during the campaign of Eaynouard, to declare for France.
The duke came armed with promises from France, from Burgundy,
from Brittany, from England. There were no bounds to the magni-
ficence with which he declared himself about to take the field. But
perhaps it would not be necessary to take the field at all. The
duke sent a deputation to the Milanese republic; the lord of
Cognac, one of the nobles of Ceva, Caretti (whose family all the
while were practising none too secretly with Montferrat), Secondino

54 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN Jan.

Natti, Antonio Eomagnano, and Francesco Eoero, requested the
Milanese to submit to the allegiance of their lawful duke. But the
Milanese were all too well aware of the hateful consequences of
tyranny. Men were still alive whose brothers and whose children
had been torn to pieces, limb by limb, by the hounds of Giammaria
Visconti, the uncle of this man. The suspicion, the cunning, the
timid fear of Filippo Maria had succeeded to that oppression.

* This time,' said the people of Milan, ' we will preserve ourselves a
free republic'

A show of force w^ould at least be necessary to induce them to
change their minds; and in December 1447 Charles of Orleans
sent an embassy to Venice,^* requesting the council to enter into
an arrangement with him, and to furnish him with troops. He
repeated his assurances of aid from France, England, and Bur-
gundy ; and if such aid as this were really forthcoming, Venice,
animated by a limited Venetian and not by a national Italian
patriotism, would certainly hesitate to cross his path. So bitter
was the hatred of Venice towards Sforza, that any other candidate
appeared preferable to him ; and this douce, incapable Charles
would be easier to manage than a man of that heroic and ambitious
type. Yet in a matter so important it was, before all things,
necessary to be circumspect ; and the Venetians put off the duke of
Orleans with many assurances of their devoted adherence and af-
fection, many warnings against the cunning and the machinations
of Sforza, while they wrote to their allies of Florence requesting an
opinion. At this instant Sforza was so dreaded in Italy, and his
victory appeared so imminent, that if a few of the promised batta-
lions had appeared in Piedmont the Venetians would gladly have
espoused the cause of Orleans. But Sforza, left almost without
tnoney, with no ally that he was really sure of except his valiant
wife, found the situation untenable. He had not a friend in Italy,
nor a friend across the mountains. Peace, if only the feint of
peace, was imperative while he collected his unvanquished forces
for a further struggle. Early in January he wrote to Florence,
proposing peace. The Florentines and the Venetians were bound
in so close a league that peace with the one meant truce with the
other ; and though, at least twice, in solemn terms, the council of
Ten warned the Florentine signory that there was no substance in
this matter, for peace was contrary to the real interests of Count
Francesco, yet in the end Venice agreed to accept this peace for
what it was worth, using the hour of respite to further her stra-
tagems in other quarters.

The peace was not worth much. On 9 May Andriano Kicci of
Asti arrived in Venice with a message from the duke of Orleans.^*

* The French reinforcements will soon be here,' said the sanguine

'» Keg. 17, fol. 194, tergo. 30 Dec. 1447 '» Keg. 17, fol. 221, tergo.

1888 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN 55

duke ; * will you also be my auxiliary ? ' The Venetians, though still
cautious, replied in terms of alacrity —

We are ready to grant you all possible aid and favour, and there is no
other prince on earth whom we so warmly desire to be our neighbour in
Milan. Hasten the king of France, for if any good effect is to follow our
endeavours, the troops should come at once. And rely upon it, so soon
as your French auxiliaries are in readiness, we also will provide a satis-
factory contingent to help in the conquest of Milan. And we are the
readier to do this, since the peace which we had begun to treat with the
Milanese republic is already broken, and we at this moment are in open
war with Milan.

But, just at the instant when it would have given most pleasure
to Venice to support the claims of Orleans, she began to feel grave
doubts as to the solidity of his pretensions. Those promised
armies of France, England, Burgundy, and Brittany, which had
been on the road ever since last December, would they never cross the
Alps ? As yet not a single soldier had appeared. How far could
Venice trust the assertions of the fanciful and sanguine Orleans ?
A strain in him of the Visconti shiftiness mingled with the
rhetoi'ic of his father, and for all his amiable simplicity Charles
of Orleans was not a man to inspire conviction. The Venetians
were, however, aware that Burgundy was really in his favour. It
was Burgundy who had paid the ransom of Orleans, and Burgundy
had twice sent his ambassadors to Venice, entreating the Ten in
favour of his cousin. There was a great friendship between the
good Duke Philip and the gentle Duke Charles ; it seemed as if,,
having overcome the tremendous barrier of an hereditary vendetta,
these two men, whose fathers had each been murdered to satisfy
the feud, entertained for each other an affection that had gained
by the obstacles it had surmounted. If Burgundy, the richest
duke in Europe, supported Orleans, it might be well to aid him
even in the absence of France, England, and Brittany. But it
would be disastrous to support the inefficient duke alone against
such mighty odds. Yet some aid against Sforza was immediately
desirable. To the Venetians, to have two strings to your bow was
the first axiom of policy ; and on 20 May, 1448, the Ten despatched
to Asti a secret messenger, one Messer Bernardo Neri, who was to
interview the duke,^^ to obtain all possible information as to his
army and his auxiliaries, and then, in the utmost privacy, to pro-
ceed to Savoy in order to judge in which direction it best would
suit the Venetian cat to jump.

Messer Bernardo stayed over a fortnight at Asti, although his
commission was only for five days ; and from this we may suppose
that at first he really had expectations of the success of Orleans.

2" Eeg. 17, fol. 220. Secreta del Senato, MS.

56 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN Jan,

But on 10 June ^^ he left, ostensibly to return to Venice in order to
receive the answer of the senate ; but in reality he went only a
little way on the Venetian road and turned aside at once into
Savoy, for at Turin he knew he should find further instructions
from the senate. He could only spend a day or two over his
negotiations with the duke there, for he had to return to Asti on
the day when an answer might reasonably be expected to reach
that place from Venice. But his interview with Duke Louis
was evidently satisfactory, for it is the first of a long series of
negotiations.

Meanwhile Orleans in Asti found his affairs did not progress at
all. The Venetians, though so prodigal of offers of assistance, de-
clined to come forward until he had an army at his back. The
Milanese refused to recognise him. Worst of all, the French ap-
peared to have forgotten him. It seemed best to return to France
and collect his forces. So on 10 Aug., after a stay of nine months
in Asti, Charles of Orleans with all his household went home again
across the mountains. The duke took back with him his friend
Antonio Astesano, and ever afterwards he retained a strong affection
for the country of his mother. The visit of Charles of Orleans to
Asti was important as an introduction of Italian fashions, Italian
architecture, Italian arms, jewels,^^ and vestments into France. It
caused a pure whiff of Italy to breathe across the Gothic style of
Louis XI. But it made little or no effect on the furthering of the
French claim to Milan.

Orleans had scarcely crossed the Alps before he was as com-
pletely disregarded as though he had never seemed the most
dangerous pretender to the throne of Milan. Savoy had taken
his place. The claim of Savoy was quite childish and ridiculous.
He pretended that, on the payment of his sister's dowry to the late
duke of Milan, Filippo Maria had promised to leave his duchy, in
default of sons, to the duke of Savoy .^^ It was evident that the
duke had done nothing of the sort ; he had left his throne to
Arragon. Besides, it is difficult to see how his testament could dis-
pose of property which, by his father's will and his sister's marriage-
contract, was entailed on his nephews of Orleans, and which, by
feudal law, must return to the Holy Eoman Empire. But, however
shadowy his claims, the duke of Savoy was a great person to the
Milanese. He was loved by them and he w^as feared by them ; and
had he hazarded a bold stroke instead of counteracting his own
efforts by a perfect maze of petty intrigues, he might easily have
made himself, if not the duke of Milan, at any rate protector of the
Milanese republic.

« Beg. 13, fol. 3, Secreta del Senato, MS.

^ VioUet-le-Duc, Mobilier Frangais, iv, 454.

^ Olivier de la Marche, Mimoires, livre i. chap. 17.

1888 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN 57

But Duke Louis was afraid to hazard all his chances on any
single throw. In 1446 he had intrigued with the dauphin to divide
the Milanese with France ; on 3 May 1448, he drew up a secret and
solemn contract with the Milanese to protect their republic, in con-
sequence of which, a few months later, the grateful city privately
elected him her chief. In June 1449 he was arranging with the
king of Arragon to conquer the estates of Milan with this ally, and
divide them at the rate of three-fifths for Arragon and two-fifths for
Savoy ; "^^ and in the autumn of the same year he was making a
very similar proposal to the Venetians. In the pains he took to
win something, however little. Savoy effectually safeguarded himself
from winning all. Yet at one time he appeared to have great
chances in his favour.

In the summer and early autumn of 1448, both Venice and the
Milanese believed that a republic under the joint protection of
Venice and Savoy might flourish in Milan, were it not for the un-
dying energy' and resolution of Count Francesco Sforza. To be rid
of this man was to be rid of war ; and twice in August and once in
September the Ten wrote to a certain Lorenzo Minio, captain of
Brescia, that they accept a certain proposal he had made : 'If the
person he suggests will in truth deal death to Count Francesco, we
shall be his debtors.' ^^ According to the discretion of Minio they
offered his candidate from ten thousand to twenty thousand ducats ;
or, should he be of the sort that stoops not to money, he should have
the captaincy of a regiment, of from two hundred to four hundred
lances. ' But,' they proceeded, ' let not the matter stick for a trifle
— cheer him and inspirit him so that his resolution come to a good
effect, and that speedily ; put him in heart with his work and let it
be done well.' The plain English of these phrases means that the
Venetian council was willing to pay a great sum of money to any
one who would undertake to poison Count Francesco Sforza.

But before the proposal was carried out, a second message, five
months later, bade the friend of Minio stay the destruction in his
hand. ' Count Francesco having entered into good and faithful
relations with the senate, we withdraw the order for his death.'
As suddenly as before and for as short a time an alliance was de-
clared between the Venetians and the Milanese.

This alliance, as before, was merely an occasion for the resump-
tion of intrigues. Arragon and Savoy, Savoy and Venice, Venice
and Milan were secretly determining an arrangement which should
exclude Francesco Sforza. It seems scarcely worth while to have
countermanded the order for his death, since by some means or
another to be rid of this adventurer is the aim and end of all this
poHcy. The Guelfs of Milan sent to Venice a certain Arrigo Paniga-

2* Secreta del Senato, Eeg. 18, fol. 106, MS.
" Lamansky, Secrets d'Eiat de Venise, p. 160.

58 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN Jan.

rola, who, throwing himself upon his knees before the Ten, with tears
and prayers implored the Venetians to defend his hapless city from
Count Francesco. The council was impressed, but decided to
reserve its answer for a little while.

A few months after the arrival of Panigarola, the duke of Savoy
sent an ambassador to Venice upon a similar errand. How was it
possible that the Venetians, so respectable a state, could support a
w^earisome adventurer like Count Francesco ? Savoy gave the
Venetians to understand that if they continued to supply soldiers to
the camp of Sforza he should reckon this behaviour on their part
a casus belli. How much better it would be if the Venetians would
acquiesce in an honourable peace between the Milanese republic
and Savoy and Venice ! This threefold league would effectually crush
Francesco Sforza, and would establish plenty and security in de-
vastated Lombardy ; w^hereas if the present dissensions continue,
both Orleans and Arragon would certainly come across the moun-
tains to seek their profit here, and so should a great fire be lit in
Italy which much effusion of blood would never quench. The
Savoyard ambassador waxed really eloquent over the blessings of
peace ; for at this very time his master was writing to his father
the antipope at Lucerne : ' The Milanese have secretly elected me
chief, but what am I to do with Italy for Sforza, Germany for the
emperor, and France for Orleans ? ' All indeed that he could do was
faire entretenir les Milanais par tous moyens^ sans avoir diet encore
ne non, ne ouy ; et, d^aultre part, envoy er a Venise, et aussi envers
le Comte Frangois, et aultres oil il est necessaire practicquer quelque
hons moyens par voye d'accord.^^ Of all these various plots the most
successful for Savoy would have been a peace strong enough to set
at naught Francesco Sforza, to restore prosperity to Lombardy, and
to enable the Milanese to elect him, with apparent spontaneity,
protector of their state. The first step was to secure peace with
Venice ; and he found the Venetians in an acquiescent mood. The
. important city of Crema had followed the lead of Lodi and
Codogno, and had declared itself the subject of Saint Mark ; and the
Venetians, who could not keep Crema and continue the ally of
Count Francesco, suddenly came to terms with Panigarola, de-
clared themselves the champions of the Milanese republic, offered
the duke of Savoy not merely a friendly neutrality but an offensive
alliance.^^ They resumed their negotiations for the assassination of
Count Francesco, and, ' without a thought,' says Corio, * of the league
or law divine,' despatched him a message informing him that they, his
comrades in arms of yesterday, should become to-morrow his enemies
upon the field of battle.

Count Francesco received the news with great gravity, without

2« Reg. 18, fol. 83. 21 April, 1449. Secreta del Senato, MS.
^^ GauUieur. Secreta del Scnato, MS.

1888 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN 59

a sign of anger, or sorrow, or displeasure ; although his situation
was becoming really desperate ; for, as the Venetian legate maUci-
ously informed him, the Venetians were negotiating aUiances with
Savoy, with Arragon, and with the pope. As to Savoy, Sforza
forestalled them ; for he forthwith despatched a messenger to Turin
with terms so advantageous to Duke Louis that that unstable
personage put the Venetians out of mind and settled into peace
with Sforza : who, enabled to turn his entire force against Venice,
drove his late allies back beyond the Adda, defeated them utterly at
Caravaggio, made peace with them as a victor with success be-
fore him, and in the middle of October turned his arms against the
Milanese republic.

Sforza had disarmed Savoy and conquered Venice ; but he had
not yet come to an end of his enemies. In November 1447 Charles
of Orleans seriously resumed his intentions of a Milanese campaign.
Already in July Burgundy had rewritten to the Venetians entreat-
ing them to favour Orleans ; and the council had repHed ^^ that
though their acts of late may have appeared hostile to the cause of
Orleans, yet nothing but the instinct of self-preservation had ever
induced them to make peace with Francesco, and their sentiments
were still most loyal to the house of France. Nothing appeared
more likely than the French invasion of which Savoy already had
warned the Venetians. On 14 Nov. the duke of Orleans wrote to
the city of Asti,^^ saying that he was now positively certain of the
alliance of Brittany and Burgundy, and that before Christmas his
army, under Jean Focaud, would arrive in Lombardy. This letter,
written in a tone of the cheerfuUest high spirits, was followed a
week later by one equally sanguine and happy : Dei gratia, omnia
negotia Lomhardie ad nos sjyectantia sunt in his presentihus optime
disposita. Jacques Coeur has pronounced himself favourable to
the affair. And on 4 Dec. Orleans writes that the companies of
Foix and Bourbon are on the point of departure ; and that John of
Angouleme is arranging with the king for a reinforcement from the
royal troops.

But Christmas came, and the phantom armies of the expectant
Orleans remained as visionary as before. Yet on 7 Jan. he writes,
still sanguine, still bent on conquering his castle in the air : ' The
army will be larger than we thought ; for all the French princes
will lend their aid. Burgundy is sending great sums of gold and
abundant troops into Lombardy.' The duke is as full as ever of
his schemes and hopes. But this is the last of his letters ; and
before his messenger could bring an answer home from Asti, Milan
had found a master among the ranks of Italy.

2« Secreta del Seimto, MS. Keg. 18, fol. 93. 3 July 1449.

™ These four letters are quoted by M. Maurice Faucon from the Milanese Archive
in his report of his two missions in Italy in the years 1879 and 1880, pp. 35-37.

60 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN Jan

For famine and weariness and civil discord had broken the
spirit of the Milanese repubHc. Even Savoy, even Venice, were
seized with pity, and murmured to each other that almost any
change would be desirable, at hec afflicta et misera Lombardiay
dudum guerrariim disturbijs lacessita, aUquando qidescere possit ; tot
popidis, tot calamitatibuSf totque oppressorum vocibus compatiendum et
miserandiim erat. Anything short of the success of Count Fran-
cesco would be a happy alternative to such disaster. And in Milan
itself the discontent was as pronounced. The Guelfs still vocifer-
ated against Francesco, but the Ghibellines, the party of the
nobles, grew slowly and strongly in favour of the count. All parties
at last were out of conceit with this miserable liberty, which was
but another name for civil disunion and ruin. Some were for the
pope, and some for Charles of France ; and these were the Guelfs.
Some were for Savoy, some for the king of Naples. But all these
princes lived a long way off ; they had no armies ready to combat
the Venetians, whom each and every faction dreaded now and
hated worse than famine. When one day Gasparo da Vimercato
rose up in public conclave, and suggested that Milan should give
herself to Count Francesco Sforza, it was incredible how suddenly
the whole mind of the city turned towards the count. The count
was the son-in-law of the late duke. The city was familiar with
him. He was known to be humane and generous and strong.
Should the city elect him, in one day he could dissipate the famine,
the battles, the fear of enemies and the suspicion of treachery,
which for thirty months had made the misery of Milan. Leonardo
Gariboldo, Aloigi Trombetta, and Gasparo da Vimercato were sent
at once to acquaint Count Francesco, that by the free voice of the
people he had been elected lord of Milan.

Among the innumerable conspirators, intriguing diplomatists,
and successful tradesmen who filled the high places of the Italy of
that day, Francesco Sforza appears at least a man. Simple, direct,
and brave, no sudden honour and no reverse of fortune took from
him that natural dignity of a balanced mind which is one of the
finest attributes of the Italian. Good sense and kindness made a
moral force of this captain of adventure. He disciplined his troops,
erected a court-martial, and punished offences of rape and violence
by death ; so that while the miserable populations of Lombardy
had everything to fear from the other armies that occupied their
soil, gradually they learned to feel themselves secure in the rough,
mailed hands of Count Francesco. Among the soldiers his reputa-
tion was more than mortal. We have to leap over a dozen genera-
tions before the prestige of the Little Corporal presents an analogy to
such devotion. But Count Francesco was loved and respected even
by his enemies ; and there is a story of him which has ever struck
me as the most charming in military history. It was at the siege

1888 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN 61

of Como, in that very February of 1450 when, unknown to him,
the Milanese, who had so long and so furiously resisted him, were
crying, * Sforza ! Sforza ! ' in an ecstasy of hungry enthusiasm in
the great piazza. Meanwhile Sforza and his men were occupying
Monte Barro; by means of a little hill in front, overlooking the
Adda, and fortified by five bastions, they kept in check the troops
of Venice and Milan, ranged in impotent lines along the further
side of the river. The bulwarks of the little hill were but slight,
improvised in a few days for the occasion, and the poor Italian
artillery of the fifteenth century wrought no great destruction ; yet
such was the spell of Sforza's name, that the two armies across the
Adda never ventured to try the place by assault. One night, how-
ever, it leaked out that Count Francesco was not in the fort ; he
had gone up the mountain to arrange a fresh disposition of his
troops upon the summit of Monte Barro. In his absence it was
decided to attack the hill, and in the late February dawn the
Venetians and Milanese poured under the slender bulwarks, armed
with artillery which silenced that of the fort, and, planting their
scaling-ladders against the ramparts, they soon were in possession
of the place. Now, as it happened, unknown to either army, late
at night Count Francesco had returned home, and hearing the
clamour in the place he started out of sleep and strode at once to
the ramparts, ignorant that the enemy had taken the place by sur-
prise, and that his soldiers, unaware of his presence in their midst,
had already given the sign of surrender. ' Defend yourselves, for I
am here ! ' rang out the clear voice of the count ; and at that
moment he perceived that he stood alone in the midst of his foes.
But the mere fact of his presence was a better defence to his bas-
tions than a world of soldiers. The assailants, like chidden children,
withdrew from their positions, dropped the guns and pieces they
were carrying away, and with uncovered heads made for their
scaling-ladders. As they passed the count, standing alone there,
they made for his hand, kneeling, crowding to touch it. * Father
and ornament of Italian arms, we salute you,' cried the soft
Venetian voices ; and in little knots and groups, as quickly as they
might, they dropped over the walls into the moat again, leaving
Count Francesco the master of his ramparts. It was to this
man, so eminently the hero of his hour, that the three Milanese
delegates brought their news of the submission of the city.

On 25 Feb. 1450, Count Francesco Sforza rode into Milan.
He rode at the head of his troops, and he had taken care that his
future subjects should welcome the army ; for every soldier was
hung all over, from corslet, from waist, from shoulder, and from
arm and hand, with loaves of bread— great clustering rolls and
loaves that hid the armour underneath, as much as every man
could carry. It was fine, wrote Corio, to see how the famished

62

CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN

Jan.

Milanese fell upon the troops, avidly tearing the longed-for food
from neck and arm, and falling to at once {con quanta ingordigia .')
upon the delicious bread. * Sforza ! Sforza ! ' cried the citizens, a
thousand times more eagerly than before. Some of them cried out
in the words of the Psalms, Hcec est dies, quam fecit Dominus ;
exultemus et Icetemur in ea ! Sforza was in the city ; his troops and
his bread had effectually secured his future. The Venetians might
brew another poison. Charles of Orleans at Chauny might return
that loan of men and gold which his cousin of Burgundy had lent
him. Louis of Savoy wrote to his father at Lucerne : Le Comte
Frangois a ohtenu ceste ville par intelligence^ deceptions et pratiques et
non mie par force de guerre. All these pretenders, w^ho had felt the
bird already in their hand, must dissemble as best they might
their disappointment. But Genoa ^^ and Florence welcomed the
chance of peace, and in November 1451 joined in a defensive league
with Milan against the dauphin, the king of France, the duke
of Savoy, and the Venetians. Lombardy was no longer the
devastated battlefield of doubtful victory. Count Francesco Sforza
was effectually the master of Milan.

A. Maby F. Eobinson.

I

{To he continued.)

*> Archives of Genoa. Materie Politiche, mazzo 12, 3. See also Charavay's
Report on the Italian letters of Louis XI, 1881.

1888 63

BenoU de Boigne

IN a paper on Dupleix which appeared in these pages, ^ we observed
that the military adventurer has, from early days, been a pro-
minent figure in Indian history. But the European representative
of the class was a new type, and flourished almost exclusively in
the latter half of the last century. The circumstances of the time
favoured his advent ; his disappearance was the result of deliberate
policy. In the political chaos that followed the decline of the Mogul
empire, lawless ambition was the prevailing temper, and the sword
the great arbiter of destiny. The majestic unity of the old order
was replaced by a variety of comparatively small states, each of
which was fain to maintain a constant struggle with its rivals, and
to strengthen itself, as best it could, for the ever-impending fray.
Thus, military capacity was the first requisite for the public service.
In this state of things, Dupleix' s career was very suggestive to the
native mind. It revealed the fact that a new era had dawned upon
India, and that the art of war had been revolutionised by the
introduction of European organisation, discipline, and weapons.
The first impression was one of panic; but seeing what great
services Dupleix had rendered to his allies, and how easily the
English had overthrown Suraja Dowlah, the * country powers '
began to covet the possession of the * new model,' which might be
usefully employed not only against their native competitors, but in
resisting the encroachments of the English company. Thus the
European soldier of fortune had most encouragement, just on the
eve of the day which was to banish him systematically from his old
haunts. For Wellesley embodied in all his treaties of subsidiary
alliance a stipulation to that elffect ; and in later treaties Americans
also are excluded from employment in the service of the native
states, except with the sanction of the British government. Thus,
though in our own day the Lion of the Punjab had European
officers, this was only a survival of the practice which had long
ceased to the south of the Sutlej.

The most eminent of these European adventurers, alike from
his abilities and character, the greatness of his achievements, and

» No. IV. October 1886.

64 BENOIT DE BOIGNE Jan.

their momentous consequences, was the Savoyard, Benoit de Boigne.
At the time of his death an account of his mihtary career was
published at Chambery.^ Captain Grant Duff, who was well ac-
quainted with him, had previously interwoven, in his invaluable
* History of the Mahrattas,' the general thread of a life, which was
mainly devoted to the aggrandisement of a Mahratta prince. This
author's exhaustive knowledge of his subject, his sound judgment,
his extreme conscientiousness, and the personal information which
he derived from his illustrious friend, still make him the best
authority on the great transactions identified with De Boigne' s
name. But as these events excited much interest in British India,
and were frequently noticed in the Anglo-Indian journals, many
particulars may be gleaned from these periodicals, as well as from
publications of a more permanent character, biographies of officers,
military reminiscences, travels, and so forth. M. de Boigne's
papers have mostly perished ; but a few have been preserved by his
family, and are occasionally quoted by his latest biographer, as they
throw some additional light on his relations with the house of
Sindia. His marriage in England, and his separation from his
wife on their return to the continent, are not mentioned in the
military memoir. For these events and other details we are in-
debted to M. Victor de Saint-Genis, who has since written a life of
the Savoyard hero and philanthropist.^ This is, in some respects,
a very unsatisfactory book, far too full of fine writing, moralising,
and discursive passages on the evil effects of the French revolution,
the selfish ambition and treacherous artifices of the British in
India, and other more or less irrelevant and disputable topics.
And though the author has read much, if he has read through the
goodly array of works on Indian history &c. which he tabulates
at the end of his volume, he makes many and sometimes great
blunders. But we are sincerely thankful to him for his laborious
attempt to interest his countrymen in the career of a man so
worthy of admiration, and for enabling us to appreciate more
exactly some hitherto obscure passages in his hero's life, as well as
the character of his institutions in the Doab, and his beneficent
work at Chambery.

Benoit le Borgne (as he was originally called) was a native of
that place. He was born in 1751 : his father was a respectable
tradesman ; and he received what was then considered a good edu-
cation. Little is recorded of his youth, except that he showed a
decided taste for music and fencing, and took an active part in the
amusements and quarrels of his companions, many of whom were
of aristocratic birth. In his seventeenth year he left Chambery,

' M&moire sur la carrUre militaire et politique de M. le GitUral Comte de Boigne.
Chambery : Puthod. 1830. 2de Edition. It was compiled by M. Baymond.
' Le Q6n6ral de Boigne. Par Victor de Saint-Genis. Poitiers. 1873.

)

I

1888 BENOIT BE BOIGNE 65

and purchased an ensign's commission in Lord Clare's regiment,
one of the five which formed the famous Irish brigade in the
French service, originally composed of Jacobite refugees. At
Landrecies — Dupleix's birthplace — he went through the routine of
a subaltern's duties, and devoted himself to the study of the art of
war, in which he was encouraged by his commanding officer, Colonel
Leigh. At the end of three years his regiment was ordered to the
Isle of France, whence it returned to Bethune. De Boigne being
still an ensign, with little hope of promotion or active service, re-
signed his commission, and obtained letters of recommendation to
Admiral Orloff, who was then employed by the Empress Catherine
against the Turks. He became a captain in a Greek regiment ; but
w^as taken prisoner in a descent on Tenedos, and some months after
was released on the conclusion of peace. Again hopeless of ad-
vancement, he left the Eussian service, and visited Smyrna. There
he met some Englishmen, whose attractive account of India led
him to think that he might prosper in that land of promise to the
military adventurer. Eesolving to make his way overland, he
joined a caravan, which advanced as far as Bagdad, but was arrested
by a war between the Turks and the Persians. He returned to
Smyrna, and thence proceeded to Egypt, but was wrecked at the
mouth of the Nile.

The Arabs, into whose hands he fell, treated him kindly, and he
reached Cairo. There Mr. Baldwin, the English consul, befriended
him, and gave him a letter of introduction to Major Sydenham,
commandant of Fort St. George. But he soon found that he had
been too sanguine in his expectations. At Madras he was for a
time reduced to support himself by giving fencing lessons. He was
presently appointed an ensign in the 6th native infantry, shortly
before Hyder Ali's great invasion of the Carnatic, so eloquently
described by Burke. De Boigne's regiment was destroyed at Per-
ambaukum. But he had been detached with two companies to
escort grain from Madras to the army, and he thus escaped the fate
of Baillie and his comrades. It does not appear how he was
occupied afterwards ; but before the war ended, he was again loose
on the world. His retirement has been variously explained. But
its immediate cause seems to have been an act of real or supposed
injustice in his being passed over for an adjutancy. He now
resumed his project of travelling across Asia, and proposed once
more to seek his fortune in Europe. Lord Macartney, the governor
of Madras, in vain tried to detain him, and warmly commended
him to Warren Hastings, who received him cordially, and highly
approved his design of exploring a route then unfamiliar to
Europeans. He also furnished him with letters of introduction to
the EngUsh officers on his way, and to various native princes, in-
cluding the Great Mogul.

VOL. III. — NO. IX, F

66 BENOIT DE BOIGNE Jan.

At Lucknow, De Boigiie's credentials procured him much favour
from the nawab, who gave him a letter of credit on Caubul and Kan-
dahar. He spent several months in acquiring information as to his
route, learning native languages, and forming friendships with
British officers, some of which proved lasting. He also became
intimate with another remarkable adventurer, M. Martin, who had
retired from the company's army and devoted himself to commerce
at Lucknow, where he acquired great wealth, and became, like our
hero, a founder of beneficent institutions. At the end of August
1783, De Boigne reached Delhi, but, in the absence of the minister,
failed to obtain an audience of the emperor. And at Agra, Nujeeb
received him coldly, suspecting him to be a secret agent of the
governor-general. Sindia was then besieging Gwalior, which the
English had restored to the rana of Gohud. Mr. Anderson, the
resident at Sindia' s court, invited De Boigne to visit him. Sindia,
who also had Warren Hastings on the brain, and hoped to unmask
the pretended traveller by the evidence of his papers, caused his
baggage to be plundered. Nothing material being discovered, most
of the property was restored, and the outrage was ascribed to
private thieves. But De Boigne did not recover the letter of credit,
and this partly deterred him from prosecuting his journey. He
had, however, another reason for delay. He proposed to the rana
to levy secretly a force of 8,000 men, who were to concentrate
suddenly from different quarters, and in concert with 1,200 more,
already in the rana's service, and commanded by Mr. Sangster, a
Scotchman, were to surprise Sindia' s army, and raise the siege.
This bold project was rejected, but disclosed to Sindia in terror em.
Though it thus came to nothing, it left on Sindia's mind a favour-
able impression of its author's military ability. Still hankering
after service in India, De Boigne offered his sword to Pertab Singh,
the rajah of Jeypoor, who accepted it. But on announcing his
•change of plan to Warren Hastings, the governor-general, in defe-
rence to the misgivings of his council, recalled him to Calcutta.
This, strictly speaking, he had no right to do. But De Boigne
thought it prudent to obey the summons ; his ready compliance
and explanations silenced the cavillers ; and he started anew,
travelling with the governor-general as far as Lucknow. On enter-
ing the Jeypoor territory, he was arrested by a lawless tributary of
the rajah, and put to ransom. And when he at last reached his
destination, Pertab had changed his mind, and, presenting him
with a handsome sum of money, politely dismissed him. He had
reason to regret this summary step later.

Hitherto De Boigne' s career had been a series of mortifying
failures, which, however, did not abate his energy, nor shake his
resolve to make himself a name. And his later success was doubt-
less not a little due to the varied experience, patient temper, and

1

1888 BENOIT DE BOIGNE 67

reflective habit, acquired in the course of his many unsuccessful
openings. Fortune at last relented: Major Brown, the resident
at Delhi, recommended De Boigne to tender his services to Sindia.
Having already reason to think well of him, Mahadajee readily
engaged him.

De Boigne' s new employer was a natural son of Eanojee Sindia,
who belonged to a well-known but decayed family in Maharashtra.
Eanojee had discharged the lowly office of slipper-bearer to the
great peishwa Baji Eao I, who had raised him to military command,
and employed him, together with Mulhar Eao Holkar, in the
conquest of Malwa, the greater part of which province was divided
between them as jaghiredarSy or feudatories, of the peishwa. Eano-
jee's legitimate issue failing, Mahadajee, who had escaped with a
wound from the rout at Paniput, and had later won his spurs in
less disastrous fields, was allowed to succeed to the jaghire. But the
Mahratta sillidars, or gentleman cavaliers, despised him for his
base birth, and were loth to recognise him as the proper heir.
Though established in Hindostan, he was still closely connected
with the Dekkan. In the Poona durbar he was one of a notable
group of rival politicians ; while he sought to strengthen himself in
popular estimation by posing as the hereditary potail of his ancestral
village. But circumstances gradually gave a wider scope to his
ambition. The great statesman. Nana Furnavese, the Mahratta
Macchiavelli, became the chief minister at Poona, and Sindia saw
little chance of supplanting him ; while he might hope to outshine
Nana's administrative feats by military achievements, and to acquire
political power in a sphere remote from the minister's influence.
He had done good service in the earlier part of the recent war with
the British power. And though Popham had surprised Gwalior,
and Sindia had failed to cut off Camac in his retreat, he had been
no loser in the end ; for the English, conciliated by his kind treat-
ment of their prisoners and his good offices in mediating peace
between them and the peishwa, had added to his possessions, and
had recognised him as ' the mutual guarantee of both parties for
the due performance of the conditions."* This curious arrange-
ment tended to inspire him with high thoughts, for it implied
that he was a potentate co-ordinate with the peishwa, rather than
his subject, and tempted him to aim at becoming substantially
what he was thus assumed to be. On the other hand, he was
conscious of his present insecurity. His illegitimacy made his
Mahratta dependants half-hearted in his service. The English
attack on his territories had endangered him, and induced him to
conclude a hasty and separate peace ; and his neighbour and rival
Holkar would not be slow to take advantage of his internal weak-
ness. But, critical as was his position at home, he might gain

* Grant Duff, ii. 466.

J 2

68 BENOIT DE BOIGNE Jan.

much by going farther afield, and prosecuting an enterprise sure
to be popular among his Mahratta followers, and which might
make him, in the end, less dependent upon them. In no w^ay
could he better gratify the characteristic taste of his tribesmen, and
bind them to his interest, than by reasserting Mahratta influence
at Deilhi. Mahadajee the bastard might be lightly regarded by
his captious sillidars; but they would view with other eyes the
conqueror of the promised land. And once established at Delhi in
an official capacity, Sindia might indefinitely increase his army,
and diminish the relative importance of his original followers by
enlisting Mussulman or Kajput soldiers of fortune, who swarmed in
the upper provinces.

To appreciate properly the character of Sindia s design, it is
necessary to remember also the contemporary condition of the
country which he proposed to invade, and the relation of his scheme
to the general course of Mahratta policy. The Mogul empire still
existed, but in a most attenuated state. The capital had been
shorn of its splendour, and frequently subjected to hostile violence.
The home provinces of Delhi and Agra alone remained under the
direct rule of Baber's descendant, though his pretensions were by
no means limited to the territory which he actually retained. Shah
Allum, after his defeat by the English at Buxar, had made his
peace with his conquerors, and lived for some time under their pro-
tection, but had quitted it, and returned to Delhi, on the invita-
tion of a Mahratta general. He soon quarrelled with his new
friend ; and the Mahratta army was recalled to the Dekkan on the
death of the peishwa. Shah Allum had since been well served by
a respectable and able minister, Nujeeb-ud-dowla, who sustained
his master's feeble fortunes with unusual vigour and fidelity.
But the Mogul grandees were mostly as degenerate as their
sovereign ; public spirit was almost extinct ; bitter personal feuds
and miserable court intrigues made up the staple of imperial
politics ; and Nujeeb seemed the only bulwark of order in the
decrepit community. Yet, pitiable as was this state of things, the
emperor was still, to the native imagination, a living force, a grand
luminary, though under eclipse, the source of all legitimate rule in
India ; and his name was a spell by which a proficient in political
legerdemain might hope to accomplish much. Thus both the
actual weakness and the ideal majesty of the empire had attractions
for Sindia ; and the more so as his design of getting the emperor
into his keeping, and wielding his nominal authority, was in full
accordance with approved Mahratta statecraft. To become mayor
of the palace at Delhi would be, in fact, the crowning point of a
series of steps by which the Mahrattas, after vindicating their
independence against the empire in its palmy days, and impairing
its strength in the struggle, had availed themselves of its moral

1888 BENOtT DE BOIGNE 69

authority to confirm and legitimise their successive encroachments.
How Sindia, in completing this process, was to reconcile his im-
perial position with his Mahratta citizenship and his allegiance to
the peishwa was a question easily solved by so astute and ex-
perienced a politician.

Mahadajee Sindia's character has been carefully traced by Grant
Buff ; and some parts of his description will throw light on the
following narrative. * He was a man,' says this author, ' of great
political sagacity, and of considerable genius, of deep artifice, of
restless ambition, and of implacable revenge. With a high opinion
of his personal address, he generally failed where he attempted to
exercise it ; and, in ebullitions of anger, to which he was prone, he
frequently exposed what he most wished to conceal. His habits
were simple, his manners kind and frank, but sometimes blustering
and coarse. He was beloved by his dependants, Hberal to his troops
in assignments of land or orders on villages, but quite the reverse
in payments from his treasury or in personal donatives. His
disposition was not cruel, although his punishments were severe.
He could not only write, but, what is rare among the Mahrattas, he
was a good accountant, and understood revenue affairs. His
districts in Malwa were well managed, a circumstance, however,
which must be ascribed to a judicious selection of agents ; for
Sindia, like most Mahratta chieftains, was too much engaged in
politics or war, to bestow the time and attention necessary to a good
civil government.^

The arrangement concluded between De Boigne and his patron
was to the following effect. No advance was made to the stipendiary,
but he was required to raise at his own cost in the first instance
two battalions, each of eight hundred men. His own pay was to be
a thousand rupees a month. A sum was allotted to the troops
amounting to eight rupees a man, officers included. This crude
calculation De Boigne rectified by assigning to each soldier SJ rupees
a month, and proportioning the residue among the officers. To
enlist soldiers was easy : how he procured competent officers, how
many of them were Europeans, and the number of his guns at this
time, we are not told. His first service was in Bundlekund, where
he co-operated with Appa Khunde Kao, one of Sindia's generals,
whose forces consisted almost entirely of cavalry. The battalions
behaved well, dragging the guns up the steep passes, and crowning
the heights which commanded the route of the cavalry ; and their
leader distinguished himself at the siege of the great fortress of
Callinger. But he was soon called to act a more important part.
Nujeeb, Shah AUum's minister, had died, leaving an adopted son,
: Afrasiab Khan, whose claim to succeed him was postponed to that
of a relative, Mirza Shuffee. But Mohammud Beg, the governor

» Grant Dull, iii. 90, 91.

70 BENOIT DE BOIGNE Jan.

of Agra, opposed the new minister, and Mohammud's nephew,
Ismael Beg, murdered him. Afrasiab had been privy to the crime,
and he acquired the vacant post. But he still had a rival in
Mohammud. Each sought to strengthen himself by calling in Sindia :
he accepted the invitation of the minister; but before he could
arrive, Afrasiab fell a victim to the vengeance of Mirza Shuffee's
brother. Thus the court and the capital were thrown into utter
confusion. Sindia, at the head of a strong army, entered Delhi in
January 1785. He came as Shah Allum's deliverer from anarchy.
His power was for the time undisputed : he was made minister and
commander-in-chief. Mohammud submitted, and was sent to reduce
a rebellious fortress. But Sindia' s overbearing conduct soon pro-
voked resistance. His resumption of jaghires irritated the Mogul
grandees; his demand of heavy tribute in the emperor's name
provoked the rajahs of Jeypoor and Joudpoor to dispute his
authority ; and they assembled their armies, in secret confederacy
with the disaffected imperialists. Sindia summoned Appa Khunde
Rao and De Boigne to his assistance, and on their arrival marched
against the Rajputs, accompanied by Mohammud and Ismael, who
promptly changed sides. This defection did not deter Sindia from
giving battle. He still had twenty-five imperial battalions, which
he placed in the centre, with De Boigne's battalions on the left, and
on the right one under M. Lesteneau, a Frenchman. His cavalry
he commanded in person, and posted it in the rear, as a reserve.
The battle opened with a brisk cannonade. Then Mohammud
charged the Mahratta right : he was killed by a cannon-ball, and
his men began to give way, but were rallied and led on again by
Ismael, who drove back his opponents, but was checked by Sindia' s
cavalry. On the other flank the Rhatore horsemen charged De
Boigne's battalions with the greatest gallantry, riding up to the guns
and slaughtering the gunners. But after a severe struggle they
were repulsed with heavy loss, and retired in disorder. De Boigne
insisted that the Mogul troops should advance, and secure the
victory. But they could not be induced to move ; and two days
after, in broad daylight, they marched off with eighty guns, and
joined Ismael. De Boigne advised that they should be attacked in
the act of desertion. But Sindia preferred to retreat, first upon Deeg,
then to Gwalior. The Rajputs returned home. Ismael pursued,
and skirmished with the retreating army, and the steadiness of De
Boigne's troops was again shown in their defence of the rear during
eight days. Ismael then besieged Agra, which was well maintained
for Sindia by Luckwa Dada. But another enemy to Mahratta
ascendency now declared himself. Gholam Kadir, the Afghan chief
of Saharunpoor, a miscreant pre-eminent for ferocity even among
that savage race, drove Sindia' s garrison from Delhi, occupied the
city (Shah Allum taking refuge in the citadel), reduced Aligurh,

1888 BENOIT DE BOIGNE 71

and united his forces with those of Ismael. Sindia urgently besought
Nana to assist him, as yet without eifect. But he secured an
important aUiance by restoring Deeg and other places to the Jats ;
and they seriously obstructed the siege operations at Agra. To
co-operate with them Sindia sent some of his cavalry and De
Boigne's battalions ; and these had been reinforced by the Jats, when
the enemy, having raised the siege, advanced to give battle. This
took place near Bhurtpoor, on 24 April 1788. The Jats, on the right
wing, were charged and partly broken by Gholam Kadir. Ismael
vigorously assailed De Boigne's troops on the left, * but found
himself received with remarkable steadiness and intrepidity.' ^ The
Mahratta cavalry, on this as on other occasions, failed to support
their gallant comrades, who suffered severely, and were at last
obliged to give ground. Under cover of night a retreat was effected
to Bhurtpoor. Gholam was detached by a diversion on his territory ;
and Sindia's army being reinforced again advanced against Ismael,
and near Agra gained a complete victory, to which the exertions of
De Boigne and his men materially contributed. Ismael was
wounded, but escaped, and at Delhi reassembled his fugitive troops^
There he was joined by Gholam Kadir, who was treacherously
admitted into the citadel, plundered the palace, deposed and blinded
the hapless emperor, and for two months continued to perpetrate
indescribable enormities. Then Sindia's army arrived ; Ismael,
disgusted at his associate's atrocities and propitiated by the offer of
a jaghire, submitted ; Gholam fled, was pursued, captured, horribly
mutilated by Sindia's order, and died in consequence. Ali Bahadur,,
a relative of the peishwa, had reinforced Sindia's army, and
accompanied it to Delhi. This was in consequence of an agreement
by which Nana had at last consented to help his rival, on condition
that all conquered territory to the north of the Chumbul should be
equally divided between the peishwa, Sindia, and Holkar. Tukajee
was advancing at the head of his army. Yet Sindia lingered long
before he made his appearance at Delhi. He came at last once
more as the emperor's deliverer, replaced the unhappy puppet on
the throne with great solemnity, and was hailed with acclamations
as the restorer of order.

Though his triumph was largely due to De Boigne, and there
was a natural affinity of interest between these sons of the sword^
they soon after separated. De Boigne had proposed a large in-
crease of his force. Perhaps his terms were too high, or Sindia
may have deferred to the jealousy of his native officers. Whatever
its cause, the parting was friendly, and left hope of a reunion.
Meanwhile the Savoyard followed his friend the Frenchman's ex-
ample, and prospered as a merchant at Lucknow.

Sindia was now all-powerful at Delhi, though he affected still

• Grant Duff.

72 BENOIt DE BOIGNE Jan.

to be the peishwa's servant. He had caused Shah Allum to
appoint the peishwa Mahdoo Eao Narrain ' supreme regent of
the emph'e.' But a simultaneous grant constituted Sindia the
peishwa's deputy for the discharge of that august function. This
characteristic device might satisfy the Poona durbar; but it did
not remove Sindia's difficulties, and the conqueror's mind was ill
at ease. He still had De Boigne's battalions, but they had lost
their leader. The Eajputs were unsubdued. Ismael's doubtful
•allegiance, reckless temper, and stubborn valour, were a constant
menace. There was fear of an Afghan invasion, and the Sikhs
were growing troublesome on the border. And though Holkar had
marched ostensibly to his assistance in the late contest, Sindia
knew that from him he had, in the long run, more to fear than to
hope. He thus saw that his best chance of confirming his power
lay in again availing himself of De Boigne's military talents.
Hence he sent him a gracious message, which led to an interview ;
and De Boigne, having arranged his commercial affairs, and en-
trusted much of his capital to English agents, re-entered Sindia's
service on his own terms. It was settled that he should raise a
brigade of 10,000 men, who were to be liberally paid, and their
leader was to receive 10,000 rupees a month. He resumed the
command of his two battalions. That of M. Lesteneau was in a
state of mutiny in consequence of that officer's departure, leaving
its pay in arrear. Sindia, much irritated, was about to attack it
with his cavalry, when De Boigne persuaded him to discharge part
of the arrears, and to disband the men, whom he then re-enlisted
under his own banner. He employed the best officers and non-
commissioned officers whom he could find in recruiting throughout
Eohilkund and Oude ; and thus in the course of a few months he
raised the necessary complement of soldiers for his other ten
battalions, the brigade being intended to comprise thirteen. Of
these ten were regular infantry, in fact sepoys, armed with muskets
and bayonets. The three others were more loosely organised, and
composed of Eohilla Afghans. These soldiers wore the Persian
uniform, and were armed with matchlocks and bayonets. To the
brigade were also attached 500 irregular infantry, levied among
the turbulent highlanders of Mewat, 500 cavalry, and 60 guns.
Thus it formed, like the Eoman legion, a small corps d'armee,
12,000 strong, and marching under the distinct standard of its
general, the white cross of Savoy. The officers were Europeans
of different nations ; the non-commissioned officers picked men from
De Boigne's old troops. No pains were spared to impart to this
little army a high state of discipline and a strong esprit de corps ;
and events soon proved the efficiency of its training.

Ismael, provoked by Holkar's exactions, which he attributed
to Sindia's influence, again revolted ; the rajahs of Jeypoor and

1888 BENOIT BE BOIGNE 73

Joudpoor poured their feudal levies into his quarters ; and the rana
of Oudipoor showed a disposition to join the league. Sindia detached
Luckwa Dada and Gopal Eao, with most of his cavalry to ravage
the country round Ismael's camp, and cut off his foragers. De
Boigne's brigade, with another body of Mahratta horsemen and
eighty guns, was sent to bring him to action. On 25 May 1790,
the last champion of the old Mussulman ascendency was assailed
near the city of Patun in a strong position, defended by powerful
batteries. But he repelled several attacks, and De Boigne retired.
Three weeks elapsed with no better result. Ismael wisely remained
behind his entrenchments. At the end of that time he grew im-
patient, or was starved out, and showed symptoms of emerging ;
but before he cared to do so, De Boigne again attacked him, and
the great and decisive battle was fought, which confirmed the
victor's reputation, and delivered Sindia from his most formidable
enemy. It is clearly and modestly described by De Boigne himself
in a letter, which was inserted in the Calcutta Gazette of 22 July
1790, and has been reprinted by Mr. Seton-Karr in his valuable
selections from that journal.^

The English of this letter is idiomatic, but it is not said to be a
translation. * Major De Boigne's ' detail of the confederate army
makes it amount to 25,000 cavalry and 30,000 infantry, with 129
cannon. After the preliminary skirmish, the fighting was entirely
the work of his brigade ; for during the battle, as at Wandewash,
when Coote defeated Lally, *the Mahratta cavalry,' the writer says,
^ stood on our flanks as spectators.' According to Grant Duff,
these were Holkar's cavalry, and their inactivity was both a
symptom and a cause of the widening breach between the rival
chiefs.

I had often [says De Boigne] tried to harass and surprise the
enemy, but their natural, strong, and almost impregnable situation,
added to their very great superiority of numbers both in troops and in
artillery, rendered all my exertions fruitless. After waiting the best part of
the day with impatient hopes to see them marching against us, as they
had threatened, at last about three o'clock, a few Mahratta horse began to
skirmish with the enemy's right wing, consisting of horse, which shortly
increased from five to six thousand ; but they were soon beat off. I was
now encouraged to try if something better could not be done on our side ;
and in order to induce them to come out from their stronghold, I ordered
the first line to advance. After a warm cannonade of about an hour from
both sides, the enemy not appearing to come out, I still advanced till we
€ame within the reach of grape shot ; then halting, we gave and received
from each gun nearly forty rounds of grape, which made it a warm busi-
ness, we being in the plain, and they in their trenches. The evening
was now far advanced, and seeing at the same time such numerous bodies
of the enemy's cavalry in motion, and ready to fall on us if they could

■• Vol. ii. pp. 268-270.

74 BENOIT BE BOIGNE Jan.

find an opening, I thought it prudent to move on rather quicker, which
we did till the firing of platoons began ; but we had already lost such
numbers of people, principally clashies, that those remaining were unable
to drag the guns on any further ; I therefore gave immediate orders to
storm their lines sword in hand, which was as soon executed, upon which
the enemy, not relishing at all this close fighting, gave way on all sides,
infantry as well as cavalry, leaving us in possession of all their guns,
baggage, bazar, elephants, and everything else. The day being now
closed, put an end to the slaughter of the enemy, which must have been
very considerable if we had had an hour's more daylight. However, it
was a complete victory. During all the engagement I was on horseback,
encouraging our men. Thank God I have realised all the sanguine expec-
tations of Sindia. My officers in general have behaved well ; to them I
am a great deal indebted for the fortune of the day.

De Boigne had 129 men killed and 472 wounded. Two thou-
sand of the enemy's cavalry fell in the field, the rest fled. Their
infantry suffered less, as they were under cover, and made off
rapidly when their lines were forced. But 12,000 surrendered on
the following morning in the city of Patun. De Boigne ascribes the
rapid fall of that strong place to ' the terror of our arms alone,'
and adds that at another time its reduction would have occupied a
month.

Ismael once more became a fugitive, and thenceforth ceased to
be dangerous. Pertab Singh seemed inclined to lay down his
arms ; but the Joudpoor prince still bade defiance to the conqueror.
Sindia took no personal part in the campaign ; but from his head-
quarters at Muttra he detached a large force to observe Pertab,
and ordered De Boigne to march into the Joudpoor territory.
This march was a victorious promenade, until the general reached
Ajmir. The day after his arrival there, he took the town, and lost
no time in laying siege to the fortress, which was strongly situated,
well garrisoned, and amply supplied. The rajah tried to tempt
his fidelity by the offer of Ajmir and a district around it. Whether
nettled at this imputation on his honour, or hoping to intimidate
the rajah by threatening him with annexation, De Boigne replied
more sarcastically than truly, * Sindia had already given him
Joudpoor and Jeypoor, and the rajah could not be so unreasonable
as to expect that he would change them for Ajmir.' After prose-
cuting the siege for seventeen days, he turned it into a blockade,
and marched against the army which was approaching to relieve
the place. On 9 Sept. he came upon it near Mirta, and cannonaded
it. But the day being far advanced and his troops fatigued, he
postponed the engagement, though Gopal Eao was eager to fight —
or see De Boigne fight — at once. The Kajputs are estimated at
50,000 men, more than half of them cavalry, with twenty-five guns.
The Mahratta cavalry were as numerous, but played much the

I

1888 BENOIT DE BOIGNE 75

same part as Holkar's on the former occasion. De Boigne had
eighty guns. He surprised the enemy at dawn, while they were
engaged in then* ablutions ; penetrated their lines, and was
making good progress, when Rohan, one of his officers, led on
three battalions without orders, sustained a severe reverse, and es-
caped with difficulty. De Boigne had just time to throw his entire
force into hollow square, before the fiery and exulting Eajput
cavalry thundered down upon it on all sides, but was checked, and
at last repulsed, by the rapid and continuous fire of his guns and
musketry. Then he re-formed his line, and again assailed the
enemy's position. By nine o'clock he had gained a complete
victory ; an hour later he had taken the camp, guns, and baggage ;
and in the afternoon he carried the town of Mirta by assault.
There he remained some time to recruit his health and to refresh
his army. But in November he pushed on to complete the reduc-
tion of Joudpoor, and the rajah, as well as the rana of Oudipoor,
submitted on his approach. They obtained peace on condition of
paying an annual tribute. Sindia was deterred from taking full
advantage of his success by the jealousy of Holkar, who had been
intriguing with the Eajputs, and soon after, in no amiable mood,
recrossed the Chumbul, and began to imitate his fortunate rival by
raising four regular battalions, under a French officer named
Dudrenec.

This brilliant campaign was decisive in several ways. It in-
spired Sindia with a confidence in De Boigne which was never
shaken, and thus secured him from envious disparagement and
half-hearted patronage, such as Perron experienced under Dowlut
Eao. Again, whereas the proud position which Sindia had attained
by intervening in the quarrels of the Mogul nobles had been quickly
imperilled by a formidable combination of Mussulmans and
Hindoos against him, this he had now thoroughly subdued, and
left no local force capable of resisting him. And he had proved
that the office of imperial regent, the duties of which he had
undertaken to discharge, was not a mere political fiction, but that
his sword could make good the pretension which he had advanced.
And while by his artful manipulation of that fiction he had
entitled himself to rule in Hindostan, without forfeiting his
allegiance to the peishwa, this great campaign, achieved in spite of
Holkar's intrigues and passive opposition, had thrown him into the
shade and created new obstacles to his enforcing his claims in a
region which Sindia had actually conquered.

But though, firmans and victories combined to estabhsh Sindia's

dominion, he was too acute not to perceive that it was liable to be

disputed both by his own nation and by the Enghsh. De Boigne,

on re-entering his service, had stipulated that he should not be

. employed against the Company. And though Sindia was as little

76 BENOIT BE BOIGNE Jan.

inclined as his lieutenant to engage in such a war, it might be forced
upon him ; while the forbearance of his Mahratta rivals was still
more precarious. Thus, to multiply his regular battalions was, in
either case, his best security. Hence two more brigades were now
raised, and a large district in the Doab was assigned to the general
for the maintenance of his military establishments ; and he was in-
vested with political authority over this district. His own pay, ex-
clusive of army contracts, territorial income, and mercantile profits,
was raised to 7,000Z. a year.

Sindia had declined to join the triple alliance which Cornwallis
had formed against Tippoo, and he was probably startled and
little reassured by its success. And in his final visit to Poona he
seems to have been partly actuated by his desire to counterbalance,
by the ceremonious tender to the peishwa of his new imperial
dignity, the credit which Nana had gained by pursuing successfully
a policy from which he had held aloof. On this occasion he
deputed to Gopal Eao the civil government of his acquisitions in
Hindostan, and entrusted their military defence to De Boigne, two
of whose battalions he took with him. Sindia's absence tempted
Ismael again to revolt. He was defeated and besieged by Perron;
caj)itulated on the promise of his life being spared, was imprisoned
at Agra, and died there in 1799 ; and with him ended all attempts
of the Mogul party to throw off the Mahratta yoke. But Sindia's
ascendency did not remain unchallenged. Tukojee was as little
inclined to forego his claim to levy exactions on the Kajputs as
Sindia, in his new position, was to admit it. Nana, oppressed by
Sindia's presence at Poona, was glad to create a diversion by
fanning the flame of jealousy in the north. Holkar led a large
army into Kajputana, and proceeded to enforce his demands. This
brought on a war, in which De Boigne gained new laurels. Holkar,
faithful to the old Mahratta strategy, tried to wear out his opponent
by rapid marches and desultory skirmishes. This De Boigne,
anticipating Arthur Wellesley, met by a system of light field equip-
ment and indefatigable pursuit. After many doublings, Holkar
•was brought to bay (1792) at Lukhairee, a defile near Ajmir.
Approaching under cover of a wood, De Boigne found the enemy,
consisting of 30,000 cavalry and Dudrenec's four battalions, posted
behind a marsh. Holkar's artillery severely galled his troops as
they emerged into the open and fell into line. But they stood
fast, until the explosion of thirteen of their tumbrils caused con-
fusion, and the Mahratta cavalry advanced to take advantage of it.
The moment was critical ; but De Boigne with great presence of
mind countermarched his men into the wood : the charge failed,
and the fire of the battalions sent the horsemen to the rightabout.
Their discomfiture was completed by a countercharge of De Boigne's
select cavalry. His battalions and artillery then engaged Dudrenec's

1888 BENOIT BE BOIGNE 77

infantry : here Greek met Greek, and after a desperate resistance
the Frenchman's force was destroyed. The victory was most
decisive. Holkar's camp, baggage, and thirty-eight guns were
taken; the remains of the defeated army hastily recrossed the
Chumbul, and Holkar sought a poor revenge in plundering Oojein,
Sindia's capital. Thus the civil war had come and gone, leaving
Mahadajee's power, and his general's reputation, more assured
than before.

Pertab Singh had availed himself of these dissensions to with-
hold his tribute, and mustered his army to oppose its exaction.
De Boigne marched against him, pursued him to his capital, and
prepared to invest it. Pertab thereupon yielded ; but the conqueror,
thinking a severe example necessary at such a time, besides en-
forcing the payment of the arrears, imposed on him a heavy war
fine.

The coercion of Pertab Singh was the last occasion on which
De Boigne appeared in the field. But before he left India, his
troops again distinguished themselves at Kurdla, under Perron, his
destined successor. Sindia had ordered De Boigne to reinforce the
battalions which had accompanied him to the Dekkan ; and a whole
brigade was sent, which decisively defeated M. Eaymond's disciplined
battalions in the nizam's service, to the great delight of their old
general. But he had meanwhile experienced an anomalous eleva-
tion perhaps more gratifying to his self-esteem than any victory in
the field. Mahadajee had died at Poona in February 1794, a
year before the battle of Kurdla. In his last days Nana's intrigues
had corrupted Eastia, the brother of Gopal Eao, whom Sindia
had left regent in Hindostan. Gopal, fearing that his brother's
treason might be visited on himself, fled to De Boigne' s camp, and
implored his protection. He was kindly received, and the all-
powerful general interceded for him, so that no steps were taken
against him. But his authority being at an end, and no successor
to it having been appointed, De Boigne, in addition to his military
charge, became civil ruler of Sindia's dominions. On the acces-
sion of Dowlut Eao, Mahadajee's great-nephew, the emperor and
Zemaun Shah, the Afghan king, severally attempted to detach him
from the Mahratta cause, and engage him in their own interests.
But he continued loyal to the memory of his old patron, and so
firmly supported his successor, that Dowlut professed the warmest
attachment to him. His impaired health, however, and his doubt-
ful prospects under a young prince of uncertain temper, warned
him to retire betimes. He extorted a reluctant consent from his
new master, promising to return should his health permit him ;
bade a pathetic adieu to his army ; departed in February 1796 ;
stopped some time at Lucknow to settle his commercial affairs ; and
early in September of the same year embarked for Europe.

78 BENOIT DE BOTGNE Jan.

Before following him thither, we may consider his political
arrangements and the constitution of his army. The former were,
of course, strictly subservient to the latter : what Wellesley called
* the French state ' was the feeder of * the French army.' Though
Sindia was fully alive to the necessity of providing liberally for the
force to which he owed his elevation, he was still a Mahratta ; and
De Boigne knew too well the precarious character of Mahratta
finance to put much faith in his employer's promises, however
sincere and definite. Nor was it even enough that the revenues of
particular districts should be formally transferred to him, if they were
to be collected by Sindia's revenue officers. Colonel Wellesley did
not approve of such a plan, even when the British government w^as
to become the paymaster. He feared that if the nizam were to cede
territory to the company for the maintenance of a subsidiary force,
the revenues of that territory might be confused with the company's
general resources, and their special destination be conveniently
ignored ; and that thus eventually the subsidiary force might be
starved and reduced. Hence he proposed that the ceded territory
should be managed by the military officer in command of the troops,
who was to be immediately accountable for any surplus to the
supreme government — a limitation which was not imposed on
De Boigne. It is not improbable that Colonel Wellesley had the
earlier experiment in his mind when he made this prophetic sugges-
tion, which was not adopted by the governor-general. Thus the
base of De Boigne's military system was the direct assignment to
him of a large jaidad or military fief in the Gangetic Doab, with
the right of managing it as he thought proper. He was thus able
to create a model state, so organised and administered as to insure
ample provision for all the establishments of his large and costly
army; and to canton that army in a position so strong, that it
might be described as a vast entrenched camp.

The situation of the district was well chosen. The possession
of the lower Doab by the nawab vizier and his powerful vassals
left the frontier rather weak on that side. But elsewhere it was
well protected, either by nature or by art. The two great rivers
were natural boundaries. Beyond the Jumna, on the south, the
mountainous region of Bundlekund, flanked by the strong fortress
of Gwalior, was well suited to retard the approach of an enemy.
North of the Ganges, Kohilkund, though part of the dominions of
the nawab of Oude, supplied so many of Sindia's soldiers, and
especially of De Boigne's, that he could count upon it as a friendly
country ; so much so indeed, that he allowed his Eohilla troopers
to live at home among their tribesmen, until their services were
required in the field. Agra he occupied, and guarded Delhi from a
short distance. He established the head-quarters of his brigades
at the fortified town of Koel, in the centre of his territory ; his

1888 BENOlT DE BOIGNE 79

arsenal at Horel, a place which has since disappeared, but where the
French traveller Jacquemont in 1831 found extensive ruins of
these buildings; and at Pahuel, Bulundshuhur, and Alighur he
placed his factories of cannon and small arms. The principal
quarters of the recruits, the magazines of stores, and depots of
provisions, were distributed between Meerut and Kalpee, with
smaller outposts along the whole line from Koel towards Allahabad,
at Futtehpoor, Kosa, Bithoor, Etawah, Myupoorie, and Shekoabad.
Ges pastes (says M. de Saint-Genis), entour&s de murs creneUs ren-
forUs d'epais remparts de terre et de fossds faciles d ino7ider, flanquds de
bastions munis d'artillerie, relics les uns aux autres par des routes et des
chaussees, et mis en commumication avec la rive droite de la Jumna par
les ponts de bateaux d'Agrah, de Muttrah et de Delhi, servirent de for-
midable ligne de defense aux villes imperiales d'Agrah et de Delhi et auoc
territoires de Vouest ' (p. 181).

De Boigne's first care, after quartering his troops, was to clear
the country of dacoits and other lawless persons; his next, to
insure good order by instituting an active police. He then turned
his attention to the land tax, Ackbar's admirable revenue system
had long fallen a prey to anarchy ; this he now restored with some
modifications. He abolished revenue farmers and jaghiredars. His
government was throughout personal in the fullest sense. He had
his own collectors, carefully chosen and strictly controlled. The
capacity of the land was minutely investigated by a commission of
his officers, on local testimony, checked by actual survey. The
assessment was moderate, and proportioned to the fertility and
other special circumstances of the soil. By repairing tanks, re-
opening watercourses, and otherwise helping cultivation, but more
by the equity of the settlement, by preventing abuses in the collec-
tion, and the oppression of the peasantry, he bettered their condi-
tion, excited their admiration, and conciliated their affections. The
improvement thus effected was rapid and marvellous. Abundant
and excellent crops of indigo, tobacco, cotton, pepper, and other
vegetables were raised, and his own revenue increased in proportion.
A poll tax levied on the heads of families was paid readily. For it
was not, like the abhorred jezia of the Moguls, an invidious impost
on ' unbehevers ; ' nor could it be so interpreted, as De Boigne
showed no intolerance, and employed impartially men of every — or
of no — creed.

In the course of his commercial calling he had become a good
man of business, and he now carefully inspected every department
of his government. Eevenue collections, agricultural improvements,
the fabrication of arms, the construction of fortifications, the training
and the payment of his army, all came under the searching eye of
the master. He established two entirely distinct offices, in one of
which the accounts were kept in Persian, in the other in French ; and

80 BENOIT DE BOIGNE Jan.

each was designed as a check on the other. Sindia's newly acquired
territories yielded in abundance the materials of De Boigne's mili-
tary manufactures, iron, copper, lead, sulphur, saltpetre, with teak
and other suitable wood. But his commercial experience inclined
him to extend still further the range of his industrial activity, and
provided him with new resources. Availing himself of the natural
fertility of the country, he had promoted agriculture. Availing
himself of the natural advantages which he commanded in the
central situation of the district, the great cities with which it com-
municated by well-beaten roads — the constant tracks of trade
whenever life and property were tolerably secure — and the magnifi-
cent river highways which bordered his territory, and were con-
nected with so many large tributaries, he encouraged commerce,
made Koel a great mercantile centre, and enriched himself and his
people by an extensive carrying trade. And so vast was the con-
course of merchants at Koel, that their gatherings were compared
to the far-famed fairs at Hurdwar.

Such was De Boigne as a civil ruler. The same comprehensive
thoughtfulness, and disposition to make the most of his oppor-
tunities, appear in his military arrangements. He made several
improvements in the condition of the soldier which were not intro-
duced until a later period in the Honourable East India Company's
army. In one instance, indeed, he went further than our country-
men have gone, or are likely to go ; for he paid his troops not
6nly well and punctually, but a month in advance, which such a
master risked nothing in doing. Hence he was never troubled with
mutinies, as was constantly the case with Thomas in his early days,
and with Ameer Khan throughout his military career. He esta-
blished a medical staff and an ambulance corps. An invalided but
still serviceable officer or soldier drew his pay till he recovered, and
returned to his duty, and an allowance for his wound according to
its severity. The permanently disabled had a small pension and
a land allotment in the exposed quarter of the territory, where they
were intended to form a defensive colony. This plan was more
benevolent than successful from a military point of view. Horsemen
who were mounted and equipped at their own expense were com-
pensated for the loss of their property on service, except in case of
a defeat) and part of the spoil was appropriated to this object.
Another reform was that of the camp bazaar. The native armies
were generally attended by a sort of itinerant fair, which is fre-
quently described by the English writers of the period. It was a
picturesque spectacle, but an ill-regulated assemblage of private
hucksters. De Boigne took it under his own control, and made it
part of his commissariat and store system. He banished from
it obnoxious persons ; levied a license tax on the dealers whom
he authorised ; compelled them to sell at reasonable prices ; and

1888 BENOIT DE BOIGNE 81

encouraged the supply of what he considered the most desirable
articles.

Besides his heavier artillery, he had a large train of light moun-
tain guns, which he placed on camels, whose height enabled him to
give convenient elevation to the pieces, when employed against an
enemy posted on hill slopes, or on fortifications at close quarters.
The camel had the additional advantage of carrying at once the
weapon, the gunners, and the ammunition. His field-pieces were of
bronze, generally dragged by oxen, but on an emergency elephants
were employed to convey them.

One peculiarity of his formation has been already noted. While
his entire army comprised eventually three brigades, which included
about 20,000 regular combatants, but a far larger force of irregulars,
and were escorted rather than materially assisted — except in pur-
suing fugitives, skirmishing, and so forth — by three times that
number of Mahratta cavalry, not only each brigade, but each
battalion, was so constituted, that it formed a complete though
minute corps d'armee, with field-pieces, camel guns, cavalry, arti-
ficers, and a bazaar. Thus it could operate far more independently
than an ordinary European regiment. The sepoys received lOf
rupees a month ; officers various sums, from 3,000, a colonel's pay,
to 150, that of an ensign. But on active service, or when sent
to the Dekkan, they had batta, or an allowance of a third more.
Prize money, in such a service, must also be taken into liberal
account. The army presented a strange medley of races, creeds,
and languages. Thus there were among the soldiers, Mahrattas,
Moguls, Tartars, Persians, Kajputs, Kohillas, Sikhs, &c. ; and
among the officers. Frenchmen, Savoyards, Englishmen, Swiss,
ItaKans, Eurasians, and others. Mr. Sangster, the Scotchman
whom De Boigne had found in the rana of Gohud's service, became
the commandant and chief manager of his arsenal.

Each battalion mustered 707 regular fighting men, besides
irregulars, mechanics, and camp followers, who swelled its number
to 3,167. Each brigade had 6,363 combatants, but in all numbered
28,503, or, when the auxiliary Mahratta cavalry was added, 48,000
men, of whom 25,000 were combatants. Each brigade had fifty
guns ; it had also 3,000 Kohilla cavalry. De Boigne's personal guard
was a splendidly mounted and caparisoned escort of 500 Persian
horsemen, who were much devoted to him. On his departure they
entered the English service.

Such were De Boigne's own establishments. The extension and
modification of his system by Perron must here be omitted. The
following description, by one of his officers, will appropriately con-
clude our sketch of this remarkable man's career in India, as it
presents him at the culminating point of his greatness, and was
written soon after he retired from Sindia's service.

VOL. III. — NO. IX. - <*

82 BENOIT BE BOIGNE Jan.

De Boigne is formed by nature and education to guide and command ;
his school acquirements are much above mediocrity. He is a tolerable
Latin scholar, and reads, writes, and speaks French, Italian, and English,
with ease and fluency. He is not deficient in a general acquaintance
with books, and possesses great knowledge of the world ; he is extremely
polite, affable, pleasant, humorous, and vivacious. On the grand stage,
where he has acted a brilliant and important part for these ten years, he
is dreaded and idolised, feared and admired, respected and beloved :
latterly the very name of De Boigne conveyed more terror than the
thunder of his cannons. His justice was uncommon, and singularly well
proportioned between severity and relaxation : he possessed the happy
art of gaining the confidence of surrounding princes and governed subjects ;
active and persevering to a degree which can only be conceived by those
who were spectators of his indefatigable labours. I have seen him daily
and monthly rise with the sun, survey his Jcarkhana (arsenal, a manu-
factory), view his troops, enlist recruits, direct the vast movements of
three brigades, raise resources, and encourage manufactures for their
arms, ammunition, and stores ; harangue in his durbar, give audience to
ambassadors, administer justice, regulate the civil and revenual affairs of
a jay dad of twenty lacks of rupees, listen to a multitude of letters from
various parts, on various important matters ; dictate replies, carry on an
intricate system of intrigue in different courts ; superintend a private
trade of lacs of rupees, keep his accounts, his private and public corre-
spondence, and direct and move forward a most complex political machine.
All this he did without any European assistance, for he is very diffident
in placing his confidence. Such was his laborious occupation from sun-
rise till past midnight, and this was the unremitting employment of nine
or ten years.^

De Boigne's next appearance is in a very different character
from that which he has sustained in the East, and reverses
Shakespeare's order of man's parts on the stage of life. In May
1797 he landed at Deal, was cordially received in England, and
entered freely into the best society in London. There, at a concert
given for a charitable object, while detained by the throng in an
anteroom, he was fascinated by the sweet singing of a young lady,
the daughter of a French emigre, le marquis d'Osmond ; and yield-
ing to the spell, he procured an introduction to her and her parents.
Her personal and mental charms confirmed the impression which
her voice had made upon him ; and he asked her in marriage. The
parents left the answer to herself. She had moved in the highest
circles, having been connected with the court of Marie Antoinette,
and later with that of her sister, the queen of Naples. Though only
seventeen, experience, grave and gay, had made her self-possessed
and decided beyond her years. The destitution of her family

* A Sketch of the Rise <&c. of the regular Corps formed dc. by Europeans in the
Service of the Native Princes of India, pp. 86-88. By Lewis Ferdinand Smith.
London : Stockdale. 1805. This writer's account of De Boigne's adventures before
he reached India is very inaccurate.

1888 BENOIT DE BOIGNE 83

afflicted her ; the gallant soldier was importunate, rich, and famous :
she agreed to give him a private interview ; and, on his promising
to provide liberally for her parents, frankly accepted him, with no
superfluous display of affected emotion. This was in 1798. For
six years De Boigne and his wife lived in England. They then
went to Paris, where they were rejoined by the lady's parents.
But the family party was soon broken up. The old campaigner, so
long secluded from European society, had little sympathy with the
tastes of his young, brilliant, and court-bred wife. He sighed after
a life of quiet usefulness; she preferred the salons of the capital
and the splendours of the imperial court. And ardent as had been
De Boigne's passion, the union was too unequal to prove a happy
one. There was no quarrel ; but there was hopeless incompatibility
of temper. Thus this ill-assorted pair quietly agreed to separate,
and continue friends — at a distance. The husband, having pro-
vided handsomely for his wife, as he had already done for her
parents, retired to his native place. Madame de Boigne settled at
Paris ; after the restoration accompanied her father when he went
as ambassador successively to Turin and to London ; returned with
him to Paris in 1819 ; became there the centre of a celebrated coterie,
and died not many years ago. But so long as her husband sur-
vived, she each year spent several weeks with him at Chambery,
and entertained his numerous and distinguished guests. Her in-
timate friends stated that she rarely mentioned him, but, when
she did, always spoke of him with the greatest respect. The
honours bestowed on him by Louis XVIII are said to have been
due to her solicitation. M. de Saint- Genis adds : La comtesse
de Boigne temoigna toujours heaucoup d^affection aux enfants du
premier mariage de son mari.^ She never had any children of her
own. Such are the plain facts relating to this much canvassed but
very characteristic episode in De Boigne's life.

Though he had taken up his abode within the limits of the
empire, and received a civil appointment, he had no sympathy
with Napoleon, and probably distrusted the solidity of his powers
His military talents might have found successful employment in
the imperial service ; but to this he was averse on several accounts,
and the emperor probably knew him w^ell enough to spare him the
necessity of a refusal. But the battle of Hfe was not over for him ;
and the garish splendour of his martial deeds was yet to be rivalled
by the milder light of his achievements as a philanthropist. In this
capacity he became publicly known only during the last eight years
of his life ; but his private beneficence was of much earlier origin.
As he lived quietly, though in good provincial style, his wealth

» These were the offspring of a Persian lady, whom De Boigne had met in India,
who became a christian and died in England, much respected by those who knew her
history and character. Through her son De Boigne's line has been continued.

. o 2

84 BENOIT DE BOIGNE Jan.

steadily increased : a careful observer of the state of society, he
gradually matured plans for its improvement ; and advancing age
inclined him to execute them at his own cost, while he could
superintend them. Thus in 1822 he formally addressed the
municipal authorities of Chambery on the subject. The programme
sketched in this document he carried out with great munificence,
and at the same time with great judgment. The money with
which he parted probably exceeded 120,000L ; but, instead of
scattering it broadcast, he invested it in institutions destined to be
permanent. Thus he improved the fabric of the hospital, and there
endowed three beds for ordinary patients, and four more poii7' les
voyageurs et etrangerSf malades et pauvres, de quelque nation on
religion qu'ils soient. This was a notable stretch of charity at a
time when, as M. de Saint-Genis reminds us, even in Geneva the
gravest case could not be admitted into the general hospital with-
out a certificate of Genevan citizenship. He also made permanent
provision for certain contagious diseases not before treated in the
hospital. Lunacy was common in the country, and was becoming
better understood. But there was no public asylum. De Boigne
established one, and placed at its head a proficient of the new
school. It accommodated thirty patients. The site has since
been changed, and the French government has greatly increased
the scale of the institution. But the principles of the original
plan are still observed. De Boigne also made an heroic effort to
suppress sturdy vagrancy in and around Chambery. It had been
forbidden by an obsolete law, of which he now procured the re-
vival in the city and in twenty-one communes around it. The
vagrant was first to be punished, and then consigned to a depot de
mendicite, or reformatory, founded and, as usual, endowed by De
Boigne. It was calculated to receive one hundred persons, fifty of
each sex, who were to be strictly disciplined and compelled to work.
The proceeds of their labour were to contribute to the expenses of
the establishment. The obvious difficulties attending this experi-
ment limited, if they did not destroy, its usefulness. The number
of vagabonds greatly exceeded the means of accommodation, and
the enforced labour was less profitable than had been anticipated.
After a time, the reformatory became little else than a hospital for
incapables. But since the French annexation matters have im-
proved, and the house has been restored to its original purpose.
Another donation provided for the succour of genuine and uncom-
plaining distress in the lower classes. Such cases were to be
privately sought out, and relieved with discretion and delicacy.
Disabled members of the fire brigade were not forgotten ; and a fund
was allotted to furnish poor prisoners with clean linen and tobacco.
But the most characteristic and elaborate evidence of De Boigne's
sympathy with real distress is to be found in his institution of the

1888 BENOIT DE BOIGNE 85

asyle de la vieillesse. This was to provide a comfortable retreat
for twenty persons of each sex, of sixty years and upwards, ayant
appartemc aux classes aisees de la societe, depourvus de moyens suf-
Jisants d'existence, satis avoir jamais demerite ni perdu Vestime
publique. Minute precautions were taken to prevent its assuming
the character of a plebeian almshouse. Thus the founder directed
that his own relatives to the fourth degree should have a prior
claim to admission. Each inmate was to have a private room ; and
all had free right of egress, on condition of returning to meals
and at a fixed hour in the evening. Among candidates the most
unfortunate was to be preferred. The ladies might be ' asked ' to
assist in household offices and in needlework, but with proper
regard to their age, health, and capacity for such work. And it is
delicately added : C'est une occupation et rion pas une tdche que les
directrices doivent offrir a leurs compagnes. The founder showed
his good taste in reserving for himself and his family only four
nominations : the rest were to be made by a committee of
the principal citizens. This noble institution has thoroughly
answered its end : it has been well managed ; its funds have in-
creased ; and its shelter is said to be still in great request among
the class of persons for whom it was designed. As a decided
catholic, and a profound hater of the principles of the French
revolution, but at the same time a man of great intelligence and of
literary tastes, De Boigne was much interested in the cause of
education, both primary and of the higher kind. Thus he made
grants to the Christian Brothers and to the Sisters of St. Joseph, for
the training of the poor of both sexes. And through his liberality
the college of Chambery was reorganised, and committed to the
charge of the Jesuits, who commended themselves to him by their
zeal and traditional aptitude for education. Besides building a
church, and contributing to other public edifices, he demolished a
mean and unwholesome quarter, and opened a spacious avenue
through the heart of the city. This summary does not include all
his benefactions; but it will suffice to show his immense libe-
rality, the beneficence of his designs, and the judicious spirit in
which they were executed.

His address to the magistrates on entering on his labours is
couched in a strain of earnest and grateful piety. Its drift is,
' Freely ye have received, freely give.' In a lighter vein, but to the
same purport, he said of himself that, having long done so much
for the devil, he thought it high time to do what he could for God.
There were not wanting at the time mean spirits to disparage his
good works, and misconstrue his motives. But the general voice
was loud in his praise. His sovereign expressed the warmest
sympathy with his philanthropic schemes; and when, in 1830,
he died in the fulness of years, still engaged in benevolent

86 BENOIT DE BOIGNE Jan.

enterprises which his son prosecuted, the tears of a grateful people
were shed at his grave, and to testify the public grief and respect
the shops of the city were closed for three days. The mockers have
long been silent, and their carpings are extinct ; but De Boigne still
lives, in the memory of orientals as an invincible master of war, in
the hearts of his townsmen as their sincere friend and disinterested
benefactor.'^

De Boigne' s early adventures gave little promise of his later
eminence, and might create a prejudice against him as a rolling
stone. But he had strong temptations to change his coat so often.
His early engagements hardly offered a fair field for a man of
enterprise. The aristocratic constitution of the old French army,
the system of promotion by seniority only, and the absence of great
prizes at that time in the Honourable East India Company's
service, must have been very discouraging to such a man. In both
cases also he might reasonably think that his foreign origin and
his want of connexion were against him. His Eussian appointment
was a rather casual one ; and his unlucky capture prevented his
winning honour in a war, on the close of which he might have been
dismissed, had he not retired. But besides such considerations, he
probably felt, on each occasion, that he was not in his natural
element. Adventurous and original, and ' formed by nature,' as
Smith says, *to guide and to command,' he might well find the
trivial round and minute restrictions of regimental life uncongenial
and irksome, and envy the lot of a Sir John Hawkwood or a
Wallenstein. This may seem an afterthought ; but it is in harmony
with other indications of a constitutional antipathy to conventional
life. Twice he entertained the novel and bold design of exploring
central Asia. His plan for raising Sindia's siege of Gwalior was
worthy of Garibaldi, the incomparable partisan but also the im-
practicable subject of the king of Italy. The circumstances of his
marriage in England are singularly romantic — on his side. It was
a case of love, passing love at first sight. The hitherto unconquered
hero, in the maturity of his career, is at once pierced to the heart
by the strains of a girl : ilfaut, he exclaims to a friend before he
has even seen the lady, il faiit que cette voix m' appartienne ! turns a
deaf ear to prosaic and poetic warnings against the union of youth
and crabbed age ; despises the smiles and the sneers of ' society ; ' and
is made the happiest of men — for a season ! And when the logic
of facts is too hard for him, the compromise by which he extri-
cates himself from his false position shows the same tendency to
defy public opinion, and, ignoring the bond which he cannot break,
to assert his independence by taking up permanently the position

^^ The title of count was conferred upon him by Victor Emmanuel I in 181G. The
rest of his honours are enumerated by M. de Saint-Genis (p. 343). He was chosen a
member of the London Asiatic Society on its foundation.

1888 BENOIT DE BOIGNE 87

of a ' grass-widower.' So again, when from war, travel, and love,
he turns to philanthropy, he is still an original ; and instead of
entering into the labours of others, he prefers to think out his
schemes himself, and to erect his beneficent edifices on lines of his
own. That such a man, with little prospect of rising in the ordinary-
way, should be inclined to throw up a commission in a regular army,
seems to us as natural as that he should find himself quite at home,
and rise rapidly, in such a service as that of Sindia, where, un-
trammelled by an existing system, and dependent only on the pleasure
of an indulgent prince, he is practically his own master, and can create
a little world of his own. His success in his last venture is thus his
best apology for the instability of purpose which his earlier conduct
might seem to indicate. With Sindia he did find himself in his
natural element; but even with him he seemed destined at first
to share the premature fate of Marcellus, and to be cut short in his
career after a brief display of ability.

The good conduct of his recruits in their first field proved the
efficiency of his training. Sindia's partial success in the battle in
which Mohammud Beg perished was their work ; and when the
desertion of the imperial battalions made retreat necessary, it was
De Boigne's men who steadily performed the arduous and prolonged
duty of protecting the rear. Their later achievements in the same
campaign were not less conspicuous, and decided its triumphant
issue. De Boigne was now convinced that he had found his true
place. And having done so much in the day of small things, and
confident of his ability to do much more if the means were afforded
him, he proposed to Sindia a great extension of his system, but on
conditions which, though he knew them to be essential to his
success, Sindia then considered inadmissible. Thereupon he again
acted in a way which, at first sight, seems capricious. He had no
cause of complaint in his relations with his employer. Each had
well fulfilled his engagements with the other. They were on
friendly terms ; and Sindia was not backward to acknowledge his
obligations to his stipendiary. Yet he again tendered his resigna-
tion, because Sindia would not at once consent to his proposals.
We believe, however, that this apparent waywardness is capable of a
rational explanation. De Boigne had proved his military capacity.
He saw that Providence was on the side of his strong battalions —
provided that there were enough of them; but if a greatly aug-
mented force was to be permanently kept up, he knew that this
required a great outlay, and that he must have the exclusive
command of the requisite resources. Sindia might well hesitate to
constitute him at once a great feudatory, almost an independent
chief, at the head of a large europeanised army. On the other
hand, though De Boigne may have been impatient, he does not
seem to us to have been inconsiderate. Well as his men had

88 BENOIT DE BOIGNE Jan.

behaved, they were far too few to insure Sindia against the many
dangers of his invidious position. Should they, still comparatively
raw troops, sustain a defeat, Sindia might lose confidence in them
and in their leader, while he would certainly much regret that
leader's absence ; and his ambition, his sense of insecurity, or an
actual crisis, might lead him to reconsider his refusal, and recall a
tried servant, from whom he had separated with reluctance. At
Lucknow, De Boigne would still be within hail of Sindia ; and by
engaging in commerce, with the advice and help of his friend
Martin, he might amass money, the want of which had baffled his
late design. Such we believe to have been his calculation. If
so, it was justified by the result. Sindia pondered over his scheme,
and in due time re-engaged him on his own terms. De Boigne
now became, as we have said, almost independent : commanding
the praetorian guards, he was arbiter of his master's destinies.
Having secured such a standpoint, he showed no more vacillation,
but faithfully and persistently devoted all his energies to the service
of the prince who had so highly exalted him. Henceiorth he was
the steadfast bulwark of Sindia's power : the territorial revenues
confided to him were duly applied to the maintenance of his
splendid army ; his campaigns were invariably successful ; the
terror of his arms overawed the natives ; his able and beneficent
administration, and his encouragement of trade, added lustre to
his name, and reflected credit on a patron who sanctioned such a
contrast to Mahratta precedent ; and his virtuous character made
him generally respected, and mitigated the antipathy to Sindia's
rule.

Though favoured by circumstances, De Boigne owed most to
himself. He was a man of striking appearance, over six feet high,
large-limbed, with expressive features, a piercing eye, a stately
bearing, and a commanding air. These personal advantages
enhanced the impression produced by his fine military qualities,
self-reliance and readiness to undertake responsibility, indefatigable
industry, great power of organisation ; in the field, dashing enter-
prise, perfect self-possession, inflexible resolution, keenness in
scanning the varying tide of battle, in averting pressing danger,
and dealing the decisive blow, energy in following up a victory, and
withal aptitude to breathe his own spirit into his soldiers, and
make them confident, enthusiastic, and persevering. Against such
enemies as he encountered, his work was, in reality, half done before
he entered the field. His liberal terms and his high reputation
attracted promising recruits in profusion, and enabled him to sift
the raw material of his army. He was also careful in the selection
of his officers. His training was most painstaking and systematic,
and his discipline very strict ; while by his minute attention to the
interests of his men he taught them to look up to him as their true

1888 BENOIT BE BOIGNE 89

friend and benefactor, to obey his orders cheerfully and heartily,
and to take a special pride in serving under the white cross of
their own adored patron. Thus his army became a corps d'elitCj
familiar with its business when it quitted its quarters, and well
prepared to perform it, earnestly devoted to its leader, ready to
face any odds at his bidding, and assured of victory under his
auspicious flag.

The wars in which De Boigne was engaged did not demand
elaborate strategy. To bring the enemy to action speedily, beat
him thoroughly, leave him no time to rally, and no alternative
short of destruction but to lay down his arms, was the root of the
matter ; and in this De Boigne excelled. But that he might have
distinguished himself as a strategist, may be inferred from his
baffling Holkar's attempts to avoid a pitched battle by means very
similar to those recommended and practised by General Wellesley.
His rapid and decisive operations present a striking contrast to the
dilatory and timid advance of the Bombay army on Poona a few
years earlier, and its spiritless retreat to Wargaum, and ignominious
* convention ' there ; and even to Goddard's partial retrieval af that
great disaster. As a tactician, his ability is more obvious, as in his
conduct of the retreat to Gwalior, his attack on Pertab Singh's camp
in the early morning, and prompt concentration of his army after
Eohan's mishap, his countermarch into the wood, and decisive
cavalry charge in the battle with Holkar. His sieges were simple
affairs, in which the terror of his name effected as much as his
actual operations. But Lake's frequent repulses before Bhurtpoor
are a warning against underrating De Boigne's success in this line,
especially as his want of European regiments may be set off against
Lake's deficient siege train.

De Boigne's victories were mostly gained over undisciplined
troops; but the destruction of Dudrenec's battalions, the defeat
of Raymond's at Kurdla, above all the conduct of Sindia's dis-
ciplined infantry in the English war, proved that too much stress
must not be laid on this circumstance.

De Boigne was also fortunate in the absence of conspicuous
generalship among his opponents. Ismael's gallantry, energy, and
perseverance, and Holkar's agility, indicated no special skill ; and
Dudrenec was afterwards defeated by the undisciplined forces of
Jeswunt Rao Holkar and Ameer Khan.

The adventurer was also fortunate in the choice of a patron.
Mahadajee was too great a man to fear him, too discerning to mis-
interpret him, too independent to be prejudiced against him by
others. Nor was he, like Tippoo, morbidly anxious to centre all
power in himself, and thus given to dislike and repel men of strong
character and critical temper. Much as they differed, Sindia and
De Boigne just suited each other. To both the world was their

90 BEXOIT DE BOIGNE Jan.

oyster, ^Yhich they with sword would open. And to this end each
contributed what the other lacked ; on the one side, an established
political position and ample resources ; on the other, j)roficiency in
European warfare, and a moral character which was hardly less
desirable to Sindia under his peculiar circumstances. Though he
could not thrive in such a sphere without a fair share of the wisdom
of the serpent, De Boigne was unquestionably a frank, loyal, and tho-
roughly high-minded man. As a mercenary, he had the best reasons
for being ' faithful to his salt.' But he was no mere mercenary. He
had a strong sense of professional honour, a chivalrous devotion to
the cause he had embraced ; and being a man of generous impulses,
he was grateful for the high favour which he enjoyed, and recipro-
cated the cordial feeling which he inspired. Thus Sindia, himself
wily and far from scrupulous, and constantly exposed to the arts of
his enemies and the treachery of his native dependants, could not
but prize very highly such an honest adviser, sincere friend, and
staunch supporter, and see clearly that in magnifying De Boigne's
authority he confirmed and increased his own.

The political condition of Hindostan was also very favourable to
our hero. The Mogul party, like the empire, had become phan-
tasmal. Ismael's figure stands out in bold relief among silken
courtiers and corrupt officials. And though Sindia's army over-
awed Delhi on the first occasion, and on the second fought its way
thither, he was not a mere usurper, nor was his power dependent
on the sword alone. Mahadajee was formally invited by the
minister to assist him against a rebel. And Shah Allum, after
the minister's murder, accepted the Mahratta as the ' saviour of
society,' and formally invested him with the right to wield, by
double delegation, the power w^hich the sword had given him.
How^ever transparent this artifice may appear in our eyes, it con-
formed to native ideas and practice, and was a strong moral
support to Sindia's authority. The alternative of leaving the
emperor, his capital, and his people, exposed to such anarchy and
brutal enormities as had prevailed in the absence of Sindia, was
too dreadful not to incline Mussulmans and Hindoos alike to
acquiesce in the Mahratta domination. The Eajput love of liberty
was unquenchable ; and when the Mahrattas fell out among them-
selves, Pertab Singh obeyed a natural impulse in withholding his
tribute, and resisting its payment as long as he could. But such a
disposition to evade, or even to dispute, an unpleasant obligation
must not be confounded with a settled design of waging a new war
of independence. Nor must it be forgotten that Sindia's right to
tax the Eajput was threefold : first, in pursuance of the contract
entered into at the late pacification ; secondly, as the emperor's
minister, claiming contributions from an imperial province ; thirdly,
as the peishwa's representative, exacting chout, according to the

A

1888 BENOIT DE BOIGNE 91

grant of a former emperor to a former peishwa. Moreover, the
stronger and more undisputed was Sindia's authority among Hin-
dostanees, the less able would Holkar be to make good his claim to
share in the collection of the chout, as joint representative of the
peishwa. Thus lawlessness and legal formulas combined to facili-
tate Sindia's conquest, or, in other words, the progress of De
Boigne's arms.

That the British government offered no obstacle to the extension
of Sindia's dominions and the development of De Boigne's military
system, seems strange in the light of later events. But such
inactivity was, at the time, considered masterly ; though Macpherson
did not hesitate to exact an explicit retractation from Sindia when, in
the first flush of triumph, he presumed to revive the imperial claim
to tribute from Bengal; and Cornwallis informed him, in the
plainest terms, that he would not be permitted with impunity
to coerce our ally, the nawab of Oude. As to De Boigne personally,
there were good reasons for forbearance. He was a Savoyard. Had
he been, as is often assumed, a Frenchman, he would have been
liable to suspicion, even if he had not been unfriendly to the com-
pany. After deeply resenting St. Lubin's intrigues at Poona,
Warren Hastings would not have cared to countenance another
enterprising Frenchman. Nor would Lord Macartney have recom-
mended him so warmly to the governor-general. His recall to
Calcutta was perhaps partly due to some lurking fear that he might
be, or become, an instrument in the hands of the French against us.
But if ever felt, this fear was soon dissipated. As a Savoyard, who
had served under both the French and the English flags, he was a
neutral in the great national rivalry ; he could calmly contemplate
the growth of the English dominion ; he was indebted, moreover,
to English patronage; and he soon formed close ties, both of
friendship and business, with our countrymen, which he was not
inclined to break ; nor was he likely to make a secret of Sindia's
written pledge that he should not be employed against the Company.
And yet further, some of his best officers were Englishmen or
Scotchmen of good character ; Hessing, an Englishman, commanded
the battalions which escorted Sindia to Poona ; nor was it im-
probable that De Boigne's successor might be a Briton. Hence he
was regarded, not with misgiving, but as a useful link in our
amicable relations with Mahadajee, at a time when to quarrel
with that prince was held to be most undesirable. Before his
death, the course of the French revolution had drawn De Boigne
and our countrymen still closer together ; for he was a patriot,
a royalist, and a Eoman catholic ; and in all these capacities he
abhorred the conduct of the republicans, and sympathised strongly
with their enemies. Had the French attacked us in India,
we believe that he would have used all his influence on the

92 BENOIT DE BOIGNE Jan.

company's behalf. This may sound strange to a careless reader of
Wellesley's despatches, but less so to one who realises the contrast
between De Boigne and his successor.

These personal reasons for the seeming apathy of the British
government to a phenomenon which was privately regarded with
the deepest interest were reinforced by the general view of Anglo-
Indian policy prevalent at home and accepted in the council
chamber of Fort William. At the time when the adventurer
achieved his great exploits, Warren Hastings was on his trial. The
costly and disastrous wars with the Mahrattas and Hyder Ali had
excited general indignation and alarm. A passionate sentiment
in favour of non-intervention pervaded the India House, parliament,
and the nation, and was emphatically expressed in the famous
restrictive clause in Pitt's act. Cornwallis was appointed to carry
out this policy ; and Sir John Shore was pedantically devoted to
it. When Cornwallis was compelled to go to war with Tippoo, he
had a new reason for avoiding a breach with Sindia ; and Shore
was almost abjectly bent on conciliating him. But on Lord Mor-
nington's arrival, soon after De Boigne' s departure, a great change
took place in the attitude of the supreme government. The defen-
sive alliance system turned rather than stormed the legislative
entrenchment of the non-interventionists ; and the governor- general
determined to bridle the Mahratta confederacy. How, with such
views, he would have regarded and treated De Boigne, it is impos-
sible to say ; but it may be safely assumed that the Savoyard was
happy in having played out his part before the arrival of the
statesman who ' sultanised India.'

On reviewing De Boigne' s career the question naturally occurs,
how did it ultimately affect the fortunes of the British empire in
t he east ? It is idle to speculate on the course that events might
have taken had he never appeared on the scene. But it may be
confidently asserted, that by his extension of the power of Sindia,
and by the encouragement which his example held out to the
formation of corps similar to his own in the service of other native
princes, he precipitated the development of Wellesley's system, the
destruction of the Mahratta domination, and the aggrandisement of
our own territory and influence. Wellesley could not look com-
placently on such formidable armaments in states which constantly
threatened the peace of India and the stability of the British power.
And when Perron succeeded to the command of De Boigne's army,
and it became not only more and more French, but more dis-
tinctively and vehemently anti-English, a crisis was inevitable.
Wellesley assumes that the .necessity of dispersing such an army
would alone have been an adequate reason for presenting an ulti-
malum to Dowlat Kao. On the other hand, there can be no doubt
that he would have refused to comply with such a requisition, and

1888 BENOIT DE BOIGNE 9B

that it was mainly their rehance on this force that emboldened him
and the rajah of Berar to risk a war with the company. How de-
lusive were their hopes appears not only from the event, but from
the nature of the case. The Mahrattas had been, and still were,
very formidable in irregular warfare. But in proportion as they
adopted a regular formation, and hampered their flying cavalry by
the obligation of acting in concert with regular battalions and large
trains of artillery, they sacrificed their old advantage of celerity
and their old power of evading pursuit, and incurred the necessity
of fighting pitched battles. In these their cavalry were conspi-
cuously ineffective against well- disciplined troops. While, excellent
as were Sindia's native brigades, they were not only, in the event,
deserted by the majority of their European officers, and out-
generalled by Arthur Wellesley and Lake; but they would have
been, in any case, no match for our regiments of Europeans, well
seconded by our admirable sepoys. Hence they were demolished in
a single campaign. But how resolutely they met their inevitable
doom, how gallantly they fought, how gloriously they perished, is
matter of history, attested by their conquerors. At Laswaree
seven thousand of these heroic men fought on after all their guns
were taken ; and resisting desperately to the last, and disdaining to
fly, were slaughtered in their ranks. Though De Boigne was not
among them, his spirit still animated them to do and die ; and
thus in death they were not divided from their idolised leader.

Sidney James Owen.

94 Jan.

Notes and Docuinents

THE OKIGIN OF EXOGAMY.

[This little paper was written in the spring of 1877. It was written hastily, in
a (lay or two. It is, therefore, a mere first sketch. The writer meant after-
wards to elaborate his view for a work which he had in preparation ; but, owing to
long-continued ill-health, he never arrived at the point in this work at which it
would have been natural for him to take it up again. The paper, however, con-
tains in outline what he had to say as to the possibiUty of a movement fi:om
capture to exogamy. It is disclosed at once that its purpose is limited to this.
It passes over the facts and reasonings by which one might seek to make it
probable that there was a want of balance between the sexes among early men,
from which polyandry, with female kinship, and capture resulted.]

My hypothesis, so far as concerns the present purpose, is in outhne
as follows. The primitive groups were, or were by their members,
when consanguinity was first thought of, assumed to be all of one
stock. Marriage was at first unknown. In time the special
attachments of children to mothers led to the subdivision of the
groups into rude family groups of the Nair type, and made possible
the rise and consolidation of the system of kinship through women
only. Whatever other family, or rather household, groups, there
were, it is attested by the system of kinship that those of the Nair
type largely preponderated, and approximately, for the purposes of
thinking, we may assume them all to have been of this type.
While things were in this situation a practice of capturing w^omen
for wives — having its root in a want of balance between the sexes —
arose, and was followed by the rise of the law of exogamy. It is
the manner in which the one might give rise to the other which is
now to be investigated. By the joint operation, again, of the system
of capture, exogamy, and female kinship, the original homogeneity
of the groups was destroyed. They lost their character as stock-
groups and became local tribes, each having within it as many
gentes of different stocks as there were original stock-groups within
reach that it habitually plundered for wives. It is of course an
almost necessary inference that many groups disappeared in the
struggle for existence.

Whatever else may be disputable in connexion with this
hypothesis, it will be admitted, I think, to be beyond dispute that
the account it gives of the presence of rjentes of precisely the same

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 95

stocks in the various local tribes inhabiting an extensive country,
like Australia, is correct. Assuming it to be so, we obtain a series
of inferences as to the state of the original stock-groups just before
the commencement of the processes by which they were finally
interfused, and every such inference, it will be seen, throws light
on the rise of exogamy.

It is found that every gois of any stock is connected with every
other gens of the same stock, in whatever local tribes they may be,

(1) by the religious regard for the totem, which marks the stock ;

(2) by the obligation of the blood- feud, springing out of community
of blood. This obligation must have followed the blood from its
source wherever it went, as surely as the religious regard must
have done so. And unless the totem bond had been fully esta-
blished in the stock-groups before they became to any great extent
interfused in local tribes, it could not have been established at all.
It is the test, and apart from the memory of individuals, the only
test, of blood relationship among the lower races ; and without it,
as far as we know, there is absolutely nothing which could hold
together, as a body of kindred, persons descended from the same
stock-group but living in different local tribes, or even the same
persons living in the same local tribe. We have, then, the inference
that the religious regard for the totem, the blood-feud, and of
course the system of female kinship — without which no commence-
ment of the transfusion could have taken place — were firmly
established in the original stock-groups before the appearance of
the system of capture or exogamy.

When we reflect again on the internal structure of the groups,
it becomes apparent that each of them must have become subdivided
into so many great families of the Nair type — holding on to primi-
tive mothers — such as (in magnitude at least) are at a later time
and in connexion with male kinship derived from common male
ancestors ; and that within these great families there would be
subdivisions again into smaller groups of mothers and their children,
or brothers and their sisters or their children. Now whether we
imagine these great family groups of which the stock-groups were
made up, to hold together as settled residents on the same lands, or
to be nomadic and separated usually, ranging within the same
district of country, we may see that they would tend to become
ultimately so many separate bands. The men of each would most
conveniently find their wives within their own band ; and they
would more frequently act together for some band purpose than in
concert with the men of other bands for the stock-group's purposes.
But the bands, while thus acquiring separate interests and having
residences more or less apart, would be firmly united by the bonds
of common blood, civil and religious. They would truly be so many
septs, all of one blood.

96 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Jan.

If now we imagine some cause to initiate a practice of capturing
women for wives in a district occupied by several stock-groups,
each subdivided, as above conceived, into bands united by a
common faith and the law of the blood-feud, we may see instantly
one leading result that would follow. There would be no limitation
on capture as regards capturing the women of any subdivision of a
different and therefore hostile stock-group ; but from the first there
would be a positive limitation on the practice as regards capturing
the women of any band of the stock-group to w^hich oneself be-
longed. Of course in attempting any capture, as from a hostile
group, the captors would be taking their lives in their hands in the
adventure as an act of war. But a capture from one of the kindred
bands would be more than an act of war ; it would be felt to be an
outrage or a crime ; more than that, it would be felt to be a sin — a
violation of the religious obligation which the blood-feud imposed,
for it could not well be accomplished without the shedding of
kindred blood. Moreover, all of the stock w^ould be bound to
avenge it, and we may well see how from the first it might well
not only be a capital offence, but regarded with a degree of horror.

Here, then, in a law prohibiting the capturing of women of
one's own stock for wives, we have every note of the subsequent
law of exogamy. If we can show how^ this limitation on the right
of capturing women for wives could be transformed into a limitation
on the right of marriage, we shall have accounted for the origin of
exogamy. The difficulties at this point are immense. Instead of
its being possible to believe, with some thinkers, that the step was
taken at a bound by * a natural confusion ' of the two things, it
seems almost impossible to see how it could have been taken at all.
Let us see if we can ascertain how the change might become
possible.

The question is, how the ancient custom of wiving within the
kindred (1) went into desuetude, and (2) came to be under the pro-
hibition that originally applied only to capturing women of the
kindred.

So far as there was an association betw^een capture and mar-
riage, the limitation on the right of capture would operate from the
first as a limitation on the exercise of the right of marriage among
kindred. If now we conceive, as required by my hypothesis, that
the cause of the practice of capture was a scarcity of women, we
shall see how the exercise of this right would be further restricted.
The kindred bands in a group would be unwilling, and unable even
if willing, to furnish one another with wives ; for, on the hypothesis,
women were scarce with them. Kindred wives would then be
unattainable from without, by favour or purchase, and we have
seen that they would be unattainable by capture. So far, then, as
the men of a band were in need of women, they would be obhged

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 97

to obtain them by capture from groups of a stock different from
their own. Thus the men would think more of foreign women in
connexion with wiving than of kindred women, and so marriages
with kindred women would tend to go into desuetude. On the
other hand, the ideas of marriage and capture thus becoming more
intimately associated, there would be a further approach to exogamy.
But it is a long way from disuse of an ancient right to the
rearing up of an absolute interdict on its exercise. In the present
case we may believe that so long as there were in a band women of
the men's stock, the men would marry them. Can we feign for
ourselves how men could come to be without women of their own
stock ? We may believe, to give what mathematicians call a sin-
gular solution of the problem, that often, where there was a system
of capture, the men of a band might be robbed, in their absence or
in open fight, of their women and female children.^ Thereafter for
these men capture and marriage would mean the same thing. The
exercise of the right of marrying kindred women would be for them
impossible, and the right itself therefore dead. Capture and marriage
would become for them synonymous. The women they might sub-
sequently capture being necessarily of some foreign stock, and the
children of their mother's stock, there would never again be within
the band women of their own stock. Such an experience, lasting
for the remainder of the lifetime of the men of one generation in a
band, might well establish exogamy as the marriage-law for the
band. Could we imagine that such an experience as this was not
uncommon, that it was perhaps frequent in its recurrence, with the
bands of the various stock-groups of a country, we should have a
condition of things in which, for long periods at least, marriage and
capture would be practically synonymous, and whatever limitation
applied to the one would apply to the other. Exogamy would become
the marriage law.

But it is not necessary to make any so violent a supposition. A
general cause may be shown to have been in operation which would
only require assistance from such experiences as I have referred to,
to complete the connexion between capture and marriage. This
cause is to be found in the absolute change in the relations of hus-
bands and wives that must have followed upon the institution of a
system of capturing women for wives.

I have called Nair polyandry a mode of marriage because, in a
juridical view, any relationship of persons of different sexes resting
on contract and approved by public opinion — by custom or law — i>
marriage. But it may well have been that the rude men of whom
we are thinking, matured the idea of marriage for the first time

' See Wallace, Travels on the Amazon [p. 516, also p. 362]; and The Malay
Archipelago, i. 144-5. [These passages were probably referred to from memory; but
they support the supposition made well enough.]

VOL. III. — NO. IX. ' . H

98 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Jan.

when the Nair species of polyandry began to decay, and give place
to a mode of marriage which put the men in the first place, and
women in an absolutely subordinate place in families. Under the
Nair system a wife would live in the house of her mother, and under
the special guardianship and protection of her brothers and mother's
brothers. She would be in a position of almost absolute independence
of her husbands, free within the limits of her engagements to show and
act upon her preferences, and almost certainly to treat her husbands
rather as favoured suitors than as lords. On a practice of capture
arising all this would be changed. The captives would be the slaves
of their captors — would be oivned by them, and under their protec-
tion and guardianship. The new mode of marriage would give a
sudden extension to the form of the family resting on monandry or
Tibetan polyandry. There would be the cohabitation of husbands
and wives, and for the first time the idea of a icife as a subject of her
husband or husbands would become general. Now the new idea
of marriage which would thus be introduced is the idea that was
everywhere destined to triumph — that has in fact triumphed among
all exogamous races, so far as I know. And it was natural and in-
evitable that it should triumph. It is easily conceivable how, once
men had experience of this new marriage system, unions of kindred
on the old model should not only go into desuetude but not be ac-
counted marriages at all. If, then, we conceive that some time after
the rise of a practice of capture the name of ' wife ' came to be
synonymous with a subject and enslaved woman in the power of her
captor or captors, and the name of marriage to be applied to a man's
relation to such a woman as possessor of her, the origin of exogamy
becomes apparent. Since a subject and enslaved wife would, in the
circumstances of the time, be attainable only by capture, marriage
would be possible only through capture, and the prohibition which,
as we have seen, would apply to capture, would apply to marriage.
Marriage with a woman of the same stock would be a crime and a
sin. It would be incest. J. F. McLennan.

On the view as to the movement from capture to exogamy
stated above, exogamy was in the first instance a prohibition of
marriage only between persons of the same blood. There is evi-
dence now forthcoming from Australia which helps the theory at this
point, since it tends to show that exogamy is not necessarily any-
thing more, and therefore that it was nothing more at first. The
absence of such evidence, however, could not of itself make against
the theory, so easy and almost inevitable does it seem that, with
marriage thoroughly established, and strictly forbidden between
persons of the same blood, the history of the prohibition being

I

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 99

unknown, irregular relations should come to be forbidden between
persons of the same blood ; especially when, as often happens even
with female kinship, marriage has become, more or less completely,
a bar to irregular relations.

The Australian evidence above referred to is as follows : —

1. Speaking of tribes about Port Lincoln in South Australia, Mr.
Wilhelmi tells us ^ that they * are divided into two separate classes,
viz. the Matter! and the Karraru;' that 'no one is allowed to
intermarry in his own caste, but only into the other one ; ' and
that children belong to the caste of the mother. Of Mr. Wilhelmi's
phraseology nothing need here be said; it is enough that he
conveys to us that the tribes which were made up of Matteri and
Karraru were exogamous and took kinship through the mother.
As regards marriage then- exogamy was strict. ' There are no in-
stances,' he tells us, * of two Karrarus or two Matteris having been
married together.' And yet, he adds, 'connexions of a less virtuous
character which take place between members of the same caste do
not appear to be considered incestuous.' Irregular connexions,
then, did occur between persons whose marriage would not have
been tolerated, and, -so far as Mr. Wilhelmi could learn, they were
not objected to.

2. We are told on the authority of the Eev. W. Julius Kiihn ^ —
the statement apparently is not in Mr. Kiihn's own language — that
the Turra tribe, also in South Australia, consisted of two great
divisions, Wiltu (eagle-hawk) and Multa (seal), the former of which
contained ten, and the latter six, separate totems; that the divi-
sions or sub-tribes were exogamous, but that any totem of the one
might intermarry with any totem of the other ; and that children
belonged to the totem of their father, and therefore to his division
or sub-tribe. Faithfulness in marriage, we are told, was expected
of both husband and wife. At grand corrobborees, nevertheless
(the account proceeds), 'the old men took any of the young wives
of the other class [sub-tribe] for the time, and the young men of
the Wiltu exchanged wives with those of the Multa, and vice versa,
but only for a time, and in this the men were not confined to any
particular totem.' The statement that the men were not confined
to any particular totem seems to be made with reference to a theory
of Mr. Fison's, which it does not support ; it was made, no doubt,
in answer to a special question. For the rest, the statement leaves
us to understand that the old men were free in their choice, and
the younger men in their exchanges — that no exogamous restriction
bound them. There is nothing to suggest that they were debarred
from womeii of their own totem who had passed by marriage from
their original sub-tribe into the other; indeed, so important an

■

* The Aborigines of Victoria, by R. Brough Smith, vol. i. p. 87.
3 Kamilaroi and Kurnai, by Lorimer Fison and A. W. Howitt, pp. 285-7.

u 2

100 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Jan.

exception, had it been possible to make it, could not have escaped
mention. And, at any rate, the men were all free from the re-
striction which is said to have bound them in marriage as Wiltu
and Multa respectively.

The practice of the Turra people at corrobborees was, no doubt,
a tradition from less advanced predecessors.

3. It now seems worth while to refer to what Mr. Eyre tells us
of tribes in the Adelaide district."^ He says that in most of the
tribes the utmost license prevailed among the young, and that there
was unbounded license for all on certain solemn occasions. It is
clear that he believed there was no restriction whatever. But Mr.
Eyre knew nothing of the marriage law.

Mr. Gideon Lang, however,'^ makes a somewhat similar statement,
and Mr. Lang was aware that the tribes which had been under his
observation were exogamous in marriage.

Eeference may also be made to what Mr. Beveridge has said of
the tribes of the Eiverina district ; ^ and to a fact reported of the
Kunandaburi — a tribe of the Barcoo river, living within the Queens-
land boundary — by Mr. A. W. Howitt on the authority of a Mr.
O'Donnell.'^ It may be suggested, too, that certain well-known
statements about the Kamilaroi need to be carefully considered with
reference to the bearing they may have upon the limits of exogamy
among that people. Unfortunately, Mr. Howitt gives us the bare
fact he has to mention only, and the name of his authority, with
the statement that he had lived some years among the Kunanda-
buri. And Mr. Beveridge's knowledge of the marriage law of the
Eiverina tribes was, no doubt, imperfect. What he says of it is,
that the very slightest blood-relationship was a definite bar to
marriage. But he knew there was a prohibition which applied
to marrying, and that it was strictly enforced. And he assures us
that, apart from marrying, there was simply no restriction what-
ever. He had been for twenty-three years in contact with the
Eiverina tribes — from 1845 to 1868. Perhaps he proves too much ;

* Journals of Expeditions of Discovery into Central Australia in the years
1840-41.

* The Aborigines of Australia, p. 38.

^ Journals dx. of the Royal Society of Nciv South Wales, 1884, p. 24.

^ Australian Group Relations, p. 8, reprinted from the Smithsonian Eeport for
1883. Jus primcB noctis allowed ' to all the men present at the camp without regard
to class or kin.' If this be received (and a person who had lived for some years among
the people could scarcely be mistaken about it), it shows clearly that the exogamy of
the Kunandaburi was limited to marriage, and gives weight to all the indications or
suggestions of exogamy being so limited which are got from the other cases mentioned.
The objection to founding on it is that, while the fact is new for the Australians, no
detail is given as to the order of marriage among the Kunandaburi. It may here be
said that there is a reason why exogamy, if limited to marriage at first, might remain
so limited among Australians — a reason consistent with the theory now submitted.
It is that among many, perhaps most, of the Australian tribes a wife is prized chiefly
for her services as a drUdge.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 101

a less unmeasured statement could be more easily received. But
what he says has to be taken along with the impressions of Mr.
Eyre and Mr. Lang, and the more definite information given by
Mr. Wilhelmi and Mr. Kiihn.

If the foregoing evidence raises a doubt as to the original scope
of exogamy, it is enough for the purpose for which it has been
adduced. And it seems at least sufficient to raise such a doubt.
With a distinct statement from Mr. Kiihn that in the Turra tribe
men were not debarred from their own totem at the corrobborees, one
might go further. For that would leave no room for the suggestion
that exogamous feeling, still in its original strength as regards each
totem, had, by means of the totems, been weakened between the
larger divisions, the Multa and Wiltu, the Matteri and Karraru —
no room for the suggestion that the facts show us, not exogamy
operating within its original limits, but exogamy in a state of decay.
As to that, however, Mr. Howitt (who procured the information)
appears to have made inquiry as to a much smaller matter — whether
particular totems of the sub-tribes of the Turra people were con-
fined to each other at those meetings — and he cannot have neglected
to satisfy himself upon a question of the first importance, which is
plainly raised by the statement which he has published, and in which
Mr. Fison and he have, throughout their work, shown themselves
to be deeply interested.

In speculating on the influence of two such factors as capture
and female kinship, it is unavoidable, though the two may have
acted concurrently throughout, that the attempt should be made to
follow the operation of each separately, combining the results ; or
(which comes to the same thing) that the effects of the one should
first be traced, and then those of the other added on to them. It
was necessary in the preceding essay to deal with the kinship first ;
but it may be easily seen that there would be ample time for its de-
velopment, and for tribes which had grown too large to subdivide
in the manner supposed, before capture could have any effects which
need be taken into account. Capture may have been practised
before there was any thought of relationship; it may have been
practised, more or less, all the time that kinship through females
was growing up. And stranger women, captives of a hostile totem,
must from the first have been in a worse position than the native-
born ; while their position must have grown relatively worse and
worse as the growth of kinship gave the latter protectors and
helped their numbers to secure them some consideration. For
long, their children, being regarded as of some hostile totem, would
not be allowed to live ; and we may be guided in some very small
measure in judging how they would compare with the women through

102 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Jan.

whom the tribe and its totem were propagated, by observing the
low position assigned to captive wives wherever we find capture
practised in supplement of a regular system of marriage by con-
tract. But it is unlikely (as the analogy of the case just mentioned
shows us) that, by their numbers merely, they could sensibly lower
the position of native-born women ; and there appears to be
no other effect which, in the state of things supposed, could follow
upon their presence in a tribe. Men cannot have for tvives (even in
a polyandrous way) women who are doomed to childlessness ; and
(though a gradual preparation for foreign wiving would no doubt be
going on) not until manners had so far softened, and hostile (that is,
different) stocks grown to be so far tolerant of each other that the
men of a totem could let the children of foreigners grow up in their
midst, could there be a beginning of the competition between native
and foreign marriage.

We may believe that the children of captive women would come
to be spared at length by a sort of tacit agreement between neigh-
bouring tribes arrived at gradually, and no doubt very slowly. At
first, and, indeed, for long after it became common to spare them,
each tribe might remain of one stock or totem, so far as the men
were concerned. The blood-feud would, at any rate, tend to drive
the sons of captives to their mothers' relatives. The daughters,
such of them as were spared, would succeed to the lot of their
mothers — and by-and-by would form a nucleus of women available
for the lot of foreign wives who could be had without capture. The
main source of supply of such wives, however, would almost neces-
sarily be in capture until there was, within each stock, so much tole-
rance of foreign elements that the sons of its captives or women of
foreign stock could continue to abide with it, and their daughters
had as good a chance of being allowed to live as those of the
native-born. That involves a great relaxation of the hostile feeling
between different stocks ; it would change each separate body, from
being a stock of a single totem, into a more or less heterogeneous
local tribe. It might give time for a long practice of getting wives
by capture ; and it need not be doubted that, once a preference for
foreign wives had become general among men, understandings would
be arrived at between tribes or methods devised (such as occur in
known examples) with a view to their making captures easy for each
other — understandings or methods such as might lead in time to
contract with the form of capture. With tribes become hetero-
geneous, of course, the need for captures might cease ; men might
find within their own borders wives enough of different blood from
their own — wives obtained at length by friendly bargain, but who
would succeed to the subject lot proper to captive women and their
daughters.

It scarcely need be said that either monandry or Tibetan poly-

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS lOS

andry might exist along with female kinship. This kinship must
have lasted at least till after local tribes had become heterogeneous,
if, with exogamous (that is, foreign) marriage, it furnishes the only
adequate explanation of the heterogeneity. And, with the totem
relationship already founded on it (as, by hypothesis, it was), it
could not be superseded all at once or at the will of single indi-
viduals or brotherhoods, nor until the minds of people living
together, and even of their neighbour peoples, were generally pre-
pared for the change. Moreover, capture, so long as it was practised
to any considerable extent (since it would render fatherhood still in
many cases uncertain) , would tend to keep it up ; and so also would
the liberty of intercourse between people of the same stock, so long
as that subsisted.

The supposition that a stock-group would subdivide into bands
composed of persons specially related to each other, though obviously
useful, does not seem to be indispensable to the theory of the essay
— at any rate, a little of such subdivision suffices for it. Without
that, we may see that the lot of native women must have been very
different from the lot of captive women, and that one of the former
could not be treated like the latter without outrage, and no more is
indispensable. Nevertheless, the conditions of subsistence would,
in early times, almost necessarily make each separate band a very
small one, and such subdivision as is supposed might be of frequent
occurrence.

As to the use made of capture in the essay (though it should
not be necessary) , it seems to be necessary to say that it is assumed
that what men are known to have done in a certain case prehistoric
men in the same or a similar case would do. Within times known
to us, men have practised capture (though they have done so also
without necessity, no doubt) when women have been scarce with
them, whenever they could not otherwise get wives. And, in parti-
cular, men have practised capture (or got their wives after a form of
capture, which shows that their predecessors had to capture their
wives) because they have been exogamous in marriage. On the
theory stated in the essay, men, having begun to capture chiefly
because their own women were few, formed in time through their
relations with captive women a preference for subject wives, and
got them by capture because at first and for long they could get
them by capture only ; while the exemption of their own women
from the fate of the captive, so far as each stock was itself concerned,
formed, when a marriage system founded on capture had come to
prevail, a hmitation on marriage, which was exogamy in its earliest
form. How exogamy may force men into a system of capturing
wives is excellently illustrated by the case of the Mirdites.®

» Researches in the Highlands of Turkey, by the Eev. H. J. Tozer, vol. i. pp. 318

et seg.

104 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Jan.

The theory assumes that the desire for subject wives, once it
had become general, would have effect given to it in the same
way, while the exemption of women living among their own people
from the lot of captive wives would make marriage in fact exo-
gamous. The Mirdites get their wives by capture because exogamy
is — they know not why — a law with them. Prehistoric men, be
it observed, would be, as regards marriage, in precisely the same
position as soon as the reason for their not taking their own
women in marriage ceased to be thought of. Exogamy in mar-
riage would then, at latest, be fully established. And after that
the limitation upon marriage might easily grow into a prohibition
of all connexions between persons of the same blood. The occur-
rence of the form of capture along with female kinship shows,
however, that the association between capture and marriage was
in some cases not easily or quickly lost sight of. There are
some peculiar Australian facts, too, which suggest that among
certain Australians, after exogamy had been established for people
of the same totem, and local tribes had been made heterogeneous
by it, capture of wives was practised so extensively that it even
availed to give a wider scope to exogamy in marriage. The
principle that if it is wrong to capture a woman it is wrong to
marry her will, at any rate, account for marriage being forbidden
(as it is in most of the cases referred to) between persons of the
same local tribe, even when they are of different totems, and also
for it being forbidden (as it is in one or two cases) between all
persons of those neighbour tribes who speak the same dialect.
Comity and the fear of consequences (especially the latter) w'ould
make capture as impossible in the small Australian local tribe as it
would be in a body of people all of one totem ; and might make it,
even as between neighbour tribes having dealings with each other,
much too troublesome not to be very seriously disapproved of.
And marriage is forbidden within the limits within which a capture
might thus have been deemed an outrage.

A statement made towards the close of the essay makes it proper
to add (and no more can now be done) that no case of beenah
marriage — not even an exclusive- practice of it by exogamous tribes,
the only case of it which is not easily intelligible — makes any
difficulty for the theory therein submitted. D. McL.

THE LEGEND OF SEMIRAMIS.

The question which has been discussed in this Eeview (ii. 97, 307,
729) by Mr. Gilmore and Mr. Eobertson Smith has a natural
interest for me, and I have already touched upon it in my ' Hero-
dotos' and elsewhere. The proofs that the legend of Semiramis is

I

■

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 105

but the legend of Istar under another form have been set forth
by rran9ois Lenormant, with his usual lucidity and learning, in his
*Legendede S emir amis ' (Paris, 1873). I believe both him and
Mr. Eobertson Smith to be in the right. Mr. Gilmore, too, so far as
I can gather, does not dispute that Semiramis became in later days
the Aphrodite of Western Asia ; what he maintains is that originally
she was an historical character, to whom the myths about Istar were
afterwards attached.

The question is so closely connected with the study of the
Assyrian monuments, that I may be pardoned for interfering in
the controversy, more especially as the statements that have been
made about the Assyrian evidence are not always correct. Let us
see what it is that Assyriology teaches us.

Mr. Gilmore has followed Canon Eawlinson in connecting the
name of Semiramis with that of the Assyrian queen Sammuramat.
Whether this is right or not, it is perfectly clear that the latter had
nothing to do with the Semiramis of Herodotos (i. 184). Semi-
ramis was a queen of Babylonia, independent enough to construct
large irrigation works in the Babylonian plain, and she flourished
five generations before Nitokris the mother of Nabonidos or, as
Herodotos falsely calls him, Labynetos (i. 188). Counting thirty
years to a generation, her date will accordingly be about b.c. 750-
720, when Babylonia was overrun by Assyrians and other invaders,
and was a prey to internal discords.^ No great public works could
have been executed at such a time : indeed, only a few years later
(B.C. 688) Babylon was razed to the ground by Sennacherib. In
any case the date is inconsistent with that of Sammuramat, the
wife of Eimmon-nirari III, who reigned e.g. 812-783.

Sammuramat, moreover, was an Assyrian, and not a Babylonian,
princess. We have no reason for assuming that she came from
Babylonia. The name is not to be found among the numerous
female names preserved in the Babylonian contract-tablets. The
relations between Assyria and Babylonia in the time of Eimmon-
nirari were not such as to encourage matrimonial alliances. The
last public act of his father had been the capture of Babylon, and
in B.C. 796, and again in 795, he himself marched his armies into
the southern kingdom. The erection of temples to Nebo at Nineveh
and Calah by Eimmon-nirari cannot be pressed to prove any special
connexion of his with Chaldaea. Nebo is invoked by Shalmaneser II,
and wherever the Babylonian system of writing went the worship of

' Taking b.c. 540 instead of 538 as the date of the overthrow of Nabonidos, and
reckoning seven generations back, we are brought to B.C. 750 as the date of the acces-
sion of Semiramis. This is close upon the era of Nabonassar, b.c. 747. On the other
hand LabynMos I was the contemporary of Alyatt^s the father of Kroesos, according
to i. 74 ; so that five generations before Labynetos are two generations before Gyges
and Assur-bani-pal, which in Herodotos's chronological scheme would be b.c. 775, as
he makes the date of Gyg^s b.c. 715 instead of 687.

106 • NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Jan.

Nebo went too. The images on which the name Sammuramat
is found were dedicated, not by a Babylonian, but by the governor
of Calah.

The reading of the last syllable of the name Sammuramat is
not quite certain, though, if the name is of Assyrian origin, it
could only be ramat — that is, * the inhabitress.' But I do not feel
sure that it is of Babylonian origin. As I have stated, it is not
elsewhere found in the Assyro-Babylonian texts, and the word
Saminu is wholly unknown to me. The only word at all like it
with which I am acquainted is summatu, ' a dove ' — the word, in
fact, of which I believe that Diodoros was thinking when he said
that Semiramis meant ' a dove.' Simmas, it must be remembered,
is given as the name of the shejDherd of Ninos, who saved Semi-
ramis from destruction, and brought her up. But, on the whole, I
am inclined to think that Sammuramat was a princess of neither
Assyrian nor Babylonian origin, who may have come from the
Arameans of the west.

As regards Ninos and Ninyas, I am not always able to follow
either Mr. Robertson Smith or Mr. Gilmore. The vocalisation of
Ninyas prevents us from connecting it with the Syriac nunos, even
though the Assyrian scribes themselves punned upon the resemblance
of Nina or Ninua * Nineveh ' to the Assyrian iiunu, * a fish.' Ninyas
is simply a Greek formative from Ninua, like vofids, <f)v^ds, Mlvvols,
and means ' the Ninevite.' It is consequently a doublet of Ninos,
illustrating a peculiarity of the royal lists of Ktesias, to which I
have drawn attention in the * Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie,' ii. (1887).
In these the same name is repeated in slightly varying forms, which
are separated by one or two other names. Thus we have Arios and
Ar alios (which I have discussed in my memoir on the Vannic In-
scriptions in the * Journal of the E.A.S.,' xiv. 3, pp. 414-16), Baleus
and Balaios, Sphairos and Sparthaios, Mamitos (or Mamit, the
goddess of fate) and Mamylos, Lamprides and Lamj)raes, Tautanes
or Teutamos and Teuteos (the man of the tavtim or ' sea '),
Ophrateos (* the Euphrates ') and Ophratenes, Sosarmos (Samas-
Eimmon) and Sosares, Man-daukes and Ar-tykas. In place of
Ninyas, Ktesias also gave Zames or Zameis — that is, Samas the
Sun-god. This throws light, not only on the meaning of Ninyas,
but also upon the character of his mother and consort Semiramis.

Ktesias stated that the city of Ninos stood upon the Euphrates
(Diod. ii. 3). There is no need of supposing that there is an error in
the text, or that the Ninos to which he referred was the ' Ninus vetus '
of Ammianus Marcellinus, the Mabug or Hierapolis of northern
Syria. The statement of Ktesias is in strict accordance with fact.
Nina was the name of a Protochaldean goddess, the daughter of Ea
of Eridu, and gave her name to an ancient city or sanctuary of
Babylonia (according to K 4629, Rev. 8). The ideograj)h which

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 107

represented her name and the name of the Babylonian city, repre-
sented also the name of Nineveh, which, as we learn from the lexical
texts, was properly pronounced Nina.^ Nina is a dialectical form
of the Sumerian nana, *lady,' more frequently met with in its
abbreviated form nin. In the gender less Sumerian nin meant
indifferently ' lord ' and * lady,' but as there were two other words
for *lord' {mid and enu), while Nina or Nana was a goddess, the
Semitic Babylonians chose to regard nin as denoting the female sex
alone. It was only in the ideographic representation of a few divine
names that nin — or rather its ideograph — was retained in the sense
of 'lord.'

One of these ideographic representations was that of a deity
whose Assyrian name is unknown, though his Sumerian name was
probably Nin-Uras. The ideographs, which, it must be remembered,
were not pronounced, represent the Sumerian words nin and ij:) or dar,
and perhaps signify ' the lord of the name.' Mr. Gilmore's proposal
to see the name of Ninos in what Assyriologists, through ignorance
of the real name, have been obliged to write NIN-IP, is inadmissi-
ble : first of all, because the god was never known by such a name,
and, secondly, because the second ideograph (IP) is an integral part
of it. Of late it has been the fashion to call the god Adar, but as
this name is certainly incorrect, while that of Uras is monumentally
established, it is best for the present to term him Uras (see my
'Lectures on Babylonian Eeligion,' pp. 151-153). Horus was an
Assyrian king according to PHny (' N. H.' xxx. 51 ; xxxvii. 52),
while the Thouras of Kedrenos (' Hist.' 15, 16 ; cp. the * Paschal
Chron.' p. 68) is declared to be the Assyrian Ares and made the
son of Zames or Samas.

The Ninos of the Greek writers, then, must be the city of
Nina, which, as Ktesias knew, stood on the Babylonian Euphrates
before the name had been carried northward to the more famous
city on the Tigris. Ninyas ' the Ninevite ' is also Zames the Sun-
god, whose son Uras helped, it may be, to form the name of Arios.
Uras was the messenger of Mul-lil 'the lord of the ghost- world,'
and, as I have shown in my ' Lectures on the Eeligion of the
Ancient Babylonians,' was originally the sun who issues forth from
the shades of night. We can therefore understand why it is that
in the list of Ktesias Arios is succeeded by Aralios — that is, by Arali
or ' Hades.'

Mr. Eobertson Smith disputes the connexion between the As-
syrian Ninos and the Lydian Ninos of Herodotos. But the Lydian
Ninos is said to be the son of Belos. Moreover, I have pointed out in
the ' Journal of Philology,' xiv. 28, p. 278, that Herodotos's scheme

2 The puzzling Ninua must, I think, be of Aramaic origin, derived from NinA, the
assyrianised form of Nina. At all events, Assyrian philology is powerless to explain
it. It is of rare occurrence in the inscriptions, and is. unknown to the lexical texts.

108 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Jan.

of Assyrian chronology is dependent on that of Lydia.'^ It must
have been derived from some Grseco-Lydian source, which will
explain not only the prominent place occupied by Sardanapallos in
Greek accounts of Assyrian history (beginning with Herodotos)
but also the erroneous form of his name. Assur-bani-pal was the
first Assyrian monarch with whom the Lydians, and through them
the Greeks, came into contact, and I see no way of accounting for
the Greek form of his name except by supposing that it has been
assimilated to the name of Sardes, the Lydian capital. We shall
also have an explanation of two other facts — the mistake of Hero-
dotos in calling Babylonia Assyria, and his extraordinary version
of later Babylonian history. Long before the days of Herodotos
the Assyrian power had been overthrown and Babylonia had taken
its place, but under Assur-bani-pal, when the Lydians first became
acquainted with the East, Babylonia was a part of Assyria acknow-
ledging the Assyrian supremacy, and ruled by an Assyrian viceroy.
Again, the only king of the later Babylonian empire whose name
is known to the Greek historian is Labynetos, who assisted Syennesis
of Kilikia in bringing about peace between the Lydians and Me-
dians in B.C. 585 (i. 74). In a later chapter (i. 188) this Labynetos is
made the husband of Nitokris and the father of the last king of Baby-
lonia, Labynetos II. Labynetos II of course represents Nabonidos,
of whom Herodotos may have heard from Persian as well as from
Lydian sources ; Labynetos I takes the place at once of Nebuchad-
nezzar, Evil-Merodach, Laborosoarchad, and Nergal-Sharezer. In
calling him the father of Labynetos II Herodotos has made another
mistake, since Nabonidos was a usurper, the son of Nabu-baladh-
su-iqbi, and apparently in no way related to the house of Nebu-
chadnezzar.

Putting Ninos the son of Belos aside, Sardanapallos, Semiramis,

^ I reproduce it here :

Lower Asia.

yrs.
Ninos one generation . 30 (b.c. 1250)
Agron and his successors 505
The Mermnadae . . .170 (b.c. 715)
Conquest of Cyrus b.c. 545
Total number of years 705

Tipper Asia.

yrs.

Ninos 30 (b.c. 1250)

His successors for 520-30

yrs 490

The Median revolt followed
by a generation of auto-
nomy (i. 96). ... 30 (B.C. 730)
The Median kings . . 150
Conquest of Cyrus b.c. 550
Total number of years 700
The kingdom of Ninos the son of Belos separated into ' Upper Asia ' (i. 96) and
* Lower Asia ' (i. 103, 107), and 30 years are counted for a generation as well as for a
reign (ii. 142, &c.). The fall of the Herakleida? in Lydia is placed 15 years, i.e. half
a generation, after the Median revolt, in accordance with the statement that the Medes
' first ' revolted from Assyria, and ' the other nations ' not till a little later (i. 96).
Consequently Sardanapallos is assigned to b.c 760-30, shortly before the reign of
Semiramis. The dates of the conquests of Lydia and Babylonia by Cyrus are
derived from the cuneiform monuments.

i

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 109

Labynetos I, and Labynetos II exhaust the Hst of the * Assyrian '
sovereigns known to Herodotos, with the exception of Nitokris and
Sanakharib or Sennacherib. But Nitokris is an Egyptian name, and,
if there ever was such a queen of Babylonia, Herodotos might have
derived his knowledge of her from Egyptian authorities. That the
name of Sanakharib was reported to him by his Egyptian guides
is shown not only by the fact that it forms part of the Graeco-
Egyptian myth of Sethos, but also by the fact that Sanakharib is
not called king of Assyria, but ' king of the Arabians and Assyrians '
(i. 141), the term ' Arabians ' being, as we learn from Manetho (ap.
Joseph. Cont. Ap. i. 14), the equivalent of the Egyptian Shasu or
* Bedouin.' Apart, therefore, from the two names, one of which
came certainly, and the other probably, from an Egyptian source,
all that Herodotos knows about the rulers of * Assyria ' — so far as
we can trace it home — points to a Lydian origin.

Semiramis is the only name which remains unclassified, and,
since it cannot be referred to Egypt, I think we are justified in
concluding that it, too, was derived by Herodotos from a Lydian
writer. Let us see if we can find any evidence confirmatory of
such a view.

The one solid fact connected with the name of Semiramis is
that it was the name of the Asiatic goddess worshipped at Hiera-
polis or Membij (Lucian, De Dea Syria, 39). The sacred city of
Hierapolis or Kadesh had succeeded to the older Hierapolis or
Carchemish, now represented by the mounds of Jerablus, a picture
of which, with the waters of the Euphrates washing its walls, is to
be seen on the bronzes of Balawat.^ The statement of the pseudo-
Lucian is supplemented by that of the Christian Melito. Lucian
had mentioned that twice a year water was brought from a distance
and poured into a chasm of the temple of the goddess at Hierapolis,
the chasm being that through which the waters of the deluge
had once been drained away {De Dea Syr. 13). Melito {Spicileg.
Solesmense, II. p. xliv) refers to the same tradition when he says
that the goddess Simi, the daughter of the supreme god Adad, had
put an end to the attacks of a demon by filling the pit in which he
lived with sea-water. The Simi of Melito is the Semi-ramis of the
Greek writer.

* JerablAs, written Jerabolus by Maundrell and Yaraboloos by George Smith, is
called Jerabees by Pococke, and though intervening travellers agree with Maundrell,
Sachau maintains that he heard only the name of Djerabis {Reise in Syrien, p. 168).
On the other hand, Mr. Skene informed Mr. George Smith and Mr. Boscawen that the
real name was Jerablus, Jerabis being a Turkish corruption of it ; and I have been
assured, not only by Sir Charles Wilson, but also by Dr. Trowbridge, the head of the
American College at Aintab, one of whose congregation has property on the spot, that
the only name known to the natives when speaking among themselves is JerablAs.
Hoffman has endeavoured to identify the site with that of Europos, though not very
successfully. Excavations, however, have shown that a small town stood there in the
Eoman period.

110 . NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Jan.

Now the Semiramis of Syria is brought into direct connexion
with Lydia in certain legends which betray a Lydian origin. The

* Etymologicum Magnum ' {s.v. KdVarpos) asserts that the Lydian
hero Kayster, the eponym of the Kaystrian plain, went to Syria,
and there became the father of Semiramis by Derketo (or Atargatis).
With this we must connect the legend quoted from Xanthos by
Athenaios {Deipnos. viii. 37, p. 346) that Derketo had been drowned
in the sacred lake of Askalon by the Lydian Mopsos. The same
story is alluded to by Stephanos of Byzantium {s.v. 'Aa-KaXcov)
when he says that the Lydian Askalos, the son of Hymenaios and
brother of Tantalos, founded Askalon, after having been sent with
an army into Syria by the Lydian king Akiamos. Derketo or
Atargatis was, as we know, the goddess of Hierapolis, on the coins
of which the simple 'Athi or TdrLs (cf. Athen. xiii. p. 346) is found.-^
The full form Atargatis is met with on the coins of Abd-Hadad, a
prince who ruled at Hierapolis, as M. Six has proved, in the fourth
century (see Waddington, Revue numismatique, new ser. v. 1861,
pp. 9 sq.). The general conclusions to which all this leads are,
firstly, that Semiramis was the local name of a goddess worshipped
at Hierapolis in Syria, and, secondly, that the tradition of the
Lydians connected this goddess with themselves.

That the worship of the goddess spread through Syria seems to
me, as to Mr. Kobertson Smith, to be clear from the biblical name
Shemiramoth. But I should explain this name as denoting, not

* images of Semiramis,' but ' Semiramis goddesses,' like Anathoth,
' the Anats,' or Ashtaroth, * the Ashtoreths,' which are parallel to
the Baalim or 'Baals.' Whether the name spread also into Kappa-
dokia we have no means of ascertaining until the Hittite inscrip-
tions are deciphered. But it is quite possible that it is not of
Semitic origin and really claims connexion with that of the
Amazonian goddess Smyrna or Myrinna. If it does, light would
be thrown on its connexion with Lydia.

For the present, however, I am inclined to believe that the
Lydian legend of Derketo and Semiramis first grew up after the
contact of Lydia with Assyria in the reign of Assur-bani-pal. The
wealth and power of the Assyrian monarch must have made a great
impression on the Lydians who sent their envoys to the distant
and previously unknown Nineveh (where no one could be found to
understand their language), in order to place themselves under his
protection and ask his help against their Kimmerian foes. The
fall of Assur-bani-pal's empire, in which they themselves had no
unimportant share, must have produced an equally great impres-
sion, and we cannot wonder, therefore, if legends both of the luxury
and effeminateness of the king, and of his disastrous overthrow,
should have developed themselves m Lydia and been communicated

^ J. P. Six, Numismatic ChronicUy 1878, pp. 106-110.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 111

to the Greeks. In course of time the overthrow of the Assyrian
power in ' Lower Asia. ' would have become associated with the rise
of the Mermnad dynasty whose founder assisted Egypt to shake off
the Assyrian yoke and deal the first blow at the Assyrian empire.

Now there is an indication that Herodotos knew of Sardana-
pallos not only as the wealthy monarch but also as the last king of
Nineveh. As Thukydides showed that he was acquainted with
Herodotos by silently contradicting him, and Herodotos himself, as
I have pointed out elsewhere, proved his acquaintanceship with
earlier authors by a similar practice, so Ktesias, one of whose main
objects was to expose the ignorance of Herodotos in matters re-
lating to oriental history, sometimes indicates a statement pro-
ceeding from Herodotos by simply contradicting it. Thus when he
declares that the name of the last king of Media was not Astyages,
as the Greeks believed, but Aspadas, we may infer that the name
of Astyages emanated from Herodotos, and when he similarly
declares that the last king of Assyria was Thonos Konkholeros, and
not Sardanapallos — a name which is excluded from his list of
Assyrian kings — we may similarly infer that it was Herodotos
who had made Sardanapallos the last ruler of Nineveh. The
statement would have been found in those 'Aaa-vpLOL \6yoL of which
w^e hear so much.

There is another indication that the connexion of Semiramis
with Ninos, as well as the story which made Semiramis build the
walls of Babylon and placed Ninos in Babylonia, also originated
with ' the father of history.' At the end of the third book of Hero-
dotos we have an account of a capture of Babylon by Zopyros in
the time of Dareios. The account is unhistorical, as is shown not
only by the well-known oriental legend of the mutilation of Zopyros,
and the fact that mutilated persons like Zopyrus and Megabyzos
could not have been, the one a satrap of Babylonia, the other the
commander-in-chief of the Persian army, but also by the further
fact that the details of the siege as given by Herodotos do not agree
with the account given by Dareios at Behistun of the two sieges of
Babylon which took place in his own reign. Ktesias, therefore,
was doubtless correct in saying that the siege referred to by Hero-
dotos really took place in the time of Xerxes. Now in the legend
as reported by Herodotos we are told of two gates of Babylon, one
called the gate of Semiramis and the other the gate of Ninos (iii.
156), a third gate being that of Belos. The names of the gates
form an integral part of the legend, which is evidently derived from
a Persian source.

If, as I have endeavoured to show, the legend of Semiramis
originated in Lydia, this Persian source must have been indebted to
Lydian literature, just as the Persian legend described by Herodotos
at the beginning of his History was indebted to Greek mythology.

112 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Jan.

It would appear, therefore, that Herodotos drew the materials of
his ^AcravpioL \6yoL, not only from Lydia and Egypt, but also from
Persia, or at all events from a Graeco-Persian source. Where he
and Ktesias are in agreement, the Persian source must be pre-
supposed.

The transference of Semiramis, then, from northern Syria, and
her transformation into a Babylonian queen, were, I believe, due to
Persian imagination. Her connexion with Ninos on the one side
and with the empire of Sardanapallos on the other may be accounted
for if we assume that the name of Semiramis was carried into the
neighbouring districts of Kilikia along with the sculpture and hiero-
glyphs of the Hittites. Assur-bani-pal married the daughters
both of Mugal, king of the Tibareni and of Sanda-sar-mi, king of
Kilikia, and we learn from Greek inscriptions that Nineis and Nineps
were Kilikian names. At Jotapa mention is made of Mopsos, the
son of Nineps, and of Nineis the son of Konon, the termination of
Nineis being similar to that of the Kilikian names Kaneis, Obran-
goneis, Dameis and Artemeis. Legend, too, discovered a direct
connexion between Kilikia and Sardanapallos. He was said to have
built Tarsos and Ankhiale in a day, and his tomb was pointed out
in Tarsos.^

Here, it will be noticed, it was Sardanapallos and not Semiramis
who was connected with the artificial structures of eastern Asia
Minor whose real origin had been forgotten. I agree with Mr.
Eobertson Smith in thinking that the ^cofzara of Babylonia which
Semiramis is said to have erected originally meant the old mounds
or till of the country rather than its kari or embankments. The
words, TTpoTSpov hs smOss 6 Trorajios ava to ttsBlov rrav TrsXayl-
^SLV, when compared with a similar expression in ii. 92, seem to
me to be a rationalistic explanation added by Herodotos from his
own experience of the Egyptian Delta.

To sum up : the name of Semiramis appears to have originally
been connected with Hierapolis in northern Syria, from whence it
made its way to the Arameans of Mesopotamia as well as to the
Lydians of the west. Herodotos derived his * Assyrian ' history,
setting aside Sennacherib and possibly Nitokris, mainly from a
Lydian source which alone can explain his system of chronology.
This source was supplemented by a Persian one, from which Ktesias
afterwards derived some at least of his materials. The con-

« K. 0. Miiller [Kleine Schriften, ii. 100 sg.), followed by Movers {Die Phonizier,
i. 458), has identified Sardanapallos with Sandan, whom Ed. Meyer has proved to have
been originally the supreme Kilikian Baal (Z. d. M. G. xxxi. 4, 1877). In Ammianus
Marcellinus (xiv. 7), Sandan, instead of Sardanapallos, is made the founder of Tarsos,
and the so-called Tomb of Sardanapallos, or Dunek Tash, at Tarsos is shown by coins
to have represented the pyramidal temple or funeral pyre of Sandan. The image of
Sardanapallos stood beside that of Semiramis in the temple of Hierapolis {De Dea
Syr. 40).

188S NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 113

nexion between Semiramis and Ninos was of Persian origin ; the
Lydian author (or authors) more probably associated her with Sar-
danapallos, the husband of a Kihkian princess. This would explain
why it is that whereas Herodotos gives the names of Semiramis and
Ninos to two of the gates of Babylon, he elsewhere (i. 184) places
Semiramis only two generations before Gyges and Sardanapallos,
or about b.c. 750. It is, perhaps, hardly needful to add that the
cuneiform tablets have given us a continuous chronology of Baby-
lonia from the accession of Nabonassar in b.c. 747 to the overthrow of
the kingdom of Nabonidos, and that among the rulers of Babylonia
throughout this period there is not a single queen.

A. H. Saycb.

LOED FINGALL S CARTULARY OF READING ABBEY.

The Cartulary of Beading Abbey, belonging to the earl of Fingall,
is in many respects one of the most interesting, and probably the
most valuable, of the several records which are known to exist of
that once important foundation.

Although not alluded to in the report of the inspector appointed
by the Historical Manuscripts Commission in his recently published
account of Lord Fingall' s collection, there can be no doubt that
this is the Wollascot MS. mentioned by Coates in his history of
Beading, 1802, and that it has been lost sight of for some years.
A reference in the British Museum led the writer to think it might
possibly be in Lord Fingall's possession. His lordship was kind
enough to have a search made, and to authorise the publication
of the following particulars.

The volume, judging from the various styles of the hand-
writing, would seem to have been written in the early part of the
fifteenth century ; it is, in its original state, bound in oak boards,
covered with white leather, and, when shut, is fastened by a strong
leather strap, which closes upon a brass clasp let into the middle
of the right side of the cover. The size of the book is eleven inches
and a quarter by eight inches and a quarter ; rather larger than the
other cartularies of Beading Abbey which are deposited at the British
Museum.

A memorandum affixed to the fly-leaf runs as follows : — ' This
book of the charters of Beading Abbey was found secreted in a very
concealed and unknown corner in my Lord Fingall's house at Shine-
field near Beading. It was brought to Woolhampton Great House,
now Mrs. Crew's, by Gul. Corderoy the steward, with several other
books found by a bricklayer necessitated to pull some part of the
house, or rather part of a wall, down in order to repair thoroughly
a chimney in Shinefield House. This account I had from the fore-

VOL. III. — NO. IX. ' I

114 . NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Jan.

mentioned Mr. Corderoy on Wednesday the twentieth of June 1792
(ninety-two), who Hkewise supposes the bricklayer, who is now Hving
at Eeading, found no small sum of money or something valuable,
as shortly after that time he advanced much in the world by means
of money which no one knows how he could be worth. Wrote this
account on June 23rd, 1792. N.B. Mr. Cordery told me that in
this concealed place there was convenient room for three persons,
there being three seats.' Although the memorandum is not signed,
it bears evidences of its authenticity, and there can be no doubt
that the volume was found, as stated, secreted at Shinfield House
in the manner above described.

The volume comprises ninety-nine folios of vellum. On the first
page is an original entry to the following effect : — Hie est liher
sanete Marie Radingie clmistralihus, quern qui celaverit velfraudem de
eo fecerit Anathema sit. Vynnyngtoun.

The table of contents at the beginning comprises a list of the
first 315 charters, a list of the relics, catalogues of the books kept
at the abbey at Reading, and also at the church at Leominster, a
dependency of the abbey, and an inventory of the vestments. In
these respects Lord Fingall's cartulary is superior to the others,
and, in addition, it contains many important and interesting papal
bulls and writs.

The several charters are entered with some regard to chrono-
logical order and according to the degree or rank of the various
donors and others. They commence with the foundation charter
of Henry I, and are followed by several others by the same king ;
next come those of his daughter the empress Matilda, and of
Adelisa the queen; then others by the several subsequent kings
down to and including Henry III. There are also grants by some
of the kings of Scotland, and by many great personages, amongst
whom are Gervase Parnell, William earl of Ferrers, Eoger Bigod,
William de Albeni earl of Sussex, William and Geoffry Martel,
William earl of Chester, Roger earl of Warwick, William Achard,
&c. Deeds of confirmation by some of the archbishops of Canter-
bury and bishops of Salisbury are to be found here, together with
bulls and briefs by the several popes who claimed to exercise
rights, and to make concessions to the abbey, among whom are
Honorius II, Innocent II, Calixtus II, Eugenius III, Adrian IV,
Alexander III, and Clement III.

Not the least interesting part of this Fingall cartulary is the
lists of the books kept at Reading and Leominster. In the library
at the former place the number was 228, and at the latter 130.
Amongst them are five complete bibles, viz., four at Reading and
one at Leominster. Of the four at Reading one is stated to have
been in two volumes, another in three volumes ; a third copy, entered
in the list as formerly belonging to the bishop of London, was in

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 115

two volumes ; and the fourth copy, in two volumes, is mentioned as
having been made by G., the singer or chanter [cantor] to be kept
in the cloisters.

Next in order of the Reading books follow a copy of the Penta-
teuch, with a commentary ; two books of the Psalms, also with a
commentary ; the books of Exodus, of Joshua, Judges, Ruth, Eccle-
siastes. Song of Songs, Kings; the epistles of St. Paul; also the
Lamentations of Jeremiah; the gospels of Matthew, Mark, John,
and Luke, books on the Sacraments, seventeen of St. Augustine's
works, several homilies, lives of the fathers, various writings by
Jerome, Josephus, Bede, Ambrose, Origen, Isidorus, Anselm, Chry-
sostom, and Peter Alfonsi ; a * history of the English' in one volume;
besides various sermons, lectures, missals, graduals, troparii, pro-
cessionals, antiphons, psalters, the epistles of Seneca, Bucolics,
and Georgics of Yirgil, epistles of Horace, Juvenal, &c., &c.

Great care is shown in the preparation of these catalogues of
books. The number of volumes of each work is carefully stated,
and where a book is known by one description which may not be
considered quite sufficient, an explanatory note is added to the
effect that this particular book contains also other matter. Mention
is also made as to some of the books coming from particular places
or persons, and as to others being kept in certain parts of the
abbey; for instance, the service books used in the chapels of Abbot
Joseph and of the Abbot of Hide are stated to have come from
Bordeaux. The Bucolics and Georgics of Virgil, the epistles of
Horace and Juvenal, are stated to have been given to the abbey
by Ralf the priest of Whitchurch.

This catalogue of Reading Abbey books in the Fingall cartulary
is believed to be the only one in existence, and as the latest date of
the royal charters which are entered in the cartulary appears to
be that of Henry III, the several books enumerated may fairly be
considered to have been at Reading during and previously to the
thirteenth century. Many of the manuscripts taken from Reading
Abbey at its dissolution are now in the Bodleian and the British
Museum, and a few of them have been identified with the catalogue
now given.

Some ■ idea may be formed of the interest attaching to
Reading Abbey in former days from the large and varied number
of the relics kept within its walls, as appears by the long list of
them entered immediately at the end of the list of charters, and
before the catalogue of the books in the first part of this cartulary.
The great number of these at Reading, of which there are 234
separate entries in the list, and the care evidently bestowed upon
them, tend to show the value put upon these possessions at the
time when this great abbey was at the height of its power.

The variety of the relics is also remarkable. The list is classi-

1 2

116 • NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Jan.

fied according to the persons whose memories are desired to be
perpetuated. First are mentioned those relating to our Lord ;
next those of the Virgin Mary ; then several said to belong to
(a) the patriarchs and prophets, (b) the apostles, (c) the martyrs,
(d) the confessors, (e) the virgins ; at the end is a statement that
there are many other relics which were omitted to be written down.
Some of those appertaining to our Lord were : — a cross brought from
Constantinople, gilt with the gold offered to Christ; his foreskin
which the emperor Constantine [sic] is stated to have sent to King
Henry I ; a piece of our Lord's shoe Icaliga] ; blood and water
from his side ; several stones, pieces of rock, and earth from Beth-
lehem and other places. Of those in connexion with the Virgin
Mary are mentioned, some of her hair, * as it is thought,' parts of
her garments and her bed, and of her tomb. Of those relating to
the patriarchs and prophets, parts of the rods of Moses and of Aaron,
of the rock which Moses struck, manna from Mount Sinai, three
teeth and some of the bones of St. Simeon. Of the relics of the
apostles : the hand of St. James, and the cloth in which it was
wrapped; the robe of St. Thomas, and a tooth of St. Luke the
evangelist. Of the martyrs, as also of the confessors, and of the
virgins : the bones, the teeth, the hair, the arms, the fingers, and
the heads of many of them are all duly entered in the list.

On the dissolution of the abbey. Dr. London sent to Cromwell
a list of relics which he had seized and locked up behind the high
altar, *redy at his lordeship's commandement.' It is a much
smaller list than that given here.^

The vestments and other articles used at the abbey for eccle-
siastical purposes form the subject of a separate list in the table
of contents in this cartulary. The following is the list : —

Hec sunt sub manu custodis capparum :

Cappe centum et novem, ex quibus xiii sunt brudate. Item cappe due

coloris indici brudate.
Casule decern et novem ex done A. abbatis.
Dalmatice decem et septem.
Tunice sexdecim.

Item dalmatica et tunica de nigro camelino ex done A. abbatis.
Ante altaria brudata duo.
Ante altaria de serico ad majus altare iiii.
Item ante altaria de serico per cetera altaria x.
Turribula deaurata duo.
Stole V cum totidem manipulis.
Pulvinaria de serico vii.
Missale unum argento deaurato coopertum.
Pomum unum argenteum et deauratum.

' It is printed by Thomas Wright, Suppression of the Monasteries, p. 226 (Camden
Society).

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 117

Pectines eburnei iii.

Baculi pastorales iii ; unus qui fuit Symonis ^ abbatis ; et unus qui fuit
Helie abbatis, cum curvamine eburneo. Item unus cum curvamine
corneo qui fuit Hugonis abbatis. Et unus cum transverse cristallino.
Item duo absque curvamine.

Monilia duo : scilicet unum aureum de cappa regis et aliud argenteum de
cappa abbatis de Rameseia. Item duo ad cappas A. abbatis. Item
cappa una de viridi baldekino ex dono Henrici Regis III. Item cappe
due coloribus indicis de panno serico qui venit cum corpore filii Ricardi
comitis. Item cappa una de baldekino purpureo qui venit cum corpore
filie predicti comitis.

Dominus A. abbas dedit cappam unam Saribiriensi ecclesie. Cappa una
reddita fuit sacriste oleo perfuso per Hugonem Bruc'. Item duo paria
dalmaticarum et tunicarum.

Item casula una alba que posita est ad altare sancte Katerine.

The following is a full copy of the list of books kept in Reading
Abbey as shown b}^ Lord Fingall's cartulary : —

Hii stmt lihri qui continentur in Badingensi Ecclesia.

Bibliotece iiii : prima in duobus voluminibus ; secunda in tribus ; tercia

parva, que fuit R. London [iensis] episcopi, in duobus voluminibus ;

quarta similiter in duobus voluminibus, quam G. Cantor fecit tenen-

dam in claustro.
Pentatheucum glosatum, quod fuit R. Episcopi London [iensis], scilicet

Genesis in uno volumine, in quo etiam continentur ii libri Salomonis

glosati, scilicet Parabola et Ecclesiastes.
Exodus in uno volumine ; Leviticus liber, Numeri, Deutronomium in

singulis voluminibus.
Josue in uno volumine, in quo etiam continentur liber Sapientie et

Ecclesiasticum, glosata sicut scolis.
Judicum glosatus sicut scolis in uno volumine, in quo etiam continentur

Ruth, Parabola, Ecclesiastes, Cantica Canticorum.
Regum glosatus sicut in scolis legi solet [E]xpositio super libros Regum

in uno volumine [YJsaias glosatus.
Decreta v in singulis voluminibus, prima que fuerunt Magistri Gileberti,

secunda que Anselmus supprior dedit, tertia que fuerunt Adam de

Dimmoc, quarta que G. Cantor fecit habenda in claustro, quinta que

fuerunt Hugonis physici.
Psalteria duo optima glosata inter lineas, unum quod fuit Rogerii Sigar,

alterum quod fuit Hugonis de Bukingeham secundum m[agistrum]

Petrum.
Item Psalterium glosatum, quod magister G. dedit.

Glosa super Psalterium secundum m[agistrum] Rad[ulfum] in uno volu-
mine, ubi etiam continetur alia expositio super Psalterium.
Item Psalterium, quod Rogerus Dure teste dedit, glosatum secundum G.

porrensem \sic\.

2 Simon died in 1226 ; Helias in 1212 ; and Hugh was abbot of Clugny in 1229.
Coates's Beading.

118 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Jan.

Epistule Paul] glosate secundum m[agistrum] p[etrum], quas magister G.
dedit.

Item expositio super epistolas Pauli secundum m[agistrum] G. porretanum
in uno volumine, ubi est et textus epistolarum ante glosas.

Item epistole Pauli in uno volumine, in quo etiam continetur brevis
expositio super Psalterium et amalarius et expositio Eemigii Antisio-
dorensis super canonem, missa et liber penitentialis.

Item epistole Pauli glosate in uno volumine, ubi etiam est de interpreta-
tionibus Hebraicorum nominum.

Auno super epistolas Pauli in uno volumine.

Sententie magistri Petri in uno volumine, que fuerunt magistri G.

Item sententie m[agistri] P[etri] in alio volumine, que fuerunt m[agistri]
Martini, in quo etiam volumine continetur liber unus, scilicet liber
Petri damiani de officiis divinis per anni circulum.

Item liber sic intitulatus, Liber Sententiarum, in quo etiam continetur
brevis et utilis exceptio liistorie veteris et novi testamenti et plures
tractatus et sententie diverse ex diversis locis sumpte.

Item liber sic intitulatus, sententie patrum, liber magne utilitatis.

Item liber m[agistri] Hugonis de sacramentis in uno volumine, ubi etiam
est ilia summa de fide spe et karitate.

Item liber m[agistri] H[ugonis] de sacramentis in uno volumine.

Cassiodorus super Psalterium in tribus voluminibus.

Parabole Salomonis in uno volumine, ubi est etiam utilis quedam exceptio
sententiarum magistri P.

Augustinus super Psalterium in tribus voluminibus.

Augustinus super Cantica graduum et usque ad finem Psalterii in uno
volumine.

Augustinus de civitate dei in uno volumine.

Augustinus de verbis domini secundum iiii euuangelistas et de verbis
apostoli sermones Ixxxix.

Augustinus de consensu euuangelistarum.

Augustinus unum malum in uno volumine, in quo etiam continentur
Augustinus de libero arbitrio, et Augustinus de natura boni, et Augus-
tinus contra v hereses.

Augustinus de nuptiis et concupiscentia in uno volumine, in quo etiam
continentur Augustinus de perfectione justicie liominum, et Augus-
tinus de natura et gracia, et Augustinus de gratia et libero arbitrio, et
Augustinus de correptione et gratia.

Epistole Augustini in uno volumine, in quo contineter etiam liber sic
intitulatus liber exhortationis.

-Augustinus de adulterinis conjugiis in uno volumine, in quo etiam
continetur Augustinus de disciplina Cbristianorum, Augustinus de
cura pro mortuis agenda, Augustinus de mendatio, Augustinus contra
mendatium, de natura et origine anime, ad renatum liber unus, ad
petrum presbyterum liber unus, ad vincentium victorem liber unus, et
admonitio quedam Augustini.

•Augustinus de videndo deo in uno volumine, in quo etiam continentur
epistole Augustini Ix et xiiii.

Augustinus de quantitate anime in uno volumine, in quo etiam continetur
Augustinus super illud apostoli * fundamentum nemo potest ponere '

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 119

et cetera et Ysidorus contra judeos et dialogus qui sic incipit * Mater

virtutum karitas.'
Confessionum Augustini libri xiii in uno volumine.
Augustinus contra achedemicos in uno volumine, in quo etiam continetur

hystoria britonum secundum Gaufr[idum] monumetensem.
Augustinus super epistolam Johannis in uno volumine, ubi etiam con-
tinetur formula vite lioneste.
Augustinus de sermone domini in monte in uno volumine, in quo etiam

continentur Augustinus super epistolam johannis et Ambr[osius] de

officii s ministrorum.
Augustinus super genesim ad literam.
Exameron Basilii.
Expositio super apocal[ypsin].
Isidorus de summo bono.
Gesta Regis Henrici secundi.
Ystoria Rading' in uno volumine.
Duodecim prophete glosati.
Augustinus de vera religione in uno volumine, in quo etiam continentur

Augustinus de doctrina Christianorum et disputatio contra felicianum

hereticum.
Augustinus de trinitate in uno volumine.
Hylarius de trinitate in uno volumine.
Moralia Gregorii in duobus voluminibus.
Registrum Gregorii pape in uno volumine.
Gregorius super ezechielem in uno volumine.
Pastoralis Gregorii pape in uno volumine.
Quadranginta omelie Gregorii pape in uno volumine.
Excerpta moralium in uno volumine.
Dialogus Gregorii pape in uno volumine.
Paterius in duobus voluminibus.
Viginti quatuor collationes in uno volumine.
Decern et xiiii [sic] collationes in uno volumine.
Liber scintillarum in uno volumine, ubi etiam liabentur plures sententie

Anselmi.
Vite patrum in uno volumine.
leronimus super Ysaiam in uno volumine.
leronimus super Danielem et xii prophetas in uno volumine.
E pistole leronimi in uno volumine, in quo etiam continetur disputatio de

ratione anime et dialogus Augustini et jeronimi.
leronimus super Matheum.

leronimus de hebraicis questionibus in uno volumine, in quo etiam con-
tinetur leronimus de interpretationibus hebraicorum nominum.
leronimus de illustribus viris in uno volumine, in quo etiam continetur

liber cassiodori de institutionibus divinarum scripturarum.
leronimus contra jovinianum in uno volumine, ubi etiam est leronimus

de menbris [sic] domini.
Hystoria ecclesiastica in uno volumine.
Cronica Eusebii leromini prosperi sigeberti monachi gemblacensis in uno

volumine.
losephus in duobus voluminibus.

120 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Jan.

Egesippus in uno volumine.

Vita Karoli et Alexandri et gesta normannorum ducum et alia.

Hysteria Anglorum in uno volumine.

Eabanus super matheum in uno volumine.

[B]eda super cantica canticorum in uno volumine.

Beda super parabolas Salomonis in uno volumine.

Beda super lucam in uno volumine.

Beda super actus apostolorum in uno volumine.

Beda de temporibus in uno volumine, ubi etiam est compotus alberici.

Beda de tabernaculo, in quo continentur liber Augustini de penitentia, de
X cordis, de x plagis, et epistola Boetii contra euticen et tractatus
m[agistri] h[ugonis] super antiphonam ' tota pulcra es.'

Beda super Marcum in uno volumine.

Beda super vii canonicas epistolas in uno volumine, ubi etiam est expo-
sitio ejusdem super apocalipsin.

Eabanus de corpore et sanguine domini, ubi etiam Guimundus et Lan-
francus de eodem et dominus vobiscum.

Bernardus super cantica canticorum in uno volumine.

Ambr[osius] super lucam in uno volumine.

Exameron Ambr[osii] in uno volumine.

Ambr[osius] de fide in uno volumine.

Ambr[osius] super * beati immaculati ' in uno volumine.

Ambr[osius] de officiis in uno volumine, in quo etiam continetur enchi-
ridion, epistola johannis episcopi ad theodorum monaclium et alia de
milicia spiritali et tercia de milicia Christi et liber ejusdem de eo quod
non leditur quis nisi a se ipso et de compunctione et reparatione
lapsi.

Ambr[osius] de conflictu vitiorum in uno volumine, ubi etiam sunt omelie
xiiii admonaclios et omelie Eusebii de pascha et vite Abbatum Oddonis,
Maioli, Odilonis, Egidii.

Ambrosius de penitincia, ubi etiam Ambr[osius] de bono mortis expositio,
Bede super tobiam, Ambr[osius] de Misteriis, ambrosius de sacramentis.

Ambr[osius] de virginitate, ubi etiam Ambrosius de lapsu virginis conse-
crate.

Liber qui vocatur speculum in uno volumine.

Liber Oddonis Abbatis in uno volumine.

Liber dementis in uno volumine.

Liber Petri Eavenensis in uno volumine.

Amalarius in uno volumine.

Origenes super vetus testamentum in uno volumine.

Origenes super librum numeri in uno volumine, ubi etiam sunt epistole
leonis pape contra euticen et sermones sancti Augustini de unitate
trinitatis et de incarn[atione] domini et sermones maximi episcopi de
adventu domini.

Epithalamium Origenis super cantica canticorum, ubi etiam est liber
rabani mauri de institutionibus clericorum.

Origenis super lesu nave, ubi etiam continetur liber qui vocatur sigillum
Sancte Marie et exceptio (Gregorii) super cantica canticorum.

Omelie orig[inis] super judicium, ubi etiam continentur sermones cujus-
dam in precipuis festis.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 121

Ysidorus ethimologiarum in uno volumine.

Ysidorus super eptaticum in uno volumine, ubi etiam est expositio Bede
de muliere forte et de quattuor difficilibus, et quidam tractatus qui sic
incipiunt ' dum medium silentium,' et responsiones Augustini ad ques-
tiones orosii.

Liber Anselmi ' cur deus homo ' in uno volumine, ubi etiam sunt libri
ejusdem de conceptu virginali, Monologion, de incarnatione verbi, medi-
tatio nostre Eedemptionis.

Prosologion Anselmi in uno volumine, in quo continentur hii libri : de Con-
cordia prescientie et predestinationis ac gratie Dei cum libero arbitrio,
de processione spiritus sancti, de sacrificio azimi fermentati, et trac-
tatus de veritate et de libero arbitrio et de casu diaboli et omelie
Crisostomi de Laude Pauli.

Petrus alfunsi contra judeos in uno volumine, ubi est etiam bestiarius.

Item Petrus alfunsi contra judeos in alio volumine.

Lamentationes Jeremie in uno volumine quas Rodbertus exposuit.

Expositio super Apocalipsin in uno volumine.

Prognosticon Julianii pomerii in uno volumine, in quo etiam continentur
hii libri : Bacarius de reparatione lapsi, encheridion de bono conjugii
Augustini, et Augustinus de bono virginitatis.

Liber Eoberti Abbatis de benedictionibus patriarcharum in uno volumine,
in quo etiam continentur Augustinus de origine anime, expositio
canonis, sermo de sacramentis neophitorum, et tractatus de ordina-
tione clericorum et de indumentis sacerdotalibus vel pontificalibus.

Johannes Crisostomus super epistolam ad Hebreos in uno volumine.

Hystoria tripartita in uno volumine, ubi etiam vita et miracula sancti
Thome, archiepiscopi et m[artyris] et vita sancti David et brendani et
brigide et petroci et cuthberti.

Expositio m[agistri] H[ugonis] super ierarchiam Dionisii in uno volumine,
ubi est etiam expositio Origenis super euuangelium * In principio e[rat]
v[erbum] ' et expositio dominice orationis et expositio crisostomi in
psalmum 1 in ii libris.

Liber de sciente et nesciente, ubi etiam libellus de inquirente et respon-
dente et multe alie sententie et narrationes^ miraculorum que in
capite libri prenotate sunt.

Anselmus super lohannem, ubi etiam miracula Petri abbatis cluniacensis
continentur.

Miracula Marie matris Domini in uno volumine, ubi etiam vita sancte
wilgide.

Effrem in uno volumine, ubi etiam monita basilii et sinonima ysidori
continentur.

Epistole Leonis Pape in uno volumine, ubi etiam sermones Augustini de
incarnatione Domini et omelie Cesarii ad monachos et vita Johannis
elimonis episcopi.

Instituta Monachorum in uno volumine, ubi etiam liber Roberti de
conubio patriarche Jacob.

Didimus in Spiritu Sancto in uno volumine, ubi etiam libri prosperi iii
de vita contemplativa, de vitiis et virtutibus.

Apocalipsis in uno volumine.

' Narratdones : MS. narratiotones.

122 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Jan.

Libellus imus qui sic intitulatur vita Sancti Cutliberti, ubi sunt et alia

multa utilia.
Matheus glosatus, ubi etiam parnomia yvonis.
Item Matheus glosatus.

Item Matheus glosatus, ubi est pars ysodori ethimologie.
Marcus glosatus in corio presso.
lohannis glosatus in corio presso.
Lucas glosatus in corio presso.
Omeliarii duo in duobus voluminibus.
Passionarii iii in tribus voluminibus.
Martyrologium.
Breviaria v, unum in duobus voluminibus de capella claustri, secundum

in capella hospitum, tercium in infirmaria.
In capella abbatis ii in iiij voluminibus.
Sermones in refectorio in uno volumine.
Lectionarius in duobus voluminibus.
Liber ad collationem in uno volumine.
Consuetudines cluniacenses in uno volumine.
Liber episcopalis.
Libri missales ad majorem missam tres, unus in cappis argento opertus

et super auratus, alter in albis et dominicis argento tectus, tercius

cotidianis ad missam matutinalem unus.
Ad missas privatas tam in ecclesia quam in capellis per totum, scilicet

XV plenarii, duo parvi.
Libri graduales undecim offerendarii duo.
Item in capella abbatis graduales ii et unus epistolaris.
Item in capella Joseph duo troparii breviarium, unum quod fuit thome

de Hida et missalis quem cum superioribus computavimus.
Troparii ornati argento novem.
Troparii pallis operti vi.
Troparii simplices xiii.
Libri processionales plenarii vi.
Alii vii in rogationibus tantum.
Antiphonarii vii.
Epistolarii duo.

CoUectanei duo, unus cotidianus, alter in cappis duo ad suffragia sanc-
torum, quorum unus jugiter in choro.
Quartus antiquus qui est ad sanctum Michaelem.
Quintus qui est ad exequias defunctorum.

Psalterium quod fuit Radulfi de Witchurche, item Psalterium Jordani.
Psalteria noviciorum iii.
Item iiii cathenata, duo in ecclesia, duo in infirmaria, unum quod fuit

Joseph.
Glose super Psalterium et epistolas Pauli.
Secunda pars sacramentorum Hugonis et ilia summa que sic incipit de f

fide et spe, in uno volumine, ubi est etiam tractatus magistri Hugonis f

de incorrupta virginitate beate Marie et tractatus Bernardi abbatis de

deo et apologeticum ejusdem ad Willelmum abbatem.
Epistole Senece in uno volumine.
Matheus in uno volumine partim glosatus.

i

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 325

Glose super Apocalipsin in uno volumine.

Priscianus magnus et de constructionibus et de accentibus in uno volumine.

Item priscianus magnus in uno volumine.

Elenchi et topica Aristotilis in uno volumine.

Boetius de consolatione pliilosopliie in uno volumine.

Liber de Physica passionarius, scilicet qui fuit abbatis Anscherii, in uno

volumine ; item liber graduum.
E pistole Canonice glosate in uno volumine.
Matlieus glosatus.
Johannes glosatus.
Lucas glosatus.

Apocalipsis glosatus et cantica canticorum in uno volumine.
Ambrosius de officiis.

Tractatus magistri Hugonis de contemptu mundi.
Historia scolastica et Radulfus super Leviticum in uno volumine.

Hii Libri venerunt de Burdegal[ia].
Missale continens tantum collectas.
Liber Evangeliorum tectus corio rubro.
Liber epistolarum tectus eodem modo.
Liber capituli.

Libri de capella abbatis Joseph.

Missale plenarium cum nota.
Aliud continens tantum collectas.
Liber evangeliorum.
Epistolarius cum libro capituli.
Duo gradalia.

De capella abbatis de Hida.

Missale quod superius computatum est.

Aliud continens tantum collectas.

Epistolarius in corio presso.

Breviarium in duobus voluminibus sicut superius notatum est.

Libri quos dedit Badulfus presbiter de Witkir\

Bucolica et Georgica virgilii.
Ode et poetria et sermones etc.
E pistole oratii.
Juvenalis.

The following is a copy of the entry in the cartulary as to the
books kept in the church at Leominster : —

Hii libri habentur in Leonensi ecclesia.

Biblioteca ex integro per ordinem.

Augustinus super psalterium in tribus voluminibus.

Augustinus de civitate dei.

Augustinus super Johannem.

Augustinus de vera religione et ejusdem soliloquia ; idem de quantitate

124 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Jan.

anime in eodem volumine, in quo etiam scribitur liber Cassiodori de

anima.
Epistole Augustini.

Encheridion Augustini ; idem de mendatio in eodem volumine.
Item Augustinus de mendatio in alio volumine.
Oonfessiones Augustini.
Passionalis.
Miracula sancte marie.

Duo omeliarii diversorum tractatorum utrosque incipiente Beda.
Item Beda super canonicas epistolas et prima pars epitalamii super cantica

canticorum in uno volumine.
Moralium beati Gregorii pape libri xxii.

Item vi quaterni secunde partis hoc est usque ad ilium locum.
Kotula cum vita sancti Guthlaci anglice scripta.
Quadraginta omelie Gregorii pape.
Gregorius super Ezechielem in quo et quedam cantica canticorum

scribuntur.
Dialogus Gregorii cui inseruntur et alia quedam soliloquia Augustini.
Eegistrum Gregorii pape.
Exameron Ambrosii.
Ambrosius de officiis.
Ysidorus super eptaticum.
Ysidorus de summo bono.
Pars quedam licit minima expositiopais super libros regum cum historia de

cruce.
Ysidorus Ethimologiarum imperfectus.

Quedam omelie origenis super librum judicum et Ysaiam et Jeremiam.
Origenis super Leviticum.
Cassiodorus super psalterium.
Prima quinquagena psalterii secundum Gilebertum Porreti et item a

Dixit dominus usque in finem libri in eodem volumine quod corio

rubro tectum est.
Expositio super apocalipsin in cujus fine diversorum philosophorum

epistole et sententie scribuntur.
Expositio super librum losue et epistole canonice glosate et apocalipsis

simul in eodem volumine.
Decem collationes.
Liber Oddonis abbatis.
Sermo de nativitate domini cum diversis diversorum doctorum sermoni-

bus quos sequitur vita lohannis Elimonis in eodem volumine.
Diadema monachorum.
Excerpta moralium.
Vite patrum.
Sermones in festis in refectoris legendi et in eodem volumine omelie

Eusebii de pascha et omelie Cesarii ad monachos.
Medicinalis unus anglicis litteris scriptus.
Sermones ad collationem.
Liber Hugonis abbatis Eading.
Vita beati Anselmi.
Sedulius.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 125

Liber qui appellatur landboc.

Vita sancti Brendani et sancti Brigide et sancti David et passio sancti

Edwardi Kegis et Martiris in uno volumine.
Tractatus magistri Hugonis de archa domini. Idem de ecclesiasticis sacra-

mentis in eodem volumine cum diversis sententiis Anselmi Bernard i

Clarevair abbatis.
Sententie magistri Petri.

Hii libri glosati.

Johannes, Matheus, [M]arcus Psalterium. Item Psalterium. Psalterium
imperfectum, in quo etiam scribuntur cantica canticorum. Parabole
Salomonis et ecclesiastes in uno volumine. Item parabole Salomonis et
ecclesiastes in uno volumine. Duodecim prophete epistole Pauli
apocalipsis. Item apocalipsis. Missales vi. Textus evangelorum
duo excepto parvo. Epistolare unum. Gradales vi. Processionalia
X. Coll[ationarii] ii. Antiphonarii iiii. Breviaria iiii. Diurnale i.
Lectionarii iii. Troparii x. Psalteria iii. Ymn[alia] ii. Libri con-
suetudinum iii. Ad sepulturam defunctorum et obsequia egrotantium
liber unus libri capituli ii. Passio sancti Thome et miracula ejus.

S. Barfield.

NOTE ON CHARLES I AND THE EARL OF GLAMORGAN.

ScNCE my article on this subject in the last number of the Keview
was in type, it has occurred to me that I may have been unjust to
Glamorgan in supposing that the word * primo ' inserted in the
patent of his dukedom was forged by him or by his instructions in
1660. Is it not possible that it was added in 1645, and that too
with the approval of Charles I ?

When the warrant directing the law officers of the crown to
take the necessary steps for conferring a dukedom upon Glamorgan's
father was signed, on 6 Jan. 1645, the old man was not to proceed
farther for fear of drawing attention to his son's services in Ireland.
The question would then arise as to the relation of the warrant to
the patent of dukedom previously granted to Glamorgan. It would
not do to destroy it, as if the father died before the warrant was
taken to the signet office, there would then be no dukedom at all.
On the other hand, upon the hypothesis which I have provisionally
adopted, that there had been some ill feeling between the father
and son, it is intelligible that the old man would not have been well
pleased to know that Glamorgan had in his possession a patent
bearing a date eight months before his own warrant, and might
therefore produce it as giving him precedence over his father. This
last difficulty would be removed by altering the date. If Worcester
lived to produce his warrant and to have his patent made out, his
son, whose patent was now dated 4 May 1645, could not come

126 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Jan.

before him ; whereas, if Worcester died before sending his warrant
to the signet office, Glamorgan could show his own patent, and it
would not be of much consequence to him whether it was dated in
1644 or in 1645. Such a thing might have been done by family
arrangement, or it might have been done with the king's assent.
That it was so is, of course, only a guess, but it appears to me
sufficiently probable to make me wish to withdraw the imputations
upon Glamorgan's character which I founded on a different solution
of the problem.

Whilst I am upon the subject, I may add that I have recently
met with a curious account by a certain Allan Boteler or Butler of
an interview with Worcester at Eaglan, from which it appears that
Worcester, at least, had no doubt that the king's authority to treat
in Ireland was genuine. Boteler was employed to take a message
from the king at Oxford to Ormond, and he passed through Eaglan
on the way. His narrative is amongst the Carte MSS. XXX fol.
307. He says that he left Oxford on 22 Feb. 1646, that is to say
164|-, as neither was the king any longer at Oxford, or Worcester
at Eaglan, in 164f .

The extract relating to his conversation with Worcester is as
follows : —

'On that I delivered to his Lordship his Ma^'^Mnost gratious
and comfortable message concerning my lord his sonne, with
thankes for their former loyall expressions unto which my Lord
Marquesse answ^ered that it was the griefe of his heart that he was
inforced to say that the King was wavering and fickle, and that at
his Ma*'®^ last being there, he lent him a booke to read in his
chamber, the beginning of which he knowes he read, but if he had
ended it, it would have shewed him what it was to be a fickle
Prince, for was it not enough, said his Lordship, to suffer him the
Lord Glamorgan to be unjustly imprisoned by the Lord Marquesse
of Ormond for what he had his Ma*'^^ authority for ; but that the
King must in print protest against his proceedings and his owne
allowance, and not yett recall it ; but I will pray for him, and that
he may be more constant to his freinds, saith my Lord.'

The book referred to is known to have been Gower's from a
passage in Bayly's * Golden Apophthegms,' p. 5, and it was no
doubt the ' Confessio Amantis.' The photograph of the king's
warrant to Glamorgan, from which the facsimile which accompanied
my article was made, has since been deposited in the manuscript
room of the British Museum. Samuel K. Gardiner.

1888 127

Reviews of Books

Histoire du Peuple d'lsrael. Par Eenest Renan. Tome I.
(Paris : Calraann Levy. 1887.)

The first volume of M. Kenan's new work carries down the history of
Israel to the establishment of Jerusalem as the capital of King David.
Two more volumes are written, though they still await the author's final
touches ; these will continue the narrative ' to the epoch of Ezra, that is
up to the definitive establishment of Judaism.' To these volumes, for the
revision of which he allows himself two years, M. Renan hopes to add
a fourth, upon the period of the Hasmoneans ; but to this part of his
plan he attaches less importance, believing that the fourth volume
will be comparatively easy to write, and that in case of necessity
a translation of one of the many German books on the subject would
suffice to stop the gap. It is somewhat difficult to understand how
M. Renan, who is fully possessed by the idea that the whole significance
of the history of Israel lies in the sphere of religion, comes to hold that
the period subsequent to the work of Ezra has been already so satisfactorily
elucidated that (as he puts it) ' one may almost say that there are not two
ways' of writing about it. It would seem that he attaches little importance
to the obscure tract of two and a half centuries which separates Ezra from
the Maccabee revolt, and no doubt as regards the political record that period
is almost an absolute blank. But for the history of religion these cen-
turies are of the highest importance. It was during them that the
religious and social life of Israel reshaped itself in accordance with the
institutions of Ezra. The legal establishment of Judaism was completed
by Ezra and Nehemiah ; but the establishment of the law in the hearts
of the people was another matter. No one who passes from the memoirs
of Nehemiah to the first book of Maccabees can fail to perceive that in the
interval enormous changes had taken place in the tj^e of national life and
national religion. The problem which this observation suggests has never
been thoroughly worked out ; but materials for its solution are not lack-
ing, and the Psalter in particular, of which a great part must be assigned to
the latter part of the Persian period and the first generations of the Greek
empire, supplies the basis for a research not inferior in interest and im-
portance to anything that remains to be done for the earlier ages of the
sacred history.

As regards this first volume, the author gives us fair warning that we are
to look not so much for a history as for a half-imaginative reconstruction
of the general movement of society and religion in those dark ages that

128 . REVIEWS OF BOOKS Jan.

preceded the liistorical period of Israel's life. In the history of Israel there
are, we are told, no certain material facts before David ; the sources for
everything prior to his time resolve themselves into ' epical tradition.'
In such stories it is vain to ask what happened ; our business is to picture
to ourselves the various ways in which things may have happened. En
pareil cas toute phrase doit etre accompagnee d'un peut-etre. Or, again :
Comme pour la ' Vie de Jesus,' je reclame pour le present volume, consacre
a des temps fort obscurs, im peu de Vindulgence qiCon a coutume d'ac-
corder aux voyants, et dont les voyants ont hesoin. Meme, quand j'aurais
mal conjecture sur quelques points, je suis sHr d'avoir hien compris dans
son ensemble Vceuvre unique que le Souffle de Dieu, c'est-d-dire Vdme du
monde, a realisee par Israel. These words sufficiently characterise the
difference between M. Eenan's method and that of the critical historians
of Germany and Holland. It would be unfair to say that M. Renan
makes no use of the critical analysis of Hebrew texts, or that a writer like
Wellhausen is devoid of historical imagination. But in the German school
the historical imagination is held under control, and laborious analysis and
evaluation of the sources govern the whole construction of the history.
In the present volume the analytical process is not only kept quite in the
background, but has really very little influence on the author's conclusions.
The faculty of imagination, or, as M. Renan prefers to say, of divination,
rules supreme, and controls the use made of critical results.

It would not be fair to pronounce a final judgment on M. Renan 's
work from the fragment now before us, but hitherto the auspices are far
from favourable. He tells us himself that nothing in the history of Israel
is explicable without the patriarchal age, and it is plain, even at this
stage, that his reconstruction of the patriarchal age is altogether wrong,
and must equally be wrong whether the Pentateuchal narrative is his-
torical or legendary. On the former supposition cadit qucestio ; it would
be idle to ask whether M. Renan's view of the history can be reconciled
with a literal adhesion to tradition. His position is that the patriarchs
never existed, but that Genesis and the book of Job depict with a certain
amount of idealisation a life which did exist in the patriarchal age. Abra-
ham is not an historical character, in truth he was borrowed by the
imagination of the Hebrew nomad from the figure of an ancient king of
Ur, which they had opportunities of seeing on Babylonian cylinders.^
But the colour of the stories of Genesis is true ; they represent the life of
the nomadic Semites as it really was, as it still is among the Arabian
Bedouins, or as it is described in the legends of the Arabs before Mohammed,
especially in the * Kitab al-Aghani,' to which M. Renan makes constant
references, but always — and very prudently — without descending to par-
ticulars. A generation ago it was fashionable to call Abraham an Arab
sheikh : M. Renan is content to say that he is the type of an Arab
sheikh ; but in point of fact it would be difficult to specify a single feature
of resemblance between the patriarchal life, as described in Genesis, and

' By a prodigious feat of philological audacity, M. Benan conjectures that Abraham
means 'father Orham,' the letters he and hcth being confounded in the most ancient
Semitic. But this act of prowess, which few will venture to imitate, is unhappily
thrown away. The Babylonian word may be read Uruk, or Amilapsi, or Urbagas, or
Likbagas, or no one knows how.

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 129

the life of the modern Bedoum, which is not either superficial or part of
the general difference between eastern and western society. And, on the
other hand, the points of difference between the life of the patriarchs and
the ordinary life of a nomad group are many and fundamental. On this
question an appeal may confidently be taken to every one who either
knows the modern Bedouin or has made any serious study of the * Aghani '
and other documents of Arabian life before Islam. But, indeed, it is
enough to appeal to the Bible itself. The Hebrews knew the wild men of
the desert, and the patriarchal history draws their type in the person of
Ishmael. The author who drew this figure was certainly not of M. Kenan's
mind as to the identity of the patriarchal and the nomadic life. The
picture of the patriarchal age is an ideal picture, but it is not idealised from
the life of the Semitic nomads, whose hand was against every man and
every man's hand against them. If we accept the picture presented in
Genesis literally, it displays a miraculous life. And the miracles in the his-
tory of the patriarchs are not mere garnishing which can be stripped off
and still leave the image of a real state of society. That Abraham, Isaac,
and Jacob could roam at large through Palestine without fear and without
war, though they were aliens from their own kin, and had not become the
protected dependants of another kin, is a standing miracle, and on this
miracle everything else in the history of Genesis depends. If the super-
natural explanation is given up, the whole notion of a patriarchal age falls
to the ground ; we must then assume with the Dutch and German critics
that the picture in Genesis is idealised, in a way quite unhistorical, from
the conditions of Hebrew life in the ninth and tenth centuries B.C., when
the nomadic past of Israel already lay hid in the mists of antiquity, and
we must hold that the actual condition of the Hebrews in the nomadic
age was of the far ruder and wilder type to which all other evidence points.
In the lives of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, as they are depicted in Genesis,
the lack of a stable home is a mere incident dependent on the super-
natural call to sojourn in a land not their own. In every other respect
their life is of a type inconceivable in the true nomad, but precisely
similar to that of a great householder in the time of David and his suc-
cessors. They are not chiefs of tribes but heads of families, and their
family life is indistinguishable from that of the earlier ages of the Hebrew
kingdom, the only golden time which the prophets know. According to
M. Kenan's own chronology, the history of the patriarchs was set down in
writing in the same age in which the prophets continually speak of the
first days of the kingdom as Israel's ideal past. Are we to beheve that in
spite of this the ideal of the Pentateuch and the ideal of the prophets are
two entirely different types of life ?

But, again, with the fall of the theory of a non- supernatural ' golden
age ' of Semitic antiquity ( Preface, p. 10) falls also the theory of a
natural monotheistic tendency of the Semitic race, which is the corner-
stone of M. Kenan's whole construction of the religious development of
Israel. The monotheism of the patriarchs in the book of Genesis is not
natural monotheism, and it does not resemble anything which has existed
in Semitic lands apart from the influence of Judaism and Christianity.
It is vain to appeal to Islam or to the movements in Arabia which
preceded Islam, for these are demonstrably dependent on the influence of

VOL. III. — NO. IX. ^

130 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Jan.

the synagogue and the church. And everything of monotheistic tendency
or of the nature of what is called monolatry which M. JRenan adduces in
support of his thesis from the phenomena of the older Semitic religions
has its parallel among other races. To compare the Semitic tribal
religions with the Pan-Hellenic religion of Homer or with the not less
secondary religion of the Vedas is to beg the question. When Semitic
society ceased to be purely tribal, Semitic religion showed as little ten-
dency to monotheism as the religions of Greece or of India. It was in
Israel alone, and solely through the work of the prophets, that Semitic
particularism in religion grew into a universal monotheism, or even
showed more tendency to grow in that direction than can be observed
among other races under similar historical conditions. All this might be
illustrated in detail if space permitted, but here a single example must
suffice to show how boldly M. Kenan bends facts to suit his hypothesis.
At p. 40 he maintains that of all ancient peoples known to us the Semites
were certainly the least prone to gross practices of sorcery. A very different
impression is left by the Bible (e.g. Deut. xviii.), by the monuments of
Arabian antiquity, by what we know of Harranian heathenism, and by
the magical superstitions that long lingered in christian Syria,^ or still
survive in all parts of the Semitic east. Or if monotheism is an affair
of race, by what right is Babylon excluded from the induction, which all
antiquity looked on as the chosen home of sorcery and magic arts ? To
divide Babylon from the nomadic Semites is to change the problem from
one of race to one of environment.

The hypothesis of a natural monotheism, even in the attenuated form
in which it appears in M. Kenan's system, is simply a relic of the unhis-
torical deism of last century, the only form of liberal thought which
appears to be easily grafted on a strict Koman catholic education. The
same influence appears in other parts of the volume, both in small
matters — as when M. Kenan inclines to explain the miracles of the
wilderness wanderings as pious frauds, or when he sneers at David for
his habit of appealing to the oracle of Jehovah — and in things of more
moment, particularly in his conception of the national element in Jehovah -
worship as a grievous falling away from the simplicity of patriarchal
faith. One is curious to know how M. Kenan will explain the work of
the prophets on the view that the national character of the religion of
Israel contributed to the development no elements of positive worth.

The limits of a notice like the present make it impossible to follow
M. Kenan from page to page and judge every part of his construction in
its relation to the whole. As regards the material facts of the early
history he is, as we have seen, disposed to reduce to very small compass
all that can be certainly known for the time before David. He holds,
with most recent inquirers, that the Hebrews originally issued from
Arabia by the north-eastern route, and traversed as nomads the pastures
bordering on the Euphrates, ascending as far as the region of Harran.
Here they came in contact with Babylonian ideas, through the medium
of the Aramaeans of Mesopotamia, and to this early influence M. Kenan
ascribes the traditions embodied in the first twelve chapters of Genesis.

'^ See especially Lagarde, Bel. iuris cedes, ant. pp. 230 sqq.

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 131

From Harran the nomads moved southwards into Canaan, where they
found a race speaking the same language and of closely kindred stock,
but of very different character, so that no fusion took place between the
immigrants and the Canaanites. In the district of Hebron, however,
they lived in amity with the Hittite population, whose near relatives were
the Hyksos of the Egyptian delta. These ' Hittites of Zoan ' probably
attracted to Egypt a portion of the Hebrew nomads (the tribe of Joseph),
and these were afterwards joined by other bands. As regards the resi-
dence in Goshen only one thing is certain — Israel entered Egypt under a
dynasty favourable to the Semites and left it under a hostile dynasty.
The exodus is assigned to the period of decadence that followed
the glorious reign of Eamses II, the Louis XIV of Egypt. All the
details, perhaps even the personality of Moses, are uncertain ; it is not
probable that the Egyptians sought to retain the Hebrews by force. The
Hebrews left Egypt with their old religion changed not a little for the
worse. Egypt gave them the golden calf, the brazen serpent, the lying
priestly oracle, the Levite ' who was the leper of Israel ' — all mischievous
things which had to be eliminated in the future progress of religion.
Moreover, the gentle temper of the primitive nomad was changed to
harshness and obstinacy by the yoke of oppression ; and the faith in the
special care of Jahve for Israel, which was developed (not without the
aid of pious fraud) by the experiences of the wilderness, strengthened
national feeling at the expense of the sublime and true idea of primitive
Elohism. ' The national idea desired a God who thought only of the
nation, and who in the interests of the nation was cruel, unjust, an
enemy of the human race.' The * adoption of Jahve seems to have been
consummated at the Sinaitic epoch,' but what actually happened at Sinai
is obscure. Sinai is a mountain of terror, whose storms were conceived
as awful theophanies. In some such storm the Israelites believed that
Jahve appeared to them, and they left the sacred mountain fuU of terror
and persuaded that a very powerful deity dwelt in its summits. It is
scarcely probable that the theophany gave occasion to Moses to put forth
any moral precepts. In truth the role of Moses seems to have been
' rather that of a chief like Abd-el-Kader than of a prophet like Ma-
homet.'

All the characteristic features in this outline of the origins of Israel
are more or less arbitrary. There is absolutely no evidence that the
Babylonian elements in the traditions of Genesis reached the Hebrews
through the Aramaeans of Harran rather than through the Phoenicians,

I it is certain that they show no sign of having been the property of a
nomadic race, and there is no probability that they all date from the
same period. M. Renan does not regard the first twelve chapters of
Genesis as a literary unity : on this point he accepts the analysis of
modern criticism. But on purely subjective grounds he refuses to believe
that one of the two main documents is of the same origin with the Levitical
legislation, both forming part of the document which is denoted by the
symbol A. He sees that the legislation of A must be postexilic, and he
will not believe that the first chapter of Genesis is later than the time of
Hezekiah. It so happens that the unity of the document A is the most
absolutely fixed point in criticism ; the date may still be disputed, but
K 2

132 - REVIEWS OF BOOKS Jan.

critics of every school are agreed that the separation which M. Kenan
desires is altogether impossible. But this does not affect the serene con-
fidence with Avhich he maintains his own view, not bringing any new
arguments (though the thing has been often discussed before in the same
form), but merely waving the Dutch and the Germans aside with a polite
sneer as worthy people who are trammelled by their narrow protestant
education and have not got enlarged views of ancient history.^ The
appeal to the judgment of personal self-confidence as the standard of
truth is made in the most engaging manner, but ,the fact remains that,
on a point of capital importance for the problems of Hebrew history,
we have no better evidence than that M. Eenan knows himself to be a
great deal wiser than the Germans, and that his impressions are more
valuable than their arguments. Accordingly we may be sure that his
view about the document A will satisfy nobody, and with its rejection all
his ingenious speculations about the Hebrews and the Hittites, and a
great deal that he has to say about Israel in the wilderness and about the
conquest of Canaan, simply fall to the ground.

Not better founded is the account of the influence of Egypt on Hebrew
religion as regards the Levites and the oracle of Jahve. The oracle in
its oldest form is merely the sacred lot, an institution universal among
the Semites and one of the common possessions of all early faiths.
M. Benan regards the appeal to Jahve as a dark spot in the record of
Hebrew religion, a corruption of primitive Elohism, and therefore he
gives it a foreign origin. But can he point to any nation in the stage of
the Hebrews under the judges which had no such way of appealing to
the decision of God ? Finally the conception of Moses as a sort of Abd-
el-Kader is without all foundation in the texts and is absolutely incon-
sistent with Semitic analogy. It is brought in (along with an absurd
idea that the warlike successes of Israel may have been due to an
Egyptian contingent) to account for the military superiority of the
Hebrews in their conflict with the Canaanites. But the weakness of the
nomadic Semites in military enterprises has never been due to want of
generalship (witness the abundance of able soldiers that the first genera-
tion of Islam produced), but wholly to the want of cohesion between the
tribes. And this again is due to tribal pride or vanity, which refuses to
acknowledge any human authority except in a tribesman. It has been
well shown by Wellhausen that according to the most ancient texts the
main function of Moses was to judge between the contending interests of
tribes and families by an authority not human but divine, and the same
scholar has pointed out that Mohammed was largely indebted for his
success to the very cause that gave authority to Moses ; his judgments
did not offend family or tribal susceptibility because they were spoken in
the name of Allah and therefore involved no humiliation of one kindred
before another. This is the true historical use of analogy, for it compares
the operation of similar causes in similar circumstances, whereas the
analogy of Abd-el-Kader is not only absolutely vague, but ignores that
fundamental diffel'ence between the Maghrib and the true Semitic lands,
which forces itself upon the notice of every student of the history of Islam.

^ See his articles in the Revue des Deux Mondes, March 1886.

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 133

In M. Kenan's account of the conquest of Canaan and the settlement
of the tribes there is Httle which calls for notice except a certain con-
fusedness of treatment due to a combination of general distrust in the
historical tradition with a half-hearted adherence to the document iu
One detail, however, may be signalised as showing a somewhat singular
misapprehension of the use of historical analogy on which our author
piques himself. To illustrate the relations of the Israelites to their
Canaanite neighbours in the cities that were not conquered, he appeals to
the relations between the Metawila of Syria and their neighbours of
other races. ' One must see these mixed or rather double villages, where
two populations live side by side, hating and yet tolerating one another.
Almost aU Turkey presents the same spectacle.' But surely every one
who knows Syria is aware that this state of things could not be maintained
except under the sovereignty of the Turkish empire. Both parties fear
the pasha. Modern Syria is a good analogy to illustrate the condition of
Palestine under the Achaemenians, but it is no analogy for the age of the
judges, when there was no external power pressing on Hebrews and
Canaanites alike. At that time, where Hebrews and Canaanites lived
together, the relation of the two races must have been much more similar
to the relation between Arabs and Jews in Medina before the Hijra, and
this is the conception which all the texts bear out.

The period of the judges is treated in the volume before us in a spirit
of superficial eclecticism which is somewhat surprising. On M. Kenan's
own view that real definite history begins with David, one is necessarily
led to conclude that the preceding period lies enveloped not in absolute
darkness but in a semi-historical penumbra. Here, therefore, if anywhere,
exact historical criticism, the laborious separation of primary and
secondary sources, is indispensable. It is impossible that fable should
end and history begin quite abruptly, and equally impossible that the
transition should take place, in a narrative so visibly composite as that
of the book of Judges, without history and legend overlapping each other
in a way which can be detected by a careful analysis of the texts. In the
story of Deborah and Barak, where a contemporary poetical document
stands side by side with a later prose narrative, or in the story of Gideon,
where two parallel records have been carefully distinguished by modern
scholars, it seems inconceivable, on his own premisses, that M. Kenan
should be able to dispense himself from the task of critical analysis. Yet even
in these cases we find nothing but a rechauffe of the compound narrative,
affecting a spurious appearance of criticism by the mechanical rejection
of supernatural detail. Even more disappointing is the treatment of the
episode of Abimelech — perhaps the most instructive portion of the whole
book of Judges — where M. Kenan misses every point, even the obvious
one that up to this date Shechem was a purely Canaanite city, and that
the short-lived sovereignty of Abimelech was built not on Hebrew but
on Canaanite support.'*

The last point in M. Kenan's narrative on which some remark may

* The evidence for this fundamental point is quite independent of certain acknow-
ledged difficulties in the text of Judges ix ., for which various solutions have been pro-
posed, and which the present reviewer has attempted to remove by transposing verses
28, 29, and making them follow on verse 22. {Theologisch Tijdschrift, March 1886.)

134 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Jan.

here be made, is his strong prejudice against David, in whom he can see
nothing more than a clever and successful bandit. Until recently the
true founder of the Hebrew state has been judged less as a king than as a
psalmist, and from this point of view it was natural that two diametrically
opposite views should be taken of his character. The church has conse-
crated him as a saint : the deistic reaction, unjustly but from its own
standpoint not at all unnaturally, has stigmatised him as a hypocrite.
M. Eenan, who does not believe that David wrote psalms, or that in him
the king was sunk in the liturgical dilettante of the book of Chronicles,
ought, one imagines, to have been able to take an independent view of a
character which, religion apart, is one of the most remarkable in Semitic
history. But his love of startling antithesis prevails, and he sacrifices all
attempt at historic justice to a brilliant page contrasting ' the brigand of
Adullam and Ziklag ' with the ideal type of the Messiah, the imaginary
author of ' the sentiments full of resignation and tender melancholy con-
tained in the most beautiful of liturgical books.' This may be literature,
but it is not history. The historian has to judge David as a king, and to
judge him from his whole career. We know that his reign dwelt in the
affectionate memory of Israel long before the nation had become a church
and before the renown of the warrior and judge was overshadowed by the
fame of the psalmist. The nation was grateful for deliverance from the
Philistines, but it also remembered that David ' did justice and judgment
to all his people.' ■' These are substantial titles to an honourable place in
history, against which neither the weakness of an old age exhausted by
martial toil nor the ambiguous conduct of some parts of an adventurous
youth can fairly be set. The inner life of David as a king is revealed to
us in a way unique in ancient history, through a document evidently
dependent on the accounts of a contemporary observer, one who read
faces and noted minute details with a subtlety which to the western
reader recalls the memoirs of Saint-Simon, but which is not uncommon
among the Arabs. This observer may have had his prejudices, but it is
clear that his passion was the study of men, and that no prejudice would
have induced him to suppress a characteristic trait. He spares none of
David's weaknesses, and yet the king appears not only a far greater man,
but a larger, better, and more generous nature than any of those about
him. David's faults were those of his age, and the things in him that
most offend us were not those that gave umbrage to his contemporaries.
Even his great sin in the matter of Uriah would have been buried in
oblivion but for his repentance. Now oriental sovereignty is not the thing
to make a bad man better ; nay, even in a man whose general aims are
high and beneficent, it is eminently calculated to produce the frame of
mind which Abd-al-Malik described as wrought in himself — * that he had
come to do good without feeling pleasure, and to do evil without feeling
pain.' It is fair to read David's earlier life in the light reflected upon it
by these considerations. He passed through conditions of extraordinary
difficulty in which there was often no straight path, and in such circum-
stances a certain amount of ruse is not only permitted but applauded by
Semitic morality. But throughout a seemingly tortuous course he never
failed to retain his own self-respect and the passionate devotion of all his

■' 2 Sam. viii. 18.

i

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS ' 135

followers, and lie emerged from trials in which an ordinary nature would
have made shipwreck to do his country services of the first order and to
take a place in which he has no rival among Hebrew sovereigns. To
condemn him because he was ambitious would be to condemn every great
man whose career is impelled by an inward consciousness of strength :
what we are to consider is that his ambition was noble and patriotic.
That he played the traitor to Saul and to his country there is not a
particle of evidence ; that he may have hoped to succeed Saul is possible,
but this was not treason in a kingdom where there were as yet no fixed
hereditary rights. The Philistines he certainly deceived ; but here his
conduct, however contrary to our point of honour, was not such as to
trouble the most sensitive Semitic conscience. That he had any responsi-
bility for the death of Abner is a pure imagination. M. Kenan wonders
that he did not punish Joab, but under the law of blood-revenge Joab
was strictly within his right. Finally, when M. Renan says that few
natures seem to have been less religious than David's, and charges him
with an absolute lack of the sentiment of justice, he seems to use a false
standard both of religion and of justice. David's religion was not cosmo-
politan ; in his faith as in all his life he was an Israelite, bound by that
strict national feeling — and even respect for national prejudice — which
was then the basis of the whole code of right and honour. But it is a great
mistake to suppose that the social virtues are based on cosmopolitanism,
that a religion which does not look beyond the nation cannot be a true
and powerful force in favour of right conduct. If Jahvism had not been
in its origin a national religion, it could never have become a practical
force ; its ethical influence wdthin the nation was the necessary basis of
its ethical influence on mankind. M. Renan seems to think that David's
devotion to Jahve was not true religion because he consulted oracles and
because he was sometimes treacherous and cruel to the enemies of his
country. But this only means that a good man would not act now as
David did nearly three thousand years ago. The test of individual
piety is not whether a man strikes out a new code of morals in
advance of his age, but whether in the fear of God he does his duty loyally
and trustfully according to the standard of his times, and when he sins
returns to God in true and honest repentance. So much can safely be
said of David, and it can also be said of him that in the most critical
moments of his life he maintained that calm and resolute submission to
the divine will which makes the strength of a truly religious character
and raises the servant of God above the fear of man.

W. Robertson Smith.

Gesta di Federico I in Italia, descritte in versi latini da anonimo con-
temporaneo, ora pubblicate secondo un MS. della Vaticana a cura di
Ernesto Monaci. (Fonti per la storia d' Italia pubblicate dall' Istituto
Storico Italiano.) (Roma : 1887.)

The ItaHan Historical Institute, founded for the purpose of reproducmg
the great work of Muratori by publishing the sources of the medieval
history of Italy, could not better inaugurate its collection than by this
volume. Hitherto we have only known of two contemporary Italian

II

136 ■ REVIEWS OF BOOKS Jan.

accounts of Frederick I's achievements in Italy which are of much
importance : one by a Milanese, called by some the Sire Raoul, which
extends to 1167 ; the other by Otto and Acerbus Morena, which comes
down to 1168. Other minor writers furnish here and there some informa-
tion, among them Godfrey of Viterbo, whose nationality is dubious, whether
it was Italian or German, and whose reputation seems to us greater than
his merit. But these are all scanty sources which lead us necessarily to
German sources, especially to Otto of Freising and his continuators, for
details of the great struggle between Barbarossa and the Lombards from
the time of the diet of Roncaglia to the hardly won peace of Constance.

Some years ago Professor Monaci discovered in the Vatican library
a third contemporary narrative of Italian origin. The short extract which
lie published at the time of the discovery in the Archivio of the Societa
Romana di Storia Patria, gave such valuable details regarding the corona-
tion of Barbarossa in Rome, and the death of Arnold of Brescia, that it
awakened a lively desire, especially in Italy and Germany, for its entire
publication, and this desire has at last been satisfied by the eminent
Roman scholar. His discovery consists of an heroic poem of over
three thousand verses, embracing a period shorter than that described by
the so-called Sire Raoul and the Morena, as it stops in a.d. 1160 after
the battle of Carcano, but at the same time extending over a larger field,
as it also follows the course of events outside Lombardy and thus opens
out a wide view of the early phase of the struggle between the Lombard
municipalities and Barbarossa. It appears to have been certainly com-
posed between 1162 and 1166 by an anonymous poet of Bergamo, when
that city still espoused the emperor's interests. The poem indicates great
admiration for the emperor, and it appears likely that the author had
spent some time at his court and been an eye-witness of the exploits he
relates. But in the account of each individual circumstance his good
faith and exact knowledge of the facts are evident. Honest, in spite of
being a partisan, the Bergamasque poet sometimes rebels against what is
blameworthy, and his verse adopts a reproachful tone in describing the
death of Arnold of Brescia, or the horrible massacre of the hostages before
the beleaguered walls of Crema. ' A calm spirit of independence and rec-
titude,' the editor well remarks, ' seems to brood over these pages.' More-
over, the exactitude of his narrative is such as to enhance his importance
as an original authority, and it is also so evidently well informed as to
render valuable its confirmation of other sources. When on the other hand
it is in disagreement with them, it leads often to a modification of the nar-
rative as given by them, -or completes what they have left out. Thus, for
instance, where he relates Frederick's visit to the Bolognese studio,
besides adding to our knowledge regarding Frederick and Bologna, it is
also important for the history of jurisprudence and of the general condi-
tion of the universities, as Giesebrecht pointed out in the transactions of
the Munich Academy. In other cases where it appears that he knew
some of the other contemporary writings, such as the ^ Gesta Friderici ' of
Otto of Freising, it is evident that he does not follow them blindly, but
either adds something of his own, or expresses himself in a manner
characteristic of his own point of view. Writing in an age which saw
the revival of classicism and the love of ancient Roman literature, the

r

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 137

anonymous poet of Bergamo adorns his historical narrative with remi-
niscences of the classic period. This obliges the student of history to be
careful in not giving too literal an interpretation to his phrases, which
are often put there as a classical imitation ; but the editor has attended
to this point most diligently, marking in footnotes all the passages
taken from the ancients. On this Professor Monaci observes justly :
* Nor should the tinge of classicism which pervades these pages be after
all displeasing to us. At that time it was free from all affectation ;
indeed, it reproduces for us the true colouring of a period in which the
reawakened feeling of romanism broke out energetically in a thousand
forms, on one side encouraging imperial ambition, on the other inspiring
the formation of communes. Humanism was not then a mere rhe-
torical mask, it filled the thoughts and guided the actions ; and not
only in public and official life, but also in private and artistic life, there
was an effort to remodel everything on the antique. Thus among
historical writings side by side with meagre annals and uncouth chronicles
is to be found the heroic poem, and that movement which was produced
by the current of Roman influence found its natural and not altogether
inadequate expression in a form which was the same as that in which
Lucanus and Silius Italicus had celebrated deeds in Roman history.'

The editor's work in preparing this text and in commenting on it
may be taken as a model of its kind, and since the edition is to initiate
a long series of texts which are to be published gradually, it is to be
hoped that the editors of future volumes may take this as an example of
what ought to be done in these respects. To say everything is diffi-
cult in certain cases ; but to say everything with great learning, and
without ever saying too much, is one of the best and rarest virtues in an
editor, and Professor Monaci has shown himself to possess this sense of
proportion in the highest degree. The Italian Historical Institute also
deserves real praise for the care given to the exterior elegance of this book,
with which the future volumes will be uniform. The clear type, the solid
hand-made paper, very commendable for editions destined to last and to
be much handled, and above all the convenient octavo form adopted,
instead of the unwieldy and expensive folio — all these advantages deserve
recognition and gratitude from those who are wont to draw from these
eaily sources their knowledge of history. Ugo Balzani.

Lectures on the Bise and Early Constitution of Universities. By S. S.
Laurie, A.M., Professor of the Institutes and History of Education in
the University of Edinburgh. (London : Kegan Paul, Trench, & Co.
1886.)

Peofessor Laurie disclaims all pretensions to original research. He
adds nothing to our knowledge of the subject ; but he brings together a
good deal of knowledge which was not hitherto conveniently accessible.
It is unfortunate that so many time-honoured blunders should be repeated
in his pages. Professor Laurie has in fact given a new lease of life to
a number of serious misconceptions as to the facts of medieval university
history, and I am bound to say that he has himself seriously added to the
number. The best that can be said for the book is that it is always

138 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Jan.

lively, interesting, and readable, and often right. Fatlier Denifle's
* Die Entstehung der Universititten des Mittelalters bis 1400,' we are
told, did not come into tlie author's hands till he was correcting his
second proofs, and he had only time for a cursory perusal of * the most
of it.' ' The only change of moment which he has led me to make,' he
tells us, * is in the place to be assigned to the rector and nations at
Paris.' If we are to understand by this, that this was the only change
of moment called for, we are sorry to be obliged most emphatically to
dissent from Professor Laurie.

Professor Laurie begins ab ovo. He treats of the history of education
from 200 a.d., and in particular of the change effected by Christianity
in the substance and spirit of education. This forms in many respects
the most valuable and original portion of the book, for it is here that there
is most room for the reflections of the philosophical historian. There is
perhaps not very much in the way of historical fact that was not contained
in Mr. Mullinger's ' Schools of Charles the Great,' and the same writer's
most learned and interesting introduction to his ' History of the University
of Cambridge.' But it represents a thoroughly independent view of the
facts. Professor Laurie contributes a good deal towards a refutation of
Pattison's reckless ascription of the decline of culture after the fifth
century a.d. to the triumph of Christianity. He shows to what a very
large extent that decline which synchronised roughly with the advance
of Christianity was due to causes entirely independent of the attitude
towards secular learning adopted by Christian theology, while he does full
justice to the improvement which Christianity everywhere effected on
popular culture, and to the educational work of the religious orders. In
fact, we should hardly go beyond Professor Laurie's conclusions if we
said that so much of the culture of the ancient world as survived the
barbarian invasions survived by reason of its association with Christianity.

Professor Laurie undoubtedly insists strongly on the narrowness of
the patristic and early medieval conception of education. Christianity,
he says, ' tended steadily to concentrate and contract men's intellectual
interests' (p. 24). I cannot help feeling, however, that he somewhat
underrates the intellectual advance implied in the acceptance of the
Christian conception of the universe.

* By the middle of the second century,' says Professor Laurie, ' philo-
sophy was an intellectual game, personal morality a matter of convention
and prudence, and rhetoric an artifice. The departure of moral earnestness
in the pursuit of abstract truth was at the same time the signal for the de-
parture of all sound education in other subjects. Words took the place of
things, forms of realities ' (p. 13). Surely it was an intellectual advance
that the mind was now absorbed by some realities, though it may have
been supposed that ' the only realities . . . were scripture truth and the
writings of the fathers ' (p. 37). Mr. Laurie occasionally gives too much
countenance to the assumption that there is an incommunicable ' culture,'
a peculiar expansion of mind, an indefinable ' liberality ' to be got out of
the study of pagan poets, and out of nothing else. It seems to be for-
gotten that the Bible and some of the fathers are literature, and literature
of a higher order than Horace and Statius.

I have dwelt at rather disproportionate length upon the introductory

1888 BE VIEWS OF BOOKS 139

portion of Professor Laurie's book, because, from an historical point of
view, I can give but very qualified praise to the rest of it. The one im-
portant change made in the book since the author's ' cursory ' perusal of
Father Denifle consists in the adoption of his view as to the origin of the
nations at Paris. But this isolated correction has very much the effect
of the new patch on the old garment of the gospel parable. Thus, on
p. 152, he still misunderstands the passages on the strength of which
the nations have been hitherto referred to the twelfth century, and
makes Henry II refer his quarrel with Becket to the nations of Paris,
though with the unintelligible qualification, * at least as provincial unions.'
Again, he speaks (p. 133) of a universitas citramontanorum and a uni-
versitas ultramontanorum in the years 1210-1220 at Bologna, though
Savigny had conjectured and Denifle has proved that there were originally
at least four universitates at Bologna.

He repeats, or rather exaggerates, Sa\dgny's blunder of treating
Frederick I's authentic habita in 1158 as ' the first formal recognition of
the universitas of Bologna ' (p. 130). It was really a privilege conferred
on all scholars in the Lombard kingdom. It may have been mainly
intended to benefit Bologna, but it does not officially recognise the schools
of Bologna, much less 'the universitas.' It is, indeed, misleading to
speak of one universitas at all at Bologna. Then Professor Laurie repeats
the old misinterpretation of the clause of that privilege which gives the
scholar the option of being tried coram domino vel magistro suo, vel
i])sius civitatis einscopo. Professor Laurie (p. 132) speaks of the scholar's
right of being judged by the ' university authorities.' Dominus is merely
a synonym for magister, not (as has sometimes been supposed) the rector.
The student's master would not have been in any sense a ' university au-
thority,' even had there been any university in existence at the time. Many
of Professor Laurie's blunders would have been avoided by a very moderate
amount of accuracy in the use of the older second-hand authorities. Thus,
he tells us that ' in their capacity of scholars or students the professors
exercised power along with those they taught ' (p. 138). Now Savigny
correctly states that the professor had no vote whatever in the university
congregations. He was eligible to the rectorship, but not to the office of
consiliarius, unless he had previously held the office of rector. In this
and not a few other cases Professor Laurie is not even consistent in error.
Thus, on p. 164, he tells us that at Bologna the proctors (by which I
presume he means the rectors) were elected by the students only. In the
same sentence he tells us that the students at Paris took part in the
election of rector. This statement probably arises from a misunderstand-
ing of a passage in Denifle, a fact of which the author apparently begins
to have some suspicions himself by the time he gets to p. 179, since he
there says that at Paris, ' owing to the great youth of the students, it is
the '* masters " who control the organisation.'

Another good illustration of Professor Laurie's manner of handling
his authorities is afforded by the statement (p. 155) that * Bulaeus tells us
that it was necessary to pass a statute excluding from the university all
under twelve years of age.' If I am not very much mistaken, the statute
which Professor Laurie has in mind (he never refers to authorities) is one
which- provides that nullus legat Parisiis de artibus citra 12 auTios

140 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Jan.

(Bulseus, iii. p. 81). The 12 is a misprint for 21, though the provisions
of the statute are elsewhere correctly given by Bulseus. A German
historian has already commented gravely upon the extreme youth of the
Parisian masters as evidenced by this statute. It has been reserved for
Professor Laurie to misunderstand the word legat, which of course
means * to lecture' as a master. Again (p. 161), we are told that the
popes restricted the * episcopal power of excommunicating members of the
university of Paris without the approval of the holy see being first ob-
tained.' No one who was really familiar either with the actual constitu-
tion of the university or with the frequency with which excommunication
was practised in the middle ages could have fallen into such a mistake.^
The ordinary tribunal for the trial of cases in which scholars were engaged
was the bishop's court. How could he have enforced his jurisdiction
without excommunication ? The prohibition of Honorius III and
Gregory IX refers to wholesale excommunication of the university en
masse. In closing this list — which is very far from being exhaustive — of
Professor Laurie's inaccuracies, I may mention tw^o errors which I have
been unableto trace to their source. Professor Laurie (pp. 151, 158) speaks
of an allusion to the ancient privileges of the university of Paris by Pope
Alexander III in 1159. I have been unable to find the slightest trace of
the existence of any bull of the kind. Then (p. 238) we are informed
that at Oxford ' University College was instituted in 1232,' and on the next
page an important inference is founded upon the statement. Even the
University Calendar would have told Professor Laurie that William of
Durham, out of whose bequest the college was founded, died in 1249. On
p. 253, 1280 is given as the date of the foundation of ' University Hall,
Oxford,' without any indication that the author is aware of the identity of
the two institutions.

But it is not only with university history that Professor Laurie is un-
familiar. In fact, he is not at home in the middle ages at all, least of all in
the medieval church. It is true that Professor Laurie has mastered the
fact, which he announces with much solemnity (p. 202), that ' a simple
deacon or monk was, as such, not a priest,' but canons regular are de-
scribed as * monks ; ' the chancellor of the church is confounded with the
chancellor of the diocese ; and, worst of all, the friars are habitually spoken
of as * monks.' At times, too, it would appear that Professor Laurie uses
the term ' regular clergy ' in the sense of the ' parochial clergy.'

One of these mistakes is indeed fatal to any real appreciation of the
Parisian university constitution. So little l^as Professor Laurie grasped
the constitutional position of the chancellor, that though in one place he
speaks of the university as subject to ' the superintendence of the chan-
cellor of Notre-Dame,' in another (p. 223) he makes Innocent III write * to
the bishop of Paris, as chancellor of the university.'

When we turn from facts to generalisations. Professor Laurie's treat-
ment of what we may call the theory of a university is marred by hopeless
vagueness and self-contradiction. The book is entitled * The Rise and
Early Constitution of Universities,' and the title of Lecture II., ' Rise
of Universities,' has affixed to it the date 1100 a.d. But when we ask

' It is fair to say that this mistake was made by Thurot, Maiden, and others.

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 141

what it was that Professor Laurie supposes to have ' risen ' in 1100 a.d.,
the answer is not so clear. On p. 51 we are introduced to a ' university
of Constantinople ' in the time of Charles the Great, with whom, by the
way, Scotus Erigena is (p. 53) made contemporary ; and on p. 101 we
are told that the essential characteristic of the universities was that
they were ' si^ecialised schools, as opposed to the schools of arts, and they
were open to all without restriction as skcdia imhlica, or generalia, as
opposed to the more restricted ecclesiastical schools which were under a
rule.' It is obvious that there were many schools which satisfied these
requirements long before 1100 a.d. And, indeed, we are elsewhere told
that the term is used for convenience, though the author is aware that
the term was not applied * in the ancient world, nor to the studia gene-
ralia of mediaeval times for two centuries after they arose.' If so, why does
Professor Laurie speak of universities 'rising' in or about 1100 a.d.?
If, on the other hand, the term ' university ' is used to denote a particular
form of organisation — a universitas of masters, or a universitas of students,
or more generally of all studia generalia, i.e. schools whose degrees
possessed that oecumenical validity — the date 1100 a.d. is far too early.
There is no trace of the existence of a universitas of students of the
Bologna type, of the Paris university of masters, or of that custom of
inception or magisterial initiation on which the universities of masters
were founded, till the second half of the twelfth century. Even the licentia
docendi was not known under that name till 1179. The truth is that the
date 1100 A.D. does not represent any constitutional epoch whatever in the
development of the medieval schools, though it does correspond very fairly
with the beginning of that great intellectual movement which ultimately
found its most brilliant expression in the universities. But there were
no universities in the days of Abelard in any sense in which there had
not been universities in the days of Erigena or of Alcuin. The application
of the term ' university ' to any earlier schools, whether of the medieval or
of the ancient world, is as misleading as it would be to talk of a jury in
ancient Kome, or a house of commons in the eleventh century. The
universities arose in the second half of the twelfth century and not before.
Professor Laurie's confusion on this head is the more surprising, inas-
much as no writer has more clearly and forcibly exhibited the universities
in their true position as scholastic guilds. His appreciation of the funda-
mental fact that the university was essentially nothing more than a par-
ticular kind of guild is, from an historical point of view, the chief merit
of the book.

Professor Laurie is a more satisfactory guide as to the history of ideas
than as the historian of institutions. But even in dealing with the march
of ideas a certain amount of definiteness and attention to dates is indispen-
sable. Professor Laurie treats the intellectual movement of the twelfth
century — the movement (for the sake of clearness) which culminated in
Abelard — as due to what he calls the Saracenic impulse.

' Now, looking, first, to the germ out of which the universities grew, I
think we must say that the universities may be regarded as a natural
development of the cathedral and monastery schools ; but if we seek for
an external motive force urging men to undertake the more profound and
independent study of the liberal arts, we can find it only in the Saracenic

142 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Jan.

schools of Bagdad, Babylon, Alexandria, and Cordova. The Saracens
were necessarily brought into contact with Greek literature just when the
western church was drifting away from it, and by their translations of
Hippocrates, Galen, Aristotle, and other Greek classics, they restored
what may be quite accurately called the " university life " of the Greeks.
Many of the teachers were, of course, themselves Greeks who had con-
formed to the new faith. To these Arab schools Christians had resorted
in considerable numbers, and were cordially welcomed. They brought
back, especially to Italy, the knowledge and the impulse they had gained '
(p. 99).

This view seems to me perfectly irreconcilable with facts and with dates.
It has been generally recognised since the time of Jourdain that Abelard
and his predecessors knew no more of Aristotle than had been known
all through the dark ages — i.e. the translations of the De Interpretatione
and of the Categories.^ What then can the intellectual movement which
Abelard represents have owed to a * Saracenic impulse ' ? Professor Laurie
speaks of Italy as specially affected by this impulse. But the twelfth-
century renaissance in Italy took the form of a revived study of the Eoman
law. Greek influences, direct or indirect, are here, it is obvious, equally
out of the question. The fact is that Professor Laurie has confused to-
gether two totally different though consecutive movements — on the one
hand the revival of dialectical activity and of the study of the Latin
classics, both well represented by Abelard (contemporary with the revival
of legal study in Italy), and on the other hand the speculative movement
due to the rediscovery of the whole of Aristotle, which did not begin till
the thirteenth century and culminated in the work of Albert the Great and
Thomas Aquinas. The renaissance of the twelfth century, like the later
Italian renaissance, began with the revived study of a neglected, though
never wholly forgotten, Latin literature ; it culminated in the rediscovery
of a Greek literature, which had been practically lost for centuries. It is
only with the latter of these movements — or phases of the same move-
ment— that the * Saracenic impulse ' had anything to do. Even the revival
of medicine at Salerno was in all probability originally entirely unaffected
by Arabic influences. H. Eashdall.

La Tactique au treizieme Siecle. Par Henei Delpech. 2 vols.
(Paris : Alphonse Picard. 1886.)

This is an exceptionally difficult book to review. Its merits are unmis-
takable ; the author has devoted immense labour to his task ; he gives
scrupulously not merely references, but quotations, to support all his
statements and inferences ; he has restored with infinite pains the con-
temporaneous topography of the two battles which he has chosen for

2 Tlie Categories were, however, known only in the abridgment attributed to
Augustine till the end of the tenth century. And it was not till the eleventh that
the full translation came into general use. (See Haureau, Hist, de la PJiil.
Scolastique, i. 95 seq.) Some writers find slight traces of a knowledge of other
parts of the Organon in Abelard (see Poole, Illustr. of the Hist, of Medieval Thought,
p. 142), but it has (so far as I know) never been suggested that the knowledge was
obtained from any other source than the translations of Boethius.

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 143

special study ; he makes very just observations as to the essential limita-
tions of medieval tactics ; he has searched all the chroniclers and striven
to unearth the details of every medieval battle ; he has saturated him-
self, so to speak, with the military history of the middle ages ; he knows
probably far more about the details of his subject than any other human
being has ever known. But unfortunately, like many other people who
take up with enthusiasm a somewhat new line of investigation, he has
formed a theory : and a theory, like fire, is an excellent servant, but a very
bad master.

It is right to let M. Delpech state for himself his theory, and how he
arrived at it.

* L'objet de notre ouvrage est de prouver que les armees du XIII^ siecle
ont eu une tactique reflechie ; tactique elementaire comme les armes dont
on disposait a cette epoque, mais tres intelligente et en parfaite harmonic
avec I'outillage du temps,

* C'est une opinion nouvelle que nous entreprenons de demontrer ici
methodiquement. Jusqu'a present, on a pense, sans avoir examine la ques-
tion, que le moyen-age n'avait pas de theorie militaire et qu'il ne pouvait
pas en avoir. Nous sommes done obliges de lutter contre une opinion
precon9ue et ancienne. Pour ramener vers nous ce courant etabli, il nous
parait utile de satisfaire avant tout les esprits de bonne foi, en leur expo-
sant le plan d'etudes qui, suivi pendant onze annees, a produit le present
ouvrage. On pourra se convaincre ainsi, quel que soit I'accueil fait a nos
conclusions, que nos recherches ont ete serieusement faites et peuvent
etre serieusement consultees.

' Nous avons commence cette etude en 1874. Pendant les quatre pre-
mieres annees le terrain et les manoeuvres d'un certain nombre de batailles
du moyen-age ont ete releves par nous, sous I'empire d'un pur sentiment
de curiosite, et sans prevoir que ces restaurations dussent nous conduire
a formuler une theorie generale. Mais chacun de ces objets de recherches
lit apparaitre des faits d'armes d'un caractere si logique, que nous en
fumes aussi surpris que le sera probablement notre lecteur. Puis tous ces
resultats rapproches nous revelerent des lois constantes et generales. II
devint impossible de nous obstiner contre I'evidence ; nous avions devant
nos yeux un systeme de guerre parfaitement rationnel.'

Now it is probably true that modern writers have tended unduly to
depreciate the military skill of the middle ages ; but then modern writers
have, as a rule, known very Httle about the matter. M. Delpech has done
good service by writing his book, if only in stimulating interest in the sub-
ject. It is of course ludicrous to suppose that the middle ages possessed no
military skill, no tactics, no strategy. The fundamental principles of
strategy are, as has been truly said, permanent; they may largely be
reduced to maxims of common sense. The merest savages have some
idea of tactics, if only of rushing out upon an enemy from a hiding-place.
Military skill is in its essence promptness of judgment, readiness in
making the best use of whatever resources are available. But it is
travelling a long way to accept M. Delpech 's theory in its entirety ; and
it is difficult in a brief review to do more than indicate the grounds of
our scepticism. It is obviously impossible to follow him into a detailed
examination of every battle, even if the reviewer could pretend to a full

144 , REVIEWS OF BOOKS Jan.

and original knowledge of them all. But if we find in his, book a tendency
to extract more out of his authorities than is contained in them, if in a
few test cases he has misinterpreted his authorities, we are necessarily-
rendered distrustful of his method and of his judgment.

M. Delpech's treatment of his authorities is truly medieval. Ita
scriptum est was in the middle ages a conclusive argument, and M. Delpech
not only makes very little attempt to discriminate, but tacitly assumes in
all medieval writers alike minute tactical knowledge and scrupulous
tactical accuracy. We recognise the force of the temptation to insist that
words must mean what they possibly may mean, if thereby support is
to be obtained for a pet theory ; we even recognise the legitimacy of
such a process within certain limits ; but we cannot regard views which
have practically no other foundation as even approximately proved.
Military precision is extremely rare even in modern histories, although
the art of war has long been theoretically studied. And when we recol-
lect that of the innumerable chroniclers whom M. Delpech quotes very
few indeed were eye-witnesses, very few were likely to have had access to
what modern research would deem trustworthy original information, and
the great majority were monks, we must be sanguine indeed if we expect
military precision from them, still more so if we expect uniformity in the
use of military terms. Yet, unless medieval chroniclers one and all were
far superior in habitual military accuracy to modern historians, M. Del-
pech's imposing edifice is built on the sand. How many times per cent, in
the medieval chronicles are those two most important tactical words, acies
and agmen, used in their strict sense ? and where is precision to be found ii
these words are used vaguely ? We should be surprised if it were other-
wise ; they were not professors of a staff college, and their general value
as historians is as little affected by such want of precision as the value of
the Bible by its tacit assumption that the sun goes round the earth. But,
in the absence of such minute accuracy, minute inferences deduced from
them are at best conjectural. It was no doubt inevitable that M. Delpech
should introduce a large infusion of modern military technicalities into
his treatise ; his very purpose is to show that the middle ages had their
own teclmicalities, and these were best described in the corresponding
modern language. But we must not let this lead us astray ; some of the
matters described in technical phraseology are in the nature of things, and
their existence does not go far towards proving that the middle ages
possessed tme tactique rdflecJiie. For instance, M. Delpech makes a great
parade of an essential tactical distinction between combats en ordre paral-
lele and combats e?i ordre perpendiczilaire. But the line is the obvious
order in times when the shock of contending horsemen is the main point
of a battle ; the so-called perpendicular order is either the column of march
becoming suddenly the order of battle, or the result of a limited battle-
field, which only leaves room for a short front line. Again, M. Delpech
insists rightly enough on the Crusades as a school of military experience,
though we should have expected to find some stress laid on the value
of the Byzantine armies as a model of organisation. But when he talks
about the obvious and necessary practice of placing in the van quosdam
de illustribus to explore the route and decide where to halt, &c., as the
commencement of a regular staff, when ha insists on the great tactical

i

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 145

problem of combining the various arms having been thoroughly worked
out, when he declares that by the thirteenth century tactics were so well
understood that tactical requirements overruled feudal notions of honour
and precedence, when he claims for France the fullest possession, if not
the origination, of all these ideas — one is obliged to ask how, if this be
true, they were all lost again — how Crecy was possible.

To the battle of Bouvines M. Delpech devotes 175 large and closely
printed pages. He chooses it as a typical battle, not uninfluenced perhaps
by a patriotic desire to glorify what has been rightly called the first
French national victory. And a typical battle in many ways it was,
typical in the direct encounter all along the line which suited medieval
armaments, in the feudal organisation proper to medieval armies, in the
uselessness of superior numbers (though we confess to some scepticism
as to the gigantic disparity set forth by M. Delpech), if two unequal armies
are fighting with medieval weapons on a front not too wide for the smaller.
But after reading carefully through the lively prose narrative of Guillaume
le Breton and the clumsy verse of his * Philippis,' we fail to discover
adequate grounds for regarding Bouvines as a battle of professional soldiers
in the modern sense. Negatives are notoriously seldom capable of proof.
We cannot demonstrate that the movements of the two armies before the
battle were not dictated by elaborate strategy ; but if M. Delpech's restora-
tion of the topography be correct — and we have not the slightest intention
of impugning it — there was very little choice under the circumstances.
Nor again can we demonstrate that the order of battle was other than what
M. Delpech gives ; but his only authority is the hexameters of the ' Philip-
pis,' and who can decide how far the exigencies of the metre determined
the exact collocation of names, though we may fairly assume that Guil-
laume le Breton, as an eye-witness, knew the general arrangements at least
of his own side ? M. Delpech remarks upon the speed of the movements
as indicating a high standard of military skill : all it proves is that the
country was not enclosed, and also (what needs no proving) that the stiff
drill of the days before Frederick the Great had not been introduced.
A variety of similar points might be cited, but these should suffice. It
is hard to treat seriously an author who gravely writes of the arrange-
ments made at Bouvines by the etat major francais, who places Welsh
fantassins cle ligne in the English contingent, and who names patriotism
as being, with religion, the strongest sentiment of the middle ages.

So far we have tested M. Delpech by internal evidence only : we have
compared his conclusions with the authorities whom he scrupulously
cites, in order to see whether they furnish sufficient foundation for the
superstructure. A better test is afforded by comparing M. Delpech's
battles with the ground ; and this can obviously be done only on a limited
scale. The present reviewer at least can claim to have seen but few
medieval battle-fields. But if M. Delpech's account of two well-known
battles breaks down badly, partly through apparent ignorance of the
ground, partly through interpreting things by the light of particular
theories, we may reasonably mistrust his account of other battles.

Let us see then how M. Delpech deals with Hastings, perhaps the
most important of medieval battles, and certainly one of the best known,
thanks to the Bayeux tapestry and to Professor Freeman's elaborate in-

VOL. III. NO. IX. I'

146 • REVIEWS OF BOOKS Jan.

vestigations, almost as minute as M. Delpech's study of Bouvines.
Hastings is distinguished among battles for two devices of the conqueror's :
the feigned flight of the Norman left, which, by drawing the English
from the right of their defensive position, began to retrieve the fortunes
of a day hitherto at least doubtful ; and the hail of arrows on the English
standard, simultaneously with a direct attack by the mailed knights,
which by killing Harold finally won the victory. Both of these were the
sudden inspirations of a practised soldier, and so far they support M.
Delpech's general position that the middle ages were not devoid of tac-
tical skill. But M. Delpech misrepresents both. He gives the order
to the archers to shoot in the air, as part of William's dispositions for
beginning the battle ; whereas Henry of Huntingdon, the authority for
this point, mentions it almost at the end, after the feigned flight ; and,
from the nature of the case, it could only have been then. After describing
the failure of the first attack, the sally of the English (which for some
mysterious reason he calls taking the enemy in flank), William's personal
danger, and rallying of his defeated left wing, he continues as follows :

* Ce fut alors que Guillaume, pour en finir, prescrivit a ses troupes une
manoeuvre de cavalerie qu'il avait deja pratiquee ailleurs avec succes, et
qui constitue le fait le plus important de la bataille de Hastings.

* Le due de Normandie fit prendre de nouveau 1' offensive par une
partie de sa cavalerie. Au moment oii les Saxons se trouverent le plus
fortement attaques, ceux qui les assaillaient battirent en retraite et furent,
comme la premiere fois, poursuivis paries defenseurs du retranchement, en
dehors des palissades. Alors, sur un signal donne par une sonnerie de
trompettes, les fuyards firent volte-face, chargerent les Saxons, qui les
poursuivaient et par consequent durent les retenir ainsi engages sur place,
en dehors des palissades.

* Au meme moment, un second corps de cavalerie normande chargea
la colonne saxonne, par un autre cote (d'auUre part) et vers la moitie de
sa longueur [mediam catervam). Ainsi, tandis que I'un des corps nor-
mands, heurtant de front la tete de colonne des Saxons, les empechait de
regagner leurs palissades, I'autre venait manoeuvrer sur leurs flancs {altera
humo affixa tolerat, altera diver sis viotihus agit).

* Restaurons bien cette manoeuvre. Guillaume de Poitiers constate
qu'elle fut realisee par le concours des deux corps qui occupaient les deux
extremites les plus oppos^es du front de bataille. Ce furent, d'une part,
les Manceaux, Bretons et Aquitains, que nous avons deja trouves a I'aile
gauche ; et d'autre part, les Normands de I'aile droite, que commandait
Robert fils de Roger de Beaumont.' (Vol. ii. 269, 270.)

Now in the first place there is absolutely no ground for assuming that
the feigned flight was ordered immediately after the real defeat, or that it
was a manoeuvre which William had employed before. Fug am ex industria
simulantes, meminerunt quain optatcB rei paullo ante fuga dederat occa-
sionem, are the words of William of Poitiers, and they unmistakably
refer to the previous real flight, retrieved as it had been by William's
energy. Obviously, too, if stress is to be laid on the words at all, they
refer to an incident which had happened more than a few minutes ago.
Secondly, the feigned flight only gave William his first decided advantage ;
the battle lasted several hours longer, so that it is at least premature to

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 147

describe that manoeuvre as employed pour en finir. Further, there is not
a trace in the authorities of the EngUsh right (very unaptly designated
colonne by M. Delpech) being attacked in flank by a second body of Norman
cavalry during its disorderly advance. The words of Henry of Hunting-
don are : Dum igitur Angli in sequendo persistimt, acies principalis
Normminorum mediam Anglorum catervam pertransiit. Quod videntes
qui persequebantur per foveam prcedictam, redire compulsi, ibidem ex
magna parte perierimt. No one who had not before made up his mind
that the English pursuers must have been attacked in flank would so
interpret these words. What exactly the writer meant hy pertransiit may
be doubted ; very probably he had not a clear picture before his eyes — few
narrators of a battle have. But the sentence clearly refers to a fresh
attack on the English centre, and we know from the whole tenor of the
history that the Normans were able to occupy the ground which the
English right had quitted: during the last portion of the battle the
English centre was assailed on all sides. Again, Eobert of Beaumont was
half a mile off ; there is not a word in the sentence devoted to his exploits
by William of Poitiers to suggest that he was doing anything but his
obvious share in the battle, attacking like every one else straight to his
front, that is, the English left. M. Delpech's anxiety to give antiquity
to the volte, as an indigenous French device, has led him into the usual
error of making things out more systematic than they really were. No
doubt it was not borrowed from Vegetius, nor is there any necessity for
supposing it to be borrowed from any one. As M. Delpech himself says,
it is an obvious ruse de guerre. It is more reasonable to wonder that the
example of Hastings produced so little fruit than to enter into arguments
as to its parentage.

The battle of Lewes affords another example of the facility with
which, under the influence of a theory, the necessary facts can be dis-
covered in narratives which, to unprejudiced eyes, warrant no such conclu-
sions. Lewes, according to M. Delpech — and so far no one can disagree
with him — is a specimen of a combat e?i ordre parallele. But he goes
on to say : L'armee assaillie, au lieu de resister directement a V assaillant,
porta sa contre-attaque sur un autre point du front de bataille. Elle
attira Voffensive de Vennemi sur son aile gauche, et elle opera sa propre
offensive avec son aile droite, soutenue par son centre et sa reserve. Now
it is no doubt true that the right of the royal army, under Prince
Edward, defeated the Londoners on Montfort's left ; and it is also true
that the rest of the royalists were totally routed by the remainder of
the Barons' army. But none of the contemporary authorities contain
anything which can be twisted into a suggestion that all this was the
result of a deliberate plan formed by Montfort. Nor, indeed, seeing
that the earl had drawn up his army in order of battle before the royal
troops came out of Lewes, could he have known that Prince Edward,

Kvhom M. Delpech assumes to have commanded the 6lite of it, would be
)n the enemy's right. Again, there is nothing in the chroniclers to justify
!^I. Delpech in regarding the royaHsts as the assailants, and Montfort as
standing on the defensive, or to bear out the statement that the Barons'
ight wing was supported by their centre and reserve. On the contrary,
ihe evidence is that both armies engaged straight to their front along the

148 ■ REVIEWS OF BOOKS Jan.

whole line, as usual in the good old hand-to-hand days, though Prince
Edward's impatience brought him to close quarters before the rest.
Again, M. Delpech has a theory that medieval writers invariably number
the divisions of an army from right to left. Now Eishanger divides the
royal army into three parts : the first acies (a most untechnical word, by the
way, unless, which obviously was not the case, there had been three lines)
commanded by Prince Edward, the second by Eichard of Cornwall, the
third by the king. The Barons' army Eishanger divides into four acies :
1, Young Montfort ; 2, Gloucester ; 3, the Londoners ; 4, Earl Simon. In
accordance with his theory, M. Delpech places them as follows : —

The earl in reserve
Young Montfort Gloucester Londoners

The king Eichard of Cornwall Prince Edward

It is difficult to discover any adequate authority for Earl Simon's having
placed his own division in reserve, though the modern writers seem to
agree in saying that he did. But it is obvious that without this as-
sumption the theory crumbles at once. Unfortunately, however, the
circumstances of the battle do not tally with this ideal order. The facts
certainly known are these : —

1. Prince Edward defeated the Londoners.

2. Gloucester defeated the king.

3. Eichard of Cornwall, after hard fighting, was driven to take refuge
in a windmill, and there surrendered.

A glance shows that these facts are inconsistent with M. Delpech 's
assumed order. Moreover, windmills are not placed in hollows ; it is
inconceivable that there should ever have been one near the centre of
the royal line : but there is one now where the down, off which Montfort's
advance was made, sinks into the plain, just where the defeated Bex
AlemamiicB might very well have been driven by the earl's victorious
right. This is to say, the king must have been in the centre, Eichard
of Cornwall on the left ; or, in other words, the only chronicler who gives
the divisions does not number them in order from right to left. Again,
M. Delpech, in order to sustain his theory that Montfort used every means
to induce Prince Edward to attack the Londoners, makes him place his
own carriage and standard, with its guard, among them The words of
Wykes, from whom this incident is derived, do not flatly contradict this
notion ; but the time at which the earl left behind his carriage and
standard, with the other baggage, was before his advance in order of
battle, which was made downhill off the ridge of the down. No one
who has seen the ground would believe that wagons went down that
slope, especially in the midst of a body of infantry expecting to meet the
enemy at once. Nor would they have needed a special guard had they
been moving with the Londoners. Nor would they have been left with
their guard to be attacked later by Prince Edward, on his return, or
by other royalist troops (the narratives differ as to who seized the earl's
carriage), for they must have fallen into his hands as soon as the Lon-
doners gave way. They were clearly left on the ridge, near where a

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1888 BE VIEWS OF BOOKS 149

conspicuous windmill now stands (or stood a few years ago). There they
would have been isolated as the battle rolled down the slope away from
them ; there, no doubt, they were plundered later in the day. But then
what becomes of Earl Simon's elaborate ruse to draw Prince Edward
against the Londoners ?

We may have been unfortunate in our selection of instances. We are
quite willing to believe in M. Delpech's perfect bona fides : it would be
unfortunate, indeed, if his judgment had not served him better in other
cases. We fully recognise our obligation to M. Delpech for having
collected so vast a mass of interesting materials, and we quite agree with
him in thinking that the middle ages were more systematic and better
instructed in things military than has often been imagined. But the
least unfavourable verdict we can record on his full-blown theory is one
of ' not proven.' Hereford B. George.

Der Untergang des Te^npler-Ordejis. Mit urkundlichen und kritischen
Beitragen von Dr. Konrad Schottmuller. 2 vols. (Berlin :
Mittler. 1887.)

Professor Schottmuller has given us a valuable contribution to the
already extensive Templar literature. In two visits to the Vatican
library, made in 1880 and 1886, he found and transcribed some hitherto
unpublished documents, which, together with a brief abstract of some
records in the archives of Marseilles, form the second volume of the work
which he has laid before the public.

The first of these documents he entitles ' Processus Pictavensis '
(ii. 13-71). It contains the examinations of thirty-three out of the
seventy-two Templars brought before the papal court at Poitiers in
June 1308. It is interesting as partly filling a gap in the series of
documentary evidence, but throws little new light on the affair, except
as illustrating incidentally the perfunctory character of the whole per-
formance at Poitiers, and as affording to Professor Schottmiiller fair
grounds for discrediting the currently accepted statement that Molay
in 1306 brought with him to France an immense amount of treasure.

Then follows * Deminutio laboris examinantium processus contra
ordinem Templi in Anglia ' (ii. 78-102). If this be, as the author is
probably correct in assuming, an abstract of the English evidence,
officially prepared at Clement's command for use at the council of Vienne,
it is important as a proof of the unscrupulous manner in which the testi-
mony was garbled for the purpose of misleading those who were to sit in
judgment. All the favourable evidence is suppressed, and the childish
gossip of women and monks is seriously presented as though authentic.
Even making allowance for the weight ascribed to popular rumour in
medieval trials for heresy, the dehberate purpose manifested throughout
this paper throws a fresh and sinister light on the management deemed
requisite to effect the predetermined object.

The bulky ' Processus Cypricus ' (ii. 143-400) is of value, although
the unfortunate omission of some of the formalities of the proceedings
prevents us from estimating accurately their precise purport. The testi-
mony of the non- Templar witnesses shows a higher estimate of the Order

150 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Jan.

among those to whom it was best known, and who, moreover, were not
friendly to it, than has been generally supposed. The interrogatories of
the seventy-six Templars examined are, however, by no means deserving
of the importance attached to them as a proof of innocence by Dr. Schott-
miiller (i. 484-93). It was a matter of course that where torture was
not used they should assert their purity and orthodoxy, and evidence in
their favour must be sought from other sources.

The ' Processus in Patrimonio Petri ' (ii. 405-19) has importance as
manifesting the real design of the commissioners sent out in 1310 by
Clement V, ostensibly for the purpose of affording the order an opportu-
nity of making a defence before the council of Vienne, but in reality with
the object of collecting evidence for its condemnation. Thus when im-
prisoned Templars declined the invitation to appear and defend the order
they were forced to come forward and testify against it. The extracts
from the archives of Marseilles (ii. 423-34) would doubtless have been of
greater value had not the author unfortunately been prevented by ill-
ness from transcribing them in extenso. A secret order of Charles the
Lame of Naples to his seneschal not to deliver the sequestrated property
to the papal agents illustrates the scramble which was going on for
the spoils.

Had Professor Schottmiiller confined himself to the publication of
these documents with illustrative and explanatory notes, there could have
been nothing but praise for the acuteness which enabled him to recognise
them under deceptive inscriptions and for the painstaking labour with
which he has deciphered the mouldy and battered parchments. Unfor-
tunately, however, he has deemed it necessary to accompany them with a
diffuse and confused history of the whole affair, occupying nearly seven
hundred and fifty octavo pages. With true German assiduity he has
ransacked all the authorities within his reach ; he has studied all the
official documents with miscroscopic minuteness ; many of his observa-
tions on them are shrewd, and occasionally his comparison and confron-
tation of the evidence throws a new and valuable side-light on certain
points ; but he lacks the impartiality of the historian, he is a special
pleader rather than a judge, he has framed a theory of the whole affair,
and his book is an elaborate plaidoyer in its defence.

The work thus becomes a misleading one, for the author is so pro-
foundly convinced of the truth of his speculations that he confounds his
conjectures with his facts, and presents both with equal positiveness so
that the reader often cannot distinguish between them. The ground-
work of his whole hypothesis is an imaginary alliance between Clement
V and Molay to protect the former from the arrogant domination of
Philippe le Bel and thus save him from sharing the fate of his predecessor,
Boniface VIII. The growth of this myth illustrates the idiosyncrasy of
the author's method. First it comes before us (i. 80) as a suggested
explanation of Philippe's attack on the Order. Then we are told (p. 91)
that Clement's summons in 1306 to the masters of the Temple and the
Hospital was for the purpose of obtaining their support ; then (p. 101) that
it is uncertain whether Clement and Molay were arranging an armed
assault on Philippe. Gradually the idea assumes in the author's mind
the consistency of absolute fact ; we are assured (p. 115) that Philippe

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1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 151

recognised that Molay's presence had encouraged Clement to resist his
demands ; and finally (p. 120) it is positively asserted that Philippe's
whole expectations of advantage from the transfer of the papal court to
France had been shattered by the protection given by the Templars to
the pope. Thus it becomes assumed as an historical fact (p. 564) that the
chiefs of the order had promised security and protection to Clement, an
assertion for which there is not a particle of evidence. This would per-
haps matter little were it not that it places the sequel of the story on a
thoroughly false basis, forcing the author to represent Clement as bravely
defending the Order until obliged to abandon it to its fate by Philippe's
visit to Poitiers in May and June, 1308. To make this apparently
credible, the bull ' Pastoralis pr^eeminentiae ' of 22 Nov. 1307, which
virtually settled the fate of the Order, is dismissed with a brief allusion
wholly inadequate to its supreme importance, and the author practically
ignores the controlling fact that during those fateful six months in which
his theory requires Clement to be staunchly maintaining the cause of the
Order, it was being broken up at his instance and under his express
authority in England, Spain, Italy, Cyprus, and such parts of Germany
as he could induce to take action. This sufficiently shows that the tem-
porary suspension by Clement of the powers of the inquisitors and bishops
of France, on which Dr. Schottmiiller dwells with so much insistence,
was mere skirmishing for position, to be abandoned as soon as Clement
had secured his terms.

This tendency to assume facts which sustain the author's theory
pervades the whole work and renders it untrustworthy in spite of his
evident desire to be accurate in the minutest particulars. We repeatedly
meet with positive assertions for which there is no authority. We are
thus told over and over again that the initial proceedings under the
authority of the inquisitor Guillaume de Paris were declared to be invalid
(pp. 140, 231, 287, 407) ; in fact (p. 244) that these examinations were
made by the royal officials and were therefore illegal ; when, on the
contrary, Philippe had been especially careful to shield himself behind
the authority of the Inquisition, and his officials were ostensibly only
lending their aid as required by law to the inquisitors commissioned for
the purpose by Frere Guillaume, who deputed all Dominican priors, sub-
priors, and lectors to act in that capacity. Possibly in some cases official
zeal may have outrun discretion, but the whole proceedings were covered
with a cloak of strict legality, and any indiscretions were condoned in the
bull of 22 Nov. So (p. 140) we have a wholly unsatisfactory argument
to prove that Molay's letter to his brethren advising them to confess
was forged or falsified; and then a few pages later (p. 143) there is
an allusion to Molay's falsified letter as if the falsification was a recog-
nised historical fact. We are told (p. 670) that Molay and the master
of Normandy were burnt against the will of the cardinal judges, when
there is no evidence either for or against it, and the probabiHties are that
the cardinals were delighted to be reheved of the responsibihty, which
they could not otherwise have escaped, of handing the prisoners over to
the secular arm for burning. In like fashion the author positively asserts
(p. 558) that the non-appearance of Eenaud de Provins before the papal
commission as a witness after beino; sworn was because he was so broken

152 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Jan.

by torture that lie was unfit to give evidence — an assumption for which
there is no warrant. In writing history after this imaginative fashion a
good memory is requisite to avoid occasional self-contradiction, as when
(p. 128) a visit of Hugues de Peraud to Poitiers just before the arrest is
described as an effort to save himself from the blow which he is assumed
to know was impending, and is subsequently (p. 243) alluded to as evi-
dence that Clement was commencing an investigation himself — a most
important feature of the case if only it were true, in x^lace of being a bald
supposition.

This unfortunate tendency is rendered still more serious by the author's
lack of familiarity with the ecclesiastical jurisprudence of the period,
leading him to frequent assertions and arguments for which there is no
justification. Thus (p. 124) we are told that Philippe lured Molay and
his brethren to Paris from Poitiers as a necessary preliminary to their
arrest, and we are treated to an elaborate disquisition on the limitations
of jurisdiction, ignorance of which, he says, has led all previous writers
into blunders — the fact being that all the arrests were made under the
authority of the Inquisition of Paris, whose jurisdiction in such matters
at the time was supreme from the Atlantic Ocean to Geneva, and there
was no more occasion to entice Molay to Paris for the purpose than
the rest of the brethren, who were seized everywhere throughout the
kingdom. Equally groundless is the assertion that the arrest was in
violation of all recognised law of the period, and that the Inquisition
exceeded its powers in prosecuting Templars whose immunities rendered
them justiciable only by the pope (pp. 126, 251, 640). The facts are that
even before the Inquisition was founded Lucius III abrogated all immunities
in accusations of heresy ; that suspected heretics had practically no legal
rights, and their capture was the highest duty of all secular officials ; that,
moreover, the Inquisition exercised authority directly delegated by the
pope ; and that even the mendicant orders, whose immunities were quite
as great as those of the Templars, when they endeavoured to escape the
jurisdiction of the Inquisition, were rudely remanded to it by Innocent IV
in 1254. It follows that the author is completely in error when he says
(p. 149) that Philippe had subverted the foundation -law of medieval
society whereby ecclesiastics were subjected exclusively to spiritual juris-
diction. Similar ignorance is manifested in the argument (p. 203) that
the absolution given at Chinon in August 1308 to Molay and the pre-
ceptors shows that they could not have confessed any heresy worthy of
death ; for no heresy confessed and abjured was at that time punished
by death, except in cases of relapse, and it was a universal rule that even
relapsed heretics were entitled to absolution if they asked for it, although
they were to be burned immediately thereafter, for the bosom of the church
was never closed to the repentant sinner. Equally erroneous is the as-
sertion (p. 231) that at that time torture could not be legally employed
against witnesses, for it was habitually so employed in both the inquisi-
torial and episcopal courts. More serious is the ignorance displayed in
the effort to show (pp. 298, 663) that Clement, as late as August 1309,
was still endeavouring to protect the Templars against Philippe by his
bull ordering the bishops to follow the law and not introduce new methods,
which the author regards as a prohibition of the use of torture, in place

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 153

of being, as it was, an order for its employment under a decent veil of
reserve— a reserve thrown off a few months later when the necessity of
incriminating evidence became pressing, and Clement reprehended those
who had not had recourse to torture, the employment of which, he told
them, was customary in such cases. Twice (pp. 619 and 627) the author
manifests complete confusion between witnesses and compurgators, whose
functions, under medieval customs, had no relations with each other ;
and he even seems to think (p. 320) that the Templars might have cleared
themselves by compurgation but for Philippe's violent measures, appa-
rently not knowing that it rested wholly with the inquisitor to determine
whether the accused should be admitted to this method of proving his
innocence. When he says (p. 573) that the burning of Molay and the
master of Normandy was an act of violence in open scorn of all spiritual
law, he seems unaware of the fact that the canons ordered relapsed
heretics (and the victims were technically relapsed by reason of revoking
their confessions) to be abandoned without a hearing to the secular arm
for burning, and that Philippe only took for granted what would have
been a mere formality on the part of the cardinal judges. All this may
seem minute criticism, yet these errors are important, as they serve to
prevent the recognition of what is really the most weighty lesson taught
by the whole dreadful tragedy — that it was merely an exhibition on a
more conspicuous stage of the atrocities habitually perpetrated for centuries
throughout nearly all Christendom, in the effort to secure the supreme
blessing of uniformity of faith. Had not the author been blinded by the
strength of his convictions, it would surely have occurred to him that
Philippe, to whose great capacity he does ample justice, was far too
shrewd to commit such violations of law as are here imputed to him, and
that Clement would have been a far less able man than he is here repre-
sented if he had not taken full advantage of such blunders on the part of
his assumed antagonist.

Professor Schottmiiller loses no opportunity of pointing out the errors
of his predecessors in a manner implying his own infallibility. Unfor-
tunately he is as liable to inaccuracy as the rest of us. Thus, in his
desire to show that Phihppe failed to secure popular belief in his charges
against the Templars, he gives (p. 139) the answer of the university of
Paris to his inquiries, as though it were rendered in October 1307 and
proved that the university was incredulous, when in reality it was only a
decision on certain legal points and could not have been other than it was ;
then (p. 167) the date is stated to be May 25, 1308 ; and it is not until
we reach the chronological summary (p. 656) that the correct date of
March 25 is given. When (p. 414) we are told that the archbishops of
Sens and Keims burned ' hundreds ' of Templars for revoking their con-
fessions, the exaggeration of the real number of sixty- seven, instead of
increasing our sense of the enormity, only diminishes our confidence in
the accuracy and impartiality of the historian. Twice (pp. 195, 649) the
confusion as to the commencement of Clement's regnal year is said to
have been only recently cleared up ; and in the latter passage it is alluded
to as illustrating the ignorance hitherto prevailing as to the order of events,
when in reahty the difficulty was explained by Dom Vaissette a century
and a half ago. We are told (p. 447) that in Italy not a single knight .

154 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Jan.

was examined : had the author consulted the sole authority for the pro-
ceedings in Komagnuola (Rubeus, Hist. Bavennat. ed. 1589, p. 525), he
would have found the names of seven knights— Te7n2:>la7ii ordinis equites
— examined by the council of Ravenna in 1311. Similarly, had he referred
to Allart's researches, his exceedingly imperfect account of events in the
kingdoms of Majorca and Aragon would have been fuller and more exact ;
but even the authorities whom he cites should have preserved him from
the repeated misstatement (pp. 551, 560, 639) that in Aragon the Templars
passed into other Orders and that the Temple continued in existence
mit hleinen Abmiderungen. On page 585 it is suggested that previous
liberalities of Molay's family may have entitled him to gratuitous en-
trance into the order, apparently in ignorance of the fact that by the
statutes payment for admission was severely punishable, although in the
later corruption of the order it was sometimes winked at. Equal un-
familiarity with the statutes is manifested in a matter to which, by his
repeated allusions (i. 187, 264; ii. 12), he seems to attach singular
importance. In the protocol of the examinations at Poitiers, the appli-
cant for admission is reported sometimes as asking iov f rater nitas ordinis
and sometimes for fraternitas domus. The author regards this variation
as of special significance as indicating the ' subjectivity ' of the reporter
and as showing how little he knew about the order when he thus de-
scribes a postulant as seeking admission into a single house. It happens
that the two expressions mean precisely the same thing and can be used
indifferently, for ' house ' is the official synonym for the order in the
statutes of the Temple. The blunder is the more incomprehensible since
the author quotes (i. 294) the initial words of the statute-book offered in
evidence by the brethren of Mas Deu — Quan alcu7Ji iwoom requer la coin-
pay a de la May so.

It is scarce worth while to pursue this examination further. The
original documents printed in the second volume render the work a
necessity to all students of the Templar catastrophe ; but the first volume,
despite the immense labour bestowed on it, and the ingenuity which it
frequently displays, must take its place in the long series of works on the
subject which a fondness for theorising, combined with imperfect know-
ledge, render unsafe guides for the inquirer. Heney C. Lea.

A Descriptive Account of the Guildhall of the City of London : its History
and Associations. By John Edwaed Peice, F.S.A., F.R.S.L.
Prepared by authority of the Corporation of London. (London :
Blades, East, & Blades. 1886.)

The issue of this sumptuous volume by the library committee of the city
of London is an encouraging sign of the spread of historical knowledge
and historical inquiry. The existence of a guildhall, and especially the
early mention of the name, is in itself an important fact, and has been
taken to prove that London had a governing guild at least as early.
Strange to say, we know little or nothing more directly about the London
guild. We cannot tell when it was instituted, whether it consisted solely
of city magnates, what was its name, to what patron saint it was dedi-
cated, and when as a guild it was finally dissolved. True, answers have

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been found by argument and inference to most of these questions ; but of
direct information we have only a mention by Giraldus of the Guildhall,
and by Stow of a ' cnihtenagild.' Many of the documents by which Stow
attained his remarkable historical knowledge have been unknown until
lately, though they were seen and consulted in so far as they related to
ecclesiastical matters by Newcourt in the last century. These are the
manuscripts stored in the muniment room of the dean and chapter of
St. Paul's. The enumeration made of them by Mr. Maxwell Lyte, who
has since become the head of the Record Office, marks an epoch in the
history of the city, and has enabled students to ascertain in many cases
the source from which Stow derived his information, and sometimes to
correct or supplement what he has told us. With the aid of these manu-
scripts it is possible to trace the history of the municipality to the
beginning of the twelfth century with some degree of fulness and certainty.
The oldest records at the Guildhall itself, with two or three exceptions,
only date from the wardenship of Sir Ralph Sandwich in the reign of
Edward I. The exceptions are the tiny charter of William the Conqueror,
a writ in favour of ' Derman of London,' and perhaps one or two
other documents and palimpsest entries in the letter books. But at
St. Paul's there are numerous leases, releases, agreements, and grants to
which aldermen and other city magnates have placed their names, and
which enable us now to form very complete lists of the governors and
governing families, and even to approximate to a clear understanding of
the civic constitution little more than twenty years after the compilation
of the * Domesday Survey.' Among these documents the most important
for its antiquity and its completeness is a terrier of the estates belonging
to the chapter in the city about the year 1110, enumerated under the
wards. A magnificent facsimile of this manuscript forms the backbone, so to
speak, of Mr. Price's volume, and will be warmly welcomed by all students
of municipal and ecclesiastical history. Unfortunately Mr. Price's anno-
tated translation is a very misleading performance. That he has seen
the importance of the document and has given it to us as it stands is,
however, such a boon that we are not disposed to examine his mistakes
very critically. The two chief points the Hst of lands sets forth are
points hitherto only guessed at. Mr. Price, by the way, misses them both.
It has long been known that the bishop had his place in the municipality
such as it was. Some authorities have looked upon him as heading the
clergy, when the portreeve headed the laity. Others have assigned him
a more definite place, and made him, like the prior of Holy Trinity,
Aldgate, a kind of alderman. So, too, with regard to the portreeve or
vicecomes, we have had to guess and theorise as to his exact position,
and many writers have asserted that, even after the grant of Middlesex to
the citizens, the portreeve had no judicial functions. On these two points,
the St. Paul's Hst is conclusive. Though Mr. Lyte omitted it from his
summary in the * Ninth Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commis-
sion,' and though Mr. Price does not mention it or remark on it at all,
the first ward named is ' Warda Episcopi.' The bishop's ward, moreover,
was not on Cornhill, but consisted of the precinct of St. Paul's. So, too,
we learn that the portreeve sat in certain cases as a judge. The canons
complain that Gilbert ' Prutfot ' has deprived them of a piece of land in

156 • REVIEWS OF BOOKS Jan.

the modern ward of Broad Street. By referring to the report above
mentioned, we find that it was in his capacity as portreeve or vicecomes
that Gilbert Prondfoot had given judgment against the chapter as to the
land on which stood the house of a certain lady named Eadild. Who
was this otherwise unknown portreeve? Was Proudfoot a nickname?
As he was probably, from certain indications too long to detail here,
alderman of the ward of Cheap, can he have been the Gilbert, generally
surnamed ' Becket,' whose wife was Eohese, and whose son, Thomas, was
the martyr of Canterbury ? He had a house in Cheap, at a time when
but few houses had been built in that quarter ; and the dates fit well
together. These are not questions on which we need turn to Mr. Price
for an answer. He is fully convinced of the Eoman origin of the London
municipality, and quotes the writings of the late Mr. Coote with approval,
and without any reference to the complete and crushing reply which they
drew from Mr. Freeman. This baseless theory pervades the whole book,
and though we can accept the facts which Mr. Price gives us with the
greatest thankfulness, we cannot but hold that he has not himself been
able to make much use of them. He quotes the St. Paul's document in
full, for the sake of one or two entries relating to Aldermanbury, but as
from these entries he infers that there were ' canons of the soke of Aldre-
manesberi,' we may well pass by his comparison of the expression ' curia
de la Guyldhalle ' with the ' Curia Municipalis ' of Vitruvius, and his
mention of the ' Hall, or Moot House, in connexion with each of the
thirty-five regions, or Wards, in Eome.' It is certainly asking too much
from the reader to argue that because there were thirty-five guildhalls in
ancient Eome, the one guildhall of ancient London was a Eoman institu-
tion.

The history of the London Guildhall is quite interesting enough with-
out any such forced comparisons. We find the first magnates of London
seated in Aldermanbury, very near the traditional site of the king's
house, on the north side of the wide market place. The name of Alder-
manbury is in itself curious and interesting. The word ' bury ' in the
dialect spoken in London, perhaps the East Saxon language, always
means a residence. We have the bury of the Buckerels, the bury of
Albert the Lotharingian, die bury of the canons of St. Bartholomew, the
bury of Walter Map, the bury of the descendants of Deorman at Islington,
called from its situation Highbury, and a good many more within the
boundaries of modern London, and in each case we find that a residence,
a mansion, is meant by the term. The Aldermanbury must mean the
mansion of the alderman ; possibly, as Mr. Price has it, the court of the
aldermen. On the east side of the street which still bears the name is
Three Nuns Court, and here Mr. Price was informed by the vicar of the
parish — he does not say of what parish — remains of early masonry were
found during the rebuilding of some business premises. Stow complains
that in his time the old guildhall in Aldermanbury had become a car-
penter's workshop ; but he and many later writers must have been wrong
in ascribing the removal to a new site, further east, to Whittington.
There are many indications not only in records, but in the buildings and
particularly in the architecture of the crypt, that the Guildhall was in its
present situation long before the reign of Henry V, perhaps more than a

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hundred years before. There is a very mteresting paper on the subject,
a contribution by Mr. Alfred White ; and the reader is also able to form
an opinion for himself, as there are many woodcuts, plans, and other
illustrations in Mr. Price's volume. But by simply consulting a map of
the ward boundaries, a student will be able to date the present Guildhall
approximately. He will see that though at a considerable distance from
Cheapside, it is yet included in the ward of Cheap, and must have been
where it is before the boundaries were fixed, because that boundary ex-
actly includes the hall, without the last bay at the eastern end, which is
the newest part, and which is in the adjoining ward of Bassishaw.
There is every reason to believe that the ward boundaries have not been
altered materially since the beginning of the fourteenth century, and the
Guildhall must therefore have stood where it is since at least 1299. If so,
some of the most stirring scenes of EngHsh history took place within
these old walls. Here in 1312 the mayor celebrated the birth of the
prince who was to reign as Edward III, when the hall ' was excellently
well tapestried and dressed out.' After dinner the mayor, aldermen, and
commonalty perambulated the city singing carols, ' all the rest of tho
day and great part of the night.' In the hall in 1357 John, king of
France, and his captor the Black Prince, were feasted by the city ; and in
1415 the renovated and enlarged hall saw Henry V on his return from
Agincourt, and again after his marriage with Katharine of France. But
many events of a very different character have the Guildhall for their
background and scenery. Here the strange forced election of Eichard III
by the citizens took place in 1483. Here Edmund Dudley, the ex-
tortionate minister of Henry VII, was tried and condemned in 1509.
Here Surrey was tried and condemned just before the death of Henry VIII,
and here, too. Lady Jane Grey, and her husband, with his two brothers
and Archbishop Cranmer, were all arraigned together and sentenced to
death in November 1553. In the following year Queen Mary came in
state to the Guildhall to * show her mind to the mayor.' The poisoners
of Sir Thomas Overbury were tried here in 1615, and in 1642 Charles I
made his singular expedition into the city to find the five members. The
lord mayor received him respectfully at the Guildhall, but the people
shouted, * Privilege, liberty of parliament,' and other political cries. The
committee of public safety sat in the Guildhall at first. Eichard Baxter
was tried here before Judge Jeffreys in 1685, and fined 500Z. It is not
easy to understand Mr. Price's assertion (p. 212) that the building in
which these historic scenes took place was doomed to destruction in the
great fire of 1666, as the Guildhall was not irreparably injured, and as,
moreover, some of the scenes he describes occurred after the fire. Among
them the most remarkable was probably the assembly of the lords of the
council at the Guildhall when William of Orange was invited to assume
the reins of government.

We regret to observe a large number of misprints, and still larger
number of small errors which can hardly be called misprints. Thus both
in the text and in the index there is mention of a ' Lord Craysfort ' as a
descendant of Alderman Probye. There is no such title in the peerage.
At p. 16 we read of a certain ' Dering ' that his name is * identical
with Dyrinig,' and is the ' forerunner of our English surname Deering.'

158 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Jan.

Mr. Price does not explain how Dering can be identical with Dyrinig, and
the usual modern form is Dering, not Deering. Under the mention of
* Warda Haconis,' now the ward of Broad Street, we have a long note
about St. Nicholas of Aeon, without a word to connect him with the ward
of Hacon. Of course Hacon or Haco was an alderman. There are
many other curiosities of literature and especially of grammar, but they
are not worth detailing. The great value of the book will always be in
its illustrations. Besides many woodcuts and the facsimiles already
mentioned, there are coloured views of some of the chambers, and copies
of every print and drawing known to exist or likely in any way to elucidate
the subject. W. J. Loftie.

The Historians of the Church of York and its Archbishops. Vol. II.
Edited by James Eaine, M.A., D.C.L., Honorary Canon of York.
Published under the direction of the Master of the Eolls. (London :
Longmans & Co. ; Triibner & Co. 1886.)

It is matter for regret that in this second volume Canon Raine has not
continued that sketch of the history and see of York which he began in
the first volume. The available space, he found, was inadequate to the
subject. ' An account of York during the momentous period between
A.D. 685 and 867, followed by the more obscure but still most interesting
annals of the period between 867 and the Norman Conquest, when the city
was under the rule of a succession of Danish princes, cannot be hurried over
and compressed into the preface of any volume of moderate size.' So we
must console ourselves with the hope held out to us that Canon Raine
will before long give these subjects ' a separate treatment of their own.'
In the meantime, we should have accepted with pleasure an instalment
or fragment of his intended work, and especially anything that would
throw light on the dark period of Danish rule in the North. What he
now gives us is little more than a series of introductions to the several
pieces forming the text of the volume. Setting aside for the present the
Chronicle of Thomas Stubbs and its continuation, the materials here
collected fall, as the editor says, into two main groups of subjects, * Hagio-
graphy and Controversy.' In the first class there are the Life and Miracles
of the sainted Archbishop Oswald, by Eadmer. The Life has been printed
before, but the Miracles are now published for the first time. Next comes
another life of the same saint, by Senatus, prior of Worcester, whose
information is m the main derived from Eadmer, and thus indirectly from
the earlier and anonymous Life printed in Canon Raine' s first volume.
These biographies are worth comparing with each other and with the
already well-known biographies of Dunstan in regard to the * Edwy and
Elgiva ' affair. In the story of the first biographer of Oswald, the king
has a lawful wife whom he neglects ; and the version here given by
Eadmer is evidently an attempt to fit this, which may be called the
Oswald story, into the entirely different Dunstan story.

Further on in this volume there is a short and hitherto unprinted
Life of Thurstan, the brave archbishop who organised the resistance to
the invading Scots in 1138. The biographer indeed attributes to him all
the merit of winning the battle of the Standard, chiefly by means of an

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 159

ingenious though not very credible device, which suggests that the arch-
bishop must have been acquainted with some kind of detonating powder.
One would like to know at what period this Life was compiled.

* Anno ab incarnatione Domini M^^.c^^xxxoviii^., xi. kal. Septembris,
. . . f uit bellum inter David regem Scotiae et Thurstinurn archiepiscopum ;
et victus est rex David et omnes Scoti victi sunt. Nam idem archiepi-
scopus cum militibus regis, latenter occurrens super Cotowne More juxta
Northallerton, fieri jussit in viis subterraneis quaedam instrumenta sonos
horribiles reddentia, quae Anglice dicuntur Petronces, quibus resonantibus,
ferae, et csetera armenta, quae praecedebant exercitum praedicti David regis
in adjutorium, timore strepitus perterrita in exercitum ejusdem regis
David ferociter resiliebant. Et sic praedictus Thurstinus archiepiscopus
cum militibus antedictis ipsum fugavit, occisisque pro (sic) millibus et
spolia multa reportavit.'

This is followed by the Life, also printed for the first time, of Arch-
bishop William Fitzherbert, otherwise Saint William, who became, to
some extent by the accidents of death and burial, the especial saint of
York. Any one of William's three greatest predecessors. Saint Wilfrid,
Saint John of Beverley, or Saint Oswald, would probably have already
' held the field ' if York could have obtained possession of his mortal
remains. But Eipon had acquired the body of Wilfrid ; Beverley was the
resting-place of John ; and Worcester, that of Oswald. Some hopes appear
to have been formed of obtaining the canonisation of Thurstan ; but even
then, as he had died a monk at Pontefract, and was there buried, Ponte-
fract, and not Y'ork, would have reaped the benefit. Without the relics,
as Canon Kaine points out, there could be no shrine, and without the
shrine, no great concourse of worshippers. Happily for York, William
Fitzherbert, who died in 1154, was buried in his cathedral church, and
thus upon him, * late in the history of the church of York, devolved the
honour of being her special patron and representative.' One can imagine
how Northern local pride would be gratified when a woman sorely diseased,
one Albreda of Gisburne, after making a pilgrimage to Canterbury in
vain, obtained relief nearer home by the merits of Saint William of York.
This comes from a list of miracles which Dodsworth copied from a table
or triptych, which was once to be seen in the revestry of the Minster.
The list is interesting as a collection of early forms of Yorkshire place-
names ; and two of the miracles are curious as affording instances of the
judicial duel, and of the ordeal of hot iron. In the latter, a woman
accused of homicide is condemned to death by a jury of knights, because,
after carrying the iron, a blister of the size of half a walnut [vesica
qucBclam ad quantitatem medietatis unius juglajidis — the marginal note,
not quite accurately, says 'a swelling like a walnut') is found on her
hand. She prays at the tomb of Saint William, and straightway the blister
disappears. Whereupon the king's justiciars set her free, and adjudge the
jury in misericordia domini regis for giving a false verdict. As the story
is told, this seems hard, for they proceeded on the evidence before them.
But it is probable, though this is not stated, that the verdict ought to
have been deferred till the burn had had a fair time to heal. The most
important fact which the biographer of Saint William records, and that
chiefly for the sake of an accompanying miracle, is the fire in York

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160 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Jan.

Minster which led to the rebuilding of the choir by Archbishop Eoger in
1171.

So much for hagiography. The controversy already spoken of is, it
need hardly be said, the great question whether York should profess
obedience to Canterbury or not. To the history of this controversy,
which went on from the seventh to the fourteenth century, we have here
a valuable contribution in the form of a history of four archbishops (from
1070 to 1127) by Hugh the chanter, or precentor, of York, whose work
is now printed for the first time in its entirety. From other sources it
appears that Hugh bore the foreign -looking surname of Sottovagina or
Sottewain ; and Canon Eaine suggests that he was * a Frenchman, who
came into Yorkshire with Thomas of Bayeux,' that is, we suppose, in
1070 ; but as to this, and the date of Hugh's death, the learned editor is
obscure. If, as seems to be intimated, Hugh lived till 1143, his life was
a long one. The especial value of his narrative is that in it the history
of the claims of Canterbury and of the resistance of York is given from
the York point of view. The question was political as well as ecclesi-
astical. Hugh tells us that Lanfranc, when advocating the sole primacy
of Canterbury, impressed upon the Conqueror that a Northern primate
would be capable of crownmg some Danish, Norwegian, or Scottish
adventurer as king, and so dividing the kingdom. In later days. Arch-
bishop Thurstan, to whom a large part of Hugh's narrative is devoted,
strove for the claims of his Northern see as stoutly as he afterwards
fought the Scots, and with some success. It is worth noting that Hugh
mentions the antipapa, thus affording an example of the use of this word
nearly a century earlier than Roger of Wendover, from whom it is quoted
in the * New English Dictionary.'

The collected chronicles of the archbishops which have till now passed
under the name of Thomas Stubbs, a writer of the fourteenth century, have
been re-edited by Canon Raine from the manuscripts, with the addition
of a hitherto unprinted part carrying the series on from Alexander
Neville to Wolsey. ' The discovery of a manuscript written at least a
hundred and fifty years before Stubbs 's time ' proves that he could not
have been the author of the first part of the chronicle, though he may
fairly be credited with the authorship of the middle portion, that from
1147 to 1373. Canon Raine tells us all that can be made out about the
personal history of Thomas Stubbs, whose surname is one which ' for many
centuries . . . has been borne in the Forest of Knaresbrough by a race of
yeomen and estatesmen.' The curious ' Miscellanea ' relative to Arch-
bishop Scrope and his execution in 1405, which have already been printed,
* but very inaccurately,' in the ' Anglia Sacra,' have likewise been re-
edited for this volume. One passage of the * Articuli ' which Scrope, in
an evil hour for himself, promulgated against * qucyidajn dominum, scilicet
Henricum Derby ' (King Henry IV), is noteworthy as affording an illustra-
tion of a well-known line in Shakespeare.

[Idem dominus Henricus] * statim castra regia manu forti recepit ac
tenuit, bona regia ubicunque fuerant inventa vastavit, et, clamando havok,
fideles homines, tam spirituales quam temporales, quosdam spoliavit,
quosdam captivavit et incarceravit, quosdam miserabili et incessabili et
turpissima morte condemnavit et occidit.'

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The trial and beheading of Scrope himself, with the previous refusal
of Chief Justice Gascoigne to pass sentence upon him, are recounted in
a paper drawn up by one Clement Maydestone, who goes on to tell how
the divine wrath pursued King Henry even in death. Readers of Lingard
may remember the strange story, which he gives in a note, about Henry's
corpse, when on its way by water to Canterbury, being thrown overboard
to allay a sudden storm. This tale Clement and his father, Thomas
Maydestone, Esquire, within thirty days of the event, heard from one of
the actors in the scene. The editor's marginal note attenuates the strength
of the evidence by making the story rest solely on the communication of
the elder Maydestone to his son ; but the text certainly asserts that
Clement himself saw and heard the original narrator. However, the story
is no more to be depended upon than most other stories current * on the
best authority.' According to Clement, the coffin was brought with all
show of honour to Canterbury, and there buried. Canon Raine in a note
adds : ' The king's tomb was opened some years ago, and the remains
of the body were found in it, undisturbed.'

A third volume is promised, with many new and valuable documents
therein, which will be looked forward to with interest. One suggestion
may be offered : — that a more liberal supply of dates in the margin would
much add to the reader's comfort. Edith Thompson.

The History of the English Constitution. By Dr. Rudolf Gneist.
Translated by Philip A. Ashwoeth. 2 vols. (London : Clowes &

Sons, 1885.)

The contents of Dr. Gneist's work have already been noticed in another
place, but something should be said here about the translation. Although
generally readable and correct, it is by no means a perfect piece of work.
To begin with, the style is not always such as might be desired. For
instance, the following sentences are of a kind which no translator should
allow himself to print : —

' But the more that in the course of time, the business and the official
staff became consolidated, the more did this consolidation lead to a legal
definition of qualification on a well-balanced average, in the same way as
all formations of estates of the realm can be ultimately reduced.^ . . . The
membership of the council becomes gradually absorbed by the members
of the great council, who now understood their position as forming a
unity.'^ . . . Yet here the state of affairs, partly old and partly new,
required to be separated from one another.^ ... In fact by the legislation
of this period, those permanent institutions were founded, which towered
above the struggles of the time Uke a pillar : large independent local unions
and great judicial corporations encircle every government redoubtably,
even in the conflict for the crown itself.'' . . .Both sides are affected by the
same spirit, which on the continent made the nobility subservient, by
attracting it to the court and by preferring it to the great offices.'^ . . . The
legislation by parliament, under Henry VII, began, which recognised the
title to the throne, or rather recreated it.' ^

I Vol. i. 424.

2 lb. 429.

s lb. 169.

* Ih. ii. 108.

» lb. 145..

« lb. 148.

VOL. III. — NO. IX.

162 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Jan.

Such slipshod work as this is not, it is true, very abundant, but examples
might too easily be multiplied. Nor is the correctness of the translation
always to be depended upon. It is not that there are many bad mistakes,
but there are too many cases of slight inaccuracy. The result to the
reader is a feeling akin to that of walking on thin ice : one cannot feel
confident that the sense of the original is exactly given. For instance, in
the very first line, ' the conquest of the British Isles by the Saxons,' &c.,
should of course be * of the British Isle.' The Saxons did not conquer
Ireland. * Freedom ' '^ is no equivalent of ' Gemeindefreiheit : ' it is the
self-governing communes that are in Dr. Gneist's mind. ' Das Jahrhun-
dert der organisirenden Gesetze,' the title of § 19 of Dr. Gneist's work, is
ill translated by 'the century of statutes,' in which the most important
word is left out. * The step which exalted the ducal dignity, until then
recognised as a martial title, to the permanent position of supreme power,
was, regarded from without, of no great importance.'^ This sentence
fails to give Dr. Gneist's meaning, which is expressed in words hardly
capable of literal translation. If we put it thus : — ' The step which raised
the military leader, whose authority was recognised only during a time of
war, into a permanent sovereign, was, regarded from without, no great
one ' — the translation may be less literal, but it is more intelligible and
correct. A well-known passage in Cnut's laws is translated : ' Let the
surety constringe and lead him to all his rights.' * Constringe,' by the
way, is an unfamiliar word. Dr. Gneist keeps close to the original : * Der
Bilrge halte und geleite ihn zu allem Becht,' i.e. ' Let the surety hold and
bring him [to the court] for every case.' When A goes bail for B, A's
business is not to see that B gets his rights from a third party, but that
the third party gets his rights from B. Here, as in one or two other pas-
sages, a little more history would have saved Mr. Ash worth from mistake.
He would have known, for instance, that when Dr. Gneist talks about a
* mittlere Thanschaft mit einem Besitznormal von filnf Hufen,' he did
not mean * a thanehood with an average possession of five hides,' ^ but * a
minimum property' of that amount. * Loan-land,' or 'leasehold,' is a
better equivalent for ' laenland ' than ' fiefland,' ^° which introduces feudal
ideas long before their time ; and ' provost ' is not a good substitute for
' reeve ' (' Schulze ').^^ It is a graver error to translate ' aus jedem Flechen
die zwolf Bilrger ' by ' from each township twelve citizens.' ^^ It is the city
or borough, not the township, which sends its twelve representatives to the
county-court. Among the principles on which the new system of juris-
diction was based in the thirteenth century Dr. Gneist places first ' Tre7i-
nung der Bechtsprecliimg von der Beweisfrage,' which is translated ' The
separation of the administration of justice from the question of evi-
dence.' ^^ This misses the point. What Dr. Gneist means is that the
same persons were no longer witnesses and judges ; the delivery of sen-
tence (Bechtsprechwig) was now the duty of one set of persons, the
giving of evidence the duty of others. ' Auswdrtige ' is not ' foreigners,' ^^
but simply ' outsiders,' people not belonging to the town. ' Die Initiative
der Gesetzgehung" is not 'the initiative of the legislature,'^^ but 'the
initiative in legislation,' a very different thing. Dr. Gneist calls Burnet's

' C. H. i. 14. « i. 15. « i. 69. '" i. 171, note. '» i. 182, note.

'2 i. 361. '" i. 356. '* ii. 141. '* ii. 149.

i

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 163

'History of the Reformation' ' quellenmdssig,' for which, not 'authen-
tic,' '^ but ' authoritative,' i.e. founded on documentary evidence, is the
equiva-lent. * A bench-court ' *^ is strange English, and hardly expresses
what is meant by ' eine collegialische Behorde.' ' Stellung ' is not ' insti-
tution,' ^^ but ' position.' ' Fortdauer ' is not ' progress,' *^ but ' duration.'
Of the four committees of the privy council projected in 1660 one only,
says Dr. Gneist, ' luurde praktisch,' which is translated, * was practical ^o
instead of ' got into working,' or some such phrase. ' The right of ap-
pointment vested in the council ' ^Ws an absurd mistranslation of ' Das
Ernennungsrecht des Condi,'' and makes nonsense of the passage. What
is meant is, of course, ' the royal prerogative of naming the council.' But
enough of instances. Such errors, it may be said, are trivial, but they
are sufficient to destroy that perfect confidence which a translation of an
exact and scientific work ought to inspire.

The feeling of mistrust is to some extent strengthened by Mr.
Ashworth's misprints. Some of these are his own, as ' goabini ' for

* scabini ; ' 22 < mundfyrd ' for ' mundbyrd ; ' ^^ Lord Herbert's ' Life of
Henry VH,' which should be Henry VIII ; ^4 'Piers' for ' Riess ; ' ^^
' impartiality ' for ' partiality ; ' 26 < disbelief for ' belief.' ^^ But a great
many are simply copied from Dr. Gneist, as ' Suthwai ' for ' Suthrei,' i.e.
Surrey ; ^^ * fides futuros ' for ' fideles futures ; ' 29 • infangtheft and out-
fangtheft ' for ' infangthef and outfangthef ; ' ^0 ' hundredo ' for ' hun-
dreda ; ' ^^ ' cocseti ' for ' cotseti ; ' ^^ ' carucagium ' for ' carucata ; ' ^^

* statute of Rutland ' for ' Rhuddlan,' which is a mistake several times
made by Dr. Gneist, and religiously repeated by Mr. Ash worth ; ^"^ ' Eiren-
archia ' for ' Eirenarcha ; ' ^^ ' Ochenski ' for ' Ochenkowski ; ' ^^ and others.
These are little signs of carelessness which it will be well to eliminate in
the second edition which will doubtless soon be required.

G. W. Peothero.

A History of the University of Oxford from the Earliest Times to the

year 1530. By H. C. Maxwell Lyte, M.A., F.S.A. (London:

Macmillan & Co. 1886.)
A History of the University of Oxford. By the Hon. G. C. Brodrick,

D.C.L., Warden of Merton College. (London: Longmans & Co.

1886.)

In these two volumes, two very different methods of treatment of the
same subject are brought before us. Mr. Lyte, in a large octavo of nearly
500 pages, gives us the history of the university of Oxford down to the
year 1530 ; the warden of Merton, in a small octavo of 222 pages,
sketches its history down to the present time. Both writers have enjoyed
exceptional advantages with respect to access to original documents.
They alike write in a candid and impartial spirit, and with a manifest
desire to represent things only as they find them, and the result is in
each case a valuable addition to our historical literature. In neither

'« C. H. ii. 155.

'^ ii. 169.

'« ii. 183.

'9 ii. 143.

20 ii. 288.

2> ii. 295.

•" i. 8.

•-" i. 58.

2* ii. 129.

2* ii. 38.

-« ii. 219.

" ii. 408, note.

28 i. 45.

2" i. 124.

«> i. 148.

3» i. 166.

32 i. 167.

33 i. 215.

3^ i. 347, 387.

^ i. 368.

3« ii. 98.
M 2

164 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Jan.

case can the task be said to have been an easy one. Mr. Lyte, who was
at first sanguine as to the completion of his work before pubhcation, has
found himself obliged to proceed more slowly than he had anticipated,
and eventually to publish only the present instalment. In his case,
the extent of the materials requiring to be examined and digested would
alone render his task sufficiently arduous. In the other, the difficulty has
been to give at once an outline that shall be intelligible to the general
reader, and at the same time to avoid the introduction, in so limited
a compass, of whatever may appear irrelevant or superfluous to the well-
read scholar. Dr. Brodrick's task has, indeed, been of a far more onerous
character than many would imagine ; readers who have never laboured
in the same field would probably be surprised if Dr. Brodrick had
thought fit to set before them the numerous sources from whence this
condensed narrative has been compiled. Mr. Lyte, in his preface,
says very truly that the affairs of the university have at almost every
stage been closely connected with those of the state ; and this fact alone
considerably enhances the labour of the historian. At every stage he
finds himself called upon to distinguish between the direct work and
influence of academic institutions, and the careers and influence of those
whom these institutions have educated — a function always requiring to
be exercised with much discrimination, but, whatever may be the dis-
crimination exercised, almost certain to be called in question. Of one
kind of treatment, that of the most abstract kind, Father Denifle has
given us a specimen in the first instalment of his great work on medieval
universities, treating of their origin and primary constitution ; a volume
of which Mr. Rashdall gave us a very interesting account in these pages
for October 1886. Antony Wood, on the other hand, left readers to make
out the constitution of his own university for themselves, while he evaded
other difficulties by treating the history of the university and that of the
colleges separately, and putting forth the ' Athenae ' as something sup-
plementary to both. This reduced him, so far as the university was
concerned, to the function of a mere annalist, recording events, as Mr.
Lyte observes, * without attempting to classify them or show their con-
nexion with one another.' If, however, there be any force or value in
the view on which the late J. R. Green so strenuously insisted — that
every town possesses a distinct and characteristic existence of its own — the
observation must be yet more true of a university, brought, as the com-
ponent elements are, under common influences to an extent which cannot
be asserted of any city or town.

The mention of a town reminds us, again, how difficult it often be-
comes to dissociate the history of a university from that of the munici-
pality by which it is generally surrounded. The corporations at Oxford
and Cambridge, unlike those of some of the minor university towns of
Germany, such as Marburg and Jena, have always had a fairly defined ex-
istence of their own. Cooper was fain to compile his annals of the university
and of the town of Cambridge side by side : while Mr. Lyte has felt himself
called upon, although contemplathig only a history of the university,
to give no little attention to the successive incidents of the struggle
between the clerks and the townsmen, from the time when a bishop of
Tusculum first established the immunity of the university from lay juris-

(

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 165

diction down to that when Wolsey's charter raised the same body * into
a position of supremacy over all persons in Oxford.' On Dr. Brodrick it
devolves to continue the story of the long dissension down to the time
when it was finally set at rest by the surrender on the part of the university
of the right it possessed of calling upon the mayor and bailiffs to swear, on
taking office, that they would keep ' the liberties and customs of the univer-
sity.' It would seem to be partly in consequence of the habit he has acquired
of looking upon the history of the one body as closely interwoven with that
of the other, that Dr. Brodrick explains the * large share of space ' which
he has devoted to the period of the civil wars, by referring to that period
as ' the time during which the university played a great part in the
national drama.' Otherwise such a statement would at first sight seem
hardly in agreement with the admission that of the great political events
of 1641 and 1642 * the university was, of course, a mere spectator,' and
that during the whole period ' the records of the university and colleges are
extremely scanty ' (p. 132), or again with Antony Wood's assertion that after
the siege ' there was scarce the face of a university left.' But the truth of
the whole matter really is, that there are so many ways of looking at the
subject of university history and its treatment, that until a writer has, to
some extent, defined his own conception of his task, it is difficult justly to
estimate the adequacy of his performance. Looking, however, upon a
university as a body whose main function it is, according to one definition,
to produce the thoroughly educated man, and thereby create a standard
of education for the country at large, or looking upon it as a community
formed for the promotion of scientific research and the furtherance of
knowledge, we shall find valuable material in both these volumes for fairly
estimating the extent to which Oxford, at different periods of her history,
has failed or succeeded in realising either the one or the other ideal. In
medieval times the thoroughly educated man was held to be the ortho-
dox man. Heterodoxy being error, it could only exist in the imperfectly
informed mind or in the perversely directed intellect. The statutes of
Lincoln college, which, as remodelled by Archbishop Kotherham in 1480,
were designed as a bulwark of orthodoxy, direct that any fellow of the
society persisting in heresy is to be cast out of the college * as a diseased
sheep ' at the end of eight days (Lyte, p. 349). All Souls' college, hke Cor-
pus Christi at Cambridge, was primarily designed mainly as a chantry. The
statutes of Magdalen, in 1457, are the first which carry with them the freer
spirit of the Kenaissance. This fear of heterodoxy, so long the bugbear of
the universities, seems to have culminated at Oxford with the rise of Lol-
lardism. Most readers, I apprehend, will feel some disappointment that
Mr. Lyte's researches have failed to produce much that is new with respect
to WycHf's experiences in the university— experiences concerning which
Dr. Brodrick goes so far as to say that, if known to us, they * would cover
almost the whole academical history of Oxford during the latter part of the
fourteenth century.' Mr. Lyte has, however, put together in his tenth
chapter a very interesting account of all that is to be known on the sub-
ject. There is a singular resemblance in the general features of the
struggle waged by Wyclif and his supporters with the academic authori-
ties, to those of the contest at Cambridge, two centuries later, waged by
Cartwright and his followers,— although the gigantic evils denounced by

166 . REVIEWS OF BOOKS Jan.

the former contrast strongly with the mostly unimportant matters of
ritual and discipline inveighed against by the puritan leader. It is de-
serving of note that some of Wyclif's opponents were themselves called to
account for having put forward heterodox views in the schools, and
defended themselves by alleging that they had done so merely by way of
dialectical exercise. It is probable, and various evidence from time to
time points to such a conclusion, that the disputations in the schools
had often a closer relation to the diffusion of sceptical thought than is
generally supposed. Wolsey's statutes for Cardinal college, given at a
time when the fear of Lollardism had passed away and that of Lutheran-
ism had scarcely taken definite shape, seem to have been the first code,
judging from Mr. Lyte's abstract, in which orthodoxy appears to have occu-
pied the care of the founder less than the advancement of learning. So
desirous, indeed, was the great cardinal of rendering his new founda-
tion an efficient school of instruction,, that he somewhat incautiously in-
vited several of the ablest scholars among the young Eeformers at Cam-
bridge to act as lecturers and tutors, who, when it was too late, were found
to be ' sheep ' infected with disease in a highly virulent form. The facts
which Mr. Lyte brings forward in connexion with the divorce of Henry VIII
from Queen Catherine sufficiently show how groundless is the distinc-
tion which Mr. Froude has sought to draw between the conduct of the
two universities in relation to that event. It is evident that at Oxford
and Cambridge alike the younger masters of arts, who were less exposed
to the temptations resulting from irregular external influences, rallied
almost unanimously to the defence of the injured queen.

As regards Father Denifle's treatise, to which we have already referred,
it might have somewhat modified Mr. Lyte's treatment of his subject, at
least in his opening chapters, if he could have profited by the learned
Dominican's labours. He does not, however, appear to have seen the
book, and refers chiefly to the late Professor Maiden's sketch, published
some fifty years ago, and compiled mainly from Savigny. And Savigny,
with all his great learning and acumen, must now yield as an authority
to Denifle, whose wider range of view is largely derived from documents
to which his predecessor had not even access. Dr. Brodrick, however,
has consulted Denifle's volume, and we can perceive that he has incor-
porated some of its more important conclusions. He readily admits, as
also indeed does Mr, Lyte, that the community out of which the univer-
sity of Oxford originally grew was, as at Paris, nothing more than a
band of teachers forming themselves into a kind of guild for purposes of
mutual protection. How it was that Oxford, unlike Cambridge, never
obtained a charter from the pope, neither of them attempts to explain.
Neither, again, gives us any clue as to the order in which the several
faculties arose and were developed, a feature on which Denifle has
thrown quite a new light in connexion with Paris. It would appear
scarcely necessary to advert, as Dr. Brodrick has done, in accounting for
the fact that Oxford was modelled on Paris, to such general considera-
tions as ' the links which bound England to France, through Normandy
and her other French provinces,' or ' the intellectual ascendency of Paris
over western Europe.' Since Thurot wrote, it would seem to have been
made clear beyond dispute that down to the year 1378 Paris was especi-

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 167

ally favoured by the Koman pontiffs as the great studium generate, or
school of general resort, for students in theology, and that consequently
all the more ancient universities north of the Alps, where a faculty of
theology was allowed to be established, were modelled upon Paris. At
page 11, Dr. Brodrick refers to a seal ' supposed to be about of the year
1200, which bears the inscription, sigillum cancellarii et universitatis
Oxoniensis.' Such a claim to antiquity, if it; could be made good, would
in itself be a most remarkable piece of evidence. But the claim, if I
understand rightly the account of the matter given by Mr. Lyte (pp.
246-8), rests upon a document which has been clearly shown to be a
forgery.

If the Keformation swept away some undeniable abuses, it effected
little for the promotion of liberal thought either at Oxford or at Cam-
bridge. Dr. Brodrick is even of opinion that there was less real intel-
lectual freedom in the protestant Oxford of Elizabeth than in the catholic
Oxford of the first three Edwards. Of Leicester's administration as
chancellor, however, he speaks with more leniency than I should have
expected. Like Buckingham's policy in the same capacity at Cambridge,
it was characterised by subserviency to a party, the puritan party, with
whom neither could have had any genuine sympathy. Dr. Brodrick
admits, however, that Leicester's administration could not compare with
that of Burghley at Cambridge, and that * the superiority of the sister
university, both in vital energy and in national esteem, during the Eliza-
bethan age, was probably due in no small degree to the superior character
of its chancellor ' (p. 93).

It may perhaps excite some surprise that in dealing with the period
1603-41 — thirty- eight years of supreme importance in relation to the
subsequent history of the university — the author should have devoted
only twenty-two pages to its treatment, while the comparatively unim-
portant period of nineteen years, from 1641 to 1660, during which little
that permanently affected the organisation or character of the community
took place, occupies no less than twenty-eight pages. During the earlier
period there was effected the momentous transition from Calvinistic to
Arminian tenets as the dominant faith of the university, and the Laudian
statutes, destined to be the code of the university for more than two
centuries, were then promulgated. The main scope and chief provisions
of these statutes are brought very clearly before us. With respect to
the course of study and standards of examination, they went so much
beyond the requirements of either preceding or later times that Dr. Brod-
rick doubts whether they can ever have been strictly enforced ; and in
two important respects they were a failure from the first, inasmuch as
they ' provided no security for the capacity of examiners, or against their
collusion with the candidates,' who were consequently ' animated by little
fear of rejection, and no hope whatever of distinction.'

The famous statute of 1800, mainly the work of Eveleigh, the provost
of Oriel, was the first step towards a substantial remedy for these defects.
It estabUshed an honour as distinguished from a pass examination, and con-
templated a further examination for the M.A. degree, ' comprising higher
mathematical subjects, history, and Hebrew ; while candidates for the
B.C.L. degree were to be examined in history and jurisprudence, besides

168 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Jan.

the subjects required for the B.A. degree.' The examiners were also from
this time paid by salaries and chosen by responsible officers to serve for
considerable periods. It was, however, the act of 1854 which first
broke the ' organised torpor ' of the hebdomadal board, and instituted
an elective council, set by the side of convocation, where the use of Latin
was obligatory, a congregation carrying on its debates in English, and
permitted entire freedom from religious tests whether at matriculation or on
taking the B.A. degree. In 1871 came the complete abolition of religious
tests, including the college fellowships.

Passing on to the fifteenth chapter, on * University Studies in the
Eighteenth Century,' while readily conceding that it is not a period on
which the historian of academic Oxford could be expected to dwell with
complacency, I cannot but think that it would have gained in interest if
some of the material collected in Mr. Christopher Wordsworth's ' Scholffi
Academics ' had been added by way of illustration. On another point I
should certainly not feel warranted in questioning the correctness of Dr.
Brodrick's decision. Mr. Lyte, in his tenth chapter, goes so far as to
co-ordinate Wesleyanism with Lollardism and Tractarianism as one of
the * three great religious movements ' which have had their origin in
Oxford. Dr. Brodrick, however, tells us nothing whatever about the
Wesleyan movement, and John Wesley's name itself occurs but once or
twice, and is mentioned only in an incidental manner. So far as I can
judge, this omission seems quite defensible, and Oxford would seem to
have about as much claim to be considered the centre of the influences
which gave birth to Wesleyanism as had Antioch to be regarded as the
nurse of Christianity. But, on the other hand, the rise of the Eoyal Society
in the preceding century does seem to have been the direct outcome of a
certain mental activity at Oxford, and it would have been pleasant to
hear something about the little gatherings in Betty's or Wilkins's
lodgings about the year 1649. There are other omissions which the
bestowal of but a few lines would have remedied ; as, for example, college
plays, and the importance they often assumed from the fact that tJiey
were the vehicle of satire on existing abuses and the expression of some
widely prevalent dissatisfaction. In the chapter dealing with the Kenais-
sance. Bishop Grey's valuable bequest of his classical manuscripts to
Balliol college should scarcely have been passed over unnoticed in
connexion with a time when such facts are so rarely to be met with.

A good index adds much to the value of an outline like the present,
but it is evident that Dr. Brodrick did not make his own index. Geife-
rally speaking, it is a fairly good canon that wherever a name presents
itself it should be indexed. But even this rule has its exceptions. For
example. Dr. Brodrick takes occasion in one passage to quote the Shake-
spearian adage, that ' home-keeping youths have ever homely wits,' and
accordingly Shakespeare's name appears in the index, while names really
of importance in connexion with Oxford history, and many abstract
nouns, such as ' bachelor,' * matriculation,' * fellowships,' &c., are
omitted. J. Bass Mullinger.

1888 BE VIEWS OF BOOKS 169

Historical Manuscripts Commission. Tenth Keport :
Appendix, part iv. 1885.

A NUMBER of papers of all kinds on a vast variety of subjects. The
Westmorland papers, of peculiar interest to students of the Stuart
period ; the case of the precedency of baronets ; the last illness and death of
Kobert, earl of Salisbury, 1612 ; a httle autobiography of Charles Fane,
third earl of Westmorland ; a journal of Maria, wife of John, third earl
of Clarendon, 1791 and 1802-3, in France, Italy, Switzerland, and
Austria ; verses by the second earl of Westmorland ; and letters from
Coleman Pitt and others, make up their chief contents. This * ballet,
3 Sept. 1698, is, I think, new : —

Owld Oliver's gon — Owld Oliver's gon 0 Hone 0 Hone
And has left his son Eichard That pretty young prickeard

To govern these nations, alone, alone.
The counsail & state He commanded of late 0 Hone 0 Hone
But ye tables turnd quite Those govern this wight

And turns our rejoycing to mone to mone.
Thus w^'* their consent There's call'd Parlement 0 Hone O Hone
Soe twixt Suede and Spruce Ther'l be made a truce

And wrangle be generally known
The cuntry's are quiet Fates bless their good diet 0 Hone O Hone
Tis a pittifuU thing Three Kingdoms noe king

And estates to be rackt skin & bone
Yet we live in hope to conquer yee Pope O Hone O Hone
When souldiers & clowns Fall at odds about crowns

Then true men may come by their owne.

Among Colonel Stewart's papers, besides a curious deed of adoption,
11 Feb. 1302-3, by Ranulf de la More burgess of Rothelan, and numerous
deeds and courtroUs &c. (1200-1800), is much of the correspondence of the
Moore family of Cheshire and Suffolk, touching the civil war in the north-
west and Ireland. In a diary of Colonel Moore's relating the operations
about Dundalk in 1647, for 7 Oct. occurs this entry : ' The generall
. . . summoned them in Portleister to render it upp but they refusing, in
the night he planted his ordinance against it, and having begunne early
in the morning to batter it with two great gunnes, before eleven of clock
on Thursday on syde of the wall fell and overwhelmed several of the
defendants, the rest betaking themselves to the bogge by the which the
castle is situated escaped. One musketeer standing upon the verie
toppe of the wall came downe with the mines thereof having received no
great hurt and had made ane escape if his legge had not stuck between
two stones, but imediatly the souldiers killed him. Our men having burnt
the house and killed a woman or two, marched thence to a castle three
myles of and w*^in three myles of Aboy wher they encamped this night.*

Some charming letters from Mary Moore to her husband Colonel John
Moore, a report of the house of commons committee as to the cause of
the fire of London, some household rules of 1677, the dying wishes of
Dorothy Moore 1673, a marriage proposal of 1690, a report of Falkirk
fight 19 Jan. 1745, and a farewell letter of Simon Frazer 1747, are
among the most noteworthy pieces of this collection.

170 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Jan.

The letters of Edward Proger, page of honour to Charles I, groom of
the bedchamber to Charles IT, are of some mterest. Lord Stafford sends
some valuable rolls, grants, computus rolls, and an obit list (1230-1550),
the Jerningham correspondence (1550-1751), rich in domestic and social
detail. Sir N. Throckmorton contributes the church missal of Buckland,
fifteenth century, and papers on the Gates plot, 1681-2. Stonyhurst
college gives lists of Oxfordshire recusants, 1705, and abstracts of wills of
priests of the society of Jesus, 1666-1780. Sir P, T. Mainwaring has
charters of Hugh Kevelioc and Eanulf Blundevill his son, 500 deeds prior
to Henry VIII, many court rolls, fines, rentals, patents and commissions,
Dugdale's ' Chartularium Mainwaringianum ' 1699, army pay list of 1654,
early post-office papers 1673-77, and the diary of Colonel Whitley 1684-97.
The Misses Boycott of Hereford possess the manuscripts of John Earle,
serjeant-at-law to his highness the Protector, law memoranda, love letters,
royal objections to copyhold enfranchisement, accounts on circuit, &c.

The Muncaster manuscripts are important. Besides a great number
of medieval deeds (13th to 15th century) relating mostly to the north-
west, there is a fine collection of documents, temp. Jas. I, 1605-7, on the
peace of the west border, and its chief disturbers, the Musgraves, Kutlier-
fords, Armstrongs, and Grahams, which are of value to the historian, the
administrator, and the student of border ballads. Herein are to be found
accounts of such notable events as escapes of prisoners (Scots and English
rievers) from Carlisle castle, the murder of Sir John Carmichael, the ill
tveek when Grton was spoiled (1603), the breaking of Carlisle castle by
the lord of Buccleugh and Hutchin Grayme and * the fetchinge of one
William Kinnoul [Kinmont Willie] forth thereof,' the slaying of Hector
Armstrong by Captain Eeed (Aug. 1603), the betrayal of Sandie's
Eynion, the death of Barnegleese, and the execution of Willie Grayme
or Flaughtaile, William Elliott, and others. These are papers which
Scott would have delighted to read, and which Professor Child will no
doubt make the best use of. Admiral Pennington's log-books 1631-6 are
of much value to students of naval history ; the very sea terms used are
attractive, such as ' whelpes ' (small swift tenders to the admiral's ships
of war),barkes, dragoones, pinnaces, hoyes, sloops, fly boates, bisquiners,
shallopes, pickeroones, Turkes pyrates, and friggates, all of which occur.
Specimens of entries are, 21 Oct. 1635 :

* This daye wee had the Master of a freebooter in the bilbowes for not
striking his topsayles and for giving ill language.' * About five a clock
at night not farr from the N head of the Goodwin Sands, wee [James
Clarke, master of the ** Blessing," of Disert, Scotland, eighty tons] were
clapt aboard bytwo Flushinge freebooters . . . Spanish built, the greater
of them a Carravill, and the other much like a caravill, the biggest of
the two her beak-head turned up close unto the boult spritt. She had
eight peeces of ordynance, her mainemast stoode somthinge stooping
forward at the head — with a topp, but her fore-mast stooped forward
extremely, at the head noe topp. She had a knee upon the boultsprit.
They both boarded the " Blessing," beat the crew and did damage up to
42Z. 5s.' They had apparently just before robbed his majesty's packet boat
of about 70Z. ' They [the crew of a fly boat of Plymouth bound from the
isle of May with salt] certified us [16 June 1633] of 2 Turkes that were newly

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 171

come upon our coast, the one having 7 the other 11 pieces, which clapt
him aboard betwixt the Gulfe and Land's End and hurt 9 or 10 of his
men very dangerously, but at last — God bee praysed — they got from them
and slew 4 of the Turkes — that entered them — outright and drove the
rest overboard.'

The Kendal corporation papers are valuable for local and west border
history. Captain Bagot's manuscripts comprise a splendid array of
twelfth and thirteenth century deeds, correspondence of Colonel James
Graham of Levens Hall, 1688-1726 ; and the account book of the duke
of York's privy purse, 1674-1676. Papers of General G. Browne of Trout-
beck give much information as to the condition of Westmorland in the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, some notices of the '15 and '45,
and the private prayer book of Thomas, seventh earl of Northumberland,
executed 1572. The earl of Kilmorey's muniments comprise many fine
deeds of the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries ; many seven-
teenth century papers relating principally to Salop. In 1639 tobacco was
one shilling per oz. at Drayton, tobacco pipes two a penny, eggs five a
penny, as the account book of Viscount Kilmorey for that year informs us.
Mr. Stanley Leighton, who published the muniments of Oswestry, has some
good seventeenth and eighteenth century papers relating to Shrewsbury
and its neighbourhood. The earl of Powis has many seventeenth century
Herbert papers, 1586-1735, a manuscript of Kobert Barratt's translation
of Du Bartas' poems, and Sir William Herbert's ' Croftus sive de Hibernia
liber ' (recently published). The Bishop's Castle corporation have bylaws
or orders, and other documents, 1572-1685. Mr. A. Salwey has an inte-
resting mass of papers relating to Major Richard Salwey and Edward
Salwey, 1653-1685. Mr. Lechmere Parkinson has valuable thirteenth and
fourteenth century deeds and correspondence of the Charlton and Foley
families, full of social interest, during the reigns of William IH, Anne,
and George I. The corporation of Much Wenlock have interesting account
books and good constable's presentments during the Commonwealth.
Bridgenorth muniments are chiefly valuable for social and economic
history and Tudor municipal history. Mr. Lloyd Gatacres' documents
comprise deeds of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, and good
seventeenth century miscellanea, songs, epitaphs, proverbs, ordinances,
reports by John Bradeley c. 1594. Mr. Z. Lloyd has, besides medieval
deeds, some correspondence of the early part of Henry VIII's reign, re
Therouenne siege, sweating sickness, &c., besides notices of Wyatt's
capture 1554, and of the three days' sea fight of 1666. Rev. T. S. Hill
has a cartulary and many deeds of the Austin priory of Blythburgh,
Suffolk ; and Rev. C. R. Manning extents of Sibeton abbey, and deeds of
the chantrey of St. Mary of Metyngham. The rolls of the county of
Essex at the Shire Hall, Chelmsford, for the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries are full and yield much matter of social and economic history.

The records of the corporation of Eye (which royal honour, Mr. Jeaf-
freson suggests, may be the Heye-Suftblk or High-Suffolk of local fame)
cover a good deal of ground. The long lost gospel-book of St. Felix, the
Red Book of Eye, has not yet been discovered, but it is darkly hinted that
it is likely to be in existence.

The volume closes with a supplementary account of the records of

172 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Jan.

the corporation of Plymouth, which since the report of the Historical
Manuscripts Commission has been very worthily stirred to catalogue,
examine, and arrange all its muniments down to 1835. They are re-
markably rich, though chiefly, of course, concerned with municipal and
local history. Noteworthy are : 1587-8 receiver's book : ' Item pd to
Edwarde Fontwill for carry enge a Confession unto Sir Walter Rawley
well was taken of one aryved out of Spaigne, ijs viijd. Item pd to
Robte Scarlette for goenge out to discouer the Spaynish Fleet vjs.
Item pd to John Gibbons and Henry Woode for watchinge at Ramehedde
iiij dales when the Spanyerds were vppon the Coaste xs.'

The reports are well made, the index is as full as practicable, the
misprints are not many. It would be useful in future when a deed is
abstracted to give all the witnesses' names. The omission of ' 8 others,'
* 7 others,' ' 10 others,' does not save much space. One puts down the
book astonished at the marvellous preservation of old papers in
England, at the richness of material for municipal history, and at the
mass of really interesting correspondence which awaits the good pleasure
of our publishing societies.

This Report has already, I believe, stimulated students to clear off
some of the arrears of past years' negligence, and print some of the un-
printed papers it catalogues. Already the American is beginning to make
English genealogical and local history his own field : we ought to do our
share of the work, at any rate. Why should not the careful editing of
unpublished English documents take the place of some of the burdensome
examination cram to which our university students of modern history
are doomed ? True history is not to be learnt from summaries, but from
the living documents. F. Yokk Powell.

Les Affaires Beligieuses en Boheme an Seizi&me Siecle. Par E. Charve-

EiAT. (Paris: E. Plon. 1886.) A\

M. Charveriat has already earned some reputation by his ' Histoire de la
Guerre de Trente Ans.' It is, therefore, not the first time that he has
handled Bohemian history. But he appears in that work rather as a
laborious compiler than as a writer of original research, nor can greater
praise be assigned to the one now before us ; moreover he has treated his
subject with all the bigotry of a devot. Entire freedom from prejudice is
perhaps too robust a virtue to be required from any historian, be he who
he may ; but something of the siccum lumen, which Bacon so earnestly
desired, should surely be found in a writer handling the turbulent periods
of Bohemian life in the sixteenth and earlier part of the seventeenth cen-
turies. With our author the catholics are everywhere the champions of
civil and religious liberty ; it is only the protestants who are intolerant.
We soon weary of being told on every page that all the virtues were on
the side of the Romanists. Of the Jesuits M. Charveriat says : Us eta-
blirent un veritable enseignement religieiix catholique pour un peuple et
un clergd qui en manquaient presque entierement. L'arriv&e de cette
nouvelle milice religieuse ^nenaqait trop de positions mal acquises et mal
occup&es pour ctre favorahlement accueillie en Bohdme. He sees nothing
but a kind of political egotism in the struggles of the Bohemians for the

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 173

purity of their faith : La Boheme, encore irritee des longues luttes qu'elle
avait soutenues contreV Allemagne catholique, voulait, tout en s'tmissant d
Borne conserver une eglise nationale. A ime ipoque oil la politique et la
religion demeuraient etroitement unies, la Boheme considerait une religion
ou du moins une Eglise distincte comme la principale base d'une nationa-
lity veritable et compUte. We hold this view of the Bohemians to have
been a very sound one, and we ought to be grateful to the little nation
for so continually proclaiming it, just as Huss conferred a benefit upon
the world by his declaration of the right of private judgment in theo-
logical matters ; but it is going too far to say that a great factor in these
religious troubles was the national pique which the Chekhs felt against
the Germans.

Our author indulges in many invectives against Luther, whom he
styles a great revolutionary, and in no way a reformer ; as may be
imagined, he has not much good to say about the ' Letter of Majesty,' but
he is compelled to acknowledge the enthusiasm with which it was greeted
by the people, thereby giving proof how much the nation had identified
itself with opposition to the papacy. In fact, the great fault which we
have to find with M. Charveriat is that he takes too limited a view of the
whole business. Instead of trying to understand the spirit underlying the
great national struggle, he is perpetually occupied with trivial and second-
rate matters. His book, in the better parts of it, is little more than an
adaptation of the works of Gindely, whom he once only, on page 363, as far
as we have noticed, ventures to criticise, and to Gindely his authorities are
almost entirely limited. Valuable as are the labours of the great Chekh his-
torian, some of his views have become a little antiquated, and the question
must be studied afresh in the pages of Jaroslav Goll, and others ; but the
name of Goll is never mentioned by M. Charveriat. He has published a
valuable work on Jerome of Prague and the chronicle of Zi^ka ('Vypsani
0 M. Jeronymovi z Prahy a Kroniku o J. ^izkovi '), some of the material
of which was furnished by a manuscript found at Freiberg in Saxony.
M. Charveriat has also clearly not read the book by Rezek, ' 0 Zvoleni a
Korunovani Ferdinanda I za Krale Ceskeho ' ('On the Election and Coro-
nation of Ferdinand I as King of Bohemia '). This author, as Goll has
also done, contributed many valuable papers to the journal of the Bo-
hemian Literary Society (fiasopis Ceskeho Musea).

The whole struggle is contemplated by M. Charveriat too much from a
religious point of view ; the burning political questions lying underneath
are regarded as of secondary importance. He reads all this great upheav-
ing of society, these efforts of a people for national life, and distrust of its
medieval beliefs, only through a pair of Roman catholic spectacles, treat-
ing of it without enthusiasm, and only contributing the laboured accuracy
of an antiquary. We cannot trace under his guidance any of the main
threads running through the complex web ; and as he writes without in-
sight into character, or descriptive power, we carry away no vigorous pic-
tures of the leaders of the struggle, be they Budovec z Budova, Augusta,
^erotin, Sixtus von Ottersdorf, the two Ferdinands or Rudolf. We get
nothing but pale water- coloured sketches. No part of ihe subject is treated
more superficially than the revolt of 1547, which cost the burghers, of
Prague and other cities so dear and led to the confiscations of their

174 _ REVIEWS OF BOOKS Jan.

privileges. On this point he might have consulted with advantage
the work of K. Tieftrunk, ' Odpor Stavuv Ceskych proti Ferdinandovi I,
1. 1547' (' Kesistance of the Bohemian Estates to Ferdinand I in the
year 1547 ').

From several passages of his work we should infer that M. Charveriat
was but imperfectly acquamted even with the writings of Palack^f. He
has certainly ignored the great mass of literature which has been accumu-
lating during the last few years on the subject of Wycliffe — such as the
writings of Lechler, and the publications of the Wyclif Society. His book,
therefore, by no means represents the latest learning on the subject. In
his treatment of Chekh names we notice occasional inaccuracies and in-
consistencies, but on these points both English and French writers leave
much to be desired. On page 118 we have, Elisabeth dernier e iwincesse
de la race de Preinysch, where it should of course be Pfemysl ; we should
have thought that Otakar Pfemysl, at least, and his struggle with Kudolf
of Habsburg were well known. Piatrikow in the note on page 135 should be
Piotrikow ; but this may be only a misprint. The diet, however, was not
held there in 1555, but the following year. Finally, the name ^erotin is
constantly written Zierotin, for no reason that can be perceived.

W. E. MORFILL.

The Autobiography of the Hon. Boger North. Edited by Augustus
Jessopp, D.D. (London : David Nutt. 1887.)

It is altogether a matter of congratulation that this interesting record
should have fallen into hands so capable. We do not know whether most
to praise the helpfulness of what editing there has been, or the self-
restraint under which Dr. Jessopp has placed himself. He has left Eoger
North to his slirewd if somewhat garrulous chat without interrupting him
by a single unnecessary note or comment. He has resisted the tempta-
tion of writing, what few coul'd write so well as he, a monograph. The
book is, indeed, the only monograph needed, containing as it does a
picture of the man himself which we cannot help feeling to be truer than
those which his fraternal, or we might fairly say filial, affection prompted
him to draw of the other members of a remarkable family. The only
source of regret is that it should have been produced in a shape and under
conditions which must render it inaccessible to nineteen out of every
twenty who could find in it instruction and delight.

It is difficult to say in what the peculiar charm consists. Eoger
North was in no respect a famous man. His estimate of himself, that
he was ' a plant of a slow growth, and when mature but slight wood and
of a flashy growth,' is perhaps over-modest, and yet it is evidently not
far from the mark. During his early manhood he was, so to speak, in
tutelage to his brothers : to John, the future master of Trinity, while at
Cambridge ; to Francis, the lord chief justice and lord keeper, while at
the bar. He never occupied any prominent position, and his fairly suc-
cessful professional career was the result not so much of his own merit as
of his position as ' favourite ' to the great and successful lawyer, the
'bond of the faggot.' His mind, though active and from boyhood in-
genious, was not very powerful ; and though his senses were unsealed and

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1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 175

his judgment clear, and though he participated fully in the general zeal
for culture which marked the period, his professional duties left him little
time to become more than an interested and interesting student of music,
mathematics, morals, politics, and a score of other subjects. As to his
politics, they, he confesses, came by chance. Born in 1653, he was but a
child when the fervour of the great puritan movement had passed away.
The * universal alacrity which was upon the king's return when I was a
very boy ' was, he fancies, the accident from which arose his conclusion
' that a king was a brave thing, and those that killed him base men, and
consequently the coming back of his son a glorious triumph.' These
somewhat rudimentary principles were, through his brother's conversa-
tion, * confirmed into an inexpugnable fidelity to the crown.' Against
* mobs and multitudes ' he is, as befits the author of the * Examen,' severe
in a gentlemanly and lawyer-like manner. His censures, however, are
impartial enough ; he ' could see the rottenness of men ; those against the
government were mad, and those for it generally false ; ' while, as to the
court, * modesty and good meaning were not coin current there,'

North's composition, though easy, is entirely devoid of conscious
humour ; there is, so far as we can remember, but one instance where he
attempts a joke, and that is at the best a clumsy one. He is reminded,
when speaking of Sir Matthew Hale, that Burnet * has pretended to write
his life, but wanted both information and understanding for such an
undertaking. ... He knew not the virtues he had fit to be praised, and
I should recommend to him the lives of Jack Cade, Wat Tyler, or Crom-
well, as characters fitter for his learning and pen to work upon than him.'
And yet there is scarcely a page which cannot be read with pleasure
or which does not contain some felicity of description. The various stages
of his life form a series of graceful and clear-cut cameos. The account
of the government ' in general severe but tender ' of his earliest days is
full of lively touches, and the description of his mother deserves at least
a partial extract : —

* She maintained her authority, and yet condiscended to entertain us.
She was learned (for a lady) and eloquent. Had much knowledge of
history, and readyness of witt to express herself, especially in the part of
reproof, wherein she was fluent and pungent. And not only her children
but servants dreaded her Eeproof, knowing how sensibly she would attag
them, and in the most nice and tender articles that concerned them. . . .
This saved us that were children, and of stubborne spirits, as such usually
are, the trouble and inconvenience of contesting points with her, for we
knew beforehand, from the steddy conduct of her authority, that submis-
sion was the best cours, and comported accordingly. . . . We had, as I
sayd, stubborne spirits, and would often set up for ourselves, and try the
experiment, but she would reduce us to termes by the smart of correction ;
and, which was more grievous, would force us to leave crying, and condi-
scend to the abject pitch of thanking the good Rail, which she said was to
break our spirits, which it did effectually.'

The home was conducted on the plain but Hberal scale usual among
the higher gentry of moderate fortunes. The boys were early taught that
one only of them could be brought up in idleness to be the heir. Accord-
ingly he himself, while Francis was already on the lowest steps of the legal

176 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Jan.

ladder, and John was beginning the career which was to end in the
mastership of Trinity, was sent to the free school at Thetford, where he
first ' began to be sensible of some tolerable capacity,' and whence he
' came away with a schoolboy's conscience undefiled, never being assisted
in any school exercise.' A certain ingenuity in making toys and fire-
works brought him in small sums from his schoolfellows, wliicli went to
gratify — and no one can say that Koger North has failed to enrich his
mother tongue — his ' ingordigiousness of fruit,' in which he was a ' most
insatiable helluo.' His later considerations upon the advantages of a
public school are far too eloquent and true to be spoiled by anything short
of full quotation. Equally vivid is the account of his college life, which
was passed under the ' grave silent authority ' of his brother John — who,
by the bye, figures as somewhat of an intellectual prig. Unable, as a ' noble-
man,' to join the common scholars in their football and other sports, and,
as a poor, man, to keep pace with his fellows, he was * obliged to walk with
grave seniors, and to know no other diversion.' Each generation at the
university has its sceptical book. At this time it was Descartes, ' some
railing at him, and forbidding the reading of him as if he had impugned ' ]

the very gospel.' There was, of course, a corresponding desire in the

* brisk part ' of the university to use him. North was resolved to find
out the attraction, and at length did so, ' wherein the nitimur in vetitum
had no small share.'

In 1669 we find Eoger North in the Middle Temple, in ' a small
chamber poorly furnished, and a little law library,' under the protection
of his brother Francis, who, like John at Cambridge, kept him in a state
of dependence which now and again irritated him to the point of rebellion.
For some while music, mathematics, physics, the search for perpetual
motion, yachting, and love-making, the latter of a prudent and platonic
sort, were his chief occupations ; while the accidental burning of the
Temple in 1678 gave him an occasion for studying the art of building.
The scene of the burning is graphically described. The duke of Monmouth,

* who is setting up to be popular,' the earl of Craven, a regular attendant
at fires. Lord Feversham, and the young officers of the guards, came to
look on. Women and children stood ankle deep in the freezing slush wait-
ing for the booty which their husbands and fathers hoped to secure during
the confusion ; the engines became choked with ice, so cold was it ; the
crowd stood by and jeered at the Templars. One said, ' What a world of
mischief this had been had it happened anywhere else ! ' others, * It's no
matter, the lawyers are rich enough ; ' ' 111 weeds will grow fast,' remarked
a third ; exclamations which extract from North some very sombre reflec-
tions. The lord mayor and sheriffs came in state to assist. But the
gentlemen of the Temple refused him entrance. They * would want his
help rather than connive at such a precedent to be made in derogation of
their liberties,' and so they ' beat down his sword, and would not permit
it to be borne erect.' Whereupon the lord mayor went to a tavern
opposite and consoled himself and his officers for the rebuff by getting
drunk. The very curious account of the relations between the benchers
and Serjeants, and of the rebuilding, will be of value to the historian of
the Temple. For general readers, however, the matter of principal inte-
rest is the sketch of Nicholas Barbon, the successful jerry-builder of the

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 177

day, the son of no less a person than ' Praise God ' Barbon, and himself
rejoicing in the convenient agnomen of ' Unless- Jesus-Christ-had-died-for-
thee-thou-hadst-been-damned.' Under his father's tuition he had become

* an exquisite mob master,' and the great fire had given him an ample
occasion for his talents, though he was for a while a good deal discredited
through all the vaults in Mincing Lane falling in and the houses coming
down ' most scandalously.' But here, too, nothing but a full quotation
would serve.

Of himself, during his early years at the bar, he says little. His
notices of the leaders of the profession are, however, full of interest.
Saunders, afterwards lord chief justice, ' was cordate in his practice, and^
I believe, never in all his life betrayed a client to court a judge, as most
eminent men do.' If, indeed, he played tricks at all, it was to serve his
clients ; he had no regard to fees, but ' did all the service he could, whether
feed double or single. Rather a Bacchus than a Momus, peace and the
butt were his delight,' and when he ' drank up the evidence ' in a great
distilling case he became the subject of at least one good mess story.

Still more valuable, though evidently coloured by North's own second-
hand political opinions, is his account of ' the incomparable magistrate *
Sir Matthew Hale, ' a very able lawyer, and in indifferent causes a
very exquisite judge.' He was, we learn, so prejudiced, 'perhaps of
a plebeian spirit and inclined rather to advance a sour popular govern-
ment than an illustrious monarchy,' that * a greasy cap had always the
better of a powdered peruke, and he could scarce believe the latter
honest and the other a knave.' A monarchist he hated as a villain
and parricide. That, however, which North liked worst in him was

* an insuperable pride and vanity.' He grants his extraordinary abili
ties, * being of an indefatigable industry, ready apprehension, and wonder-
ful memory.' These very qualities, however, made him an easy prey
to flatterers, of whom ' none ever gained so much upon him as Jeffries,
and had his ear so much as he had in Guildhall at Nisi Prius, although
he was the most rude, indecent, and impetuous practiser that ever was ;
and all by little accommodations administered to him in his own house
after his own humour, as a small dinner, it may be a partridge or
two upon a plate, and a pipe after, and in the meantime diverting him
with satirical tales and reflections upon those who bore a name and
figure about town.'

Upon one matter in particular North's explicit statement is valuable.
As junior to the attorney-general he was engaged in the trial of Lord
William Russel, and indeed opened the case for the crown. It may well
be that the charges of universal corruption of bar and bench require modi-
fication, and, at any rate. North's emphatic declaration that as far as the
crown counsel were concerned their action was scrupulously, almost
pedantically, fair, deserves attention.

In 1682 his brother was made keeper of the great seal, rising then to
the height of legal ambition. It was left for Roger North to tell us how
he had ' continually groaned at the too great certainty of it,' how he came
home one evening with the great seal in his coach, * full of passion up to
the brim, to such a degree as to hinder his utterance, that he should have
been forced to give up his quiet honourable station in the law, which

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178 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Jan.

was an a. b. c. to liim, with profit enough, for a post of first mmistry m
the state, full of trouble, form, noise, and danger ; ' and all this for half
the salary of his predecessor. ' I wish,' says Roger, ' this unfortunate
place had not been his lot, for he never (as poor folks say) joyed after it,
and he hath often vowed to me that he had not known a peaceful minute
since he touched that cursed seal.'

In his quiet way North gives a fresh and very effective touch to the
picture of the last illness of Charles II. His brother * foresaw and knew
the train of evils to come if the king did not recover, and it darkened his
soul to a degree, that I verily believe his spirits took an infection and were
poisoned, though not immediately appearing. . . . AVe walked about like
ghosts, generally to and from Whitehall. We met few persons without
passion in their eyes, as we also had. We thought of no concerns, public
or private, but were contented to live and breathe as if we had nought
«lse to do but to expect the issue of this grand crisis.'

The dissertation upon art in England, introduced by the fact that he
was left executor to Sir Peter Lely, and in that capacity had the business
of disposing for sale of all the artist's unsold pictures, prints, and draw-
ings, is every word of it worth reading ; especially that part which deals
with the growth of the taste for art since Nicholas Laniere was employed
by Charles I to go abroad and buy pictures. Indeed, when we close the
book, any fitting account of which ought to consist of extracts, we do so
with a thorough thankfulness that his fondness for literary composition was
such that, as he says, * it is not uneasy but a pleasure to sit, as I now do,
passing the pen from side to side of the paper.' Osmund Airy.

The Trial of Maharajah Nanda Kumar ; a Narrative of a Judicial
Murder. By H. Beveridge, Bengal Civil Service. (Calcutta :
Thacker, Spink, & Co. 1886.)

It has been commonly believed that Nuncomar (to use the spelling that
has become classical) was an intriguing Bengalee Brahman who was un-
scrupulously removed from the path of Warren Hastings just as they
were closing in deadly hostility ; and that was even the opinion of most
experts until the appearance of Sir James Stephen's ' Story of Nuncomar.'
Since then, however, it has been generally admitted that the death of the
Brahman was nothing more than one of those strokes of luck by which
very successful men have often been helped ; and that, in the words of
Sir James, it is not shown that Hastings, ' to protect his own reputation, i
<jonspired with Impey to bring about the judicial murder of Nuncomar.' f
This verdict, however, is not accepted by Mr. Beveridge. Having begun, .j
some ten years since, to express darker views of the matter, he has i
declined to modify them in obedience to the decision of the learned |
judge ; and he now reproduces the substance of his former contributions ,;
to the literature of the subject, with special answers to some of Sir \
James's arguments. As might have been expected, however, these ]
answers are by no means convincing ; and we shall see that the author
has no sufficient grounds for disturbing the conclusions of Sir J. Stephen,
or acting as resurrectionist to buried scandals. He labours, indeed, to
show that Nuncomar was innocent of the charge on which he was con-

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1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 179

victed ; but the labour is in vain, for the point is not material. The
issue between the defenders of Impey and the earlier writers who blamed
him, was not whether or no Nuncomar was guilty of forgery, but whether
the chief justice, believing him innocent, put him to death to oblige
Hastings. Sir J. Stephen's book is generally thought to have decided
that issue in the negative ; and nothing but stern necessity and the
discovery of new evidence could justify the disturbance of such an award
coming from such an authority.

Now, how stands the case ? There is not only no new evidence of
any importance, but Mr. Beveridge himself decides most of the case
against his own appeal. As regards Impey, he admits that the case was
formally and lawfully sent to trial to the court over which Impey presided.
He admits that it was tried before a jury from whose panel all challenged
jurors were duly eliminated. In his own words, ' it was not Impey but
the jury who found Nanda Kumar guilty and got him hanged; and
possibly both Impey and the jury really believed that Nanda Kumar had
forged and deserved death ' (p. 324). Again (136) : ' I do not say that
Impey knew that Nanda Kumar was innocent . . . probably he did
believe him to be guilty.' But this is more than half the case. If the
jury were the main agents, and if they and the court, after a lawfully
conducted trial, dealt lawfully with a convict whom they believed guilty,
we may surely say caclit qucestio, at least as far as concerns Impey.

If we turn to what the author has to say about Warren Hastings, we
find little besides a strong bias, a quantity of minute and tedious special
pleading based upon gossip and speculation ; a deficiency of literary
workmanship, and a deplorable display of bad taste. But as to the
merits ? Well, there is no serious demonstration either that Hastings
believed Nuncomar innocent, or that he inspired the prosecution for
forgery. The author says, erroneously, that Sir James's theory requires
two assumptions for its support : (1) that the employment of Impey by
Hastings was a revolting, abominable, and horrible crime ; (2) that
Hastings would recognise it to be so. What Sir James evidently meant
was that it was revolting and improbable that both Hastings and Impey
should have, in later days, referred in writing to a murderous conspiracy
as a friendly recollection and bond of mutual affection. Can it be said
that he is wrong ?

An attentive examination of the facts is enough to show that Impey
was only one out of a large number of persons who were satisfied that
Nuncomar deserved to die. There is no evidence that Mr. Hastings
thought otherwise, or that he had any sufficient motive for preventing
the law from taking its course. Accordingly, it seems clear that the
book before us is one for whose publication there was no just cause, and
one which none but unfortunate reviewers are bound to read.

Hastings and Nuncomar were enemies of long standing. It is true
that, against his will and under protest, Hastings had employed the
Brahman. He had also been kind to his son. But he had never
concealed his distrust of Nuncomar, and had lately given him special
provocation. Such was the state of the scene on which the new per-
bformers entered in the latter half of the month of October 1774. The
new court was constituted to apply the criminal law of England * as

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nearly as the condition and circumstances of the place and persons will
admit ' to * all persons resident in the town of Calcutta and subordinate
factories.' Immediately after the opening of the sessions in January
1775 a solicitor named Driver renewed an application made in the
previous year, praying for the delivery of papers among which was an
instrument on which his client purposed to prosecute Nuncomar ; the
petition is dated 25-30 Jan. 1775, and refers to a former petition of
March 1774. About the same time Hastings finally broke with
Nuncomar and forbade his appearance at Government House. On
11 March 1775, Nuncomar preferred to the supreme council charges of
corruption against the governor, who was then and for some time continued
to be paralysed by a hostile majority. Other charges by other com-
plainants followed ; Hastings was called on by the majority to answer,
but refused ; in April, Nuncomar and his associates were committed for
conspiracy, avowedly on the motion of the governor-general. Meanwhile
the charge of forgery against Nuncomar had also been instituted by Mr.
Driver's client ; and on 6 May Nuncomar was committed on that charge
also ; the committing magistrates were Justices Hyde and Lemaistre,
who refused bail. While the accused was awaiting his trial, Hastings
wrote to friends in England : ' The old gentleman is in gaol and in a fair
way to be hanged.' Doubtless that was not a wise expression ; but it is
not a proof of sinister and secret wickedness, rather the reverse. It is,
moreover, obviously proper that the letter should be compared with one
of a somewhat earlier date in which Hastings had detailed the events
which ended in the institution of the conspiracy case. When the in-
formant first came to him with his complaints and prayers for aid,
Hastings was unwilling to take action. *I conjured him,' he writes on
29 April, ' not to involve himself in destruction nor draw me into the
prosecution of an innocent man ; ' and it was not until thoroughly con-
vinced of the existence of a |mm^ facie case that he authorised the
informant to go in his name to the magistrates. Now, if we use the one
letter we may use the other, as they are written to the same address
about the same time. So taken, they seem to show that Hastings was at
first reluctant to prosecute ; that when he did so he did it openly, and
that when his adversary was afterwards committed for trial on a more
serious charge, he expressed himself with imprudent levity. Is this the
conduct of a murderous conspirator ?

Further reasons for doubting even the possibility of Hastings being
the fomenter of the forgery case will be found ably marshalled in Sir J.
Stephen's book (chap, ix.), and most persons who have studied them
appear to have found them convincing, in spite of Macaulay's slashing
caveat about * idiots and biographers.' And even Macaulay — though
writing rather as a journalist than an historian — never went so far as to
suppose that Nuncomar was innocent or that Hastings thought him so.

Passing on to the actual trial, we see that the grand jury found a
true bill ; that the petty jury was subject to free challenge by the prisoner ;
that the best counsel in Calcutta were engaged for the defence ; that the
case was heard before a full bench of all the judges. Two of these,
Le Maistre and Hyde J.J., showed some animus in cross-examining the
witnesses for the defence ; but for this they at once gave reasons which

#1

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 181

seem to have satisfied the prisoner's counsel. It is the opinion of Mr.
Justice Stephen, the most eminent of living authorities, that the trial did
not turn upon points beyond the experience and competence of the jury,
and was fairly conducted. The chief summed up. * There is not a word in
Impey's summing up,' says Sir James, * of which I should have been
ashamed had I said it myself : all my study of the case ' (he elsewhere
calls it earnest and patient) ' has not suggested to me a single observation
in Nuncomar's favour which is not noticed by Impey. As to the verdict,
I think there was ample evidence to support it.'

He accordingly pronounces in favour of Impey, and so, indirectly, in
favour of Hastings ; for, as he justly observes, * to say that a man could
be judicially murdered by a fair trial is like saying that a man might be
murdered by a physician who treated him with perfect propriety.'

The remaining point is that — even so — the prisoner should have had
a respite until the pleasure of the king of England could be known. On
this head it might be sufficient to observe that, if that course were indeed
required, it should have been adopted by the majority in council, who
had encouraged the prisoner in his hostility to Hastings, who buoyed the
prisoner up almost to the end with unmeaning attentions, and who were
furnished by him with the ground of action by no less than two appeals,
both of which they deliberately smothered. Impey three years later
showed, in a private letter, abundant reasons why the court could not
take the initiative in regard to a respite ; and that in so judging he did
not stand alone, is clear from the joint report of all the judges, that ' their
action was unanimous from first to last.'

As to the apparent illegality — the ex post facto law, as it was even
termed — it is for those who call the execution a * murder ' to show that
there was any such thing. A native of Bengal had already been convicted
and sentenced under the same statute ; a statute, indeed, which it was
never proposed to make operative throughout the whole of the British
possessions, but which was deemed peculiarly suited to the existing state
of society and business in Calcutta. True, that native had been
reprieved, and so might Nuncomar have been if only his powerful patrons
had acted in the manner that might have been fairly expected of English
gentlemen, or the judges had not been resolute to guard against the
suspicion of undue and clandestine influence. It was, therefore, hardly
right or justifiable for Mr. Beveridge to beg the question on his title-page,
seeing that he was unable to sustain it in the text of his book. Not only
so, but his book is very difficult reading in consequence of the faults
above noticed.

At the same time it is but common justice to add that the matter is
better than the manner. It shows genuine sincerity and honest research.
It corrects a number of small blunders -into which Sir James Stephen had
unquestionably fallen, little though they affected the main issue. As a
matter of legal detail, many persons may even think that Mr. Beveridge
has shown that the best course was not taken to avoid the appearance of
evil. Had the government advocate of the day been a first-rate lawyer,
•or had the views of Sir Robert Chambers, a professed jurist, met with
more attention from the other judges, Nuncomar might have been
indicted for a misdemeanour. In that case every end would have been

182 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Jan.

equally attained without the ill odour which, as things turned out, still
clings to the case, and without the indefinable sense of scandal which,
in spite of Sir James Stephen's judgment, will probably always occur ta
men's minds whenever they think of Impey and Nuncomar.

H. G. K.

The History of the Pacific States. By Hubert H. Bancroft. Vols.
I.-III., History of Central America; vols. IV.-VIII., History of
Mexico. (San Francisco : A. L. Bancroft & Co.)

It is impossible within the necessarily limited space of a notice to ade-
quately discuss the historical series of which these volumes form a part.
It is rather an historical library condensed than a history in the ordinarily
accepted sense of the term. When all allowance has been made for the
organising skill of Mr. Bancroft himself and the industrious co-operation
of his subordinates, the work remains a wonder of exhaustive minuteness.
It is possible also to feel a confidence in the accuracy and cogency of the
statements made which one has been taught by sad experience to abandon
in the case of exhaustive individual authors. For Mr. Bancroft is, if any-
thing, understocked with theories and generalisations ; and of course his
subordinates w^ould not be encouraged to indulge in such flights. The
present volumes give the history of Central America from Columbus to the
present year, and the history of Mexico from Cortes to just before the
French expedition in favour of Maximilian. Doubtless Mr. Bancroft will
soon give us a concluding volume on that luckless adventure, and on the
recent ' reconstruction ' of Mexico ; but probably some time will have to
elapse before the full history of the expedition is known ; and without
deviating more into European archives than he has yet done, it will
hardly be possible for an historian to give much more than the outside
of events during a most complicated period.

His conception of history is not, indeed, that study of political develop-
ment to which it is becoming usual to restrict the term ; it is rather a
record of everything of the slightest importance that has been done by the
government, parties, and eminent men of the state he is considering, and an
occasional statistical and social survey of the condition of the country.
The reader craves for perspective, for subordination of details, for ruling
conceptions, but he craves in vain. And as the history becomes more
and more modern in time, and more and more superficial in character, it
hecomes increasingly doubtful whether Mr. Bancroft's game is worth his
candle. The method which he adopts is in its place applied to such
times as those of which his * Native Eaces of America ' treats. Here the
question is not what information we can use, but what we can get ; and
to have this carefully sought out and gathered ready for us is all we want.
This is because every one of the comparatively few facts ascertained about
native customs may go to support or overthrow some weighty theory of
human development ; but w^hat good can it do to know all about the
diplomatic and warlike relations of the Central American republics ? At
best, the efforts of a Walker to play the Wallenstein, of a Barrios to play j
the Bonaparte on the Central American stage, and the doings of their )
few hundreds of what can only by a stretch of courtesy be called troops,
are interesting as miniature examples of known tendencies, acting on

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 183

organisms of a lower type. As a whole, the history of the Spanish
colonies since their emancipation is hardly more edifying, though less
drearily miinteresting, than their record before that great event.

The story of Mexico, indeed, is better worthy of history than that of
Costa Eica or Hondm-as. There is first the marvellous true romance of
the conquest, to which Mr, Bancroft, by comparison of innumerable
authorities, has added some interesting particulars. Then comes the
long and not particularly eventful period of colonial dependence on Spain.
It is here that we most miss a comprehensive grasp and power of sum-
marising. The particulars of the Spanish policy and rule are frittered
away on the brief reigns of the viceroys. Those officials had indeed an
enormous power over the fortunes of the colony ; but were there no more
permanent tendencies than the motives of the viceroys ? The mind fails to
grasp the scattered references ; events do not seem to be prepared for,
because w^e have not the gift of divination to deduce them from casual
indications in foregoing chapters. It is hard for the reader to see with
any clearness why the Mexican revolts broke out when they did, and why,
after Hidalgo and Morelos, each in his turn, had failed and perished,
Iturbide, a man smaller in every way, rode triumphant in on the crest of
the wave of independence. Not that Mr. Bancroft does not probably see
the causes clearly ; but we are drowned in details, and gasp for breath.
We long for a Taine to marshal these thronging particulars into rank and
file, and march them on, each column led by its appropriate generalisa-
tion.

Lacking this ordering faculty, the historian and his subordinates have
made the tale of the wars for independence rather tedious. Mr. Bancroft
states with unnecessary liberality that these conflicts are worthy of as
close chronicling as the fight that won the national independence of the
United States. Certainly that struggle was not by any means so noble as
it is often represented ; the colonists were at times as lukewarm as their
antagonists and had Calleja been in the place of Howe, Washington
would have brought but little away from Long Island. But at least the
northern strife was more civilised, more humane, conducted for more
possible and practicable aims. There was perhaps more blind courage
among the Mexicans, more vigour among the Spaniards ; but the American
war of independence is to the Mexican as an English revolution to an
Irish revolt. To be sure, the Mexican patriots were chafing under the
intolerable weight of the Spanish colonial system ; while the New Eng-
landers rose at some small irritating oppressions which the southern
colonists would hardly have noticed. None the less, the northern war
never degenerated into the sordid round of small skirmishes, raids, mas-
sacres which drag over the pages of Mr. Bancroft's fourth volume of
Mexican history. And the final result was only indirectly due to the
revolts ; all the fully clironicled battles between mobs of insurgents and
bodies of Spanish soldiers who, in comparison with their opponents, might
be called disciplined, were of Uttle practical effect. After the revolt seemed
hopelessly crushed, a sudden change in Spain placed the government
there in the hands of the Uberals. This tem.porary victory, soon to be
reversed by French interference, united for the moment those who ob-
jected to all Spanish government with those who objected to all hberal

184 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Jan.

government. This union achieved independence for Mexico. Then, when
the work was done, the ill-cemented majority fell apart again, and Mexico,
being no longer drained by another power, began to ruin herself.

The most striking event in the later history of Mexico, as far as these
volumes take us, is the war with the United States. Here, again, Mr.
Bancroft's work suffers from being too closely restricted to his immediate
subject. A Httle more light on the poHtics of the Union would have
helped greatly to explain the Mexican war. It is needless to say that the
historian does not spare his own country ; and indeed the only justifica-
tion that can well be pleaded for the seizure of Texas and California is
that a vigorous and expanding race is bound sooner or later to overrun
great territories held by a feeble neighbour unable to develop their re-
sources. Most interesting is it to follow out how every item of the
offence was reproduced in the punishment — how surely the Mexican war
led to the civil war. The claim of Texas to sever herself from Mexico
seemed to involve the right of secession ; the acquisition of that state for
slavery led to the struggle for Kansas. The way in which the South
dragged the Union into war was an earnest of future pretensions which
must at last be rejected. And had Napoleon Ill's plans on Mexico
ripened earlier and more completely, a strong, reorganised, hostile state
might have been within reach of the Union at the time of sorest need. It
would have been Nemesis indeed had Mexico been able to strike back
through the Confederacy some of the blows that had been dealt at her
through Texas. Arthur R. Ropes.

^ur Geschichte Deutschlands und Frankreichs im neunzelinten Jahr-
hundert. Von Leopold von Ranke. Herausgegeben von Alfred
Dove. (Leipzig : Duncker & Humblot. 1887.)

This rather extensive collection of letters and papers, nearly all of them
growths assignable to the debateable ground which lies between the
domains proper to history and to politics, forms the forty-ninth and
fiftieth volumes of the collective edition of Ranke' s Works. Unhappily he
has not lived to supervise the republication of these writings, only in part
actually acknowledged by him in his lifetime ; yet there is no reasonable
doubt but that he would have been willing permanently to associate his
name with all. He belonged to a generation less eager perhaps than our
own to prove the value of scientific training in the senate and the forum,
but incapable of dissimulating the sense of responsibility Avhich prevents
€very true patriot from being a mere critic of public affairs. Nor was the
range of his studies in any sense remote from the problems which occupied
the contemporaries of his earlier manhood. His book on Servian history,
published in 1829, was one of the first to impress upon Europe the
significance of historical movements which have not yet arrived at a settle-
ment. The Opinion prepared by him in the summer of 1854 on the
Eastern Question found its way fi-om the hands of King Frederick
William IV into those of the Emperor Nicholas, and, now that the
passions of the Crimean war have become ancient history, might almost
be described as in its effects, not less than in its arguments, a notable
state-paper. At all events Sybel, who was allowed to publish it in 1865 in

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 185

his Journal, liad some warrant for contrasting its very practical conclusions
with the hollow phrases which were made to do duty for the same subject at
the Paris conferences. But this was very far from being the only occasion
on which the illustrious historian's political opmion was sought by King
Frederick William, a sovereign whom even his least generous censors must
allow to have been gifted with a singular proficiency in the art of listen-
ing. At the beginning of his reign, the late king was anxious for the
eminent historian's advice in the matter of the organisation of that
centralised system of Estates at which Prussian statesmanship laboured
just long enough to produce a result satisfactory to nobody, and which
was soon buried beneath the waves of the European revolution. A somid
instinct had prompted Ranke to find excellent reasons for declining the
royal summons ; but when in the turbulent March of the fateful year 1848
his advice was again invited, a patriotic sense of duty led him to obey. The
series of memoranda included in this volume, and addressed to Baron
Edwin Manteuffel, one of the king's aides-de-camp, for his majesty's use,
accordingly reaches from May 1848 to January 1851. In other words, it
covers nearly the whole period of the great upheavuig which ended with
so pitiable a peripeteia, extending fi-om the meeting of the national as-
sembly (from which the king of Prussia afterwards received the offer of the
German crown) to the complete restoration of the old federal constitution
with its decrepit diet — a restoration which, as the writer gently puts it in
the last of these papers, could not rightly be regarded as a guarantee of
tranquillity for the future. In the earlier of his communications we find
Eanke with very noteworthy calmness urging those whom it concerned
not to be driven by the momentary success of the revolutionary move-
ment into despairing of a modified renew^al of the old Prussian monarchy.
Modified, but not transmuted : for he protests emphatically and repeatedly
agamst any changes tending to imperil the independence of the crown.
In other words, he cannot reconcile himself to the acceptance of the
principle of ministerial responsibility to the people through its represen-
tatives— a principle which, as we know, has been to this day unable to
domesticate itself at Berlin. He not less strongly demurs to the adoption
of imiversal suftrage ; while holding that if the masses are called upon
to serve the state in arms, the state is in its turn bound to assure them
the means of supporting life. If we pass to German as distinct from
more specifically Prussian politics, we shall find further illustrations of
the assertion of Prince Bismarck, cited by professor Dove, that there was
an intimate agreement between Ranke's political sentiments and his o-svn.
As early as 1849, Ranke showed a very decided inclination towards a
compact between the Prussian crown and the national aspirations. The
germs of the North German federal constitution of 1867 are. contained in
the memorandum composed on the eve of the offer of the imperial crown
to the king of Prussia in 1849. This is perhaps the most remarkable of
the papers here published, quite apart from the flavour imparted to it by
the suggestion of a defensive alliance with Austria on the basis of mutual
support in Germany and in Italy, and on the model of the partition
scheme between Frederick the Fair and Lewis the Bavarian. * Is it not,'
demurely queries the historian in his most diplomatic mood, ' worth while
to maintain the pope at Rome, and to avoid the dissipation of the sane-

186 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Jan.

tuaries of the catholic church ? ' Guizot hmiself could not have more effec-
tually controlled his protestant sentiments by his conservative instincts.
But at home, in Germany, Ranke was thoroughly Prussian, or prussianised,
in his aspirations. Thus he palpably hints at the desirableness of inducing
the Hanse towns to perceive the ' necessity ' of their coming into the
Zollverein. And in the still more important matter of the development
of the federal constitution, he objects (in September 1850) to the restora-
tion of the diet, if involving the establishment in it of a supreme Austrian
authority ; supposing it, on the other hand, merely to imply the renewal of a
loose connexion within which Prussia may pursue the accomplishment of
her scheme of a closer federal union with the princes prepared to relinquish
their military, commercial, and political independence, while retaining
certain honorary privileges — well and good. In the Olmiitz days he writes
in a rather lower key ; and he perceives very clearly that the war which
was then staved off would have been an absurdity at this particular point
of time. But he does not speak with confidence of the probability of a
permanent understanding ; and the difference between the actual results of
the Dresden conferences of 1850-51 and the proposals submitted byRank^
as representing Prussia's legitimate demands, very nearly measures the
gap between what Austria was prepared to give in 1851, and what Prussia
conquered by the sword fifteen years afterwards.

As a curiosiim, Ranke's draft of a royal proclamation on the occasion
of the issue of a new constitution by the king's ordinance on December 5,
1848, should not be overlooked. It was never used, and one cannot pretend
to regret much that this production of the great historian's pen should
have escaped being actually associated with this portion of the minister
Manteuffel's coiqj d'etat. The earlier and larger portion of this volume
contains the results of Ranke's endeavour to perform the task imposed
upon him ' against kind ' rather than against his will as editor of a
politico-historical review. The particular hybrid consigned to his charge
was further weighted by being intended to reconcile the policy of the
intelligent Prussian bureaucracy with the aspirations of a liberalism
stimulated by recent events on the farther side of the Rhine. The under-
taking which after a year's trial Frederick Perthes abandoned in 1883
was carried on by the devoted editor under another publisher for three
years more, and it appears that he never could quite understand its
failure. * Eigentlich,' he said, applying his favourite adverb, every one
ought to have agreed with a political critic so reasonable as himself ; and
he wrote two -thirds of the paper. The remainder of these pages repro-
duce Ranke's commentary on the correspondence between Frederick
William IV and Bunsen, first published in 1875. A. W. Ward.

The Nicholas Papers. Edited by G. F. Warner. (Camden Society.
1886.) The correspondence here printed consists of two unequal portions,
the first consisting of letters to and from Sir E. Nicholas between August
1641 and January 1642, and the second containing letters written from
May 1644 to December 1652. During the period 1649-52 they complete
and explain much of the correspondence published in the Clarendon state
papers. The first division of the papers has already been made use of by
Mr. Gardiner. It closes with the warrant from Charles I to Sir E. Herbert

1888 BEVIEJVS OF BOOKS 187

directing him to accuse Kimbolton and the five members (p. 62). The
most interesting single papers in the second portion are : the account of
Lord Culpeper's embassy to Moscow (p. 182), Lord Hatton's letter de-
scribing the tumult which began the Fronde (p. 90), and Hyde's paper of
considerations on the advisability of Charles II treating w4th the Level-
lers (p. 138). The struggle of Hyde and Nicholas against the influence
of Culpeper and Jermyn in the councils of the young king is the subject of
many letters, and they bring very serious accusations against both those
noblemen. Many other instances of the evil effects of Culpeper's counsel
besides those given by Clarendon in his history are here enumerated
(pp. 262-315). From a passage on page 233 it appears that Sir John
Berkeley's relation of his negotiations in 1647, though not printed till
1699, was already written in 165 L The letters contain incidental notices
of Hobbes, Denham, Cowley, Davenant, and other writers.

Admiral Blake. (English Worthies.) By David Hannay. (London :
Longmans & Co. 1886.) Mr. Hannay has produced a lively sketch of
Blake's career, and succeeded in making that admiral as distinct a figure
as his materials permit. He does not unduly glorify his hero, and reduces
his share in the defences of Lyme and Bristol to its proper proportions
(p. 20). On the other hand, he rather exaggerates the importance of
his defence of Taunton, by leaving out all mention of the equally im-
portant resistance of Plymouth (p. 11). The sea fights are made intelli-
gible to the non-professional reader, and there is also an interesting
chapter on the navy of the Commonw^ealth. Mr. Hannay judiciously
avoids any attempt to make Blake a personage of political importance,
but he goes a little too far when he asserts that nothing was heard of
Blake's opinions till after the commencement of the eighteenth century.
Clarendon, at all events, considered him a republican of the most
advanced type. 'Blake at his late being at Cadiz,' writes Hyde to
Nicholas, ' said openly that monarchy is a kind of government the world
is weary of; it is gone in England, going m France, and must get out of
Spain with more gravity, but in ten years it would be determined there
likewise' (Clarendon State Papers, iii. 27). The famihar story which
represents Blake as telling his sailors that their business was not to meddle
with state affairs, but to keep foreigners from fooling us, first appears in
Henry Fletcher's Perfect Politician, published in 1660, three years after
Blake's death.

Shaftesbury. (EngHsh Worthies.) By H. D. Traill. (London :
Longmans & Co. 1886.) Mr. Traill adds no new facts to those collected
by Mr. Christie, but summarises his evidence, and reverses some of his
judgments. Whilst accepting in several cases the validity of the defence
set up for Shaftesbury, his final decision is extremely hostile to that
statesman. ' I cannot see how even the most favourable critic of Shaftes-
bury's career can deny that ambition was at all times his master passion,
and that we need scarcely even look further than a disappointment of
that ambition to find the adequate explanation of any important step in
his life ' (p. 24). ' All his repeated changes of party find their simplest
explanation in a theory of pure self-interest ' (p. 94). But Ranke, a

188 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Jan.

sufficiently impartial critic to satisfy Mr. Traill's demands, writes of one
single liberal principle logically pursued by Shaftesbury through the
varying phases of his career. This Mr. Traill fails to observe, and yet it
is this fact which gives Shaftesbury his permanent importance in English
history. Mr. Traill justly describes Shaftesbury as one of the greatest of
English party leaders, but goes on to claim for him much that properly
belongs to Pym (p. 206). With equal justice he praises Shaftesbury as
a speaker, but he is singularly unfortunate in his detailed criticism of
Shaftesbury's oratory. He praises a speech against Cromwell's house
of lords as * in some respects the best ' (pp. 207-40). There is not only
no evidence that Shaftesbury ever made this speech, but there is no
evidence that it was ever spoken at all by anybody. It was published
anonymously in 1659, and not attributed to Shaftesbury till half a
century after his death. Mr. Traill quotes and comments on a speech
by Shaftesbury given in Burton's diary (p. 84), but mistakes the pecu-
liarities of the reporter's method of reporting for the peculiarities of
Shaftesbury's style. * Short weighty sentences ' and ' absence of literary
graces of any kind ' are the characteristics of all the speeches taken
down by Burton. With these reservations what Mi\ Traill says on
pp. 206-7 of Shaftesbury's excellence as a debater is as true as it is
admirably expressed. The number of misprints and minor errors is
rather large : p. 133, 1781 for 1681 ; p. 27, 1662 for 1652 ; p. 31, Dec. 10
for Dec. 12; p. 61, Billings for Bellings ; p. 181, Oct. 28 for March 28.
The nickname * Tapski ' given to Shaftesbury seems to have puzzled
Mr. Traill as well as Lord Campbell. It contains an allusion not only
to his physical infirmity, but also to a favourite jest about his election as
king of Poland. See a folio pamphlet published in 1681 entitled ' A
modest Vindication of the Earl of Shaftesbury : in a letter to a friend
concerning his being elected King of Poland.' In Nat. Thompson's
* Collection of Loyal Poems ' (1685) there are many on Tapski, Potapsky, or
Anthony, king of Poland, as he is indifferently styled. The ' ski ' or ' sky '
was intended to give the name a Polish form. The piece of plate pre-
sented to Balliol college in 1681, mentioned by Mr. Traill as the gift of
Shaftesbury alone (p. 174), appears to have been the gift of all the lords
of the opposition party in common (* Fourth Keport of the Historical
MSS. Commission,' p. 451).

George Canning. (English Worthies.) By Frank H. Hill. (London :
Longmans & Co. 1887.) This book does not of course pretend to supply
the acknowledged want of a satisfactory biography of Pitt's great disciple ;
but it may fairly claim to be the most readable account of Canning's
career that is at present to be found. The essential fault is that
Mr. Hill is only m full sympathy w^ith his subject when he has to write
of Canning the opponent of the Holy Alliance and the protector of ' liberal
principles ' towards Greece and the South American colonies : with
Canning the follower of * the Pitt of decadence and apostasy,' as
Mr. Hill describes the anti-French period of tlie statesman's career, he
has nothing in common. Canning's life should not be written in a party
spirit ; and though Mr. Hill has been temperate in his politics his bias
must necessarily injure his work. Another defect is a want of a suffi-

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 189

ciently lively picture of the man among his friends, as apart from the
politician in the house or the cabinet. The little book is interesting,
however, and, despite its journaHstic phrasing, well written. A few
inaccuracies, such as the wholly unfounded charge of neglect on the
part of Lord Stratford's father, and a want of detailed knowledge of
the Greek negotiations 1824-7, might easily be amended. The reasons
•(p. 178) why Canning refused to join the conference at St. Petersburg in
1825 were the decided hostility of the Greeks themselves to any media-
tion based upon the Russian memoir e, and his own invincible repugnance
to coercive measures, which Austria at first declined to repudiate. But
he did send a special ambassador to Russia at the time, and various
negotiations took place between him and Nesselrode. The duke of
Wellington's negotiation in 1826 did not ' drag : ' what did ' drag ' was
the conversion of the protocol into the treaty of 1827, and the practical
execution of the latter instrument, and that was due to the Portuguese
policy of England.

Dr. T. N. Brushfield, in a paper which he has reprinted from the
Transactions of the Devonshire Association for the Advancement of Science,
Literature, a7id Art, vol. xviii (1886), clears away a difficulty which has
existed as to the occupation of the see of Exeter between the death of
Edmund Stafford (September 1419) and the election of Edmund Lacy in
the following spring. The conclusion at which he arrives is, indeed, the
accepted one, namely that John Catrik, and he only, held the see in the
interval ; but the author has for the first time succeeded in explaining the
insertion of the supposititious Bishop Gary from a comparison of the first
two editions of Godwin's * Catalogue ' and John Hooker's manuscript.
He gives also a biography of Catrik, who attended the council of Constance
(of which, however, he might have used a more recent historian than
Lenfant), and prints his will from the Lambeth register.

Historical students will be glad to hear that the Bihliotheca Historica
has now, after an interval of five years, begun life again. Its plan is to
give a carefully classified list not only of all books of an historical character
published in all parts of the world, but also of articles in periodical
publications, which are included in the same classified and alphabetical
series, but distinguished by a different type. The latter is an extremely
valuable feature, and the work is thoroughly well done. A hundred and
fifty-three periodical publications are regularly dissected and arranged, not
to speak of a considerable number of a miscellaneous or not exclusively
historical nature from which a selection is made. The scheme of the Bihlio-
theca is remarkably clear and workmanlike ; but we regret tliat misprints
should be so frequent not only in foreign titles but even in German ones.
The editor might well too consider the advisability of omitting books which
are professedly school books, and works of an obviously popular description.
An English reader is rather startled to find a mass of * Jubilee literature '
included among historical books. It is curious also that, here as in the
Polybiblion, very many English books are marked not with the names of
the London publishers but with those of their American agents. . The
publishers are Messrs. Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht of Gottingen.

190

Jan.

List of Historical Books recently published

I. GENEEAL HISTOEY

(Including works relating to the allied branches of knowledge and works
of miscellaneous contents)

CiAMPi (I.) Opuscoli vari storici e critici,

raccolti e nuovamente editi per cura di

P. E. Castagnola. Pp. 358. Imola :

Galeati. 4 1.
DoEDES (N. D.) Volken en hoofdpersonen ;

schets der algemeene geschiedenis.

Pp. 304. Leeuwarden : Meijer.
Jasteow (J.) Ueber Welthandelsstrassen

in der Geschichte des Abendlandes.

Pp. 62. Berlin : Simion. 1 m.
Kaufmann (D.) Etudes d'archeologie

juive et chretienne. Premiere serie.

Paris : Leroux. 3 f .
Laughton (J. K.) Studies in naval his-

tory ; biographies. Pp. 476. London :

Longmans. 10/6.
Makechal (E.) Histoire de la civilisation

ancienne : Orient, Grece, et Kome.

Pp. 702, illustr. Paris : Delalain.

12mo. 5 f.
Posse (0.) Die Lehre von den Privatur-

kunden. Pp. 242, 40 plates. Leipzig :

Veit. 4to. 36 m.
WuNDERLiCH (W. F. H.) Geschiedenis der

oude- en middeleeuwsche beschaving.

Pp. 321. Zutphen : Thieme. 2-25 fl.
Zerffi (G. G.) Studies in the science of

general history. I : Ancient history.

London: Hirschfeld. 12/6.

II. OEIENTAL HISTOEY

Adams (H. C.) History of the Jews from
the war with Kome to the present time.
London: Religious Tract Society. 8/.

Alberuni's India : an account of the
religion, philosophy, literature, chro-
nology, astronomy, customs, laws, and
astrology, about a.d. 1030. Edited in
the Arabic original by E. Sachau.
London : Triibner. 4to. 63/.

Archief voor de geschiedenis der oude
HoUandsche zending. IV: Formosa
[1643-1661]. Pp. 314. Utrecht :
Bentum.

Friedlander (M. H.) Geschichtsbilder
aus der nachtalmudischen Zeit, von
Moses Mendelssohn bis auf die Gegen-
wart. Pp. 156. Briinn : Epstein.

Gonzalez (J. de). Essai chronologique
sur les musulmans c61^bres de la villa
d'Alger. (Texte fran^ais-arabe). Pp.
67. Algiers : Peze.

LiEBLEiN (J.) Handel und Schifffahrt
auf dem rothen Meere in alten Zeiten,
nach agyptischen Quellen. Pp. 151.
Christiania : Dybwad.

Miguel (G. de). Estudio sobre las islas
Carolinas, comprende la historia y
geografia de los 36 grupos que forman

el Archipielago carolino, seguido de la
descripcion de todas las islas del Oceano
Pacifico situadas entre el Ecuador y el
paralelo 10° Norte. Pp. 207. Madrid :
Perales y Martinez. 4to, with atlas in
folio.

NoLDEKE (T.) Die ghassanischen Fiirsten
aus dem Hause Gafna's. Berlin :
Akademische Buchhandlung.

Eenan (E.) Histoire du peuple d'Israel.

I. Paris : C. L6vy. 7'50 f.

Smith (S. Alden). Die Keilschrifttexte
Asurbanipals, Konigs von Assyrien
[668-626 V. Chr.], mit Transscription,
Uebersetzung, Kommentar, und Glossar.

II. Pp. 99, 18 plates. Leipzig :
Pfeiffer. 12 m.

Strassmaier (J. N.) Babylonische Texte :
Inschriften von Nabonidus, Konig von
Babylon [555-538 v. Chr.], von den
Thontafeln des Britischen Museums
copirt und autographirt. I : No. 1-265 :
Vom Regierungsantritt bis zum
siebenten Jahre der Regierung. Pp.
264. Leipzig : Pfeilfer. 12 m.

Treubek (O.) Geschichte der Lykier.
Pp. 247, map. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer.

1888 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED 191

III. GREEK AND ROMAN HISTORY

BocKER (F.) Damme als cler mutmassliche
Schauplatz cler Varusschlacht, sowie
der Kampfe bei den ' Pontes longi ' im
Jahre 15 und der Eomer mit den
Germanen am Angrivarierwalle im
Jahre 16. Pp. 72, 2 plates. Cologne :
Bachem. 1'75 m.

BiiUNS (G.) Fontes im-is Roman! antiqui.
Ed. 5ta, cm-a T. Mommseni. Pp. 422.
Freiburg : Mohr.

Carle (G.) Le origini della proprieta
quiritaria presso le genti del Lazio.
Pp. 30. Turin : Loescher.

DuNCKER (M.) Abhandlungen aus der
griechischen Geschichte. Mit einem
Vorwort von A. Kirchhoff. Pp. 164,
map. Leipzig : Duncker & Humblot.
4 m.

Faltin (G.) Ueber den Ursprung des
zweiten punischen Krieges : ein Beitrag
zur Kritik des Polybios. (Programm.)
Pp. 20. Neu-Ruppin. 4to.

GuARDUcci (T.) Annibale e la colonia
di Spoleto : studio storico. Pp. 47.
Florence : tip. Cooperativa. 1*20 1.

Haignere (abbe D.) Etudes d'histoire et
de bibliographie. IV : Le Portus Itius.
Pp.67. Boulogne-sur-Mer : Aigre. 2-50 f.

Imhoof-Blumer (F.) Zur Miinzkunde
Grossgriechenlands, Siciliens, Kretas,
&c., mit besonderer Beriicksichtigung
einiger Miinzgruppen mit Stempel-
gleichheiten. Pp. 82, 3 plates. Leipzig :
Koehler. 4-50 m.

& Gardner (P.) A numismatic com-
mentary on Pausanias. III. Pp. 58,
10 plates. Leipzig : Koehler. 5-50 m.

Kruse (H.) Ueber Interpolationen in
Xenophons Hellenika. Pp. 30. Kiel :
Lipsius & Tischer. 4to.

Largojolli (D.) Della politica religiosa
di Giuliano imperatore e degli scudi
critici piu recenti. Pp. 159. Piacenza :
Marchesotti. 1-50 1.

Larsen (S. C.) Studia in libellum incerti
auctoris de bello Alexandrine. Pp. 32.
Copenhagen : Klein. 75 (j)re.

Mahafey (J. P.) Greek life and thought
from the age of Alexander to the
Roman conquest. London: Macmillan.
12/6.

Marchetti (R.) Sulle acque di Roma
antiche e moderne. Pp. 428. Rome :
Sinimberghi.

Nacher (J.) Die romischen Militar-
strassen und Handelswege in Siidwest-
deutschland, in Elsass-Lothringen und
der Schweitz. Pp. 42, map. Strass-
burg : Noiriel.

Roberts (E. S.) An introduction to
Greek epigraphy. I : The archaic
inscriptions and the Greek alphabet.
Pp. 420. Cambridge : University Press.
18/.

ScHAEDEL (L.) Plinius der Jiingere und
Cassiodorius Senator: Kritische Bei-
trage zum zehnten Buch der Briefe und
zu den Briefen. Pp. 36. Darmstadt :
Winter. 4to. 80 pf.

ScHULTZE (V.) Geschichte des Unter-
gangs des griechisch-romischen Heiden-
tums. I : Staat und Kirche im Kampfe
mit dem Heidentum. Pp. 455. Jena :
Costenoble. 12 m.

Seipt (0.) De Polybii olympiadum
ratione et de bello Punico primo quses-
tiones chronologic®. Pp. 50. Leipzig :
Fock. 1 m.

Theophylacti Simocattffi historiae. Ed.
C. de Boor. Pp. 437. Leipzig : Teubner.
6 m.

WiEGAND (H.) Plataa zur Zeit des
Einfalls der Perser in Bootien. Pp. 19.
Leipzig : Fock. 4to. 90 pf.

WiLiscH (E.) Beitrage zur inneren
Geschichte des alten Korinths. (Pro-
gramm.) Pp. 34. Zittau. 4to.

IV. ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY

BrIEGER (T.), TsCHACKERT (P.), KOLDE (J.),

LooFS (F.) & MiRBT (K.) Kirchenge-
schichtliche Studien, Hermann Reuter
gewidmet. Mit einer Beigabe von A.
Reuter. Pp. 351. Leipzig : Hinrichs.
8 m.

Crespin (J.) Histoire des martyrs perse-
cutez et mis a mort pour la verite de
I'evangile, depuis le temps des apostres
iusques a present [1619] ; avec intro-
duction par D. Benoit et notes par M.
Leli^vre. II. Pp. 774. Toulouse :
Chauvin. 17*50 f.

Danzas (A.) Etudes sur les temps
primitifs de I'ordre de saint Dominique.
2* s6rie : Saint Raymond de Pennafort
et son epoque. I. Pp. 597. Paris :
Lec^ne & Oudin. 7 f.

Drane (Augusta T.) The history of St.

Catherine of Siena and her com-
panions ; with a translation of her
treatise on Consummate Perfection. 2
vol. London : Burns & Gates. 12/0.

Ehrle (F.) Recherches critiques sur la
biographic de Henri de Gand, dit le
Docteur Solennel. Trad, par J. Raskop.
Pp. 49. Tournai : Vasseur-Delmee. 3 f.

Friedrich (J.) Geschichte des Vatikani-
schen Konzils. III. Pp. 1258. Bonn :
Neusser. 28 m.

JuNGMANN (B.) Dissertationes selectse in
historiam ecclesiasticam. VII (last).
Pp. 475. Ratisbon : Pustet. 4*20 m.

Keller (L.) Zur Geschichte der alt-
evangelischen Gemeinden : Vortrag.
Pp. 53. Berlin : Mittler. 75 pf .

KoFFMANE (G.) Abriss der Kirchen-
geschichte des neunzehnten Jahrhun-

192 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED Jan.

derts. (Herzog's Abriss der Kirchen-
geschichte. Erganzungsheft.) Pp. 200.
Erlangen : Besold. 4 m.

Langlois (E.) Les registres de Nicolas
IV : Kecueil des bulles de ce pape
publiees ou analysees d'apres les ma-
nuscrits originaux des archives du Vati-
can. II. Paris : Thorin. 4to. 10-40 f.

MiKLOsiCH (F.) & MtJLLER (J.) Acta et
diplomata Grseca medii avi sacra et
profana. V : Acta et diplomata monas-
teriorum et ecclesiarum orientis. II.
Pp. 482. Vienna : Gerold.

EiCHOu (abbe L.) Histoire de I'eglise.
3'' Edition, revue et corrigee. I. Pp.
640, maps. Paris : Lethielleux. 6 f.

Sanctorum vitae metricse, IX, ex codicibus
Monacensibus, Parisiensibus. Bruxel-
lensi, Hagensi saec. IX-XII., ed. by
W. Harster. Pp. 237. Leipzig :
Teubner. 3 m.

ScHOTTMiJLLER (K.) Der Untergang des
Templer-Ordens, mit urkundlichen und

kritischen Beitragen. 2 vol. Pp. 760,
450. Berlin : Mittler. 22-50 m.

Seufert (W.) Der Ursprung und die
Bedeutung des Apostolates in der
christlichen Kirche der ersten zwei
Jahrhunderte ; eine kritisch-historische
Untersuchung auf Grund der Schriften
des Neuen Testaments und der weiteren
christlichen Literatur. Pp. 162. Ley-
den : Brill.

Smith's Dictionary of Christian biogra-
phy, literature, sects, and doctrines,
during the first eight centuries. Ed.
by H. Wace. IV. London : Murray. 42/.

Sterre (J. C. van der). Hagiologium
Norbertinum, seu natales sanctorum
candidissimi ordinis Praemonstratensis.
New edition, revised. Pp. 111. Namur :
Charneux-Douxfils. 2 f.

TosTi (L.) Storia del concilio di Costanza.

■ Ed. by L. Pasqualucci. 2 vol. Pp.321,
322. Rome : tip. della Camera dei De-
putati. 9 1.

V. MEDIEVAL HISTOEY

Bertholon (L.) La colonisation arabe
en France [721-1026]. Pp. 51, illustr.
Lyons : Pitrat.

BuRLAMAccHi (A.) Dcllc origini e carat -
teri delle corporazioni di arti e mestieri
durante il medio-evo. Pp. 34. Lucca :
Paolino. 16mo.

Canet (V.) Clovis et les origines de la
France chretienne. Pp. 216, illustr.
Bruges : Imprimerie de la Societe
Augustin. 2-60 f.

Ebert (A.) Allgemeine Geschichte der
Literatur des Mittelalters im Abend-
lande. Ill : Die Nationalliteraturen
von ihren Anfangen, und die lateinische
Literatur vom Tode Karls des Kahlen
bis zum Beginne des elften Jahrhun-
derts. Pp. 529. Leipzig : Vogel. 12 m.

Felten (W.) Die Bulle Ne xwcetercat
und die Reconciliations-Verhandlungen
Ludwigs des Bayers mit dem Papste
Johann XXII : ein Beitrag zur Ge-
schichte des vierzehnten Jahrhunderts ;
mit einem Anhang von Urkunden aus
Trier, Koblenz, und dem Vaticanischen
Archive. II. Pp. 287. Trier : Paulinus-
Druckerei. 3-80 m.

Gaste (A.) Les serments de Strasbourg ;
etude historique, critique, et philolo-
gique. Pp. 35. Tours : Bousrez.

IsiDORS Geschichte der Gothen, Vandalen,
Sueven ; nebst Ausziigen aus der Kir-
chengeschichte des Beda Venerabilis.
Translated by D. Coste. (Geschicht-
schreiber der deutschen Vorzeit in

deutscher Bearbeitung. LXXX.) Pp.
60. Leipzig : F. Duncker. 1 m.

Kerval (L. de). Saint Jean de Capistran,
son siecle et son influence. Pp. 182.
16mo. Paris : Haton. 1 f .

KoHLER (G.) Die Entwickelung des
Kriegswesens und der Kriegfiibrung in
der Eitterzeit von Mitte des elften Jahr-
hunderts bis zu den Hussitenkriegen.
Ill, 1 : Die Entwickelung der materiellen
Streitkrafte in der Eitterzeit. Pp. xlv,
527, plates. Breslau : Koebner. 15 m.

Mailhard dk la Couture (G.) Charle-
magne dans I'histoire et dans la 16-
gende. Pp. 190. Bruges : Descl6e &
De Brouwer. 2-60 f.

. Godefroy de Bouillon et la pre-
miere croisade. Pp.204. Bruges: Desclee
& De Brouwer. 2-60 f.

EoTTscHER (A.) Die Aufhebung der
Sklaverei durch das Christenthum im
ost- und westromischen Eeiche. (Frank-
furter zeitgemasse Broschiiren, X.)
Pp. 24. Frankfurt-am-Main : Foesser.
50 pf.

EuTTEN (M. L.) Overzicht der wereld-
geschiedenis. II : Geschiedenis der
Middeleeuwen. Pp. 130. s'Hertogen-
bosch : Eobijns.

Werner (K.) Die Scholastik des spate-
ren Mittelalters. IV: 1. Der Endaus-
gang der mittelalterlichen Scholastik.
2. Der Uebergang der Scholastik in ihr
nachtridentinisches Entwickelungs-sta-
dium. Pp. 404, 359. Vienna : Brau-
miiller.

VI. MODEKN HISTOEY

Ammann (F.) Die Schlacht bei Prag am
6 Mai 1757 : quellenkritische Unter-
suchungen. Pp. 142, map. Heidel-
berg : Fetters. 3 m.

BiZEUL DE LA BiQNONAYs (P.) Lettres

in^dites : Prise de Namur [1692] ;
bataille de Neerwinde [1693], publiees
par S. deLa Nicolli^re-Teijeiro. Pp. 29.
Nantes : Forest & Grimaud.
Bourgeois (E.) Neuchatel et la politique

1888 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED 193

prussienne en Franche-Comte [1702-
I7I3]> d'apr^s des documents in6dits
des archives de Paris, Berlin, et Neu-
chatel. (Biblioth^que de la Faculty
des Lettres de Lyon, I.) Pp. 267,
map. Paris : Ler9ux. 5 f.

Chabot (J. de). Etude historique et
tactique de la cavalerie allemande
pendant la guerre de 1 870- 1 871. I.
Pp. 163, map. Nancy : Berger-Levrault.
3-50 f.

Crouzel (A.) Etude historique, ^cono-
mique, et juridique sur les coalitions et
les graves dans I'industrie. Paris :
Eousseau. 10 f.

Dechent (lieut.) Beitrage zur Geschichte
des Feldzuges von 1806 nach Quellen
des Archivs Marburg. Pp. 86. Berlin :
Luckhardt. 2-40 m.

D'EcKMiJHii (marquise A. L.) Le mare-
chal Davout, prince d'Eckmiihl ; cor-
respondance inedite [1790-1815], Pp.
326. Paris : Perrin. 16mo. 3-50 f.

DiTFURTH (M. von). Die Schlacht bei
Borodino [7 Sept. 1812], mit besonderer
Eiicksicht auf die Theilnahme der
deutschen Keiter-Contingente. Pp.
134, plans. Marburg : Elwert. 4-50 m.

DuNCKER (M.) Abhandlungen aus der
neueren Geschichte. Pp. 393. Leipzig :
Duncker & Humblot. 8 m.

Faure (F.) Les budgets contemporains :
Budgets de la France depuis vingt ans,
et des principaux 6tats de I'Europe de-
puis 1870; Developpement des chemins
de f er ; Navigation ; Commerce ; Forces
militaires des principaux pays. Paris :
Guillaumin. 4to. 30 f.

Garden (comte de). Histoire g6n6rale
des traites de paix et autres tran-
sactions principales entre toutes les
puissances de I'Europe. XV. Pp. 390.
Paris : Le Poultel. 7'50 f.

Ghio (G.) La guerra di 1866 in Ger-
mania ed in Italia. Pp. 212. Florence :
AdemoUo. 3 1.

Hauptschlachten, die, der fridericiani-
schen, napoleonischen, und modernen

Periode, strategisch und taktisch be-
leuchtet. Pp. 314. Hanover : Hel-
wing.

JuRiEN DE LA Graviere (amiral). Les
Chevaliers de Malte et la marine de
Philippe II. 2 vol. Paris : Plon.
12mo. 6 f.

Karge (P.) Die russisch-osterreichische
Allianz von 1746 und ihre Vorge-
schichte, nach russischen und oster-
reichischen Quellen. Pp. 136. Got-
tingen : Peppmuller. 2-50 m,

Katharina, Briefwechsel der Konigin,
und des Konigs Jerome von Westphalen,
sowie des Kaisers Napoleon I mit dem
Konig Friedrich von Wiirttemberg.
Edited by A. von Schlossberger. II.
20 Marz i8ii-27 Sept. 1816. Pp. xliv,
280. Stuttgart : Kohlhammer. 8 m.

Maurice (C. E.) The revolutionary
movements of 1848-49 in Italy,
Austria-Hungary, and Germany ; with
some examination of the previous
thirty- three years. Pp. 540, illustr.
London : Bell. 16/.

Eanke (L. von). Zur Geschichte
Deutschlands und Frankreichs im
neunzehnten Jahrhundert. Edited by
A. Dove. Pp. 623. Leipzig : Duncker
& Humblot. 12 m.

Eapson (E. J.) The struggle between
England and France for supremacy
in India. Pp. 120. London : Triibner.

Eenault (C.) Histoire des greves.
Paris : Guillaumin. 12mo. 3*50 f.

Stagliexo (M.) Alcuni nuovi documenti
intorno a Cristoforo Colombo ed alia
sua famiglia. Pp. 23. Genoa : tip.
dell' Istituto Sordomuti. (From the
' Giornale Ligustico,' 1887, fasc. vii,
viii.)

Vervat (J. M.) De Pruisen voor Amster-
dam [1787], Verdediging en verovering
der stelling. Pp. 70. Amsterdam :
Van Heteren.

ViLLERMONT (Dc). Tilly ou la guerre de
trente ans de 1618 a 1632. Pp. 437.
Bruges : Desclee & De Brouwer. 4*60 f.

VII. FEENCH HISTORY

Abobd (H.) Histoire de la r^forme et de

la ligue dans la ville d'Autun. III.

Pp. 605, plates. Autun : Dejussieu.

7f.
Albiousse (L. d'). Histoire des dues

d'Uz^s, suivie d'une notice sur leur

chateau ducal. Paris : Champion.

10 f.
Arbaumont (J. d') & Marchant (L.) Le

tr6sor de la Sainte-Chapelle de Dijon

d'apr^s ses anciens inventaires. Pp.

xxviii, 128, plates. Dijon : Daranti^re.

4to. 8 & 25 f.
Barbier (A.) Jean II d'Armagnac,

gouverneur de Loudun, et Urbain

Grandier. Pp. 380. Poitiers : Eoy. 5 f .
Barthelemy (E. de). Le cardinal de

Noailles, 6veque de Chdlons, arche-
VOL. III. — NO. IX.

veque de Paris, d'apr^s sa correspon-

dance inedite [1651-1728]. Pp. 157.

Paris : Techener.
BosQ (P.) Versailles et les Trianons.

Pp. 280, illustr. Paris : Laurens. 3*50 f .
Bossier (G.) Life of Madame de S6vign6.

Transl. by H. Llewellyn. (' Great

French Writers.') Pp. 154, portrait.

London : Eoutledge. 2 6.
Bouchart (A.) Les grandes croniques de

Bretaigne, compos^es en Fan 15 14.

Nouvelle Edition, par H. Le Meignen.

II. Pp. 150. Eennes : Cailh^re. 4to.
BoucHOT (H.) Moeurs et coutumes de la

France, la famille d'autrefois, le

mariage, la naissance, la mort. . Pp.

324, illustr. Paris : Lec^ne & Oudin.

4to. 4 f.

194 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED Jan.

BouREULLE (De). L' Alsace du siecle de
Louis XIV. Pp. 45. Saint-Die :
Humbert.

Broc (vicomte de). La France sous
I'ancien regime ; le gouvernement et
les institutions. Paris : Plon. 7*50 f.

Broglie (due de), Personal recollections
of [1785-1820]. Transl. and edit, by
R. L. de Beaufort. 2 vol. Pp. 1036,
portrait. London : Ward & Downey.
30/.

Camisards, Fragment de la guerre des,
dans les environs d'Alais, Vernoux, le
Cheylard, &c., par un anonyme [1692-
1709]. Edited by M. Tallon. Pp. 105.
Privas.

Cappelletti (L.) Storia critica della
rivoluzione francese. II. Pp. 293.
Foligno : Sgariglia. 4 f.

Castonnet des Fosses (H.) Saint-
Domingue sous Louis XV. Pp. 39.
Angers : Lach^se & Dolbeau.

Chamillart (G.) Generality de Caen.
Recherche de la noblesse, faite par
ordre du roi en 1666 et annees sui-
vantes ; publi6 int6gralement et pour
la premiere fois d'apr^s plusieurs
copies manuscrites anciennes. 2 vol.
Paris : Lechevalier. 15 f.

Champollion-Figeac (A.) Chroniques
dauphinoises et documents in6dits
relatifs au Dauphin^ pendant la revo-
lution. Premiere periode historique :
Les 6tats du Dauphine et la revolu-
tion [1788-1 794]. Paris: Picard. 6 f.

Chantelauze (R.) Les derniers chapitres
de mon 'Louis XVII.' D6couverte
des ossements du Dauphin en 1846,
dans le cimeti^re Sainte-Marguerite.
Paris : Didot. 2 f .

Cheruel (A.) Etude sur la valeur his-
torique des m6moires de Louis XIV.
Pp. 24. Paris: Picard. (From the
' Comptes-rendus de l'Acad6mie des
Sciences Morales et Politiques.')

CHEVAiiiER (Mgr. C.) Les fouilles de
Saint-Martin de Tours : recherches
sur les six basiliques successives
elev6es autour du tombeau de saint
Martin. Plates. ^Paris : Lechevalier. 6 f.

Choussy (J. E.) Etude sur Jeanne d'Arc.
Pp. 42. Moulins : Auclaire.

Cledat (L.) Extraits de la chronique de
Joinville, precedes d'une introduction
grammaticale et suivis d'un glossaire.
Pp. 159. Paris : Garnier. 12mo.
1-50 f.

CoiGNET (C.) a gentleman of the olden
time, Francois de Scepeaux, Sire de
Vieilleville [1509-1571] : Portraits and
stories of the sixteenth century during
the reign of Henri II. 2 vol. Pp. 634.
London : Bentley. 21/.

Darimon (A.) Histoire d'un parti. Le
tier8-6tat sous I'empire [1863- 1866].
Paris: Dentu. 12mo. 3-50 f.

DouAis (abbe C.) Cartulaire de I'abbaye
de Saint-Sernin de Toulouse [844-
1200], publie pour la premiere fois.
Pp. cciv, 615. Paris : Picard. 4to. 40 f.

Farcy (P. de). Abbayes de I'eveche de
Bayeux. Ill, 4 : Notre-Dame de
Longues [11 68- 1782]. Pp. 92, plates.
Laval : Moreau. 4to.

Garnault (E.) Le commerce rochelais
au dix-huiti^me siecle. II : Etablisse-
ments maritimes de la Rochelle. Pp.
342, map. La Rochelle : Mareschal.
6f.

Imbert de Saint-Amand. Les femmes
des Tuileries : La duchesse d'Angou-
leme et les deux restaurations. Paris :
Dentu. 12mo. 3-50 f.

La Chaulme (A. B. de). Vie de Marie
Leckzinska. Pp. 215. Tours : Mame.
12mo. 65 c.

La Nicollikre-Teijeiro (S. de). La
marine bretonne aux XV«^ et XVI**
siecles ; essai historique. Pp. 107.
Nantes : Forest & Grimaud.

La Tremoille (Guy de) et Marie de
Sully, Livre de comptes [1395- 1406],
public d'apres I'original par L. de la
Tremoille. Paris : Champion. 4to. 50 f .

Lebourq (A.) Les anciennes fortifications
de Reims, notes extraites des archives
de Reims. Pp. 79, 2 plates. Reims :
Monce. 3 f.

Lecoy de la Marche (A.) Saint Louis,
son gouvernement et sa politique. Pp.
368, illustr. Tours : Mame. 2-40 f.

Lespinasse (R. de). Cartulaire du prieure
de La Charite-sur-Loire (Nievre), ordre
de Cluni. Pp. xliv, 483, plates. Paris :
Champion. 6 f.

Le Vavasseur (A.) Valeur historique de
la Chronique d'Arthur de Richemont,
connetable de France, due de Bretagne
[1 393- 1 458], par Guillaume Gruel ;
etude critique. Pp. 80. Paris : Picard.

Marguerite de Navarre. — Lettres de la
reine de Navarre au pape Paul III,
edited by P. de Nolhac. Pp. 12.
Versailles : impr. Cerf .

Mabmottan (P.) Tableau de Valenci-
ennes au dix-huitieme siecle : Manuscrit
inedit de dom Buvry, dernier abbe de
Saint-Saulve [1783], publie et com-
mente dans une notice preiiminaire.
Paris : Lechevalier. 3'50 f.

Masse (J.) Les tribunaux de Grenoble
pendant les premieres annees de la re-
volution [1790-1 795]. Pp.86. Grenoble:
Allier.

Mavidal (J.) & Laurent (E.) Archives
parlementaires de 1787 a i860. Recueil
comi:)let des debats 16gislatifs et poli-
tiques des chambres franc^aises. 1"
serie [1787 a 1799]. XXVII: [du 6
juin au 5 juillet 1791J. Pp. 806.
Paris : Dupont. 20 f.

2" serie. LXV : Cour des pairs ;

Proces des ex-ministres : [du l" octobre
au 21 decembre 1830]. Debats et docu-
ments parlementaires [du 4 decembre
i83oau 6 Janvier 1831]. Pp.796. Paris:
Dupont. 20 f.

Musset (G.) Documents sur la reforme
en Saintonge et en Aunis, XVI" et
XVII" siecles. Pp. 126. Pons : Texier.

1888 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED 195

Norman (C. B.) The corsairs of France.
Pp. 464, illustr. London: Sampson
Low. 18/.

OuRSEL (Mme. N. N.) Nouvelle Bio-
graphic normande, II. (L-Z). Pp. 596.
Paris : Picard. 20 f.

Palys (comte de). Le capitaine Breil de
Bretagne, baron des Hommeaulx, gou-
verneur d' Abbeville, de Saint-Quentin,
et de Gran\dlle, d'apr^s les m^moires
contemporains et des documents inedits
[1503-1583]. Pp.224. Kennes : Plihon
& Herv6. 6 f.

Petit (E.) Histoire des dues de Bour-
gogne de la race capetienne, avec des
documents inedits et des pieces justifi-
catives. II. Paris : Picard. 8 f.

PosTEL (K.) Jeanne d'Arc, documents
inedits et appreciations de I'heroine
dans la litterature en Angleterre et en
Allemagne. Pp. 191. Paris : Degorce.
18mo. 1-50 f.

QuARRK b'Aliony. M^moire de ses cam-
pagnes sous le r^gne de Louis XIV,
jusqu'a la paix de Eiswick [1697]. Pp.
242. Beaune : imp. Batault.

Saint-Poncy (L. de). Histoire de Mar-
guerite de Valois, reine de France et de
Navarre. 2 vol. Pp. 540, 594. Paris :
Gaume. 18mo. 10 f.

SoREL (A.) Montesquieu. Pp. 176.
Paris : Hachette. 18mo. 2 f.

Tarde (Jean), chanoine th^ologal et
vicaire general de Serlat, Les chro-
niques de, annotees par le vicomte G. de
G6rard, prec6d6es d'une introduction
par G. Tarde. ^Paris : Picard. 4to. 12 f.

Trayer (P.) Etude historique sur la
condition legale des esclaves dans les
colonies fran^aises. Pp. 107. Paris :
Baudoin.

Zeller (B.) & Luchaire (A.) Louis XI
et la maison de Bourgogne. Pp. 192,
illustr. Paris : Hachette. 16mo. 50 c.

VIII. GEEMAN HISTOEY

(Including Austria-Hungary)

Anger (G.) Illustrirte Geschichte der
k. k. Armee in ihrer kulturhistorischen
Bedeutung von der Begriindung an bis
heute. Pp. 1456, illustr. Vienna :
Anger.

Berghoff-Ising (D.) Die Entwicklung
des landwirthschaftlichen Pachtwesens
in Preussen : eine historisch-okonomi-
sche Studie. Pp. 104. Leipzig : Winter.

BiTTKAu (G.) Aeltere Geschichte der Stadt
Neu-Kuppin, auf Grund historischer
Quellen. Pp. 167. Neu-Euppin : Pet-
renz. 3*50 m.

BussoN (A.) Beitrage zur Kritik der
steyerischen Eeimchronik und zur
Eeichsgeschichte im dreizehnten und
vierzehnten Jahrhundert. II: DieWahl
Adolfs von Nassau. Pp. 79. Vienna :
Gerold.

Chroust (A.) Beitrage zur Geschichte
Ludwigs des Bayers und seiner Zeit.
I: Die Eomfahrt [1327-1329]. Pp.
270. Gotha : Perthes. 5 m.

Ebeling (F. W.) August von Sachsen
[1 553- 1 586] : eine Charakterstudie. Pp.
108. Berhn: Heine.

Ermisch (H.) Das sachsische Bergrecht
des Mittelalters. Pp. clxiv, 249, plate.
Leipzig : Giesecke & Devrient. 9'60 m.

Evers (G. G.) Martin Luther : Lebens-
und Charakterbild, von ihm selbst
gezeichnet in seinen eigenen Schriften
und Correspondenzen. X. Pp. 320.
Mainz : Kirchheim. 3 m.

Friedrichs des Grossen, Politische Corre-
epondenz. XV. Pp. 495. Berlin : A.
Duncker. 14 m.

Guericke (Otto von). Geschichte der
Belagerung, Eroberung, und Zerstorung
Magdeburg's, aus der Handschrift zum
Erstenmale veroffentlicht von F. W.
Hoffmann. 2te Auflage, mit einer

Ansicht der Belagerung nach einem
alten Stiche. Pp. 92. Magdeburg :
Eathke. 1 m.

GuNDLACH (W.) Wer ist der Verfasser
des ' Carmen de Bello Saxonico ' ?
Eine Entgegnung. Pp. 135, plates.
Innsbruck : Wagner.

Hafner (T.) Geschichte von Eavensburg :
Beitrage nach Quellen und Urkunden-
Sammlungen. Pp. 742. Eavensburg :
Dorn. 13-50 m.

Hauser (E.) Die Entwickelung der
Viehzucht in Preussen [1816-1883]
mit besonderer Eiicksicht auf die
beiden einheitlichen Zahlungen, 1873
und 1883, fiir das ganze deutsche Eeich.
(Conrad's Sammlung nationalokono-
mischer und statistischer Abhandlun-
gen des staatswissenschaftlichen
Seminars zu Halle, IV, 5.) Pp. 295.
Jena : Fischer. 6 m.

Hauthaler (P. W.) O.S.B. Libellus
decimationis de anno 1285 : ein Beitrag
zur kirchlichen Topographic von Steier-
mark und Unterkarnten im dreizehnten
Jahrhundert. Aus dem Vaticanischen
Archive herausgegeben. Pp. 28. Salz-
burg : Mittermiiller.

Hermann (D. E.) Die Grundelemente
der altgermanischen Mobiliarvindica-
tion : eine rechtsgeschichtliche Studie.
(Gierke's Untersuchungen zur deut-
schen Staats- und Eechtsgeschichte,

. XX.) Pp. 194. Breslau : Koebner.

HiRN (J.) Erzherzog Ferdinand II. von
Tirol : Geschichte seiner Eegierung
und seiner Lander. II. Pp. 543. Inns-
bruck : Wagner. 12 m.

HoECK (W.) Zur Geschichte Heinrichs
des Lowen und des Schutzheiligen
seines Domes St. Thomas. Pp. 106.
Brunswick : Wollermann. 1-50 m.
. o 2

196 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED Jan.

HoLSCHER (L. A. T.) Die altere Diocese
Paderborn, nach ihren Grenzen, Archi-
diaconaten, Gauen, und alten Gerichten.
Pp. 484. Miinster : Kegensberg. 4 m.

Hoffmann (A.) Kaiser Friedrichs III.
(IV.) Beziehungen zu Ungarn [1458-
1464]. Pp. 50. Breslau : Kohler. 1 m.

Horning (W.) Dr. Johann Marbach,
Pfarrer zu St. Nikolai, Strassburg [i 545-
1581] : Beitrage zu dessen Lebensbild
mit Bezugnahme auf die Keformatoren
Zell, Butzer, Hedio, und Capito. Pp.
252. Strassburg : Vomhofl:'. 3 m.

Hungary. — Monumenta vaticana histo-
rian! regniHungarife illustrantia. Series
I, 1 : Kationes collectorum pontificio-
rum in Hungaria [1281-1375]. Pp.
Ixxvii, 524, plate. Budapest : Eath.
4to.

JuRiTzscH (G.) Adalbero, Graf von Wels
und Lambach, Bischof von Wiirzburg
und Griinder des Benedictiner-Stiftes
Lambach in Ober-Oesterreich : ein
Beitrag zum Investiturkampfe. Pp.
151. Brunswick : Schwetschke.

KoppMANN (K.) Geschichte der Stadt
Kostock. I : Von der Griindung der
Stadt bis zum Tode Joachim Sliiters
[1532]. Pp. 151. Eostock: Werther.
2 m.

KosTER (A.) Die Wormser Annalen :
eine Quellenuntersuchung. Pp. 105.
Leipzig : Fock. 1*80 m.

LoRENz (0.) Deutschlands Geschichts-
quellen im Mittelalter seit der Mitte
des dreizehnten Jahrhunderts. II. 3te,
in Verbindung mit A. Goldmann um-
gearbeitete Auflage. Pp. 444. Berlin :
Hertz. 8 m.

Martin (A.) Briefe der Konigin Luise
von Preussen. Pp. 95. Berlin : Luck-
hardt.

Mayer (E.) Zur Entstehung der Lex
Eibuariorum : eine rechtsgeschichtliche
Untersuchung. Pp. 182. Munich :
Eieger. 5 m.

Meyer (A. B.) Die alten Strassenziige
des Obergailthales (Karnten) und seiner
Nachbarschaft. Pp. cv, 112. Dresden :
Hoffmann.

Moller (J. C.) Geschichte der Weih-
bischofe von Osnabriick. Pp. 241.
Lingen : Van Acken. 3 m.

Muyser (C. de). Eecueil des cartes et
plans du pays et de la ville et forte-
resse de Luxembourg publics depuis
1579 jusqu'a nos jours. Pp. 16.
Luxemburg : Biick.
Oesterreichische Statistik. XIV : Be-
richt uber die Erhebung der Handels-
werthe und Haupt-Ergebnisse des aus-
wartigen Handels im Jahre 1885 in Ver-
gleichung mit den Vorjahren Pp. 191.
Vienna : Gerold. 4to.
PiiiBRAM (A. F.) Die Berichte dts kaiser-
lichen Gesandten Franz von Lisola
[1655 - 1660], mit einer Einleitung
und Anmerkungen versehen. Pp. 571.
Vienna: Gerold.

Quetsch (F. H.) Das Verkehrswesen am
Mittelrhein im Alterthum. Pp. 45,
plate. Mainz : Wilckens. 1-50 m.

Salem. — Codex diplomaticus Salemitanus.
Urkundenbuch der Cistercienserabtei
Salem. Edited by F. von Weech. II :
[1 267- 1 300]. Pp. 684, 15 plates.
Karlsruhe : Braun.

ScHAFER (D.) Das Buch des liibeckischen
Vogts auf Schonen, nebst fiinf Beilagen.
(Hansische Geschichtsquellen, IV.)
Pp. cliii, 155, maps, &g. Halle : Buch-
handlung des Waisenhauses. 6 m.

Schleswig - HoLSTEiN - Lauenburgische
Eegesten und Urkunden. Edited by
P. Hasse. I: [786-1250]. Pp. 407.
Hamburg : Voss. 4to.

Schmidt (G. H.) Zur Agrargesehichte
Liibecks und Ostholsteins : Studien
nach archivalischen Quellen. Pp. 171,
plates. Ziirich : Orell Fiissli. 8 f.

Schneider (E.) Wiirttembergische Ee-
formations-Geschichte. Pp. 143. Stutt-
gart : Eoth. 2-50 m.

Staehling (C.) Histoire contemporaine
de Strasbourg et de 1' Alsace. II : [1853-
1872]. Pp. 464. Nancy: Berger-
Levrault. 6 fr.

Stieda (W.) Eevaler Zollbiicher und
-Quittungen des vierzehnten Jahrhun-
derts. (Hansische Geschichtsquellen,
V.) Pp. cxxxviii, 107. Halle : Buch-
handlung des Waisenhauses. 4*80 m.

Strassburg, Urkunden und Akten der
Stadt. 2te Abtheilung : Politische Cor-
respondenz der Stadt Strassburg im
Zeitalter der Eeformation. II: [1531-
1539]. Edited by 0. Winckelmann.
Pp. xxxi, 736. Strassburg : Triibner.
18 m.

ToLLiN (H.) Geschichte der franzosischen
Colonic von Magdeburg. 2 vol. Pp.
743, 506, plates. Halle : Niemeyer.
22 m.

Vambery (A.) Hungary in ancient,
mediffival, and modern times. Pp. 462.
London : Fisher Unwin. 5/.

Weigel (T. 0.) Systematisches Ver-
zeichniss derHauptwerke der deutschen
Litteratur auf dem Gebiete der Eechts-
und Staatswissenschaften. Edited by
G. Mollat. Pp. 106. Leipzig : Weigel.
4to.

WiEGAND (W.) Die Alamannenschlacht
vor Strassburg [a.d. 357] : eine kriegs-
geschichtliche Studie. (Beitrage zur
Landes- und Volkskunde von Elsass-
Lothringen, III.) Pp. 46, map. Strass-
burg : Heitz. 1 m.
WoELKY (C. P.) Neues preussisches Ur-
kundenbuch. Westpreussischer Theil.
II : Urkunden der Bisthiimer, Kirchen,
und Kloster. 1 : Urkundenbuch des
Bisthums Culm. Pp. 1277. Danzig :
Bertling. 4to.
WuTKE (C.) Beitrage zur Gesch chte des
grossen Stadtebundskrieges [1387-
1388]. L Pp.28. Berlin : Stargardt.
1-20 m.

1888 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED 197

IX. HISTOEY OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND

Ball (J. T.) The reformed church of
Ireland [1 537- 1886]. Pp.346. Dublin:
Hodges. 7/6.

Ballantyne (A.) Lord Carteret : a poli-
tical biography [1690-1763]. London :
Bentley. 16/.

Bekker (E.) Beitrage zur englischen
Geschichte im Zeitalter Elisabeths.
(Giessener Studien auf dem Gebiet der
Geschichte. IV.) Pp. 108. Giessen :
Bicker. 2-50 m.

Bellesheim (A.) History of the catholic
church of Scotland from the introduc-
tion of Christianity to the present day.
Transl. with notes by O. H. Blair, O.S.B.
I, II. Edinburgh : Blackwood. 25/.

Birch (W. de G.) Domesday book : a
popular account of the exchequer
manuscript so called. London : Society
for promoting Christian Knowledge.
3/.

Brossmann (K.) Ueber die Quellen der
mittelenglischen Chronik des Kobert
von Gloucester. Pp. 48. Breslau :
Kohler. 1 m.

Canning (George). Some official corre-
spondence. Edited, with notes, by E. J.
Stapleton. 2 vol. Pp. 822. London :
Longmans. 28/.

Davis (N. D. D.) The cavahers and
roundheads of Barbadoes [1650-1652].
Pp. 261. Demerara : Argosy office. 4/6.

Dicey (A. V.) The privy council : the
Arnold prize essay, i860 (reprint). Pp.
150. London : Macmillan. 3/6.

Evelyn (John). The life of Mrs. Godol-
phin. Edited by E. W. Harcourt. Pp.
292, portrait. London : Sampson Low.
7/6.

Felten (J.) Kobert Grosseteste, Bischof
von Lincoln : ein Beitrag zur Kirchen-
und Culturgeschichte des dreizehnten
Jahrhunderts. Pp. 112. Freiburg :
Herder. 1-60 m.

FoRNERON (H.) Louise de Keroualle,
duchess of Portsmouth [1649- 1734].
Engl. Transl. Pp. 370, portraits.
London : Sonnenschein. 10/6.

GoMME (G. L.) A classified collection of
the chief contents of the Gentleman's
Magazine [1731-1868] : Komano-British
remains. II. London: Elliot Stock.
7/6.

Jeaffreson (J. C.) Lady Hamilton and
Lord Nelson : an historical biography,

based on letters and other documents
in the possession of A. Morrison,
esq. 2 vol. Pp. 696. London : Hurst
& Blackett. 21/.

Keary (C. F.) Catalogue of English
coins in the British Museum. Anglo-
Saxon series : I. Ed. by K. S. Poole.
Pp. xciv, 282, plates. London : Long-
man. 30/.

Lee (F. G.) Eeginald Pole, cardinal arch-
bishop of Canterbury : an historical
sketch. Pp. 350, portrait. London :
Nimmo. 8/6.

Manning (Kobert) of Brunne, The story of
England by. Edited by F. J. Furnivall.
2 vol. London : Published under the
direction of the master of the rolls.
20/.

Perry (G. G.) English church history.
Ill : [1717-1884] (Student's Manuals).
London: Murray. 7/6.

Power (D'A.) Memorials of the craft of
surgery in England, from materials
compiled by J. F. South ; edited by.
London : Cassell.

KicHiE (A. G.) Short history of the Irish
people down to the date of the plan-
tation of Ulster. Ed. by R. K, Kane.
Pp. 634. London : Longmans. 14/.

ScRUTTON (T. E.) Commons and common
fields ; or the history and policy of the
laws relating to commons and enclo-
sures in England. Pp. 188. Cambridge :
University Press. 10/6.

Spillmann (J.), S.J. Die englischen
Martyrer unter Heinrich VIII : ein
Beitrag zur Kirchengeschichte des
sechzehnten Jahrhunderts. Pp. 171.
Freiburg : Herder. 2*25 m.

Stanhope (W.) Monastic London : an
analytical sketch of the monks and
monasteries within the metropolitan
area [1270-1600]. Pp. 170. London :
Kemington. 5/.

Stephen (L.) Dictionary of national
biography. XIII : Craik — Damer.
London : Smith, Elder, & Co. 15/.

Stua (G. della). Vita di s, Osualdo, re
di Nortumberland e martire, colla storia
del suo culto. Pp. 52. Gemona : Tes-
sitori.

Wakeman (H. O.) The church and the
puritans [1570-1660]. ('Epochs of
Church History.') Pp. 218. London :
Longmans. 2/6.

X. ITALIAN HISTORY

Amari (M.) Biblioteca arabo-sicula. 2da
appendice. . Stampata a spese della
societa orientale di Germania. Pp. 46.
Leipzig : Brockhaus. 2 m.

Armand (A.) Les m6dailleurs italiens des
XV« et XVI-' siecles. Ill : Supplement.
Paris : Plon. 15 f.

Bartolazzi (P. P.) Montolmo, oggi citta

di Pausola, sua origine, incrementi, e
decadenza nel medio evo e nel cinque-
cento. Pp. 232. Pausola : Crocetti.
2-50 1.

Bortolan (D.) Podest4 e giudici in
Vicenza[i3ii-i404]. Pp.37. Vicenza:
Rumor.

Cazeneuve (P. de). San-Marino, la plus

198 HISTORIC AL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED Jan.

ancienne des republiques modernes.

Pp. 200. Paris : Joubaud. 18mo.

3-50 f.
CivEzzA (Marcellino da). II romano pon-

tificato nella storia d' Italia. III. Pp.

802. Florence : Eicci.
Desanctis (P.) Notizie storiche sopra il

tempio cattedrale, ii capitolo, la serie

dei vescovi ed i vetusti monasteri di

Eieti. Pp. 126. Eieti : Trinchi. 2 1.
DuRKiEU (P.) Les archives angevines de

Naples : 6tude sur les registres du roi

Charles I [1265-1285]. II. Pp. 426,

plates. Paris : Thorin. 14 f.
Florence. — Le consulte della repubblica

fiorentina, per la prima volta pubblicate

da Alessandro Gherardi. I. Florence :

Sansani. 4to. 4 1.
Frati (L.) La guerra di Gian Galeazzo

Visconti contro Mantova [1397]. Pp.

37. Milan : tip. Bortolotti di G. Prato.

(From the ' Archivio storico lombardo,

XIV.')
La legazione del cardinale Bene-
detto Giustiniani a Bologna [1606-

161 1]. Pp. 11. Genoa: tip. Sordo-

muti.
Galeazzi (E.) Cenni geografici e storici

delle Marche. I : Provincia d'Ancona.
. Pp. 65. Jesi : Floro Flori. 16mo.
Ghizzi (G.) Storia della terra di Casti-

glione Fiorentino. Ill: [1700-1859].

Pp. 232. Arezzo : Bellotti.
IvREA. — Eporedia sacra : serie cronologica

dei parrochi della diocese d' Ivrea ;

santi titolari e patroni. Edited by G.

Saroglia. Pp. 183. Ivrea : Tomatis.
Jordan (H.) Die Konige im alten Italien :

ein Fragment. Pp. 47. Berlin :

Weidmann. 2 m.
Palomes (A.) La storia di li Nm'manni 'n

Sicilia cuntata di lu Griddu, cu la junta

di li famigghi nobili chi discinninu di

li cavaleri nurmanni e siciliani. IV :

Gugghiermu secunnu, dittu lu Bonu.

Pp. 370. Palermo : stamp, dell' Armenia.

16mo. 2-50 1.
Papadopoli (N.) Del piccolo e del bianco,

antichissime monete veneziane. Pp.

13. Venice : Antonelli. 4to.
Perugia. — Cronache della citta di Perugia,

edite da A. Fabretti. I : [1308- 1438].

Pp. 246. Turin : coi tipi privati dell'

editore.

Phillimore (Catherine M.) The warrior
Medici, Giovanni delle Bande Nere : an
historical study. Pp. 119. London
Literary Society. 3 6.

Podkecca (C.) Slavia italiana : istituti
amministrativi e giudiziari in relazione
a quelli del Friuli ed alia storia co-
mune. Pp. 215. Cividale : Giovanni.
4-50 1.

Pdccianti (G.) & Giuliani (E.) Vittorio
Emanuele e il risorgimento d' Italia
[1815-1878]. Pp.292. Milan : Treves.
16mo. 2 1.

Eatti (C.) Delle giurisdizioni ne' di-
versi stati italiani dalla fine del secolo
XVIII alia pubblicazione de' codici pel
regno d' Italia. Pp. 173. 2nd ed.
Ancona : tip. Buon Pastore. 3 1.

Sanesi (G.) Stefano Porcari e la sua
congiura : studio storico. Pp. 157.
Pistoia : tip. Cino dei fratelli Bracali.
16mo. 2 1.

Santoxi (G. B.) Lettere confidenziali
sulla popolare insurrezione, seguita in
Livorno il 31 di maggio dell' anno 1790.
Pp. 38. Livorno : Giusti. 16mo.

ScHiPA (M.) Saggi e recensioni. Pp. 27.
Salerno : tip. Nazionale.

Scott (W.) A glance at the historical
documents relating to the church of
Saint Mark in Venice. Pp. 53. Venice :
Ongania.

Spadoni (0. L.) The Etruscans : an his-
torical and critical notice of the origin,
development, and civilisation of the
early Italian race. Pp. 58. Eome :
Piale. 2-50 1.

Trisoli (G. B.) Serie di tutti li rettori,
podesta, o rappresentanti che sono stati
nel reggimento di Este [1050-1796].
Pp. 19. Este : Zanella.

Venice. — Trattative segrete fatte dalla
repubblica veneta cogli Ariosti di
Ferrara, per ottenere il dominio di
quella citta durante la guerra tra
Venezia e il duca Ercole nel 1482. Pp.
14. Venice : Cecchini.

ViDARi (G.) Le carte storiche di Pavia.
Pp. 18. Turin : Para via. (From the
' Miscellanea di Storia Italiana,' 2nd
ser., XII.)

Weise (J.) Italien und die Langobarden-
herrscher [568-628]. Pp. 287. Halle :
Niemeyer. 6 m.

XI. HISTOEY OF THE NETHEELANDS

Bas (F. de). Prins Frederik der Neder-
landen en zijn tijd. II. Pp. 682,
illustr. Schiedam : Eoelants.

Claessens (chanoine). L'inqaisition et
le regime p6nal pour la repression de
I'h6r6sie dans les Pays-Bas du pass6.
Pp. 300. Malines : College de Saint-
Eombaut. 4 f.

Claeys (H.) Sint-Arnold, bisschop van
Soissons, apostel van Vlaanderen,
stichter der abtei van Oudenburg. Pp.
152. Ghent : Leliaert & Siffer. 12mo.
75 centimes.

Daris (J.) Histoire du diocese et de la
principaute de Li^ge pendant le quin-
zi^me si^cle. Pp. 712. Liege : De-
marteau. 5 f.

D'Hoop (F. H.) La Flandre orientale et
ses anciennes archives. Pp. 236.
Ghent : Van der Meulen. 5 f.

DooRNiNCK (J. van) & Uitterdijk (J. N.)
Bijdragen tot de geschiedenis van
Overijssel. IX. Pp. 192. Zwolle : Tijl.

DucLos (A.) Jan Breidel en Pieter de
Conine : eine schets. Pp. 94. Bruges :
Beyaert-Storie. 12mo. 50 c.

1888 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED 199

Geesink (W.) Calvinisten in Holland :
Franciscus Junius [1545-1602]; Petrus
Plancius [1552-1622]; Cornells Gese-
lius [1583-1614]. De doleerende kerk
van Eotterdam [1611-1618]. Pp.292.
Eotterdam : Dunk.

Gand, Second cartulaire de, recueilli par
F. de Potter. Pp. 418. Ghent: Le-
liaert & Siffer. 5 f.

Jean des Preis, dit d'Outremeuse, Chro-
nique et geste de. (Collection de
chroniques beiges in^dites, publiee par
ordre du gouvernement.) Introduction,
&c., par S. Bormans. Pp. ccxx, 580.
Brussels : Hayez. 4to.

Jean de Stavelot, Chronique de. (Col-
lection de chroniques beiges in6dites.)
Table analytique des mati^res, par S.
Bormans. Pp. 90. Brussels : Hayez.
4to.

Kremer (A. J. C.) Hattuarie : de oor-
sprong der graven van Gebre en Cleve.
Pp. 202. The Hague : Genealogisch-
Heraldisch Archief. 2 fl.

MooRREES (F. D. J.) Dirk Volckertszoon
Coornhert, notaris te Haarlem, de Li-

bertijn, bestrijder der gereformeerde
predikanten ten tijde van prins Willem
J. Pp. 228. Schoonhoven : Van
Nooten.

Nameche (abb6 A. J.) Le r^gne de Philippe
TI et la lutte religieuse dans les Pays-
Bas au XVI* si^cle. VII. Louvain :
Fonteyn. 4 f.

Cours d'histoire nationale. V : P6-

riode espagnole. XIX. Pp. 439. Lou-
vain : Fonteyn. 4 f .

Pierre de Coninck et Jean Breydel,

deux h6ros flamands. Pp. 156. Lou-
vain : Fonteyn. 1*50 f.

Sijpesteyn (C. A. van). Het merkwaardig
beleg van Ostende [5 Juli i6oi-22 Sep-
tember 1604]. Pp. 122, map. The
Hague : Stockum.

Verhagen (J.) De geschiedenis der
christelijke gereformeerde kerk in Ne-
derland aan het volk verhaald. 2nd
ed., with preface by M. Noordtzy.
Pp. 464. Kampen : Zalsman. 1-40 fl.

WiTTE (H.) 's Rijks Academietuin te
Leiden [1587-1887]. Pp. 27. Haar-
lem : Tjeenk Willink. 4to.

XII. SCANDINAVIAN HISTOEY

Bache (N.) Nordens historie. V. Co-
penhagen : Forlagsbureauet. Complete,
5 vol. 53-50 kr.

Barstad (H. J.) Bergens forsvar i 1801
og 1807-1814. Pp. xxxii, 504, map.
Bergen : Giertsen. 8*50 kr.

Carlson (F. F.) Geschichte Schwedens.
VI : Geschichte Karls XII bis zum
Altranstadter Frieden [1706]. (Ge-
schichte der europaischen Staaten,
XL VIII, 1.) Pp. 400. Gotha : Perthes.
8 m.

Christian IV (kong) egenhaendige breve,
edited by C. F. Bricka & J. A. Fridericia.
XIII: [1589-1619]. Pp.160. Copen-
hagen : Klein. 3 kr.

Cornelius (C. A.) Svenska kyrkans his-
toria efter reformationen. Pp. 345.
Upsala : Armqvist & Wiksell.

Historiske kildeskrifter og bearbejdelser
af dansk historie isaer fra det 16 aar-
hundrede : Monumenta histories Da-

nicae. 2nd series. II, 3. Pp. 192.
Copenhagen : Gad. 2*50 kr.

Lagreze (G. B. de). La reine Caroline-
Mathilde et le comte Struens6e. Paris :
Didot. 12mo. 3-50 f.

Martens (H.) Skandinavische Hof- und
Staatsgeschichten des neunzehnten
Jahrhunderts, nach den schwedischen
Quellen des A. Ahnfelt. Pp. 254.
Stuttgart : Frommann. 4*50 m.

Nielsen (0.) Kjobenhavns diplomata-
rium : samling af dokumenter, breve,
og andre kilder til oply suing om KJ0-
benhavns aeidre forhold fer 1728.
XVIII, 1. Pp. 400. Copenhagen:
Gad. 4 kr.

Svenska riksdagsakter [1521-1714], ed.
by E. Hildebrand & 0. Alin. I : [1521-
1544]. Pp.420. Stockholm : Norstedt.
10 kr.

TiscHLER (0.) Gedachtnissrede auf
J. J. A. Worsaae. Pp. 11. Konigsberg :
Koch & Reimer. 4to. 45 pf.

XIII. SLAVONIAN AND LITHUANIAN HISTORY

(Together with Eoumania)

BijAramberg (N.) Essai compar6 sur les
institutions et les lois de la Eoumanie
depuis les temps les plus recul6s jus-
qu'4 nos jours. Pp. 808 ; supplement,
PI). 317. Bucharest [1885-1887].

DuDiK. Allgemeine Geschichte Mahrens
von den altesten Zeiten bis 1306.
General-Register und Nachschlage-
Buch zu den zehn Banden. Im Auf-
trage des mahrischen Landes-Aus-
schusses. Pp. 684. Briinn : Winiker.
72 m.

GoLowiN (I. von). Die geschichtliche

Entwickelung des russischen Volkes.

Pp. 200. Leipzig : Reihboth. 3 m.
Hildebrand (H.) Livonica, vornamlich

aus dem dreizehnten Jahrhundert im

Vaticanischen Archiv. Pp. 71. Riga :

Deubner. 2-50 m.
MiKLosicH (F.) Die Blutrache bei den

Slaven. Pp. 86. Vienna : Gerold.
Onciul (D.) Zur Geschichte der Buko-

wina. I. Pp. 29. Czernowitz : Pardini.
Poland. — Acta historica res gestas Polo-

niffi illustrantia. Ed. collegium his-

toricum academisB litterarum Craco-

200 HISTORICAL BOOKS BECENTLY PUBLISHED Jan.

viensis. XI. Acta Stephani regis
[1576-1582]. Pp. xxxi, 430. Cracow:
Friedlein.
VoLKAERSBEKE (baroii Kcrvyn de). So-
bieski et la mission de la Pologne.
Pp. 218. Bruges : imp. de la Society
Augustin. 2-60 f.

WiESNER (A. C.) Beitrage zur Ge-
schichte Eusslands, nach bisher un-
benutzten russischen Original-Quellen.
Pp. 141. Leipzig : Wertlier. 2-25 m.

WoLDEicH (J. N.) Beitrage zur Urge-
schichte Bohmens. III. Pp. 24, illustr.
Vienna : Holder.

XIV. HISTOKY OF SPAIN AND POETUGAL

Altadill (J.) Biografia y obras del
padre Josef de Morete, primer cronista
de Navarra. Pp. 124. Pamplona: J.
Lorda. 4to. (Printed for private cir-
culation.)

Akantegui y Sans (J.) Apuntes histo-
ricos sobre la artilleria espanola en los
siglos decimocuarto y d6cimoquinto.
Pp. 471, illustr. Madrid: Fontanet.
4to. 13-50 pes.

Balaguer (V.) Historia de Cataluna, XI.
Monografias historicas, Euinas de Po-
blet. (Obras. XIX.) Pp.590. Madrid:
Murillo. 4to. 11 pes.

Blanc Saint-Hilaiee. — Les Euskariens
ou Basques ; le Sobrarbe et la Navarre ;
leur origine, leur langue, et leur his-
toire. Paris : A. Picard. 10 f .

Cappa (R.) E studios criticos acerca de la
dominacion espaiiola en America. I :
Colon y los Espafioles. 2nd edition.
Pp. 136, 76 Madrid : Velasco. 3 pes.

CoQUELLE (P.) AperQu historique sur le
Portugal et la maison de Bragance.
Pp. 138. Paris : Roussel. 18mo.

Histoire du Portugal et de la

maison de Bragance. Paris : Dupret.
12mo. 2 f.

Felipe II, Correspondencia di, con sus
embaj adores en la corte de Inglaterra
[1 558-1 584]. II. (Coleccion de docu-
mentos ineditos para la Historia de
Espana, LXXXIX. Edited by the
marques de la Fuensanta del Valle,
J. S. Rayon, and F. de Zabalburu.)
Pp. 566. Madrid : Murillo. 4to. 13 pes.

HiNOJOSA (E.) Historia general del dere-
cho espanol. I. Pp. 378. Madrid:
tip. de los Hu6rfanos. 4to. 10 pes.

MoRGADo (A.) Segunda parte de la his-
toria de Sevilla. Pp. 487. Seville :
Mirza. 4to.

PiCATOSTE (F.) Estudios sobre la gran-
deza y decadencia de Espana. I : Los
Espafioles en Italia. II : El ejercito
espanol en Italia. Ill : Decadencia
de Espana. El siglo decimoseptimo.
Madrid : Hernando. 4to.

Semelaigne (Dr.) Yves d'Evreux, ou
Essai de colonisation au Bresil chez les
Tapinambos[i6i2-i6i4]. Pp.52. Paris:
lib. des Bibliophiles. 18mo. 1*50 f.

XV. SWISS HISTOKY

Dandliker (K.) Geschichte der Schweiz.
III. Pp. 508, plates. Zurich : Schult-
hess. 11-40 f.

DiERAUER (J.) Geschichte der schwei-
zerischen Eidgenossenschaft. I : bis
141 5. (Geschichte der europaischen
Staaten, XL VIII, 2.) Pp. 443. Gotha :
Perthes. 3 m.

Geering (T.) Handel und Industrie der
Stadt Basel : Zunftwesen und Wirth-
schaftsgeschichte bis zum Ende des
siebzehnten Jahrhunderts, aus den
Archiven dargestellt. Pp. 678. Basle :
Schneider.

Graubunden, Rechtsquellen des Cantons.

Edited by E. Wagner & L. E. von

Salis. Pp. 181, 406, 153. Basle:

Detlotf.
Kern (J. C.) Souvenirs politiques [1838-

1883]. Pp. 383. Bern : Jent & Reinert.

12mo. 4 f.
Memoires et documents publics par la

societe d'histoire de la Suisse ro-

mande. Deuxieme serie. I. Pp. 304.

Lausanne : Bridel. 5 f.
PupiKOFER (J. A.) Geschichte des Thur-

gaus. Pp. 640. Frauenfeld : Huber.

13-80 f.

XVI. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

Bryce (J.) M.P. The predictions of
Hamilton and De Tocqueville (Johns
Hopkins University studies in historical
and political science. 5th series). Pp.
57. Baltimore : Murray. 25 c.

Butler (N. M.) The influence of the
war of 1812 upon the consolidation of
the American union. (Same series.)
Pp. 30. 25 c.

CooLiDGE (Susan). A short history of the
city of Philadelphia from its foundation
to the present time. Pp. 288. Boston :
Roberts. 12mo. ^1-25.

Stoddard (W. O.) Andrew Jackson and

Martin van Buren. (' The Lives of the
Presidents.') Pp. 317. New York:
Stokes. 12mo. ^^1-25.

James Madison, James Munro, and

John Quincy Adams. (Same series.)
Pp. 331. ^1-25.

Tyler (M. C.) Patrick Henry. (Ameri-
can Statesmen, XVII.) Pp. 398.
Boston : Houghton, Mifllin, & Co.
16mo. ^1-25.

Williams (G. W.) A history of the Negro
troops in the war of the rebellion [1861-
1865J. Pp.353. New York : Harper .
^1-75.

1888

201

Contents of Periodical Publications

I. FRANCE

Revue Historique, xxxv. 1. September—
G. MoNOD : Judicial customs in the
eighth century [a commentary on the
' Parsenesis ad Judices ' of bishop

Theodulf of Orleans] M. Phllipp-

soN : Studies in the history of Mary
Stuart ; the casket letters, II [com-
pleting the examination of them, and
rejecting the whole series. The writer
also calls attention to a spurious cor-
respondence between queen Mary and
Bothwell, 1563-1567, preserved in the
Stowe MS. 695 in the British Museum].
— H. Harrisse : Christopher Columbus
and Savona [showing that he was not
born there, and replying to criticisms].

A. Stern prints three letters which

passed between BartMlemy, the French
minister in Switzerland, and Albert de
Mulinen of Bern [1793] .=^=2. No-
vember. P. MoNCEAux : The great

temple of the Puy-de-D6me [treating of
the old Gaulish Mercury-worship, and
giving traces of its survival in peasants'

customs in Auvergne]. G. Fagniez :

The early life of pire Joseph, and his
share in the pacification of Loudun

[1577-1616]. A. Hellot prints

a grant of Bertrand du Guesclin

[1374] E. Welvert prints papers

bearing on the private life of Louis
XV.

Revue des Questions Historiques, xlii.
2. — G. DU Fresne de Beaucourt :
Charles VIVs attempts upon Genoa
and Asti [1445- 1447], a chapter in

diplomatic history. P. Pierling ;

The marriage of Ivan III of Muscovy
with Zoe [or Sophia), daughter of

Thomas Palceologus [1472]. D.

d'Aussy : Frangois de Lanoue and his
last campaigns [from 1578 down to his
death in 1591]. Abbe E. Allain:
The policy of the revolution concern-
ing eduA^ation, under the consulate

[continued from vol. xl. 2]. P.

Piolin: lialph, abbot of Saint- Jouin-
Us-Marnes [i 1 13- 1 120], and lialph de
la Fustaye [f 11 29, distinguishing the
two contemporaries, who were both

connected with St. Jouin]. G.

Gandy : The memoirs and corre-

spondence'of the count de VilUle [down
to 1 816. The memoirs will soon be

published as a separate work]. P.

Batifeol : San Salvatore de' Greci at
Messina [with an account of, and
extracts from, its archives].

Bibliotheque de I'Ecole des Chartes, xlviii.
4. — J. Delaville le Koulx : The
statutes of the order of the Hospital of
St. John of Jerusalem [giving an
account of those of William of S.
Stefano, from a Vatican manuscript
written between 1287 and 1290, with a
list of manuscripts and editions of the

later statutes]. H. d'Arbois de

JuBAiNviLLE : Instanccs of names of
^ fundi ' formed from Eoman gentile

names with the termination -acus.

G. DiGARD : A collection of ' littere
notate ' of the time of Boniface VIII
[illustrating the professional rules of
the papal chancery]. — H. Moran-
viLLE prints two reports to Philip VI
on the state of his finances [the one
referring probably to 1331, the other

dated 1344]. J. Guiffrey prints

an inventory of the ' tapisseria ' of
Charles VI, sold by the English in

1422 ; continued, with an index. E.

Maunde Thompson : On the arrangement
and classification of manuscripts
[translated from the ' Library Chro-
nicle,' IV].

Revue d'Histoire Diplomatique, i. 4. —
T. Funck-Brentano : National law in
the eighteenth century [Pascal, Domat,

andPutfendorf J. Due de Broglie:

Letters of Louis XV to the Count de
Coigny [1737-1745, including a letter on
the battle of Fontenoy and four others
on the campaign of 1745 in the Ne-
therlands]. B. d'Harcourt : Nego-
tiations relating to a scheme for the
foundation of a French colony at
Basilan in the Soulou Archipelago,
between Borneo and the Philippine
Islands [1845. The project was
abandoned by the French government
in order to conciliate Spain, and for-
ward the negotiations for the Spanish

marriages then in progress]. L.

Pingaud : Jean de Bry and Joseph

202 CONTENTS OF PERIODICAL PUBLICATIONS Jan.

Bonaparte [letters of the former,
chiefly relating to the congress of

Eastadt] A. Geffroy : The origins

of diploinacy ; the earliest Greek

treaties. G. Eothan : Germany

after the war of 1866 [dealing with the
policy of Varnbiihler in Wiirttemberg,
the recriminations of Wiirttemberg
against Austria, its appeal to France,

and final agreement with Prussia]

L. Thuasne : Treaty between Charles
VIII and the republic of Florence
[26 Nov. 1494 ; differing in several
points from the treaty of 25 November
published by Capponi].

Annales de I'Ecole Libre des Sciences
Politiques, ii. 3. July— Jjeyy-Buviiij :
The infliience of Rousseau in Germany.

E. HuLOT : The French Canadians

and the devclopnent of parliamentary
liberties in Canada [a sketch of their
political action from 1763 to 1867].
E. BouTMY : Two theses of Sir Henry
Maine [contesting his conclusion that
the instability of popular govern-
ments proves that democracy is not
likely to be a lasting form of govern-
ment, and rejecting his theory that
the constitution of the United States
is merely a modified version of the

English constitution] E. Stoukm:

Bibliography of French financial his-
tory in the eighteenth century, continued

from July number, 1886. Lefevee-

PoNTALis : The mission of the marquis
d'Eguilles to Scotland in 1745, con-
tinued [describes the invasion of Eng-
land by prince Charles Edward, and
gives a detailed account of his treaty

with France, 24 Oct. 1745]. De Ger-

MON : The laivs concerning prinmry edu-
cation in Belgium. 4. October — E.
BouTMY : The state and the individual
in England [considering the position of
the individual with respect to civil and
political liberty, and property ; the
position of the family, the class, and

the sect towards the state] Dela-

VAUD : The colonial policy of Germany
[action of Germany in Oceania and

Africa since 1870]. Menant: Mining

legislation, with special reference to
crown rights [du droit r^galien en

mati^re de mines]. H. Begouen :

The ' Kulturkampf ' [history of the
termination of the conflict, 1878-1886;
continued from the April number].
A. Lebon : O71 colonial policy [cri-
ticism of Lanessan].

Bulletin de la Societe de I'Histoire du
Protestantisme Fran9ais, xxxvi. 8-11.
August-November — C. Eead : The
granddaughter of Agrippa d'Aubigni
in legend and history [maintaining
against Geffroy that Madame de Main-
tenon was to a great extent responsible
for the revocation of the edict of

Nantes], two articles. N. Weiss &

E. Coyecque print documents relating

to admiral Coligny and the massacre

of St. Bartholomeiv. A. J. Enschede

prints petitions of huguenot refugees in

Holland [1688- 1689]. Letters on the

assemblees au cUsert [1722 & I745]-

Notes on the refuge at I'riedrichs-

dorf [Hesse] arid at Canterbury

C. Dardier : The edict of toleration of
1787 ; supplemented by papers showing
the relations of the government and
the catholic clergy towards the protes-
tants between 1775 and 1788, edited by
N. Weiss, D. Benoit, and C. Pradel ;
and by a bibliography of the subject by

A. LoDS. N. Weiss prints a docii-

ment on the duchess of Savoy and
Chassincourt relating to the Vaudois

[1561]. M. Lelievre : Anne du

Bourg before his imprisonment in the
Bastille [1520-1559J.

Comptes Eendus de 1' Academic des Ins-
criptions et Belles-Lettres. — January
1887 — H. d'Arbois de Jubainville :
La propriety fonciere en Gaule.==
April — P. Berger : La seconde inscrip-
tion bilingue de Tamassus. D.

Charmay : Monnaie de cuivre en

Amdrique avant la conquete. J.

Oppert : Sur guelgues personnages
juifs qui figurent dans les textes juri-

diques de Babylone. The Same :

Chronique babylonienne du Mus6e Bri-
tannique, traduite et comment^e.

La Controverse et le Contemporain. —
Septernber- October — P. Allard : Les
Chretiens sous les successeurs d'Aure-
lien ; Tacite et Probus : naissance
du 7nanicheis7ne.^= September — Mgr.
EiCAED : L'abbi Maury et Mirabeau,

concluded. J. Condamin : Arran,

Vile des saints.

Le Correspondant. — August 2o-October
25 — P. Thureau-Dangin : La creation
du royaume de Bolgique et Vdection

de son premier roi, two articles.

A. FoRNKRON : Les Emigres et la society
frangaise so2is le r^gne de NapoUon I"",

continued ; three articles. Madame

DE VoGiJE : Malplaquet et Denain, two
articles F. Combes : Les ante-
cedents de la question d' Alsace-Lor-
raine ; un curieux manifesto de

Fr6d6ric II. G. Beaurain : Les

curis de campagne au dix-huiti^me
sidcle, d'apr^s des documents in6dits ;

two articles. H. Delorme : M6moires

du comte de VilUle.

Nouvelle Revue. — August 15- September
1 — Tatistcheff : Paul et Bonaparte,
6tude historique d'apr^s des documents
in6dits.r=i=Octo6er 1-15 — Lettres ini-
dites de Benjamin Constant.

Nouvelle Revue Historique du Droit. —
July — E. Delachenal, : La biblio-
tMque d'un avocat au quatorzii\me
sidcle ; inventaire estimatif des livres
de Eobert le Coq.

La Revolution Franpaise. — July—F. A.
AuLAUD : Instructions g6n6rales aux

1888 CONTENTS OF PERIODICAL PUBLICATIONS 208

agents diplomatiques de la republiqtie

frangaise [1 June, 1793]. E. Chara-

VAY : Une lettre de Bailly sur la
Udiration [8 July, ly go]. = September
— A. Eambaud : LHndustrie, Vagricul-
ture, et le commerce sous la revolution
et r empire. z==:October — F. A. Aulard :
Bailly et Vaffaire du Champ de Mars.

Memoire de Kellermann sur la

campagne de 1792.

Revue Celtique. — July — H. d'Arbois de
JuBAiNViLLE : La Gaule au moment de

la conquMe romaine The Same :

Becherches sur Vorigine de la propriety
fonciere et des noms de lieu en France,

continued. A. Longnon : Les noms

de lieu celtiques en France : Medio-
la^ium.

Revue Critique d'Histoire et de Littera-
t\xTe. — September 19 — A. Hauvette :
Pausanias Periegetes [on Kalkmann's
work] .==26 — L. G. Pelissier prints
an unpublished letter of La Condamine

to Bottari [5 December 1757]. r

October 17 — E. Glasson : Ancient law
in France [in reply to criticism of H.

d'Arbois de J ubain ville] . 24 —

R. Gagnat : Recent theories of the
Gennan carnpaigns of Va7-us and
Germanicus [Mommsen's and Knoke's].
31 — J. Darmesteter : Indian
coins in the British Museum [on
Gardner's catalogue] .^=^iVbi!em6er 7
— C. Clermont-Ganneau : The ancient
art of Sardinia, Judea, and Asia
Miyior [on Perrot and Chipiez' 'His-
toire de I'Art dans rAntiquit6.'].::=
28 — A. Chuquet : Recent literature of
the French revolution.

Revue des Ceux Mondes. — August 1 —
Due DE Broglie : La seconde lutte de
Frederic II et de Marie-TMrise : suites

de la bataille de Fontenoy. G.

BoissiER : L^edit de Milan et les
premiers essais de tnUm.nr.p.. 1 ^ —
A. DuRUY : L'armie royale en 1789:
I'administration, la discipline, et la tac-
tiqxie.= September 1 — Due de Bro-
glie : Etudes diplomatiques : Frederic II
traite avec I'Angleterre sans le con-
cours de la France. A. Filon : Les

historiens anglais : J. A. Froiide.:=
15— Marquis de VoGiJii : Villars diplo-
mate ; la fin de la guerre de la succes-
sion d'Espagne • les traitis de Rastadt
et de Bade.=October 1 — Due de
Broglie: Etudes diplomatiques : Marie

ThirHe imp^ratrice. Jurien de la

Graviere : Les cinq combats de la
' Semillante.'' = 15 — E. Kenan :
Etudes d'hisioire israMite : Saiil et

David H. Houssaye : La France

en 1814, d'apres des documents in6-
dits.

Revue de Geographie. — September-Oc-
tober— P. Gaffarel : La dicouverte du
Canada par les Frangais ; Verrazano,
Cartier, Hoberval : concluded.

Revue des Etudes Juives. — July — I,
LoEB : La controverse de 1263 a Bar-

celone. P. Vidal : Les juifs de

Roussillon de la Cerdagne I.

Levi : La mort de Titus. 1. Loeb :

Le prods de Samuel ibn Tibbon.

Les exiUs d^Espagne a Ferrare [1493].

La juiverie de Jerez de la Fron-

tera.

Revue du Monde Chtholique.— August-
September L. Gautier : La po6sie
religieuse dans les clottres des neuvi^me
a onziSme si^cles, two articles.==:Oc-
tober — RoBiNET de Clery : La diclara-

tio7i de guerre de 1866 Abbe J.

Loth : Un projet de mariage en Por-
tugal pour le dauphin fits de Louis
XIV. J. A. Petit : Marie Stuart.

Revue du Monde Latin. — August -Sep-
tember— Comte DE Barral : Le conclave
de Venise et le concordat frangais [1799-
1801], two articles.

Revue Politique et Litteraire — Jtily 30 —
A. Eambaud : La diplomatic frangaise
en Orient au dix-huitidme sidcle.

Revue de la Hiy olntioji.— September —
V. DU Bled : Rivarol.'==September-
October — La terreur dans les diparte-
ments du Nord et du Pas-de-Calais,
d'apres les d6bats du proems de Joseph

Le Bon. October — H. Taine : La

Provence en 1790 et 1791, continued.

G. BoRD : La conspiration Lahoric-

Mallet. La mort de Condorcet.

11. GERMANY AND AUSTRIA

Sybel's Historisclie Zeitschrift, Iviii. 3.
Munich- -M. Bitter : On the begin-
nings of the revolt in the Netherlands
[1 559- 1 566, chiefly criticism of dis-
puted points]. P. Bailleu describes

a series of letters to Napoleon I from
various princes, chiefly German [28
March i8oo-26 Dec. 18 13] preserved
in the Paris foreign office [with ex-
tracts] O. Krauske : The Great

Elector and the protestants of Hungary
[a sketch of the progress of the counter-
reformation in Hungary and a detailed

study of Frederick William's interven-
tion].
Historisches Jahrbuch der Gorres-Gesell-
schaft, viii. 4. Munich.— K. Unkel:
The appointment of duke Ferdinand
of Bavaria as coadjutor of the arch-
bishop of Cologne: II, Documents

[1595]. F. Kayser: Pope Nicolas V

and the Moorish wars of the Spaniards
and Portuguese [describing the pope's
activity in their promotion, partly with
the help of documents in the papal
archives]. J. Uebinger : Cardinal

204 CONTENTS OF PERIODICAL PUBLICATIONS Jan.

Nicolaus Cusanus as legate in Germany

[1451-1452] Knopfler prints the

vule of the knights templars frojn a new
text (Munich MS. Lat. 2649, written c.
1300).

K. B. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu
Mlinchen : Sitzungsberichte der philos.-
philol. und hist. Classe. 1887. II. 1.—
Meisee : Contributions to the textual
criticism of Quintiis Curtius Bufus.

Krumbacher : Byzajitine proverbs.

Keinz : Local names in the ' Monu-

menta Boica,' i-xxvii [a supplementary-
index containing names of fields, woods,
vineyards, houses, hills, water, &c.]

T. Heigel : The relations between

Bavaria and Savoy [1648- 1653], with
documents.=^2. — A. von Brinz : On
the alimentary foundations of the

Boman emperors. Von Brunn :

Troische Miscelle7i [dealing with the
interpretation of legends as represented

on vases, &c.] A. Spengel : On the

third Philippic oration of De^nosthenes.

W. Preger : On the date of some

sermons of Tauler.

Treitschke & Delbriick's Preussische Jahr-
biicher, Ix. 4-6. Berlin. — October-De-
cember-—H. Weber : A French parlia-
mentary conflict under Louis X V [that
originating with Machault's financial
scheme of 1749 and afterwards compli-
cated with the old Jansenist question],

H. Delbruck : Dlljypel and Alsen

[on the second volume of the work on
the Danish war of 1864, published by

the Generalstab] T. voN Trotha :

Bussian and Turkish generals in the

tear of 1877-1878, two articles. H.

Delbrlxk : Works on military history.

Brieerer's Zeitschrift fiir Kirchenge-
schichce, ix. 2, 3. Gotha.— T. Zahn :
The dialogue of ' Adamantius ' with
the gnostics [dealing with its text,

sources, and date] H. V. Sauer-

LAND : Cardiyial Johannes Dominici
and his relation to the move^nent in
favour of church union [1406- 141 5],
first article, with bibliographical ap-
pendix. H. ViRCK : Melanchthon's

political position at the diet of Augs-
burg [1530], second article. C. A.

WiLKENs : Literature of the history of
Spanish protestantism ; a survey of
works published 1848-1886, second
article.

Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandi-
schen liesellschaft, xli. 2. Leipzig. —
C. Lang : Mu'tadid als Prinz und
Begent, ein historisches Heldengedicht
von Ibn el Mu'tazz [edited and trans-
lated with notes] continued from vol.
xl J. H. MoRDTMANN : Zur Topo-
graphic des nurdlichen Syricns aus
griechischen Inschriften.

Archiv fiir Oesterreichische Geschichte,
Ixix. Vienna. — H. R. von Zeissberg :
On the legal measures taken against
Ottokar of Bohemia by Budolf of

Habsburg [dealing with the general
resumption of lands alienated from the
empire since the death of Frederick II
and with the special process against
Ottokar, 1274-1275; and establishing
the precise order of the transactions].
E. Rosenthal : The administra-
tive organisation of the emperor Fer-
dinand I [treating first of the central
authority : (1) the growth, constitution,
and functions of the hofrath ; (2) the
geheivier rath (with a comparison of the
privy councils of Bavaria, the Pala-
tinate, Wiirttemberg, and Saxony) ;
(3) the hofkanzlei ; (4) the liofkammer
and central financial organisation ;
(5) the hofkriegsrath. The article pro-
ceeds secondly to the intermediate
authority : (1) the governments of the
Austrian territories ; (2) the raitkam-
mern (chiefly for financial purposes) ;
(3) the kamynerprocurator. Appended
are six ordinances relating to the cen-
tral and provincial councils and kam-

mern, 1521-1541]. A. Fournier :

Trade and commerce in Hungar-y and
Poland in the middle of the eighteenth
century [illustrating the commercial
policy of Austria].

Mittheilungen des Instituts fiir Oester-
reichische GescMchtsforschung, viii. 4.
Innsbruck. — A. Schulte : Studies in
the early history of the house of Habs-
burg. III. The possessions on the
upper Bhine down to the election of
Budolf as king, with an historical map.

A. Schaube shows that Maria im-

peratrix, who appears in a Pisan docu-
ment assigned to 121 3 or 12 14, was not
the wife of the emperor Henry, but the
widow of Theodore Lascaris, and that
the document belongs to 1228. [Maria
was thus, after the death of her brother
the emperor Robert, regent for his son

Baldwin II.] G. von Buchwald :

The art of forging seals [for diplomatic
purposes], illustrated by a letter of

1699 E. Muhlbacher prints from

a new manuscript of the tenth century
a hymn to Odo of West Francia with

the musical notation. W. Hau-

THALER : The forged Passau bulls

S. Steinherz : The treaty of Eltville

[1349], with documents H. V.

Saueeland : The destruction of the
castle of S. Angelo under Urban Vlayid
its restoration under Boniface IX.

Ermischs Neues Archiv fiir Siichsische
Geschi hte und Alterthumskunde, viii.
3, 4. Dresden. — J. 0. Opel prints a
memorial of AbraJiam von Sebottendorf
drawn up for the elector JoJmnn Georg
I [1639], with introduction.

Theologische Quartalschrift, Ixix. 3.
Tiibingen. — F. X. Funk : On the
Didache and the Apostolical Constitu-
tions, continued.

Theologische Studien und Kritiken, 1888,
1. Gotha. — Buchwald prints a passage

1888 CONTENTS OF PERIODICAL PUBLICATIONS 205

from Luther'' s Acta Augustaim [151 8]
which is obhterated in all previously-
known copies by order of the elector
Frederick.
Hilgenfeld'sZeitschrift fiir wissenschaft-
liche Theologie, xxx. 4. Leipzig. —
E. NoLDECHEN : Tertulliaii in Greece
[collecting the evidence in favour of
his having travelled thither] J.

Draseke : On an unnoticed work
against the ManicJieans, included in
that of Titus of Bostra [probably-
written by George of Laodicea, c. 360].

A. Thenn edits the Mi/^/ut? toD

07101; a-!ro(TT6\ov Sw/xa from a Munich
manuscript (Gr. 255). H. Eonsch :

Notes on Claudianus Mamertus

H. Bois : O71 the text of the AtSox^.

III. GEEAT BEITAIN AND lEELAND

Archaeological Journal, No. 175. — B.

Lewis : The antiquities of Saintes

[with a bibliographical appendix].

E. Peacock : The court rolls of the
tnanor of Hibbaldstmv [in Lindsey],
from 11 Hen. IV to 20 Eliz. [extracts].
W. T. Watkins : Was Ireland ever inva-
ded by the Romans ? [arguing against

Pfitzner's theory that it was]. J. C.

L. Stahlschmidt prints an indenture
relatiyig to some property of Thomas
Cromwell in London [May 13, 26 Hen.
VIII].

Church Quarterly Review, No. 49. Octo-
ber— Lay baptism [with a history of
the practice]. J. A. de Thou [a bio-
graphy]. The national synod [trac-
ing its history in connexion with that

of the two English convocations]

Religion in Ireland, past and present
[sketching the characteristics of the
early Celtic church, and secondly of

the reformed church of Ireland]

Fifty years of documentary discoveries
on church history [based chiefly on
Lechler's ' Urkundenfunde zur Ge-
schichte des christlichen Alterthums '].

Contemporary Review, 111. 6. November
— Archdeacon Farkar : Was there a
real St. Antony the hermit? [showing
that the evidence is extremely scanty
and points rather against his existence].

Dublin Review. 3rd Series. No. 36.—
Father H. I. D. Eyder : M. Emery,
superior of Saint Sulpice [1789-1811].

Miss E. M. Clerke : The tiative

princes of India [a sketch of English

relations to them]. W. S. Lilly :

The Irish constitution of 1782 [based
on Lecky's ' History of England,' v., vi.]

D. L. : Dr. Stubbs on English

ecclesiastical law [controversial].

Kev. S. Malone : Where was St. Patrick
bom? [reply to C. C. Grant's article in
the April number].

Edinburgh Review, No. 340. October —
Rural France [a sketch of the past
and present condition of the peasantry

and of agriculture,' &c.] Lecky's

' History of England in the eighteenth
century,' v., vi. English actors in

the French revolution [chiefly concerned
with Robert Pigott, James Watt,
William Playfair, John Hurford Stone,
Benjamin Vaughan, George Grieve,

and Thomas Paine]. MissNorgate's

' England under the Angevin Kings.'

The Dundases of Arniston

Memoirs of prhice Adam Czartoryski.

Fortnightly Review. Newr Series. No.
250. Oc^o6er— Miss A. M. F. Eobin-
soN : The flight of Piero de' Medici.

Law Quarterly Review, No. 12. October
— T. E. ScRUTTON : The origin of the
rights of common.

National Review, x. 5. November — T.
E. Kebbel : Tory policy sixty years
ago ; Canning, Castlereagh, and Wel-
lington.

Nineteenth Century, No. 128. October
— W. E. Gladstone : Ingram's history
of the Irish U7iion.^=129. November
— T. D. Ingram : Reply.

Quarterly Review, No. 330. October —
The catholic revival of the sixteenth
century [with reference to the works of

Symonds and Philippson] Count

Beust [biographical ; from his memoirs].

The architectural history of the

university of Cambridge [in many
ways illustrating the growth both of

Cambridge and Oxford] Lord Sel-

borne on the Church [including a
survey of the past political relations
and internal administration of the
church of England]. — The Irish
parliament and the union of 1800 [on
Lecky's and Ingram's histories].

Scottish Review, No. xx. October— The
union of 1707 viewed financially [argu-
ing that from this point of view Scot-
land suffered from the union] The

coronation of Charles I at Holyrood
[minutely described from contemporary
materials, and illustrated by compari-
son with English and French liturgical

forms]. G. Gregory Smith : The

two cliancellors — James Betoun and
Thomas Wolsey [an historical study

from the Scottish side] M. Kauf-

mann: Adam Smith and his foreign
critics.

206 CONTENTS OF PERIODICAL PUBLICATIONS Jan.

IV. ITALY

Archivio Storico Italiano, 4th ser. xix. 3.
Florence. — G. Mancini continues the
publication of documents relating to
the life and loritings of Leon Battista
Alberti. G. Stocchi : The first con-
quest of Britain by the Romans [an
historical and topographical study],

continued in xx. 1 F. Novati : The

emperor Henry VII and Francesco da
Barberino, with a document. De-
scription of historical documents relat-
ing to the Terra d' Otranlo, continued

[1319-1438] Unpublished letter of

Charles F[10 June 1546] Calendar

of the Sti'ozzi cliartcrs among the state
archives at Florence, continued.
XX. 1, 2. — A. Chiappelli prints a docu-
ment on measures taken by the com-
tnune of Pistoia against the plague of

1348. P. Santini: The towers of

Florence and the societd for their main-
tenance from the twelfth century on-
wards, two articles. G. Rosa : On

the statute of the merchants at Mantua.

C. Desimoni prints a treaty between

the Genoese and the khan of Tartary
[1380-1381, of philological interest].

G. Sforza : Episodes in the history

of Rome in the eighteenth centtcry [from
the despatches of the agent from the
city of Lucca at the papal court], con-
tinued [1738]. Calendar of Strozzi

charters, continued.

Kivista Storica Italiana, iv. 3. Turin. —
A. CoEN : Vettitis Agorius Praetextatus
[a study m the history of Roman society

in the fourth century a.d.] P.

Vayra : On the credibility of the chro-
nicles of Savoy, tested by comparison
with a document on the war of 1387

[now printed for the first time] T.

Sandonnini : On Calviii's Italian visit
and on some documents relating to
Renie of France, duchess of Ferrara.

G. BiGONi criticises Biidinger^s

' Acten zu Columbus' Geschichte.'

G. Sangiorgio : On Randaccio's his-
tory of the Italian navy [1750-1870].

Archivio Storico Lombardo, xiv. 3. Milan.
C Cantu : Gian Galeazzo Visconti [an
essay with special reference to his work

in the Duomo of Milan]. A. Neri :

Niccold and Francesco Piccinino at

Sarzanza [1437-1447]. E. Motta:

Musicians at the court of the Sforza,

concluded. A. Dina : Notes on Doro-

tea Gonzaga, wife of Galeazzo Maria
Sforza.

Archivio Storico per le Province Napole-
tane, xii. 2, 3. — N. Barone prints
notices bearing on the official history of
Charles of Durazzo, continued [2 Nov.
1382-22 Nov. 1391], from the registers
of the Neapolitan chancery ; two articles.

M. Schiva : History of tlie Lombard

principality of Salerno, concluded [880-

1077] ; two articles. G. del Giudici

prints documents relative to Bartolomeo
da Neocastro [the historian of the
Sicilian vespers] and other contempo-
raries at Messina [1270-1274] G.de

Blasiis : The houses of the Angevin
princes in the Piazza di Castelnuovo,

continued from vol. xi. 3 B.

Maresca : The two treaties agreed to by
the Neapolitan court in September 1805
[with a history of their antecedents,

the texts, and other documents] E.

NuNziANTE prints a document concern-
ing the marriage of Cassandra Marchese
with Alfonso Castriota [in whose di-
vorce the poet Sannazaro took an active

interest]. Description of charters

[i 196-1206], formerly belonging to the
family of Fusco, continued [No. xix.-
Ix.]

Archivio Storico Siciliano. New Series,
xii. 1. — V. DI Giovanni: The Aula
Regia {or Sala Verde) at Palermo in
1340 ; and other points in the medieval

topography of the city. G. Cosen-

TiNO prints a document of 19 July
1282, illustrating the state of affairs just

after the Sicilian vespers. R. Star-

RABBA calendars the notarial minutes of

Adamo di Citella [1298-1299]. G.

Pipitone-Federico : Sicily and the loar
of Otranto [1470-1484], notes and
documents [from the Neapolitan ar-
chives] E. Pelaez: The enslave-
ment of the prince of Paterno by the
bey of Tunis [1797].

Archivio Veneto, xxxiii. 2. — V. Marchesi :
The relations between the Venetian re-
public and Portugal [i 522-1 797] , second
article B. Morsolin : German set-
tlements in the Vicentino [criticising
and modifying Galante's conclusions],

with a document. V. Baldissera:

Topographical notes on Gemona. V.

Bellema : Hydraulic works in Roman
times [illustrated from the territory of
Chioggia, which the writer maintains
was then protected from inroads of the

sea], with plates F. C. Carreri :

The administration of justice under
the lords of Spilimbergo from the four-
teenth to the sixteenth century.

D. D. Bortolan prints a brief Roman
chronicle [i 288-1 301, chiefly a papal

itinerary]. F. Pellegrini prints

neio documents relating to cardinal
Gaspare Contarini [8 April 1539-I5

April 1542]. G. GioMo prints an

account of the expenses of Marco Gri-
mani on his electicni as doge of ' Venice

[1595 y they came to 6,943 ducats].

N. Papadopoli gives a seal of doge
Giovanni Gradenigo [1555- 1556].

E. Narducci : Materials for Venetian
history from mamiscript collections in
France.

1888 CONTENTS OF PERIODICAL PUBLICATIONS 207

V. EUSSIA

(Communicated by W. R. Mobfill)

The Antiquary {St&riii&). —September —
N. Bielozerskaya: Russia in the latter
Juilf of the eighteenth century [partly
based upon the work published in London
in 1 768 entitled ' An Account of Russia '

by Sir George Macartney], The me-

tnoirs of admiral Paul Chichagov [con-
tinued. An account of his voyage to Lis-
bon, when a young man, in his father's

ship, &c.] N. Pavlovski : Alexander

Golovnin and his share in the reform
of tlie military academies.^=Octoher-
November — Helbig : Russian favourites
and adventurers in the eighteenth cen-
tury, continued [containing, among
others, notices of Lanskoi, Mamonov,
Yermolov, and the notorious Shesh-
kovski, head of the secret police in the

reign of Catherine II] I. Morosh-

KiN : Theodosius Yanovski, archbishop

of Novgorod [continued] M. Kol-

CHiN : Some account of the prisoners
confined in the fortress of the Solovetzki
monastery from the sixteenth to the
nineteenth centuries' [with many details
of the cruel treatment of prisoners].

V. Semevski : The question of the

etnancipation of the serfs in the first

half of the nineteenth century Old

days of St. Petersburg [extracts from
newspapers at the commencement of
the present century illustrative of past
social life, e.g. the sale of serfs, &c.]
November — N. M. Kolmakov :
Count Victor Panin [a minister of the
emperor Nicholas, ti874]. The em-
peror Paul and his times, from the
papers of a Courland nobleman [1796-
1801. Extracts from anonymous me-
moirs, which appeared in German at
Leipzig in 1886 ; they place the em-
peror Paul in a somewhat favourable
light].
The Historical Messenger (Istoricheski
Viestnik). — September — D. Korsakov :
N. Kudriavtzev and his descendants
[concluded] N. Firsov : Recollec-
tions of the emperor Nicholas [an
account of a visit paid by the emperor
to the artillery school in 1853 and the

insubordination of the pupils], A.

TiTov: The churches belonging to the
foi-mer monastery of Uglich [dating
from a period earlier than the sixteenth
century] P. Zhukovich : The sena-
tor Novosiltzev and professor Golu-

khovski [an episode in the history of the
university of Vilna, 1823- 1824. The
professor was removed for liberal tenden-
cies at the same time as the historian

Lelewel] J. Dubasov : The cholera

panic at Tambov in the years 1830-
183 1 [illustrating the superstitions of
the Russian peasantry. The hospital
surgeons were accused of cutting up
the patients and boiling them].— —
Stories about Arakcheyev told by Dr.
Europceus [some more anecdotes about
the favourite of Alexander I told by a
surgeon whom the general tried to per-
suade to enter into his service] .==
October — The last days of the empress
Catherine II, from the correspoiulence
of princess Anna Golitzin [contain-
ing many interesting details]. K.

Yakubov : The daughter of Gustavus I
[for whose hand Ivan the Terrible was
an unsuccessful suitor ; she died in

1627 aged 87] A. Truvorov : The

formation of the Preobrazhenski and
Semenovski regiments [dating from the
latter part of the seventeenth century].
P. Kakatigin : Benkcndorf and Dubelt
[some amusing stories about these two
chiefs of the police in the time of
Nicholas] An old-fashioned diplo-
matist [sketch of the career of prince

Andrew RazmnnvRki]. Nmtpmhpr—

S. Tatistchev : Tlie emperor Nicholas
and the July monarchy in France [an
account of his dislike and opposition

to it]. A. Antonov : A qvxirter of a

century ago; recollections of a landed
proprietor in the steppes [with interest-
ing details of the emancipation of the

serfs]. The expedition to Persia of

lieutenant Noskov with the crystal
bedstead [Nicholas in 1826 sent Noskov
with presents to the Persian court, one
of which was a crystal bedstead with
fountains at the aide, manufactured at
St. Petersburg glass factory. Unfor-
tunately, before the bedstead could
reach its destination, war broke out
between Russia and Persia, precipitated
by the arrogance of Abbas Mirza, the
son of the shah ; and Noskov was
exposed to great danger from Persian
fanaticism. He wrote an account of
his troubles, which has been lent for
publication by his widow. A picture of
the wonderful bedstead is added].

VI. SPAIN

Boletin de la Real Academia de la
Historia, xi. 1-3. July -September —
F. FiTA prints documents of the inqui-
sition relating to the murder by Jews

of el Santo Nifio de la Guardia

E. Saavedra : Arabic inscriptions, tenth

to twelfth centuries, from Cordova

A. Fernandez-Guerra : Latin inscrip-

208 CONTENTS OF PERIODICAL PUBLICATIONS Jan.

tion, A.D. 682, from Cordova ; three of
republican, Antonine, and Visigothic
periods respectively from Porcua ; and
one relating to a descendant of Atana-

hild, A.D. 925, from Lucena C. F.

DuKo identities a Spaniard who from
his surprising accomplishments was
believed in France [1445] to be the Anti-
christ, with Fernando del Pulgar.

The Si^ME : Documents describing the
removal of the relics of San Eugenia

from S. Denis to Toledo [1565]. M.

Jimenez de la Espada : Extracts from
a memoir by Fra7icisco de Aguilar, a
companion of Cortes [proving that
Cortes did not burn but scuttle his

ships] . 4. October — Biill of Clement

III [I June, 1192] omitted in Loewen-

feld's edition of Jaffa's 'Eeg. Pont.'

Latin inscription from Gandia F.

FiTA prints MS. relating to the inqui-
sition on Judaism at Toledo [1485-1501]
by Orozco [a lawyer and poet of the
middle of the sixteenth century. Orozco
copied his facts from the diary of an
eye-witness of the events. It describes
the penance of the ' reconciliados,' the
burning of the remains of dead heretics,
and the confiscation of their descen-

dants' property and the autos de fe.
Between 1485 and 1501 the total num-
ber of those burnt or strangled at
Toledo was 248, among whom were a
canon, three priests, and two friars.
A picture relating to the events and
the sanbenitos of the victims existed
in Orozco's time] ; extracts from the

official register are added C. F.

DuKo : The valley of Aran, a Spanish
enclave in France, its inscriptions, his-
tory, and customs. F. Fita : Char-
ters of thirteenth century relating to
Fera and La Guardia.

Revista de Ciencias Histdricas, 1887,
3. — J. Segura : Documentos para las
costumbres de Catalufia durante la

edad media. F. M. Cundaro : His-

toria de la plaza de Gerona.

Revista Contemporanea. — July 15 — M.
Jimenez de la Espada : J2ian de Cas-
tellanos y su historia del nuevo reino

de Granada, continued. Aug. 30 —

E. GuAEDiALO Y Valebo : Do7i Pedro de
Castilla y Juan Alfojiso de Albu-
querquc.

Revista de Espana. — July 25 — A. Benitez
DE Lugo : Fray Diego de Chaves, con-
fesor de Felipe II.

VII. UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

Johns Hopkins University Studies in
Historical and Political Science, v. 7.

Baltimore. — N. M. Butler : The influ-
ence of the war of 1812 upon the con-
solidation of the American 2inion.^=
9.— J. Bryce : The predictions of
Hamilton a^id De Tocqueville [with
reference to the working of the consti-
tution of the United States, showing
in what respects they have been con-
firmed or falsified in fact]. ilO. — P.

Feedericq : The study of history in
England and Scotland [translation of
the report of an inquiry into the his-
torical work of their universities made
in 1884].
Magazine of American History, s viii. 4, 5.
New York. — October-November — Mar-
tha J. Lamb : The origin of Neiv York
[in the Dutch time] P. Schaff : The

relationship of church and state in tlie

United States, two articles. 1. W.

Andrews : The admission of Kentucky,
Tennessee, and Ohio into the union.

Hon. S. Gr. W. Benjamin : Daniel

Webster, with portrait. Judge W. A.

Wood : General Sterling Price and the
New Mexico insiirrection [1846- 1847].

C. D. Baker : The first reformed

Dutch church, Brooklyn. Colonel

C. C. Jones, junior, prints a memo-
randum of colonel CampbelV s march
[1779] frojn Savannah to Augusta,

Georgia. C. H. Peck : Arnold Burr,

a study; I Facsimile of letter of

governor George Clinton to governor

Hamilton [1752] Letter of general

Peter Muhlcnbui-g to colonel Richard
Anderson of Kentucky [1794].

The English
Historical Review

NO. X.— APRIL 1888

The Campaign of Sedan

THIS is a propitious time to review briefly the first part of the
great contest between France and Germany in 1870-1. The
clouds of war lower over a disturbed continent, and the minds of
men turn to the momentous scenes of the latest struggle for
supremacy in arms which has been witnessed in this age by
Europe. The lapse of years, too, has removed impressions hastily
formed under the bewildering influence of victories never, perhaps,
paralleled, and has made impartial criticism of the strife possible,
and while events have fallen into their true perspective they have
lost none of their engrossing interest. The materials of informa-
tion, it should be added, which exist as regards the mighty drama
will probably not be largely increased, and they are already suffi-
cient and even copious. France, indeed, has been, in one sense,,
silent with reference to her appalling disasters, and her archives
contain no official account of Mars-la-Tour, Gravelotte, and Sedan,
as they do of Blenheim, Kosbach, and Waterloo. But the reports
of the trial of Marshal Bazaine, the volumes from the pen of that
ill-fated chief, the narratives of Generals Ducrot and Wimpffen, and
tracts written by other French officers, throw abundant light, from
the French side, on the vicissitudes of the tremendous conflict, and
even the promised memoirs of Marshal Macmahon will certainly
only confirm this evidence. The German official account of the
war contains everything, on the other hand, which the future
historian will require for his task,^ and this vast repository of well-
collated facts, though overloaded with minute details, deficient in
breadth of view and of culture, and savouring strongly of the

* Tlfie Franco-German War, 1870-1. The German official account. Part I, sec-
tions 1-8. London, 1874, 1875.

VOL. III. — NO. X. ' . P

lilO . THE CAMPAIGN OF SEDAN April

pedantry of the camp, is, nevertheless, so rich in knowledge, so
accurate, complete, and strictly impartial, that it is invaluable to
the real military student. Nor has English literature been wholly
wanting in illustrating the events of 1870-1, though General
Hamley's sketch of the first part of the campaign is by no means
so well informed and correct as other chapters of his most admirable
work. There are some good English accounts of this great passage
of arms, and the lately published volume of Mr. Hooper,^ if not
free from omissions and faults, and unconsciously written with as
distinct a bias as his useful, but scarcely just, book on Waterloo —
a mere Wellingtoniad, if we may use the phrase — approaches the
dignity of a real history. This slight sketch of the war up to the
close of Sedan is, however, mainly drawn from the great German
account : in history as in law it is always better to seek the spring
and not to follow the stream.

Like the Peloponnesian and the Punic wars, the war of 1870-1
was a fierce contest for military supremacy between rival nations.
The scenes before the conflict may remind a scholar of the Homeric
contrast between the * silence ' and the ' birdlike clamour ' of the
foes round Ilium, and were characteristic of the two great races
whose lands are on either bank of the Ehine. The shouts of
exultation that rang through Paris must have had an ominous
sound for Napoleon III, as, diseased, unhappy, and anticipating
defeat, but borne along by forces he could not resist, he brooded upon
the means he possessed of opposing an enemy whom, unlike his
subjects, he well knew to be greatly superior in strength. The
plan he formed for the campaign,^ he has told us himself, was
suggested to his mind by the memorable swoop of Napoleon I on
Belgium in 1815, and his own position was, in some respects, not
unlike that of the great emperor. He was perfectly aware that
the armies of France would be outnumbered by that of Prussia
alone, and would be no match for those of a united Germany,
just as his uncle knew that the force in his hands was little more
than half of that of Bliicher and Wellington. But he hoped, as
Napoleon I hoped, to make up for inferiority in strength by daring,
brilliant, and rapid manoeuvres, and as Napoleon I thought that
he could divide the allies and beat in detail their separate forces
by a sudden and unexpected march on the Sambre, Napoleon III
sought for the same results by assuming a bold offensive and
advancing to the Ehine. An army 250,000 strong, supported by
large reserves at Chalons, he calculated, could in a few days be
brought together in Lorraine and Alsace, round the great fortresses
of Metz and Strassburg, and his project was, quickly combining this
force, to pass the river just above the Lauter and to separate, and

2 The Campaign of Sedan. By George Hooper. London, 1887.

3 See the works of Napoleon III, edited by the Comte La Chapelle.

1888 THE CAMPAIGN OF SEDAN 211

if possible to overpower, the Prussian and Southern German armies,
which, though wholly superior to his own if once assembled on
a given theatre, would, he conceived, be comparatively slow to
concentrate.

If, however, the plan of Napoleon III had something in
common with that of his uncle, the execution of it was very different
from that marvellous combination of genius and skill by which the
French army was, in 1815, massed secretly and swiftly on the
verge of Belgium, and moved against its surprised and divided
enemy. The mihtary organisation of France, in part antiquated,
in a great degree neglected, and partly in a transitional state,
proved unequal to the demand made upon it ; and a centralised
administration which, sixty years before, had accomplished wonders
in a master's hands, but which, during the existing reign, had fallen
behind the requirements of the age, and abounded in grievous
■defects and abuses, showed itself unable to meet the needs or
to accomplish the objects of modern war. The result was that the
expectations of the unfortunate emperor were wholly frustrated, and
he found himself incapable from the first moment of carrying out
his bold and ambitious project. All the existing military forces of
France were assembled indeed, aild set in motion, and an army
which received the name of the Ehine was hastily despatched
towards the German frontier and collected at the designed points
of junction. But when, in the last week of July, the emperor
reached his headquarters at Metz, the 250,000 men he expected
to find were not more than 180,000 ; the reserve at Chalons was
extremely small ; and, what is more important, these inadequate
forces were scarcely in a state to take the field, being destitute of
all kinds of requirements. In this position of affairs Napoleon III
adopted one of those half measures characteristic in war of inferior
men. A cautious defensive was his true course, as he was not
strong enough to carry out his plan ; and Moltke expected that,
retiring on Metz, he would take his stand on the line of the Moselle.
Or, trusting to French daring and to the chances of war, he might
still have attempted to cross the Ehine, and to make a bold dash
into Southern Germany ; and the Prussian commander, it is now
known, was apprehensive that a movement of this kind might be
followed, at least for a time, by success. The emperor, however,
took a middle course : his comparatively feeble and ill-ordered army
was marched to the edge of the German frontier, and dissemi-
nated along an immense arc extending from Thionville to the south
of Belfort; but 'willing to wound and yet afraid to strike,' its in-
capable chief made a sudden halt, renounced all hope of a further
advance, and stood on the verge of Lorraine and Alsace, leaving
his scattered forces exposed to attack, and not even attempting to
draw them together. It was the false strategy of 1806 repeated,

p 2

212 THE CAMPAIGN OF SEDAN April

Napoleon III playing the part of Brunswick, and the French pre-
paring a Jena for themselves.

The gathering together and the advance of the German armies
present a strong contrast to this feebleness, irresolution, and want
of insight. Germany rose to arms at the summons to the field ;
the jealousies and feuds of the north and south were forgotten at
the approach of the old common foe ; and from the Oder to the
Ehine the Teutonic race stood up to defend the land of their
fathers. The organisation which had been devised by Scharnhorst,
and brought by Koon to perfection, and which probably is in
accord with natural tendencies of the German people,"^ worked ad-
mirably within the Prussian dominions, and even in the states of
Southern Germany ; and in a very few days vast arrays of war,
completely equipped and prepared for the field, were in full march
for the French frontier. This is not the place to compare the
qualities of the centralised military system of France and the local
and territorial system of Germany ; too much stress has been laid
by critics on the mere mechanism of these arrangements ; but no
doubt can exist that, other things being equal, the local system^
confers the immense advantage of superior celerity and readiness
for the field; and, on this occasion, the centralised system com-
pletely broke down and pitiably failed, and the local system
seemed to accomplish wonders. Within a fortnight after the
declaration of war three armies had been assembled for the
campaign, and the supreme direction of the war was given to the
renowned veteran who had shattered the power of Austria on the
plain of Sadowa. The plan of Moltke, really that of Gneisenau,
made many years before, was to turn to account the vantage
ground secured to Germany in 1814-15, and, entering the Pala-
tinate from across the Ehine, to advance into Lorraine and Alsace,
this tract, which in previous wars had been a sallyport for the
French armies, forming now a position menacing France, and
lying along the flank of a French invasion. The first German
army, in the last days of July, was moving from Treves towards the
middle Saar ; the second, advancing from Mannheim and Mayence,
was in the intricate region of the German Vosges ; and the third
was still in the valley of the Ehine, its outposts having approached
the Lauter. These great masses were thus widely apart ; and had
the army of the Ehine possessed a real chief, it is just possible that
a sudden attack made by a skilfully combined movement of the

* See Caesar, De Bello Gallico, i. 51 : Germani siias copias c castris eduxerunt
generatimque constituerunt. Tacitus also notices that the Germans always fought in
tribes.

* Nothing in war escaped the eye of Napoleon I ; and it is very remarkable that,
when at St. Helena, he proposed a scheme for organising the military power of France
on this very system.

1888 THE CAMPAIGN OF SEDAN 213

French forces on the verge of Lorraine might have been attended
with partial success. The only effort, however, of Napoleon III
was the puny and theatrical demonstration at Saarbriick ; and the
effect of this was simply to warn Moltke that he would do
well to draw his forces together. By the first days of August the
opportunity was lost ; the three German armies, in full concert,
and connected by a vast array of cavalry, were pressing forward to
the Saar and the Lauter ; and, presenting a force in the first line
of not less than 300,000 men, they already threatened to over-
whelm a foe whose numbers were about half their own, and whose
only army was besides divided into isolated detachments at wide
distances.

The first really serious blow of the war was delivered on 4 Aug.
The French army, divided into seven corps, had by this time some-
what contracted its front ; the second, third, and fourth corps and
the Imperial Guard holding the line of the Saar with reserves near
Metz ; the fifth corps being stationed near Bitsche, an important
pass of the French Vosges ; and the sixth and part of the seventh
corps being concentrated on the northern verge of Alsace. The
army, however, still remained disseminated upon a wide semi-
circle. Napoleon III had for some days been endeavouring so to place
his forces as to cover all possible points of attack, a decisive mark
of a weak commander; and a considerable part of the seventh
corps was distant from the immediate scene of operations. The
three German armies, on the other hand, composed of not less than
ten corps, were, as we have seen, approachuig each other, and
converging upon the Saar and the Lauter, and were gathering
in overwhelming force along the whole front of the impending
invasion. The third army, commanded by the Crown Prince of
Prussia, and composed of the fifth, eleventh, and two Bavarian corps,
and of the Wiirtemberg and Baden contingents, crossed the Lauter
on 5 Aug. ; and part of this force surprised and attacked an isolated
detachment of the first French corps, under the immediate orders
of Marshal Macmahon, which lay around the old town of Weis-
senborg, famous in other wars for the lines of Villars. The French
made a stern and gallant resistance, but were soon overpowered by
superior numbers; and the shattered division was driven with
heavy loss upon the main body now in position on the slopes and
eminences which overlook Worth, a village along the stream of the
Saarbriick. It is very remarkable — and a proof that even the
German cavalry, whose outpost service in the campaign has been
justly admh'ed, may on some occasions be at complete fault — that
the crown prince should, in this instance, have lost sight of the
defeated enemy ; and actually he seems to have been unaware that
Macmahon was only a few miles distant. His intention certainly
was not to fight a pitched battle within twenty-four hours, and he

214 THE CAMPAIGN OF SEDAN April

appears to have supposed that he would find the French defending-
at Bitsche the passes of the Vosges. The event, however, was to
prove otherwise, and a forward movement of the fifth German corps
brought on the fiercely contested battle of Worth. On that day, at
least, the army of France showed itself worthy of its old renown,
and if the Germans fought with devoted courage, the arrangements
of their chiefs were far from perfect. Macmahon's force was about
45,000 strong ; his men baffled for nearly seven hours an enemy at
least threefold in numbers ; and though the French position was
formidable in the extreme, and the assailants only reached the field
by degrees, and hesitated in more than one attack, the defence must
be pronounced heroic. It is evident, in fact, that on this day the
French possessed that confidence in themselves which, as Napoleon
says, is all-powerful in war. They met the successive and slow at-
tacks of their foes by counter-attacks of extreme daring ; and, though
their splendid cavalry was thrown away in charges utterly hopeless
in these days, and the superiority of the German artillery, seen
throughout the war, was from the first established, France may
look back on this day with pride. The battle, in truth, might have
been nearly drawn had the fifth French corps, at a short distance,
been summoned early in full force to the field ; but the blame for
this error should be ascribed not to its unfortunate chief Failly,
but to Macmahon, his superior officer, who had the fifth corps
under his chief command. After a desperate resistance the French
army was at last turned upon both flanks, and the marshal ought
to have effected his retreat before his centre, surrounded and
crushed, was overwhelmed by enemies on all sides, and defeat !

became a complete rout. |

Worth was fought and won on 6 Aug., and the French bank
of the Saar was on the same day the scene of a second fierce
encounter. The first army, led by the veteran Steinmetz, and
composed of the seventh and eighth corps, and the second, formed
of the third, fourth, and tenth corps, with that of the guards, and
under the command of Prince Frederick Charles, were, as we have
seen, approaching the river, and three of their leading divisions
had reached the borders of the German frontier on 5 Aug. Mean-
while the second French corps, under the orders of Frossard, partly
engaged in the silly affair of Saarbriick, had fallen back and drawn
near its supports, at the intelligence of the advance of the enemy,
and it had taken a position of great strength in front of the thriving ^
town of Forbach. The centre of Frossard rested on the heights of
Spicheren, from which a spur, called the Eed Hill, projected ; his
right was protected by a dense forest; his left was covered by
Stiring Wendel, a village forming a large defensive obstacle ; and
his line was protected by those improvised trenches which in
modern war are of such use to infantry. A single division of the

1888 THE CAMPAIGN OF SEDAN 215

seventh German corps, crossing the Saar, fell, about noon, on the
French ; and it held its own with heroic courage against foes
greatly superior in numbers, until parts of the third and eighth
corps had come to the aid of their hardly pressed comrades. The
contending armies were now nearly equal in force, about 25,000
and 30,000 men, the odds being on the side of the French ; and
the battle raged furiously for several hours, without marked success
upon either side, the assailants, however, certainly showing more
daring and energy than the assailed, and the German guns, as at
Worth, being the more effective. The Red Hill and the Spicheren
heights were stormed late in the afternoon, and this was one of the
most striking feats of sheer courage witnessed throughout the war.
This success imperilled the centre of Frossard ; but the French
retained their positions on either wing, and fiercely struggled to
restore the fight; and their hold on the forest and on Stiring
Wendel was not lost until the apparition of a fresh division of
the seventh German corps compelled their leaders slowly to retreat.
The battle, indeed, was indecisive, if we consider merely the occur-
rences on the field ; but its ultimate results were of much im-
portance, and the Germans fairly deserved their victory, though
the premature attack of a mere detachment from their main
bodies cannot be justified. The truth is that the German com-
manders were ill-informed, on this occasion, of the positions and
real strength of their enemies ; their operations betray their error,
and had the French chiefs acted in concert with skill, they must
have obtained a passing triumph. Not less than three divisions of
the army of the Ehine were stationed within a few miles of
Forbach; and had this force, fully 30,000 strong, been despatched at
an early hour to the aid of Frossard, the Germans would have been
outnumbered more than two to one, and must have been thrown
back, defeated, on the Saar. But from the day of Eoncesvalles to
that of Waterloo, want of earnest co-operation at decisive moments
has been characteristic of French leaders in war; and though
messenger after messenger was sent off by Frossard, and the roar
of the battle filling the country around ought to have indicated
the true line of march, ^ though feeble attempts to reach the second
corps were made, no welcome French columns appeared at Forbach,
and nothing was really done to effect a diversion that, for the
moment, would have turned the scale of fortune.

The defeats of Worth and Spicheren at once showed how false
had been the strategy of Napoleon III, and how unable the army of

' The German official account justly says : ' The enemy's superiority would have
been still more marked if, on his side as well, instead of the eccentric rovings of three
divisions in rear of the battle-field, all the forces eligible within the bounds of time
and distance had co-operated in the common cause.' This is correct, but it condemns
the German arrangements, and there can be no doubt a grave mistake was made.

216 THE CAMPAIGN OF SEDAN April

the Khine was to cope with a far more powerful foe. The forces
of France, scattered and surprised, had been assailed when widely
apart ; their weak front had been smitten at two points, and, un-
supported by reserves in the rear, their thinly extended line recoiled
and was broken. The first corps of Macmahon, routed at Worth,
though covered by a division of the fifth corps, which had arrived
too late to take part in the battle, was driven in eccentric retreat
through the Southern Vosges, exposing the right flank of the main
army ; and though it was joined by the rest of the fifth corps, which
had safely effected its retreat from Bitsche, it was utterly unable to
make a stand, and, panic-stricken, it was only rallied after crossing
the Upper Moselle and the Meuse. Meanwhile the headquarters of
Napoleon III had been a centre of such discordant councils, such
irresolution, and such a display of weakness, as has seldom been
known in the history of war ; and the remaining parts of the army
of the Ehine — still an imposing, nay, a magnificent force — were
moved hither and thither, reduced to impotence, and ere long
placed in extreme peril by orders and counter-orders that must be
called pitiful. The first impulse of the unhappy emperor was to
fall back with his whole force to Chalons, to join there the sixth
corps, his only reserve, and to draw to the spot Macmahon' s two
corps, and the seventh corps, originally placed at Belfort ; and there
can be little doubt that, as affairs stood, this would have been in-
finitely the most prudent course. But this movement would have
left Metz unguarded — this great stronghold, it will be scarcely be-
lieved, was not in a condition to stand a siege — and would have
roused indignant Paris to frenzy; and, chiefly owing to fear of
the last result — political considerations had now begun to have
a decisive influence in the French war councils — Napoleon III
halted irresolutely in Lorraine. All kinds of plans were discussed
and abandoned : it was proposed to make a stand before Metz on
the Nied ; to endeavour to join Macmahon by a march southward ;
to summon the marshal to bring up his forces : but all that was
done was to cause the sixth corps to advance from Chalons, to
linger round Metz, and to waste the strength and to impair the
courage of the French soldiery in petty marches, the aimlessness of
which they easily perceived. The general result was, that while
the German armies, steadily carrying out a clearly arranged project,
were gathering on all sides on their enemy, precious time was wasted,
which, if well employed, would have assured the safety of the army
of the Ehine, that the camps in Lorraine became demoralised,
and that every hour added to the serious danger impending over
the imperial forces. The emperor, at last, perplexed and alarmed,
gave orders for a general retreat ; but even then he adopted a half
measure, and he resolved not to fall back on Chalons, but to hold
the intermediate line of the Meuse. The opinion, however, of the

1888 THE CAMPAIGN OF SEDAN 217

whole army required another chief to be placed at its head, and on
12 Aug., after the loss of a week, he handed over the command
to Marshal Bazaine.

Meanwhile the victorious German armies had been on the
march through the Vosges and Lorraine, and their chiefs were
leisurely carrying out the orders of Moltke for the invasion of
France. Five fresh corps were rejoining the advancing host ; the
first added to the first army ; the second, ninth, and twelfth to the
second; and the sixth — still in the rear — to the third; and the
masses that had rolled across the frontier must have approached
400,000 armed men. These gigantic arrays, with dense bodies of
horse and artillery in the proportion of that arm, spread for leagues
in the districts watered by the Saar, the Nied, and the afiluents of
the Moselle; and while the Badeners were detached to besiege
Strassburg, the rest of the three armies drew near the Moselle and
Metz. The German advance, however, was certainly slow, and had
nothing in common with the irresistible sweep of the march of
Napoleon on the path of victory. The German official account
explains the reasons : contact had been lost with the retreating
French after their double defeats on 6 Aug. ; the movements of
the huge host through the passes of the Yosges and the uplands
of Lorraine were beset by obstacles ; caution too was required to
operate against the still large and formidable army of the Khine,
supposed to be in position near Metz; but be this as it may,
Napoleon III could have safely effected his retreat to the Meuse,
between 6 and 12 Aug., without molestation on the part of the
enemy had he taken a prompt and settled decision. On 13 Aug.
the German armies, excepting only advance guards of cavalry,
were still a long way from the Moselle and the fortress ; the first
and the second filling the region between the streams of the
Nied and the Seille, the third far to the south, to the east of
Nancy ; and had Bazaine, when invested with the chief command,
begun at once to retire from Metz, he probably would have extri-
cated his imperilled forces. This important day was, however,
lost ; and though it is unfair to lay much blame on a general who
had only just taken a large army in hand, the delay was a misfor-
tune for France. The retrograde movement of the army of the
Ehine did not begin until the forenoon of the 14th. The march of
the columns was extremely slow, for whole divisions had to defile
through Metz ; temporary bridges thrown across the Moselle had
been carried away by sudden flood, and the roads were choked by
impedimenta of all kinds. It was late in the afternoon before the
second, fourth, and sixth corps had crossed the river, the third
corps and the imperial guard remaining in positions outside Metz,
and still on the right or eastern bank.

The twenty-four hours which had been lost by Bazaine had

218

THE CAMPAIGN OF SEDAN

April

been turned to the best account by Moltke. Informed probably
by spies, and by his advanced guards, that the French were
about to leave Metz, and to effect a hasty retreat to the Meuse, the
German commander directed the second army to the Moselle by a
rapid forced march, keeping the first army in observation on the
Nied, his purpose being to follow the retiring columns as they
moved along the roads that lead to the Meuse. The movement of
the second army, w^hich in some measure exposed the first, was
skilfully screened by masses of cavalry on its right wing; and
by nightfall on 14 Aug. two German corps were upon the Moselle.
Meanwhile the fiery old chief of the first army had perceived that
the French were abandoning Metz ; and he launched a part of his
seventh corps, soon followed by part of the first corps, against the
third French corps and the imperial guard, still, as we have seen,
to the east of the fortress. The scene of the well-fought battle
which ensued was the range of gentle hills, intersected by ravines
and fringed with copses and woods, which extends from Borny to
Colombey and Grimont, in front of Metz ; and the assailants had
the advantage of the excellent roads which converge as they approach
the place. The action was only closed by the night, and had
Bazaine engaged the imperial guard,^ the French might possibly
have gained a passing victory. But the fierceness of the attack by
the German right compelled the chief of the fourth French corps
to recross the Moselle and to assist the third ; the Germans re-
mained masters of the field at last ; and Steinmetz had gained,
w^hat Moltke wanted, time to retard the movement of his foe
westward, and to enable the second army to advance from the
Moselle. The results were seen in the operations of the 15th, a
momentous day in the vicissitudes of the campaign. The army of
the Khine resumed its movement; but, delayed by the events of the
recent conflict, it advanced only a few miles from Metz ; and its
rearward divisions, the third and fourth corps, defiled slowly to the
left bank of the Moselle. By the evening of the 15th the army of
Bazaine was concentrated around the two great roads which lead
by Mars-la-Tour and Etain to the Meuse; the second and sixth
corps, in front, on the southern road between Flavigny, Gravelotte,.
and Verneville ; the third and fourth some distance behind, and
holding the northern road from Verneville to Metz. Meanwhile
Moltke had made great efforts to reach the flank of his retreat-
ing enemy; two corps, the third and tenth, were rapidly moved
from the Moselle towards the roads that lead from Metz to the
Meuse ; all the available corps of the second army were directed to
co-operate as quickly as possible; and German horsemen on the
evening of the 15th had reached Mars-la-Tour, near the French

' To spare the imperial guard was a Napoleonic tradition, and in this instance
Bazaine was perhaps not to blame. It was far otherwise, as we shall see, afterwards..

1888 THE CAMPAIGN OF SEDAN 219

outposts. No doubt, however, remains that the German chief was
not fully aware of the dispositions and the movements of Bazaine :
he had calculated that the French would incline more northwards ;
and he did not expect that the army of the Rhine would be as well
concentrated as it actually was. To suppose otherwise would be to
assume that Moltke, with only two corps in hand, and without pro-
spect of speedy support, had resolved to give battle to five French
corps collected within a narrow space ; that is, that, having an
overwhelming superiority of force in the theatre of war, considered
as a whole, he was ready to run the risk of a decisive conflict with
an enemy who on the chosen spot was far more than twofold in
numbers.

These dispositions led to Mars-la-Tour, a day that ought to have

given a triumph to France, but that ultimately led to frightful

disasters. On the early forenoon of 16 Aug. the German outpost

surprised an advanced guard of hght French cavalry, and before

long the head of the third corps had come in collision with the

second French corps lying around the hamlets of Flavigny and

Vionville. The battle was well contested for a time, but Frossard's

troops had felt the effects of Spicheren; Vionville and Flavigny

were stormed and occupied, and the second corps driven back

defeated. Bazaine had now made his appearance on the field, and,

bringing up a part of the imperial guard, fairly drove back the

far weaker enemy, though, as at Worth, the fine French cavalry

was * massacred ' in utterly hopeless charges. The marshal at this

moment had victory in his grasp; his foe was scarcely 25,000

strong, and had he struck home with the infantry of the guard,

sustained by Canrobert and the sixth corps, and summoned to his

aid the third and fourth corps, he must have utterly overwhelmed

his foes. He paused, however, at this crisis of fortune ; believing

that his left wing near Metz was threatened, he kept the guard far

away in reserve, and so lost an opportunity which must have had

important results on the issue of the campaign. The battle swayed

to and fro for some hours, the Germans concealing the inferiority

of their force by admirably conducted cavalry movements, and by

the continuous fire of their deployed batteries, the French hesitating

along the whole line ; and it had become evident that the moral

power which had done wonders at Worth on their side had now

passed into the ranks of their adversaries. At about four or five

the tenth German corps, followed by detachments of the eighth

and ninth, and led by Prince Frederick Charles in person, made

its appearance on the bloodstained field, and the prince, a soldier

daring to a fault, at once gave the signal of a. renewed offensive.

The French, however, had still a great superiority of force, even

leaving out the inactive guard. The sixth corps had become

menacing ; and had their third and fourth corps, now approaching

220 THE CAMPAIGN OF SEDAN April

the scene, been vigorously launched against the assailants' line,
success was, even at this moment, probable. But an extraordinary
feat of daring and skill checked the advance of the arriving columns ;
all the German cavalry available on the spot were hurled fiercely
against the French squadrons, and after a brief but terrible struggle
the French were driven back and swept from the field. The moral
eftect of this reverse was wonderful ; the march of the third and
fourth corps was arrested, the sixth fell back after an indecisive
effort, and the Germans rested on the field they had won, a force
at the most perhaps 70,000 strong, having bafiied and paralysed
the army of the Ehine, which, concentrated within a space of a
few miles, could, if directed by a capable chief, have placed 130,000
men in line. The losses on both sides had been immense, from
16,000 to 17,000 men, and this alone shows how devoted had been
the efforts. of the victorious assailants.

On this day, all accounts agree, Bazaine played the part of a
stout soldier. He rallied the shattered second corps, conducted
more than one attack in person, and displayed coolness, patience,
and firm constancy. But from first to last, in this part of the
campaign, he showed that he had not the faculties of a great
captain ; he was one of those men, in Napoleon's phrase, who can
command a division, but not an army. Had he been a chief of a
high order, he would have made Moltke bitterly rue the mis-
take certainly committed by the Prussian leader, and he would
have swept from his path, and perhaps crushed to atoms, the third
German corps, which, for several hours, was the only foe barring
his way to the Meuse. In that event the war would have run a
different course ; and if we bear in mind the enormous power of
resistance afterwards shown by Paris ** — wholly unexpected in the
German camp — it is quite possible that the French armies, had
they fallen back to the fortified capital, would have baffled, and at
last driven back, the invaders. But the marshal let the occasion
slip; the army of the Khine was so ill-directed that no use was
made of the flower of its strength, and it was paralysed and
defeated by a much weaker enemy — an event which certainly
should not have occurred, though it is fair to add that at Mars-la-
Tour the French soldiery were not themselves, and their adversaries

* Moltke, without a claim to the grand original genius and resource of Napo-
leon, is nevertheless, with the possible exception of Lee, the best strategist of the
school of Napoleon. But like the great emperor, he showed in 1870, and especially in
besieging Paris, that utter incapacity to understand the power of popular movements
and patriotic passion which cost Napoleon so dear in Spain, in Eussia, and notably at
Waterloo. The Prussian army of 1806 would never have rallied after Ligny and
marched from Wavre to Mont St. Jean. It executed this most perilous movement on
18 June 1815, because it was animated with an intense national spirit. How nearly
Moltke was compelled to raise the siege of Paris, and how hard pressed the Germans
were by the illustrious Chanzy, will not be known for some time.

1888 THE CAMPAIGN OF SEDAN 221

made astonishing efforts. During the night of the 16th and the
morning of the 17th large reinforcements were despatched from
the Moselle to aid the Germans, still perilously exposed ; and had
Bazaine boldly attacked on that day, the chances were still in
favour of the French. The marshal, however, took a different
course, and it is only just to say that it was in accordance with
principles of tactics laid down by himself. He had great con-
fidence in the enormous power of the defensive with modern arms
of precision, especially as the French possessed a rifle better and
of further range than the Prussian needle-gun, and he had re-
peatedly advised Napoleon III to accept battle on the Khenish
frontier, in positions indicated and observed by him. He now sought
to put his theory to the test, and instead of trying to force his way
to the Meuse, he caused the army of the Ehine to fall back on the
17th, and placed it along a range of uplands just outside Metz, his
belief being that, should the Germans attack, he would baffle their
efforts, wear them gradually out, and thus ultimately secure victory.
The position chosen by Bazaine, though far from perfect, was, never-
theless, extremely strong, and presented formidable obstacles to the
most powerful adversary. The French left, resting on the forts of
Metz, held a range of eminences fronted by the Mance, a stream
forming a kind of fosse, and protected by villages and large farm-
houses, and it was occupied by the imperial guard, thrown back
under the guns of the fortress, and by the greatly diminished corps
of Frossard. In the centre, covered by the same kind of defences,
were placed the third corps, under Marshal le Boeuf, and the
fourth, with L'Admirault at its head, and it extended to the
hamlet of Amanvillers, the position here assuming a different cha-
racter, and being less wooded and with fewer obstacles. Beyond
Amanvillers lay the sixth corps, with Canrobert, holding a bare extent
of downlike upland, but guarded at the extreme right by St. Privat
and Eoncourt, large villages giving it ample support ; and though
this was the weakest point of Bazaine's line, it offered many diffi-
culties to the boldest adversary. The front of the position was
nearly eight miles in length, and, except at the right — for the
troops of Canrobert were not supplied with the necessary tools —
the natural obstacles presented by the ground received additional
strength from field entrenchments skilfully thrown up by the French
engineers.

This formidable position had three marked defects, made ap-
parent in the great battle that followed : it afforded no facilities for
counter-attacks essential in the case of French soldiers; there
were no good roads running behind the front and enabling the
different corps to assist each other, and the extreme right was
almost ' in the air ' and liable to be outflanked by a long turning
movement. It was, nevertheless, prodigiously strong to maintain

222 THE CAMPAIGN OF SEDAN April

a simply passive defence, and Bazaine, it is said, expressed assured
confidence when, on the morning of 18 Aug., he beheld the long
lines of the army of the Ehine, still probably 125,000 men, with some-
what more than 500 guns, holding the places of vantage assigned
to them. Meanwhile the Germans, as we have said, had been ap-
proaching the scene by forced marches, and the entire strength of the
first and second armies, except the first, the second, and the fourth
corps — the second too was not far distant — had crossed the roads
to the Meuse and passed Mars-la-Tour in the early forenoon of
18 Aug. This enormous force must have been more than 200,000
men and 800 guns, but some hours elapsed before it attained the
enemy, and, in the first instance, the dispositions of its chiefs
were somewhat marred by a decided error.^ Strange to say,
Moltke once more lost contact with the army of the Ehine through-
out the 17th, and, believing that Bazaine was retreating northwards,
contemplated in his arrangements a pursuit of the French, and not
fighting a great pitched battle. Even when it had become known
that the army of the Ehine was in position outside Metz, the extent
of its lines was not at first discovered ; it was supposed that they
reached Amanvillers only, and this caused delay and no little con-
fusion. These operations on either side led to the great and
memorable battle of Gravelotte, the most equally contested in the
whole war. The ninth German corps, under the growing belief
that it was outflanking the right of the French, first came in
collision with Bazaine's centre; the assailants made the most
devoted efforts, but the assailed were not in the least shaken, and
during the whole day retained their advantage. The seventh
and eighth German corps had now come into action ; but though
they captured some outlying posts, they were unable to make any
real impression on the well-entrenched troops of Frossard and
Le Boeuf, and Steinmetz threw away his men in thousands in
fruitless charges in close column, after the fashion of the tactics of
his youth. The German right was placed in no little danger, and
had the French been able to issue from their lines and boldly to
fall on their enfeebled enemy, the consequences might have been
fraught with disaster to Moltke and the whole German army.
But counter-attacks were either scarcely possible, or Le Boeuf and
Frossard missed the occasion, and Steinmetz was given time to rally
his men and hold in check his immovable foes. Meantime far
away to the French right the battle had taken a different turn,
and victory at last crowned the German standards, after a furious
struggle and a prodigious waste of life. The corps of the guards

• The German official account frankly acknowledges this. This is true wisdom ;
every student of war, especially of modern war, knows that the greatest generals must
make mistakes in an art which requires instant decision upon necessarily imperfect
data.

1888 THE CAMPAIGN OF SEDAN 223

and the twelfth or Saxon corps were despatched to attack the
French right when its real extent had become manifest, and at
about five a great effort was made to carry and outflank the French
position. The guards assailing their enemy in front were mown
down by a most destructive fire, and for some hours it appeared
probable that night would find the army of the Ehine holding the
lines it had defended with such valour and skill. At last, however,
the weak point of the French position was found out and reached ;
the Saxons turned at Eoncourt the flank of the sixth corps, St.
Privat was stormed after a stubborn defence, and with the defeat
of Canrobert's troops Bazaine's whole line was compelled to fall
back. Yet no doubt can exist that this terrible battle would have
been drawn had the marshal been able to direct an army with a
true leader's insight. Spite of messages of Canrobert to send
troops to his aid, Bazaine kept nearly the whole imperial guard
inactive under the guns of Metz, and had this magnificent reserve,
20,000 strong, been despatched to support the sixth corps, the last
German attack must have been repelled. Still it is fair to remark
that a movement of this kind was rendered difficult owing to the
want of facilities of communication along the French front.

Gravelotte was not a masterpiece of the art of war ; the victory
was not due to the strategy of Moltke ; it emphatically was a sol-
diers' battle. The energy, nevertheless, of the German chiefs in press-
ing home the attacks on St. Privat and Eoncourt was admirable
and deserves the highest praise, and if the effort cost thousands
of gallant lives, the result more than repaid the sacrifice. The
conduct of Bazaine was poor and unskilful ; it is said that he
never left a spot in the vicinity of Metz, and if the army of the
Ehine fought extremely well — the battle, in fact, resembles Malpla-
quet — we see no traces of the confidence of Worth. By 19 Aug.
the marshal had withdrawn his whole forces under the ramparts of
Metz, and it is not within the limits of this sketch to trace the
scenes of indecision, neglect, and weakness, ending in intrigues
of the most questionable kind, which terminated in a catastrophe
compared with which that of Mack at Ulm was a mere trifle. It
must suffice to say here that in a few days the victorious Germans
invested Metz, an operation which ought to have been impossible
had Bazaine been a capable chief; and Europe at last beheld the
spectacle of an army in possession of a great fortress surrendering
to one scarcely superior in numbers, disseminated upon a circle of
some sixty miles and divided by the broad stream of the Moselle.

We proceed to the operations that caused the disaster closing
the first part of the war. A part only of the first and the second
armies was employed in the investment of Metz, and three corps
— the fourth, recently come into line, the guards, and the Saxon
twelfth — were detached from the main body and given the name

224 THE CAMPAIGN OF SEDAN April

of the army of the Meuse. This force, from 70,000 to 80,000
strong, was intended to form the right wing of the third army —
this, as we have seen, was still east of Nancy on 13 Aug., but
since that day had crossed the Moselle — the object of Moltke being,
with this vast array of probably 230,000 men, to attack and over-
whelm the hostile army known to be assembling at no great dis-
tance, and to press on in irresistible strength to the capital.
Moving upon a broad front of nearly fifty miles, the heads of the
combined host had on 21 Aug. attained Yitry, in the valley of
the Marne, the main body of the army of the Meuse being still
in the valley east of the river, while the much greater mass of the
third army spread from the Upper Marne nearly to the Moselle
from Bar-le-Duc to Commercy and Toul.

While the German invasion had thus been rolling from Lorraine
into the flats of Champagne, the shattered right wing of the army
of the Ehine, with reinforcements sent off from Paris, had been
drawn together in the well-known plains made memorable by the
defeat of Attila. By 20 Aug. the first and fifth French corps
marched rapidly from the Upper Moselle to the Marne, had been
joined by the seventh corps from Belfort and by the twelfth
formed in and despatched from Paris ; and this force, numbering
perhaps 130,000 men, with from 400 to 500 guns, had been
concentrated round the great camp of Chalons. Macmahon was
given the supreme command, and the first operations of the ex-
perienced chief showed that he understood the present state of
affairs, and were in accord with the rules of strategy. Bazaine, he
knew, was in peril near Metz, and certainly had not attained the
Meuse ; and he was at the head of the last army which France
could assemble for the defence of her capital. In these circum-
stances, impressed perhaps by the grand memories of the campaign
of 1814, he most properly resolved to fall back towards Paris;
but as Bazaine was possibly not far distant, and a position on the
flank of the German advance might afford a favourable oppor-
tunity to strike, he withdrew northwards on the 21st to Eheims,
in the double hope that he would approach his colleague and
threaten the communications of the advancing enemy. This, we
repeat, was following the art of war, and had Macmahon firmly
adhered to his purpose, there would have been no Sedan and no
treaty of Frankfort. Unhappily the marshal, a hero in the field,
was deficient in real strength of character, and at this critical
moment evil counsels and false information shook, and at last
changed, a resolve that ought to have never faltered. A new ad-
ministration had been formed in Paris, and Palikao, the minister
of war, devoted to the Empire, and especially bent on satisfying
the demands of the excited capital, which passionately insisted on
the relief of Bazaine, had conceived a project by which he hoped

1888 THE CAMPAIGN OF SEDAN 225

that this great object would be effected and the * dynasty ' be re-
stored in popular opinion. The army of the Meuse, he argued, was
near that stream, round Yerdun ; the third army was far away to
the south; there was a considerable interval between the two
masses; and the army of Chalons, then at Eheims, was not far
from the Upper Meuse. In those circumstances it was quite prac-
ticable, should Macmahon rapidly advance to the Meuse, to over-
power with his largely superior force the army of the Meuse before
support could be sent from the distant thu'd army ; and the enemy
in his path being swept aside, the marshal could then descend on
Metz, fall with the collected strength of the army of Chalons on
the divided fragments of the investing force, and triumphantly
effect his junction with Bazaine, having routed, perhaps, the first
and second armies before the third could appear on the scene. The
defiles and woods of the Argonne and the Ardennes, stretching
between the French and the German armies, Palikao insisted,
would form a screen to conceal the advance of the army of Chalons,
and would greatly facilitate the proposed movement.

This project reached Macmahon on 21 Aug., and may be pro-
nounced one of the most reckless ever designed by a desperate
gambler in war. The army of Chalons was, no doubt, nearly
double the army of the Meuse in numbers, and if Moltke played
into his antagonist's hands, Macmahon might possibly defeat that
army by making the indicated movement from Eheims to the Meuse
before the third army could come into line. But, to prevent this
result, it was only necessary to throw the army of the Meuse a march
or two back and to gain time for the advance of the third army ;
and should the two German armies effect their junction, they
would easily be able to overwhelm Macmahon long before he could
approach Metz. This being the case, the only chance of success
rested on the assumption that the German chief would make a gross
mistake with his eyes open, an assumption certainly not admissible ;
while, on the other hand, the chances of defeat, and even of disaster,
were many and evident. The march of Macmahon by the Meuse
to Metz would be a flank march along a semicircle of which his
adversaries would hold the chord ; and it was most probable,
therefore, that at some point on the way they would reach and
overpower him with their united forces. Macmahon, again, for
some days at least, would be perilously near the Belgian frontier ;
his army, composed of beaten troops and of recent levies hastily
raised, was not fit to undertake a movement which required a
perfect instrument of war and extreme dexterity to have a hope of
success. The army of Chalons in real power was hopelessly in-
ferior to the two German armies ; what would be the results were
this comparatively weak and inefficient force caught and stricken
down by the masses of its foes in a position where all retreat was

VOL. III. — NO. X. . . Q

226 THE CAMPAIGN OF SEDAN April

impossible ? Add to this that the army of Chalons was the only
barrier between the invaders and Paris, and the folly of the scheme
becomes even more apparent. In truth, this fatal plan was only
another instance how the operations of the French in the war of
1870 were, at great crises, made to depend on politics, and on the
supposed interests of the imperial dynasty, and not on the most
obvious military rules. These considerations were so evident that
Macmahon at first refused to listen to what he condemned as a
hopeless project ; but bad advisers found their way to him, and his
resolution was already yielding when a calamitous event fixed his
shifting purpose. A despatch from Bazaine, obscure and untrue,
announced that he was on his way northward. Macmahon inferred
that his beleaguered colleague had left Metz and eluded his foes,
and, thinking that he would reach Bazaine before long, in an evil
hour for France and for himself, he consented to attempt the march
to the Meuse. The army of Chalons, breaking up from Eheims
on the 23rd, was next day at Kethel ; and by the 25th it had at-
tained the Upper Aisne, spreading from Kethel to Attigny and
Vouziers. Its movements, however, had been slow, for it was ill
provided with food and supplies. Its organisation had proved
defective ; the mind of its chief was full of misgivings, and it was
still three marches west of the Meuse, the soldiery having already
more than once shown signs of discontent, unsteadiness, and want
of discipline.

The two German armies had meanwhile been steadily advancing
from the east towards Chalons. The cavalry outposts had found
the camp deserted on 23 Aug., and on the following day it had
become known that Macmahon had broken up from Eheims. But
what was the destination of the army of Chalons, and to what
enterprise had it been committed ? For two days, at least, there
had been rumours that Macmahon was making his way towards the
Meuse ; but Moltke, at first, refused to believe that the French
commander would attempt a movement in plain opposition to the
rules of his art. Intelligence, however, no longer doubtful, reached
the German headquarters on the 25th that the enemy was on the
way from Kethel to the east, and the Prussian commander ceased
at once to hesitate. At this moment the two German armies,
which had been inclining towards the north-west, were on a broad
front from Chalons to Verdun, the columns in the rear extending
southwards from Bar-le-Duc to the Upper Marne ; and they were
fully two marches from Macmahon's force, with a difficult and in-
tricate country between. It was quite possible, therefore, that the
army of Chalons would be able to attain and cross the Meuse
before the Germans could come up in force, and so far Palikao was
right ; but it did not follow from this that the advancing French
could reach and defeat the army of the Meuse, still less descend on

1888 THE CAMPAIGN OF SEDAN 227

Metz and the Moselle. The blow designed by the French minister
of war was anticipated and easily parried by Moltke ; and though
this was not a grand display of genius, as idolaters of mere
success have said, the movement was well planned and most ably
carried out. The army of the Meuse was directed to recross the
stream, to occupy positions on the eastern bank, and to retire
slowly before the enemy in case Macmahon should advance in
force ; two corps were detached from the second army and sent
from Metz to join the army of the Meuse ; and the great masses
of the third army were moved northward through the tracts of the
Argonne, bodies of cavalry making for the roads that lead, through
a region of woods, from Eethel to the Meuse. By this well-laid
plan it was rendered certain that, even if Macmahon had passed
the Meuse, his way would be barred by a force sufficient to hold
him in check and to keep him far from Metz, whereas if he had
not attained the river, the line of his march would be soon dis-
covered; and it had become very probable that the third army
would close in on the French commander, and crush him under
its overwhelming weight.

We can only glance at the operations that followed, but they
should be studied with care in the German account, for they present
a striking contrast between the movements of a well-organised
army, ably directed, and those of a bad army, on a perilous march,
and led by a chief without a set purpose. In the afternoon of
26 Aug. an advanced guard of the German cavalry came into col-
lision with a French outpost detached southerly upon Grand Pre,
to observe the roads from Verdun to Youziers ; and German horse-
men were ere long descried on the main road from Vouziers to the
Meuse. At this moment the army of Chalons had only just passed
the line of the Aisne, its right rear, the seventh corps, being at
Vouziers, and at the apparition of the enemy on his flank, Macmahon
moved his whole force towards his threatened wing, delay and con-
fusion being the consequence. On the 27th the French made little
progress, but meanwhile part of the army of the Meuse had passed
the river at Dun and Steany ; large bodies of cavalry had seized the
roads at Buzancy and Nouart leading to the Meuse ; and while the
two corps had been detached from Metz, the remaining parts of the
army of the Meuse and the third army were in full march to fall on
the imperilled army of Chalons. Macmahon, fully alive to the
danger, saw that he was threatened by foes on all sides ; and on
the 28th he gave positive orders for a general and immediate retreat
on Mezieres, his object being to attain the capital by a circuitous
march from the northern frontier. Once more, however, the pur-
poseless chief was induced by councils, to which he should have
given no heed, to abandon a project which would have saved hini ;
just as he was about to begin his march he was informed * that

^ 2

228 THE CAMPAIGN OF SEDAN April

revolution would break out in Paris if Bazaine were abandoned at
Metz ; ' and, yielding again to what he knew was wrong, the doomed
commander gave counter-orders to resume the fatal advance to the
Meuse. Political considerations thus led the French, for the third
time, on a ruinous course ; but it is just to remark that Napoleon III
— having left Metz and arrived at Chalons, he had followed Mac-
mahon during the present march — remonstrated against this un-
happy resolve. Celerity was now Macmahon's only chance, if,
indeed, any chance was in his favour ; but his conflicting orders
had caused the loss of a day, and it was late in the afternoon before
his troops were in motion, the indiscipline of the soldiery and their
bad temper having greatly increased and become alarming. The
army of Chalons forming two masses, divided from each other by a
wide distance, w^as directed to make a forced march to the Meuse ;
and the left wing, the first and the twelfth corps, inclining north-
wards, and free from the enemy, attained the river on the evening
of the 29th, the twelfth having even crossed at Mouzon. Mean-
while Moltke, perfectly informed of the French movements, and
by this time assured that Macmahon's right wing, the fifth and
seventh corps, were making for the Meuse by a southerly line, made
preparations for a great effort against this isolated part of the
enemy's forces. The part of the army of the Meuse that had passed
the river was ordered back to the western bank,^^ the remaining
part was rapidly pushed forward, supported by the right of the
third army, and on the evening of the 29th their combined forces
had drawn near the positions of their foes, who seem to have been
unaware of their presence. These events led to the disasters that
followed, the prelude of an appalling catastrophe. On the morning
of the 30th the fifth French corps was surprised and suddenly
attacked at Beaumont by the fourth corps of the army of the
Meuse — the woods that abound in this forest region proved a veil
to conceal the German advance, not a screen to protect the army of
Chalons — and in a few hours it was driven, in rout, on the Meuse,
the twelfth and a Bavarian corps having appeared on the scene.
The seventh French corps, meanwhile, had been caught and de-
feated; encumbered by the impedimenta of a large part of the
army, it toiled slowly on a painful march, surrounded by ever in-
creasing foes ; and it, too, reached the Meuse in a pitiable state.
At the apparition of the fugitive multitudes, Lebrun, the chief of
the twelfth corps, which, as we have seen, was on the right bank,
sent a detachment across to check the pursuit ; but this was in-
volved in the general wreck, and by nightfall of the 30th more than
half of the army of Chalons was a shattered mass of fragments,
without strength, coherence, or military worth.

'" At the same time the two corps that had been detached from Metz to support
the army of the Meuse returned to take part in the investment of the fortress.

1888 THE CAMPAIGN OF SEDAN 229

During these events, ominous of ill for France, the first corps
of the army of Chalons had crossed the Meuse and attained Cari-
gnan, on the Chiers, a tributary of the main river. Macmahon was
at the head of the troops and expressed, it is said, assured con-
fidence that he could reach Montmedy and descend on Metz. At
the news, however, of the crushing defeats suffered by the fifth and
the seventh corps, the unfortunate chief retraced his steps, and by
the night of the 30th had placed these two bodies, with the injured
twelfth corps, round the walls of Sedan — a fourth-rate fortress
hard by on the Meuse — and had ordered the first corps to rejoin
the army. The French awaited the dawn in a miserable plight,
and eye-witnesses have dwelt with painful precision on the de-
moralisation that prevailed everywhere, and on the symptoms of
despair, and even of mutiny, exhibited by the discontented soldiery.
Order, however, had been in some degree restored by the morning
of 31 Aug., and the first corps having come into line, the question
arose what was the next direction to be given to the ill-fated army
of Chalons ? The situation was already terrible ; the Germans were
known to be not far distant, Sedan was in no condition to resist an
attack, still less to contain a large force, and Macmahon was
pressed against the Belgian frontier, the worst position in which
he well could be, for here defeat involved surrender and ruin. A
great commander would not have hesitated ; the friendly town of
Mezieres was near, the broad course of the Meuse protected the
roads that led to it from a rapid attack, and the thirteenth French
corps, sent in haste from Paris, had reached the spot, and was
close at hand. Had Macmahon, therefore, formed a bold resolve,
left his worst troops and his impedimenta behind, and, breaking
down the bridges on the Meuse, marched with the best part of his
force on Mezieres, he would have made a great sacrifice of men and
material, he would have been harassed by the heads of hostile
columns, he would probably have lost 20,000 soldiers, but he would
have extricated the mass of the army of Chalons, have possibly
made good his retreat to Paris, and certainly averted a dreadful
catastrophe. But he was not equal to a great deed of daring like
that which saved the grand army on the Beresina — one of the most
wonderful of the feats of Napoleon. Whether it was that he dis-
trusted the power of his shattered divisions to make a rapid march,
or that he merely waited on the course of events, or, as seems
probable, that he had no conception of the enormous forces gather-
ing to his ruin, he remained inactive throughout the 31st, and
resolved to accept battle where he stood, at Sedan, should the enemy
cross the Meuse and attack. The position he chose was strategic-
ally bad, but tactically of remarkable strength against adversaries
not in overwhelming force. It may be described as a great triangle,
covered on the southern part by the Meuse and Sedan, on the west

230 THE CAMPAIGN OF SEDAN April

by a great bend of the Meuse, by the stream of the Floing, and
by advanced posts formed by the villages of Fleigneux and Floing,
on the north by forests and the heights of Illy, and on the east by
the course of the Givonne, edged by the villages of Givonne, La
Moncelle, and Daigny. The routed fifth corps of the army of
Chalons held the centre of these formidable lines ; the first and
twelfth were placed along the banks of the Givonne, and the seventh,
covered by Fleigneux and Floing, looked towards Mezieres and the
great bend of the Meuse.

The Germans, meanwhile, had on every side been closing in
on their doomed adversaries. The army of the Meuse had crossed
the river once more, and held the angle between the Meuse and the
Chiers, and, with the exception of the sixth corps, left on the Aisne
to observe the French thirteenth, the whole of the third army had
drawn near Sedan. These great masses, however, were still many
miles from the French camps on the morning of the 31st ;
Moltke feared that Macmahon would escape by a determined effort
to reach Mezieres, and his highest hopes did not extend beyond a
victory that would force the greater part of the French army across
the frontier. But when it had become apparent, as the day wore
on, that the French were stationary around Sedan, the opportunity
was seized by the German chief, and he perceived that it had
become possible to surround and destroy an enemy now within his
grasp. A night march on Sedan was ordered, the well-directed
arrays of the Germans moved steadily through the darkness to the
points of attack, and this grand movement was, beyond dispute, the
finest display of strategy seen in the war. The memorable 1 Sept.
had scarcely dawned, when the first Bavarian corps reached the
French twelfth, and attacked Bazeilles, between the Meuse and
the Givonne. Before long the far-spreading columns of the army
of the Meuse had attained the Givonne, and assailed the French
line in position on the stream, and the villages of Givonne, La
Moncelle, and Daigny became the scene of a well-sustained en-
counter. An accident favoured the German attack : Macmahon
had fallen severely wounded ; between the conflicting orders of
Ducrot and Wimpffen the first and twelfth French corps were
moved to and fro, and this disconcerted and weakened the defence,
though it could have no effect on the ultimate result. By noon the
guards had stormed Givonne, and the eastern front of the army of
Chalons having been broken by the efforts of the foe, the first and
twelfth French corps were driven in on positions already almost
under the guns of Sedan. Meantime a tremendous tempest of war
had been bursting upon the western front, and sweeping all before
it in its devastating march. By the early morning the fifth and
eleventh corps of the third army had crossed the Meuse — the
bridges on the river had not been broken, such had been the negli-

1888 THE CAMPAIGN OF SEDAN 231

gence of the French leaders — and before long the heads of the
German columns had doubled round the great bend of the Meuse,
and had approached the lines of the half-surprised enemy. The
seventh French corps fought well for a time, but Fleigneux and
Floing were ere long carried, the fire of the German batteries
swept the space before them, and when the guards and the fifth and
eleventh corps had effected their junction on the heights of Illy
nothing could avert the impending disaster. The seventh French
€orps, like the first and twelfth, was driven routed upon the ram-
parts of Sedan; the fifth shared in the general ruin; and history
need not dwell on the desperate efforts of a few bold horsemen and
of handfuls of foot to escape, like caged animals, from the victors'
toils. By five in the afternoon the shattered remains of what had
been an army of 130,000 men was a mere chaos of fugitives,
crowded around the walls and approaches of Sedan ; and even
the conquerors, 180,000 strong at least, as, hemming in their foes
on all sides, they spread for miles round the scene of carnage, amidst
their exultation beheld with awe the havoc wrought by the con-
verging fire of from 600 to 700 guns, a mass of artillery never
arrayed before. After a short time all resistance ceased : at the
command of the ill-fated emperor, a white flag was displayed from
the citadel, and before twenty-four hours the French army was
a collection of helpless and disarmed captives.

Many criticisms, few of special merit, have been made on the
campaign of Sedan. The glitter of success, perhaps unequalled,
has bewildered minds that ought to have been more judicious, and
it has been gravely said that the strategy of Moltke surpassed
that of the most illustrious captains, and that his operations
were simply faultless. Moltke's conduct of the invasion shows
scientific skill and the most exact knowledge, and more than once
he gave striking proof of admirable judgment, of extreme tenacity,
of prompt decision, and of great strength of character. But his
strategy has not the marks of original genius ; nothing he has
achieved can compare with the march on Marengo, with the
manoeuvres that led to the surrender of Ulm, with the wonderful
efforts of the campaign of Italy. As for his ' faultlessness,' he
would be the first to admit that, like all great chiefs, he has com-
mitted mistakes, for this is inevitable from the nature of the case,
and, in fact, he fell into grave errors before Mars-la-Tour and at
Gravelotte ; the investment of Metz was rash in the extreme, and
at a later, period of the war he miscalculated the power and the
spirit of Paris, and was all but compelled to raise the siege. The
strategic lessons of the campaign, we think, are mainly of a nega-
tive kind ; they rather illustrate the terrible results of indecision,
weakness, and want of capacity, than exhibit feats of remarkable
genius; but the military student will learn a great deal as he

232 THE CAMPAIGN OF SEDAN April

dwells on the vacillation of Napoleon III, on the supineness and
dulness of Bazaine, and on the feebleness of Macmahon's conduct
in marching against his will from Eethel to the Meuse. It is
necessary, however, in justice to point out that the fatal short-
comings of those commanders were largely due to one potent cause-
which marred the general operations of the French ; and though
Napoleon III, Bazaine, and Macmahon were none of them chiefs
of a high order, France would not have mourned for Metz and
Sedan had not military principles throughout the campaign been
subordinated to fancied political interests. This, indeed, is pro-
bably the most striking fact in the war, and it is one conveying a
tremendous warning to sovereigns and generals who ought to know
that Bellona will not allow a rival, and that in the military art it
is never safe to deviate from known military rules.

It has been argued again that the war of 1870 proves that
organisation and what may be called the mechanism of an army
in the field are far more important than mere generalship, and
that the extraordinary success of the Germans was mainly due to
a superiority of this kind. No one will deny that the German
armies, with the single exception of one arm, were better equipped,
had better material, and were a better instrument of war than the
French ; but mind really controls matter, and in war, and especially
in modern war, with its rapid movements and its immense masses^
superior direction will more than ever assert its power and decide
the result. This is so apparent in the campaign of Sedan that it
may be confidently asserted that had Moltke been in command
of the forces of France and Napoleon III of those of Germany, the
issue of the contest would have been wholly different, and, not-
withstanding her inferior strength in the field, France might have
at last driven out the invaders. For the rest it is the caprice of
the hour to extol the superiority of the German soldier and to
depreciate the worth of his French antagonist, but this will not
mislead the true student of war. We dare say the Numidian horse
of Hannibal despised the often routed legionaries of Eome ; Napoleon^
we know, in the pride of a life of victories, reckoned a Frenchman
equal to two Germans, and reasoned in this way on the eve of
Waterloo. But Cannae was followed in turn by Zama ; Jena has
been more than avenged by Sedan, and possibly on some yet un-
known field the balance of fortune may be once more redressed, and
Germany succumb to the arms of France. Arnold remarked long
ago that if we look back through history the triumphs in war of the
two great races parted by the Ehine have been singularly equal.

William O'Connor Morris.

1888 233

Chatham, Francis, and yttnius

IN preparing a life of Sir Philip Francis for the * Dictionary of
National Biography,' I have had to look again into the weary
Junius controversy. One topic connected with the discussion, the
connexion of Francis and Junius with the reports of Chatham's
speeches, has, I think, been rather inadequately treated, for reasons
which will presently appear. The facts, moreover, when fully
stated, seem to me to illustrate rather curiously a very important
passage in the history of parliamentary reporting. That incidental
result is of more value than any little gleam of light that may be
thrown upon a venerable literary puzzle. And therefore I venture
to offer to the readers of the Historical Eeview a rather fuller
statement than would be admissible in a dictionary, and to apolo-
gise if I am obliged to give it in the form of a discussion of a problem
which I, for one, should be glad to see dead and buried.

I need only remind my readers in the briefest terms of the
general facts. My story belongs to the year 1770. The ministry
from which Chatham had finally retired in November 1768 was in
power at the beginning of that year. Junius had first appeared
under that name soon after Chatham's resignation. Throughout
1769 he had thundered with increasing audacity against the prime
minister Grafton, the Bedfords, and all supporters of the ministry,
and had culminated with the famous letter to the king of 19 Dec.
1769. Whatever his motives, he had been in alliance with the
rather heterogeneous opposition, which took advantage of the return
of Wilkes to England and the various agitations springing out of the
Middlesex election, and which in January 1770 seemed to be on the
verge of success. The party wire-pullers were at work to form a
combination under the leadership of Chatham. One of the ablest
was Calcraft, a man who had come to London to seek his fortune
as a youth, and at the age of forty-six possessed a landed estate of
10,000L a year. He had broken with the elder Fox and allied
himself with the brothers George Grenville and Temple, and their
brother-in-law, Chatham. His great aim was to reconcile these
three, who had been alienated in the previous party struggles, and
bring them into line with the Kockinghams against the ministry.

284 • CHATHAM, FRANCIS, AND JUNIUS April

The reconciliation had been effected ; and in the session of 1770 a
weak ministry had to face an opposition of singular ability, including
Chatham in the house of lords, Burke in the house of commons,
and Junius in the press, backed by the popular indignation aroused
by Wilkes in the metropolis. The last of Chatham's friends left
in the ministry, Granby and Camden, retired in January 1770 ;
Yorke, persuaded to take Camden's place as chancellor, killed him-
self in remorse ; and in February the duke of Grafton himself
resigned, and was succeeded by North in what seemed to be an almost
hopeless position. In our time it would have been hopeless. A
ministry including no man of first-rate mark was not only attacked
by a parliamentary opposition including such men as Chatham and
Burke, but had to deal with the popular feeling roused by Wilkes,
and uttering itself in the press through the mouth of Junius. The
great difficulty was that the co-operation between these forces was
imperfect. Chatham's declamations could not be heard beyond the
house of lords. A single copy of the Times sometimes contains an
amount of oratory equal in bulk to all Chatham's recorded speeches ;
and one speech of Mr. Gladstone contains as much matter as the
reports of all Chatham's speeches during this eventful year. It is
only by accident and under various disguises that a few imperfect
notices of the debates intrude into the papers. This was the ' un-
reported parliament,' and, though the ' Cavendish Debates ' have
given some account of what went on in the commons, the debates
in the upper house are singularly imperfect. The contemporary
reader is occasionally treated to a few fragmentary sentences,
supposed to have been uttered in the Eobin Hood Society, or an
anonymous correspondent mentions something that was said in a
company where he happened to be last night. At the end of the
month the magazines published a scanty report of proceedings in

the U H , with a summary of the speeches made by the

D of G and the E of C . There are, however,

three speeches of Chatham's during 1770 which are given with a
rather suspicious fulness, and a few briefer notices of other de-
liveries of the same leader. To whom do we owe these reports ?
Sir Philip Francis long afterwards made this note in a volume of
Belsham's ' History,' vol. v. p. 298 : ' I wrote this speech for Lord
Mansfield ' (at that page of the edition of 1805 Belsham refers to
the speech of 9 Jan. 1770) * as well as all those of Lord Chatham
on the Middlesex election.' If this claim be well founded, it has the
remarkable result that all Chatham's most important speeches at
this period were ' reported ' by Francis, and * reported ' in a sense
which is not always very distinguishable from ' composed.' If
Francis was * Junius,' and was also the writer of Chatham's speeches
for the year 1770, he has claims to a considerable place in our his-
tory.

1888 CHATHAM, FRANCIS, AND JUNIUS 285

The claim was disputed by Mr. Dilke,^ who even suspected
Francis of manufacturing evidence upon which to base a claim to
the Junius letters. Mr. Dilke's fault as a critic was a tendency to
excessive suspiciousness. His arguments make it necessary, how-
ever, to notice the circumstances under which this claim was made
by Francis. When the volume of the * Parliamentary History ' con-
taining the debates of 1770 was published, the editor acknowledged
the help of a contributor who had originally reported, and now
revised, speeches of Chatham's, delivered on 9 and 22 Jan. and
22 Nov. 1770.2 The editor told Taylor (author of ' Junius Identi-
fied ') that this contributor was Francis ; and in the preface to vol.
xxxiv., published after Francis's death, the name is fully given.
Francis therefore made this claim in 1813, and in 1816 Taylor
pointed out the fact, and grounded upon it an argument for the
identity of Francis and Junius. But a similar claim had been pre-
viously made. When m 1792 Almon published his ' Anecdotes of
Chatham,' he stated that the speeches of January 1770 were now
reported for the first time from the notes of a ' gentleman of strong
memory.' As these speeches are identical with those of the parlia-
mentary history, Francis (if we believe him) was the gentleman in
question ; and, if he was lying, it was odd that he should be able to
step into a pair of ready-made shoes. Francis, again, had previously
stated that he had heard these January speeches. He quotes that
of 9 Jan. in a paper on the regency in the Monthly Mirror for
January 1811, saying that he ' heard ' Lord Chatham use the words
in question. The paper has a motto from the same speech, and
is opened by this significant statement : * After the noble speaker
of these words no man has so good a right to make use of them as
I. They express a principle on which I have acted, and I resort to
them as my own.' In a pamphlet on the paper currency (1810) he
quotes a phrase from the speech of 22 Jan. with the words, ' as I
heard Lord Chatham declare in the house of lords with a monarch's
voice.' ^ Even Mr. Dilke could hardly have supposed that these
various statements w^ere part of a deep-laid scheme for appropriating
the fame of Junius, and that after all he left one statement to be found
in Belsham's history after his death, and managed to inspire Taylor
with suspicions so skilfully that Taylor was unconscious of inspira-
tion. The most sceptical, it is sometimes said, are the most credu-
lous; but the fact that Francis attended some debates and took
notes of Chatham's speeches is now fully established by Parkes
and Meri vale's * Life of Francis,' where his notes of a later speech
are printed. The remarkable autobiographical fragment printed in
the appendix to the first volume (pp. 353-370), and written accor-
ding to Parkes before 1776, that is withhi six years of the events

' See Papers of a Critic, vol. ii. ? Pari. Hist. xvi. 647, 741, 1091.

» See Jimius Identified (1816), pp. 142, 146, 222. ^

236 ■ CHATHAM, FRANCIS, AND JUNIUS April

and long before he could have thought of making any claim to be
Junius, gives, as we shall presently see, some very curious evidence.
But I will first notice the report speeches.

Almon, as we have seen, claimed to give the first full reports of
Chatham's speeches in January, the only speeches of his in that
session which were reported at length. When in 1816 Taylor
published the first book in which Francis was identified with
Junius, he declared ^ that as he was accidentally reading * Almon' s
Anecdotes ' it occurred to him that the voice of Chatham was
really the voice of Junius. When he discovered that Chatham
was in this case speaking through the mouth of Francis, the in-
ference was irresistible. Taylor proceeds to give the i)hrases
which, in his opinion, justify the identification of Francis with
Junius. An impartial reader will probably regard some of the
coincidences as vague, and some phrases as belonging to the
common stock of all the writers and speakers of the time. But it
is certainly curious to find that Chatham when he appeals to * the
simplicity of common sense ' is using a phrase already employed by
Junius ; that Chatham denounces the ' silken barons of modern
times,' and that the same epithet was used both by Junius and by
Francis ; that Chatham compares the royal prerogative to the
feather in the eagle's wing; and that Junius uses the same daring
metaphor afterwards for the king's honour ; or again that Chatham
in his speech and Junius in a private letter to Wilkes use precisely
similar language about amputating the rotten parts of the consti-
tution. The probability arising from these and other coincidences
will strike different readers with varying degrees of force ; what
may, I think, be fairly said is that such coincidences might natu-
rally be expected if Junius was in fact the reporter, sometimes
using turns of expression already employed by himself and some-
times catching hints which he afterwards reproduced. The expla-
nation will meet the case, although it is not necessarily the only
explanation. Mr. Dilke endeavoured to meet this argument by
stating that reports of these speeches appeared at the time of their
delivery. He regarded the fact as inconsistent with Francis's
claim to be the reporter and with Almon' s statement that he
published them for the first time in 1792. In regard to the first
point, I may notice that Francis may very well have been the first
reporter, although he afterwards used the same report for Almon's
publication. As we shall see directly, he treated a later speech
in this way. But is Mr. Dilke' s statement correct ? I am sorry
to differ from a man whose accuracy is generally, and I believe
quite rightly, admitted. I have, however, checked his remarks by
examining all the papers in the British Museum, and with a rather
surprising result. There is, in the first place, no report whatever

* Edit. 1816, p. 256.

1888 CHATHAM, FRANCIS, AND JUNIUS 237

•of the speech of 22 Jan. nor does Mr. Dilke allege that he has
found one. This speech contains some of the coincidences noticed
by Taylor, especially the curious simile which, according to Butler
in his ' Eeminiscences,' was regarded as the finest extant, about the
eagle's feather. That two people should have hit upon it indepen-
dently, appears to me to be highly improbable ; but it is of course
possible that Junius may have heard of Chatham's phrase else-
where.

There is a more remarkable coincidence in the same speech.
In a letter to "Wilkes (7 Sept. 1771) Junius quotes a passage
from this report verbatim about ' infusing a portion of new health
into the constitution.' This is by itself conclusive as to Junius
having seen the report, and as even Mr. Dilke cannot produce any
report previous to Almon, he must have been using the report
claimed by Francis, which, so far as we know, was still in Francis's
desk. In the next place there is, as Mr. Dilke says, a short collec-
tion of extracts from the speech of 9 Jan. This appeared in the
London Evening Post, in the Public Advertiser, and in the General
Evening Post of 23 Jan. and in the Gazetteer of the next day.
From Mr. Dilke's account of the document, I cannot doubt that
it is to this paper that he refers. The extracts, as he says, are
separated by asterisks. The remarks are ostensibly attributed
to a speaker in the Eobin Hood Society, according to a common
practice of the time. But this subterfuge and the imperfect nature
of the report certainly do not suggest to me that it was formed of
extracts from some previously published report not now forth-
coming. On the contrary, considering the extremely meagre nature
of this report, a fortnight after the delivery, and the anxiety of
papers at that time to introduce any of the meagre notices which
appeared in their contemporaries, I should say that it almost
proves that no other report had appeared. Now these extracts, so
far as I can judge, represent a different version of the speech,
though they correspond to its general nature ; all put together form
a very trifling fragment of the speech ; and moreover they do not
include the precise phrases noticed by Taylor and stated by Mr.
Dilke to occur in the fragment. My own belief is, in spite of my
unfeigned respect for Mr. Dilke's general carefulness, that he hastily
jumped to the conclusion that there was an identity between the
two reports because this report represents two or three of the
passages in question though not in the same words. It is hard to
prove a negative ; but my examination has convinced me that
Almon's statement that the speeches had not previously appeared
was absolutely correct in regard to the speech of 22 Jan. and sub-
stantially correct in regard to that of 9 Jan. I think it indeed
highly improbable that if any report like that in Almon had been
published at the time it would have disappeared. The newspapers

238 CHATHAM, FRANCIS, AND JUNIUS April

give the merest scraps to represent speeches which were then of the
very highest interest. They constantly republish whatever scraps
are given ; and a full report of Chatham would have been a curiosity
scarcely likely to escape all reference and to drop completely out of
sight. We shall presently see that a later report of a speech by
Chatham was in fact at once republished in several places. Thus
the only report extant of 9 Jan. entirely fails to bear out the state-
ment that the phrases in question had already appeared ; and
therefore Taylor's argument retains whatever weight it deserves.
I will add, that in any case the use by Chatham of phrases pre-
viously used by Junius still requires explanation. If Junius was
the reporter, the explanation is easy.

The other speeches of Chatham in this session are very briefly
reported. Two or three remarks may be made upon them. The
proximate authority which appears to have been followed in the
'Parliamentary History ' for Chatham's speeches in 1770 (that is, for
the speeches claimed in Francis's note) is generally the London
Museum, This London Museum had a few miscellaneous articles,
but its speciality was the publication of political documents. It was
of the most pronounced opposition colouring. Almon was prosecuted
for selling a copy of the first number, which gave a reprint of
Junius's letter to the king. Miller, who published the Museum, was
prosecuted for reprinting the same letter in his London Evening
Post, Junius mentions him (private letter No. 24) as a man * who
will have no scruples ' in publishing a dangerous document. The
Museum itself only lived through 1770 and the first part of 1771.
It shows its tendency by such pleasantry as the production of por-
traits of Mansfield and Judge Jeffreys on the same page in which
the oppressor of Wilkes and the infamous servant of James II are
made to look as like as twins. In its reports of proceedings in the
Lords it inverts Johnson's plan of taking care that the whig dogs
did not get the best of the argument. The tories are burlesqued
when they are reported at all. Eeports of Chatham are trans-
planted from the Museum to the * ParHamentary History,' while
the reports of ministerial speeches are taken from other authorities.
Two reports in the first session of 1770 are remarkable. On 2 Feb.
Chatham made two speeches, both reported in the Museum and
transplanted to Almon. In the Museum the debate is introduced
by a note from * Shorthand,' who gives the speeches of Sandwich
and Chatham ; and this, says Almon, is the only report known.
Now Francis was present at this debate, and Parkes and Merivale
in their ' Life ' reprint his notes of Chatham's speech, and add what
is clearly an expansion of one paragraph in the speech apparently
intended to form part of a more extended report. It is remarkable
that this argument does not reappear in the Museum report.

The report there given differs, indeed, so widely from the notes

1888 CHATHAM, FRANCIS, AND JUNIUS 239

that it awakes uncomfortable doubts of its fidelity. Some phrases,
expressly one — comparing Wilkes to a comet — have evidently been
reproduced, and the general line of argument is followed ; but the
speech has obviously been rearranged and considerably modified
in the process. It is perhaps worth notice that the substance of
the particular argument — a rather remarkable one — expanded in
Francis's, makes its appearance, though in very different words, in
Junius's letter of 28 May 1770.^

A speech on 2 March following has a characteristic history.
Part of it first appeared in the Public Advertiser, Junius's organ, on
5 March 1770, to which it is sent by * Invisible.' Parts of it also
appeared in the Lojidon Evening Post of 6 March. The same
plan was often followed by the writer of letters ascribed too Junius.
The most curious instance occurred on 5 Dec. 1767, when * X Y '
sent to the Public Advertiser what purports to be a speech at
a political club. He calls it a mere jeu d' esprit. The report got
into Almon's Political Register as representing a speech by Burke,
and afterwards passed as the first of Burke's reported speeches.
There is no proof, however, that either ' X Y ' or ' Invisible ' was
really Junius or Francis.

The Museum printed three other speeches by Chatham in the
same session, which with the preceding form all that we know of
his oratory during this period. If Francis's note in Belsham is to
be trusted and literally construed, he must have written them ; but
I know of no proof of this, nor are the speeches of any great
importance. Whether the Museum copied for itself from the
papers, or received these reports from the original reporters, I
cannot say. Miller was the printer both of the Museum and the
London Evening Post, and published reports in both.

In the following session, which began in November 1770, the
opposition had come up still confident of victory. The battle had
been raging with doubtful results in parliament and in the law
courts. Luttrell, in spite of Chatham and Junius, still held his
seat for Middlesex. The electors had, therefore, no chance of again
expressing their sympathies. Woodfall, Miller, and Almon had all
been prosecuted for selling Junius's letter to the king. Almon was
convicted ; Miller was acquitted ; and in W^oodfall's case the jury
returned the special verdict * Guilty of printing and publishing only.*
The legal effect of this verdict was just coming up for decision by
Lord Mansfield. He finally decided (20 Nov.) that the verdict
was insufficient. Meanwhile a difficulty was arising in a fresh
quarter. The Falkland Islands dispute was supposed to threaten
a war with Spain. In these matters Francis, as we learn from
the autobiography, took the keenest interest. He was deep in all

« Woodfall's 1812 ed. ii. 142.

240 CHATHAM, FRANCIS, AND JUNIUS April

the schemes of Calcraft.^ ' I concurred with him heartily,' says
Francis after describing his plans ; * I had no hope of advancement
but on the line of opposition. I was sincere, though mistaken, in
my politics, and was convinced the ministry could never stand the
<jonsequences of the Middlesex election.' He had special reasons
for desiring success. Though only thirty he had been married for
€ight years and was the father of five children. His own father
was breaking down in health, and drawing upon him for at least
temporary loans. His wife's relations were also rather a burden
than a help. His salary at the war office was trifling ; but in case
of war, as his biographer rather unkindly points out, it would be
greatly increased, as it depended partly upon fees payable upon
such occasions as the issue of commissions to officers. But Francis
had an ambition which looked to greater things. War would
clearly mean the return to office of the greatest war minister who
ever held power in England. * If Chatham had come in,' says
Francis again, * I might have commanded anything, and could not
Tsut have risen under his protection.' This may mean simply that
Chatham was the patron of Calcraft, who was the patron of Francis.
But we cannot help remembering that the young clerk might
indeed have commanded anything if he could have revealed himself
to Chatham as the Junius who had done in the press what Chatham
had done in the house of lords. On 22 Nov. 1770 Chatham made
a great speech upon foreign policy ; and on that topic he spoke of
-course with unrivalled authority. This speech was not left, like
the others, to ooze out in fragments or wait twenty years in private
papers. * I took down from memory the famous speech he (Chat-
ham) made on 22 Nov. 1770, and had it pubHshed in a few days.
It had a great effect abroad, and alarmed or offended the ministry
so much that they determined to shut the doors of the house of
lords against all strangers, even the members of the other house.'
Mr. Dilke discovered that this speech had been published at the
time, and triumphantly rebuked * Franciscans ' on the strength of
his discovery. He assumed that it disproved the claim advanced
by Francis in 1813 to be the original reporter. We now see that

• The editor of the Grenville Papers tries to support his theory that Junius was
Lord Temple, by showing with some force that Junius was in possession of informa- ij^

tion which Calcraft was communicating to Chatham and jDrobably to Lord Temple. -Jl

The argument, so far as it goes, is clearly in favour of Francis. Perhaps the strongest «

case is this : On 11 Nov. 1770 Calcraft tells Chatham that the king had written
to Lord Barrington four days before ordering certain military appointments to be made
in Ireland without consulting ministers or the lord lieutenant. Calcraft must in all
probability have heard this from Francis. Junius, writing as * Testiculus ' (an
acknowledged signature) on 24 Nov., states, in obvious reference to this, but
without giving any details, that ' we have sufficient reasons to think ' that it is * the
king's intention to govern the army himself.' The vague reference seems to imply
that the facts were not so publicly known that they could be safely mentioned ; but
clearly Francis would be possessed of the knowledge. 3

1888 CHATHAM, FRANCIS, AND JUNIUS 241

it confirms Francis's own statement, and it is quite consistent with
the later claim. The speech was reprinted in the Middlesex Journal
and in the London Evening Post, though it was too long to be got
into one number of either. It is also reprinted in the Museum and
in the London Magazine. The eagerness thus shown affords a
strong presumption that the January speeches cannot have been
published. They would otherwise have appeared somewhere. Like
the others this speech was reprinted in Almon's Anecdotes. At the
time it was the first speech of Chatham of which anything like a
full contemporary report appeared. To publish it was to take a
bold step in advance ; and Francis was attempting, prematurely, to
introduce the modern system of enabling a parliamentary orator
to address the whole public. Meanwhile Francis (and Junius) were
convinced that war was approaching. ' Depend upon the assurance
I give you,' says Junius in a private letter to Woodfall (16 Jan.
1771), * that every man in the administration looks upon war as
inevitable.' Francis had told his brother-in-law Macrabie on 11 Dec. :
.* The approach of a war loads me with business, as I hope it
will with money. ... We expect a declaration of war every day.'
Calcraft gave the same opinion to Chatham. Francis, indeed, gave
a more unequivocal proof of his opinion. The Spanish quarrel was
peaceably settled in January, and, says Francis, * I lost 5001. in
the stocks.' He adds that the lesson prevented him from ever
* entering into such traffic again.' (It is odd, by the way, that in
Almon's Anecdotes,"^ to which Francis contributed some passages
(besides the reports), there is a note saying that in 1761 a clerk in
the secretary of state's office (to which Francis then belonged) was
discharged by Chatham for gambling in the funds. If Francis
added this note, he must have been regretting that he had not been
impressed by the precedent.) The hopes of opposition were thus
upset, though Junius returned to the charge at the end of January
in a letter which called forth Johnson's famous pamphlet.

Meanwhile, however, the old warfare over Wilkes and the
Junius letters had been raging furiously. The record of Chatham's
share in these proceedings in the * Parliamentary History ' still
apparently comes from the Museum, though the Museum itseU copies
other papers. The article which reports his speech of 22 Nov.
goes on, without any sign of discontinuity, to report two succeeding
debates on 5 and 10 Dec. The debate of 5 Dec, in which various
peers took part, included a smart encounter between Chatham and
Mansfield on the old topic of the Middlesex election. The second
led to a very remarkable scene. Mansfield had asked for a call of
the house in order to make a statement in regard to his own con-
duct in the case of Woodfall. He seems to have flinched at the
last moment. Instead of the expected defence of his conduct he

' 3rd edition, ii. 325.
VOL. III. — NO. X. R

242 CHATHAM, FRANCIS, AND JUNIUS April

simply said that he had left his judgment in the Woodfall case with
the clerk, which noble lords might read and copy if they pleased.
Chatham straightway made an assault on his antagonist. Ac-
cording to a letter signed * Nerva ' of 14 Dec. (printed in the notes
to Woodfall's ' Junius,' iii. 295-300) Chatham, after dwelling upon
Mansfield's conduct in regard to this paper, concluded by attacking
him for giving an extrajudicial and unprecedented opinion in regard
to the Woodfall trial. Mansfield, as ' Nerva ' goes on to say^
pointed out Chatham's mistake with great amiability and modera-
tion. The subject then apparently dropped, but directly afterwards
some remarks by the duke of Manchester upon the state of our
military preparations produced a scene of excitement such as has
rarely ruffled the dignity of the upper house. Chatham tried to
speak during the disturbance and was hooted down. * The deep
bass of the claret drinkers of Arthur's,' says the Museum re-
porter in a passage omitted by the decorous * Parliamentary
History,' * mixed with the shrill of the macaronics brayed harsh
discord in a confused assemblage of the most shocking dissonance^
Hands, voices, and legs,' he adds, * were all employed to stifle the
voice of the great orator who had been raised to the house for
saving the country.' The result of this tumult was that the house
was cleared of all strangers, and on the next day even members
of the house of commons were excluded. Francis says in his
autobiography that he was present at this * ridiculous scene.' It
is at this point that we come upon a coincidence with Junius
more remarkable than those already noticed. The report of the
two debates has some remarkable peculiarities. The debate of
5 Dec. (strangely misdated 28 Nov. in the Museum) included
speeches by other peers, which in the * Parliamentary History ' are
supplied from the London Magazine. The Museum gives mere
burlesques in their place. These had, with one exception, already
appeared in a report in the London Evening Post of 6 Dec, whence
it was copied by other papers. The Museum, however, substi-
tutes a new speech for that previously attributed to Junius's special
victim, the duke of Grafton. He is made to utter a mere string of
incoherent phrases. * My lords,' he says, ' I am really astonished ;
yet indeed, my lords, I ought not to be astonished. The question
has been handled with so much ability by other noble lords that I
shall content inyseM with this simple unadorned declaration of my
opinions ' — which, however, he never succeeds in declaring at all.
The report in the * Parliamentary History ' (from the London
Magazine) makes the same speaker pronounce a grammatical and
tolerably pointed oration, of which this may perhaps pass for a
bold parody. The burlesque is taken from a letter signed ' Domi-
tian ' in the Public Advertiser of 7 Dec, where it is preceded by
a savage attack upon the duke, who 'with a very solemn and

1888 CHATHAM, FRANCIS, AND JUNIUS 2i'6

plausible delivery has a set of thoughts, or rather of words
resembling thoughts, which may be applied indifferently and with
equal success to all possible subjects.' Now ' Domitian ' was an
alias for Junius, who sent the letter to Woodfall with the request
that he would observe the italics (see above) strictly where they
were marked. Francis, therefore, if Francis was the Museum
reporter, was here appropriating Junius's satire. But the next
debate brings out a relation between the two — if they were two —
which must be explained more fully.

Francis was acting, as we have seen, in the closest co-operation
with Calcraft. Calcraft more than once sends papers to Chatham
which he has received from Francis, as appears from the Chatham
correspondence. Now whilst the assault upon Mansfield was brewing
Francis wrote a long letter to Calcraft (1 Dec. 1770) obviously
intended to be laid before Chatham. (It is printed in Parkes and
Merivale, i. 394.) It suggests a doubt of the expediency of attack-
ing Mansfield in the house of lords, not from any wish to spare
Mansfield, but, on the contrary, because the motion will certainly be
lost by a great majority, and therefore relieve Mansfield from a
state of anxiety ' and suspense.' He wishes the cloud to hang
over his (Mansfield's) head, but not burst * until it has collected
weight enough to destroy him.' The attack should be continued
by * discourse abroad,' and by ' every kind of side stroke in parlia-
ment.' On 21 Nov. Junius had written to Woodfall : ' I will never
rest till I have destroyed or expelled that wretch. . . . The fellow
truckles already.' *He is even now,' Francis said, * perhaps look-
ing forward to a distant day of punishment.' But a few days later
Francis changed his mind. * I caught a hint of this irregularity [an
irregularity in the recent judgment of Mansfield's in the Woodfall
case] from Bearcroft one night at the tavern, and immediately
drew up an argument upon it in proper form and sent it to Cal-
craft, desiring him to transmit it to his friend [Chatham]. Within
three days after I heard the great earl of Chatham repeat my letter
verbatim in the house of lords, not only following the argument
exactly, but dressing it in the same expressions I had done. His
speech the next day flamed in the newspapers and ran through the
kingdom.'

The paper which Francis sent to Chatham is printed in the
* Chatham Correspondence ' (iv. 48, where may also be found the
subsequent versions of Chatham's speech, to be mentioned directly).
When Mr. Merivale printed Francis's autobiography, he strangely
overlooked the significance of this statement, and confounded this
paper with the letter sent to Chatham on 1 Dec. Mr. Hay-
ward saw its importance (see his article * More about Junius '), but
treated it in a way too characteristic of the . curious want of good
temper which gives needless bitterness to this controversy. By

244 CHATHAM, FRANCIS, AND JUNIUS April

him a Franciscan was always mentioned in terms such as a severe
theologian might apply to a Muggletonian or others to an ignorant
and perverse fool. He says that the paper is not in Francis's hand
(which is also said in the * Grenville Correspondence,' iii. cxvi), and
infers that Francis had heard of it from Calcraft and was making
a false claim in his autobiography. I have no great opinion of
Francis's veracity, but I think that in this case there is not the
slightest ground for suspicion. No impartial reader of the auto-
biography will believe that in this case Francis was telling a circum-
stantial lie to himself, for the autobiography was evidently * most
private and confidential.' Nor is there any reason to suppose that
he would even have known of the paper unless he had himself sent
it. His obvious familiarity with it and the complacency with which
he refers to it convince me of his sincerity and truthfulness in this
case. Though I feel bound to mention Hay ward's suggestion, it
strikes me only as a proof of the straits to which he was driven.
Mr. Merivale replied to Hayward in a paper called * Junius, Francis,
and Lord Mansfield in December 1770 ' {Fortnightly Review, March
1868), in which he puts the case very fairly. Francis, if he, as I
cannot doubt, wrote the paper, was obviously chuckling at the
thought of checkmating the great lawyer upon a technical legal
point.

Chatham spoke on 10 Dec, and his speech did * flame ' in
the papers. A brief report of his speech appeared in the London ■
Evening Post (quoted by Dilke in * Papers of a Critic,' and in the m
* Grenville Correspondence,' iii. cxvii) and in other papers. A phrase /
in it is also cited in the * Chapter of Facts ' in the Public Advertiser
of 13. Dec, which is printed amongst the miscellaneous letters
ascribed to Woodfall. It was publicly known, therefore, that Chatham
had accused Mansfield of ' travelling out of the record,' and pro-
claimed that his conduct was * irregular, extrajudicial, and unpre-
cedented.' The * report,' however, in the Evening Post, if it can be
called a report, gives no intelligible account of the grounds upon
which Chatham based his denunciation. Nerva's letter, already
quoted, shows that he too had completely missed the precise point
made in Francis's paper, or, which is possible, that Chatham had
himself missed it ; in any case, nobody could understand it from
Nerva or the Post. Hereupon a letter signed ' Phalaris ' appeared
in the Public Advertiser (7 Dec), one paragraph of which states
the argument fully and plainly, and in part almost repeats the
words of Francis. The last sentence of Francis's letter is : * His
[Mansfield's] reason for this proceeding was that he might have
an opportunity of saying, what he had no right to say on that
occasion, that the three other judges concurred with him in the
doctrine laid down in the charge to the jury.' Phalaris concludes
his paragraph by saying : * His real motive for doing what he

1888 CHATHAM, FRANCIS, AND JUNIUS 245

knew to be wrong was that he might have an opportunity of
telling the public extrajudicially that the other three judges agreed
with him in the doctrine laid down in his charge.' There is no
trace of this in the Evening Post report. It can hardly be
thought that this farfetched suggestion occurred to two people inde-
pendently, and that they expressed it in sentences so closely resem-
bling each other and in precisely the same connexion. I may add
that the same mistake as to facts is implied in both. Mansfield
had expressly cited the authority of three judges — Denison, Yates,
and Foster — in his speech at the house of lords of 5 Dec. ; but in
his judgment there is only a vague reference to some unnamed
authorities. The confusion was easy, but was not likely to occur
independently to two writers. The whole almost inevitably suggests
the conclusion that Francis was the author of the ' Phalaris ' letter,
and was restating his argument, which had been imperfectly repre-
sented in the report previously published. (The name Phalaris was
possibly suggested as a kind of Greek equivalent to Francis ?) It
may be suggested that he was following some report — not now
forthcoming — of Chatham's speech. It is not probable that any
such report existed ; for every paper was eager to copy all reports.
In the next place it is impossible to suppose that a speech trans-
mitted first through Chatham, who was not the man simply to
repeat a lesson by rote, though he might adopt some of its phrases,
and then through a reporter — such as reporters were in those days
— should bring out a precise repetition of Francis's paper and of that
paper only. And, finally, Phalaris distinctly uses the argument as
his own ; and he could not possibly have taken such a liberty with
a speech of Chatham's — which had appeared in the papers and
made a great sensation — before it was a week old. He concludes
by saying : ' I affirm, therefore, with Lord Chatham, that his [Mans-
field's] conduct was irregular, extrajudicial, and unprecedented ' —
quoting, that is, the phrase which had already * flamed in the news-
papers.' Now the next appearance of this paragraph was in the
Museum report. There, by the simple omission of the three words
ivith Lord Chatham, the chief paragraph of Phalaris' s letter is con-
verted into a report of Chatham's speech. Chatham now affirms for
himself that Mansfield's conduct deserved the three damnatory
epithets. That this is copied from Phalaris appears from the fact
that other phrases from his letter are used in the same report.
Not only does Phalaris's letter thus reappear, but it constitutes the
whole report of the speaking. No notice is taken of the rest of
Chatham's speech nor of Mansfield's reply, both mentioned in the
letter of Nerva. This, I think, goes near to proving that Phalaris
had seen Francis's paper, and in all probability was Francis himself.
The difference is precisely such as might be expected from a man
reproducing his own argument, partly, as was natural, in the same

246 CHATHAM, FRANCIS, AND JUNIUS April

words, but also expanding and rearranging a part in order to bring
out more clearly the point misunderstood by his antagonist.

But was not Phalaris also Junius ? The Phalaris letter is printed
as one of the ' miscellaneous letters ' attributed to Junius in the
edition brought out by Woodfall's son in 1812. The authority of
this identification is not so great as might be supposed, for the
younger Woodfall had no private means of knowledge, and some
of the letters seem to be certainly spurious. Yet there are some
strong reasons for confirmation of this particular assumption, though
it was disputed by Mr. Dilke (who also denied the authority of the
' Grand Council ' and other letters since known to have been claimed
by Junius in his letter to George Grenville). In the first place,
Junius, as we have just seen, was, like Francis, anxious to destroy
Mansfield, and thought him already truckling ; that is, because he
had decided that the verdict was insufficient. There was no one
against whom Junius had a stronger feeling. Mansfield's support
was of the most essential value to the government from his vast
legal reputation, and Mansfield had taken the most prominent part
in the various proceedings against Wilkes and Junius's publisher.
Can it be doubted that Junius would do his best to support Chatham
in the assault upon Mansfield, which thus flamed in the papers and
ran through the kingdom ? Junius, who had attacked Mansfield
savagely in November, was now under that name absolutely silent ;
yet Junius himself was certainly alive and vigorous, for at this very
time he was writing at least the Domitian letter of this date. Two
others, called ' Chapters of Facts,' are also with less certainty
attributed to Junius at the same period. But neither Domitian
nor the ' Chapter of Facts ' does more than incidentally glance at
Mansfield. If Junius was really Phalaris, however, the explanation
is obvious. Junius in that case did his best to aid Chatham's
assault by repeating his argument and claiming his authority for
the conclusion ; and the whole letter is directed against Mansfield.
Why, then, did not Junius set his usual signature ? Because all
these letters obviously suggest that the writer has been at the
house of lords. Junius, who was so nervously anxious to guard
against detection, would be unwilling to give any such clue as
would be offered by stating that he was one of the strangers present
at these debates. The artifice, I must add, was not quite successful.
The letters were not fully identified as his until the publication of
the 1812 edition ; but I find that the Domitian letters were after-
wards reprinted as obviously by Junius in the Museum.

There is another curious fact. In the spring of 1772 Junius
published the ' author's edition ' of his own letters. In a note to the
preface he quotes Chatham's speech. He evidently quotes from the
Museum, for he repeats an erroneous date (11 for 10 Dec). Hu
omits, as it may not be irrelevant to observe, one sentence (e.g. * 1

1888 CHATHAM, FRANCIS, AND JUNIUS 247

am sure that there is not a lawyer in England who will contradict
me '), because apparently he has just used a precisely equivalent
phrase (' I am well assured that no lawyer of character in West-
minster Hall will contradict me ') in the text. The repetition was
natural in a man talking upon a very familiar subject, but might
suggest suspicions. To this speech he prefixes the curious remark
that it * is taken with exactness.' ® How did he know that ? The
statement is probably inaccurate, for it is quite inconceivable that
Chatham should have put his argument so dryly and briefly in an
exciting moment. But it was no doubt sufficiently true from the
point of view of Francis, who had, as his autobiography shows,
been greatly flattered by hearing his own words in the mouth of the
great orator, and would naturally exaggerate the coincidence. In
any case Junius goes out of his way to guarantee the accuracy of a
report — written in all probability by Francis — of a speech which we
know to have been originally suggested by Francis.

One more coincidence may be noted. At the beginning of
1772 Junius was once more preparing an attack upon his hated
enemy. He spent obviously immense pains in writing an elaborate
legal argument, which, however, failed of effect and only proved,
according to Lord Campbell, that he could not have been a real
lawyer. Having written his letter he obtained a proof from Wood-
fall, and sent it to Chatham with a request that the great man
would support the attack in the house of lords. Mansfield is again
accused of * extrajudicial ' conduct, and a similar attempt is made
to convict the great authority of trifling upon a purely legal ques-
tion. What could be more natural if, in fact, Junius as Phalaris
had been Chatham's ally in the assault a year earlier ? In both
cases, it may be noticed, the attack turns upon a very narrow and
technical question. I am not lawyer enough to know whether there
was anything in the legal point urged by * Phalaris,' but in any
<5ase it was curiously minute from a non-legal point of view. It
■would only interest its original author or men passionately anxious
to find any stone to throw at Mansfield. He was accused not of
injustice, but at most of irrelevant introduction of certain con-
siderations.

By the beginning of 1772, however, the opposition was in
despair. The letter then sent to Chatham was the last of Junius's
performances in that name. The only subsequent letters were
those in which, as Veteran and Scotus, he attacked Lord Barrington
with singular bitterness for dismissing Doyly, Francis's most inti-
mate friend, and with Doyly getting rid of Francis himself. The
secret of the opposition failure is partly given by Francis. The

^ So Francis writes to his brother-in-law Macrabie (6 March 1771) : 'How did you
Americans like Lord Chatham's speech ? ' (probably that of 22 Nov.) ' It was
really genuine.' (Parkes and Merivale, i. 258.)

248 CHATHAM, FRANCIS, AND JUNIUS April

closing of the house of lords at the end of 1770 'was fatal to the
opposition. It was in vain to make speeches when there was no
audience to be informed or inflamed, nor any means of dispersing
them among the people.' Junius's extreme anxiety on the same
topic is shown in his private letter to Woodfall of 31 Jan. 1771.
' It is,' he says, ' of the utmost importance to the pubHc cause that
the doors of the house of lords should be opened on Thursday next ;
perhaps the following [a notice stating that the ministry intend to
open the doors, in order to give full information about the Falkland
Islands affair] may help to shame them into it.' The ministry
did not take the bait. During 1771 the opposition broke up ; the
Spanish quarrel was soon forgotten and a war minister not re-
quired. Junius reviled Grafton for again taking office, and Suffolk
(the letters upon Suffolk signed *Henricus' are not certainly
authentic) for carrying to the ministry the support of Grenville's
friends ; and tried to remedy the dissensions in the city caused by
the quarrel of Home and Wilkes. But the case went from bad
to worse. Writing in the papers, however brilliant, could at most
affect the constituencies of a few members ; speeches in parliament
were of no use when the single effective publication had (as Francis
thought) led simply to the closing of the doors. The ministry, safe
in the support of members who could vote, though they could not
speak, opposed to all assaults a passive indifference and a suppres-
sion of all means of publicity. Chatham and Junius in alliance
had thundered their best, but even the thunder was muffled and no
bolt struck the treasury bench. The full comparison between this
state of things and that which succeeded a full publication of the
debate must be left to the philosophical historian.

I shall not venture any remarks upon the Junius controversy.
The identification of Francis with Junius must of course depend
upon the convergence of various lines of argument, and especially
upon the evidence from handwriting published by Mr. Twisleton.
All that I have endeavoured to show is that the fact noticed by
Taylor, that both Junius and Francis attended debates in the house
of lords, and that the reports claimed by Francis show some co-
incidences with the acknowledged writings of Junius, has further
bearings, which could not be fully brought out until the publication
of Francis's autobiography. There was not merely a conjunction
of the two (not very heavenly) bodies, but a coincidence through an
arc of their orbits. During the main part of Junius's career
Francis, if not Junius, was acting in close co-operation with him.
Junius supported Chatham's rhetoric in the papers ; Francis took
reports of Chatham's speeches, and certainly published one of them,
with the unfortunate result, as we have seen, of closing for a time
the doors of the house of lords. Junius quotes Francis's report
(then unpublished) in a private letter ; he guarantees the accuracy

1888 CHATHAM, FRANCIS, AND JUNIUS 249'

of another report, though it was probably inaccurate and in reality a
mere reproduction of a letter by Francis ; and Francis seems to have
returned the compliment by using a letter of Junius to construct
his own reports. Both were engaged in the same political enterprise,
had the same anticipations, and were trying to bring in Chatham,
by endeavouring, to stimulate public opinion through the press in
spite of the obstacles then to be encountered. But the coincidence,
taken by itself, is of course susceptible of other explanations than
an identity of the two allies.

Leslie Stephen.

250 April

The Plantation of Munster
1 584-1 589

IN 1583 perished Gerald Fitzgerald, fifteenth earl of Desmond,
the head of the younger branch of the Geraldine family, and
the representative of one of the noblest and most powerful Anglo-
Irish houses in Ireland. By his rebellion, his estates, and those of
his retainers, amounting in all to 574,645 acres, ^ were placed at
the disposal of the crown. The manner of their disposal forms the
subject of this paper. And at the outset, without either justi-
fying or condemning the plantation policy as a method for the
reduction of Ireland to civility and good government, it is impor-
tant to notice one particular fact, which certainly distinguished the
Munster plantation from those that had preceded it, and which
assuredly was not without considerable influence on those who ad-
vocated and believed in that policy. I refer to the utter depopula-
tion of the province, emphatically recorded by Spenser and other
contemporary English writers. Hitherto in endeavouring to carry
into execution their colonisation schemes, viz. the plantation of
Leix and Offaly and the abortive attempts of Sir Thomas Smith and
the earl of Essex in Ulster, the government and planters had been
confronted by an insuperable obstacle in the presence and active
opposition of the natives, who resisted by every means within their
power the attempt to dispossess them of their lands. In the case
of Munster this obstacle seemed to have been providentially re-
moved. Many of the natives had perished in the wars ; many
more had fled into Connaught and Ulster, where among their
friendly bogs and wild recesses they were anxiously awaiting the
subsidence of the storm, which should permit them to return to
their old abodes. In 1582 more than 30,000 men, women, and
children, we are informed, perished in that province within half a
year, chiefly of starvation. ^

Aheavie but just judgment of God [says the old chronicler] upon such
a Pharoical and stifnecked people, who by no persuasions, no counsels,
and no reasons would be reclamed and reduced to serve God in true

* Hamilton's Calendar, iii. 49. The estimates vary from 577,645 to 574,628.
' Ih. ii. 361.

1888 THE PLANTATION OF MUNSTER 251

religion, and to obeie their most lawful prince in dutifuU obedience, but
made choise of a wicked idoU, the god Mazim to honor, and of that
wicked antichrist of Rome to obeie, unto the utter overthrow of themselves
and of their posteritie.

The 'repeopling of Munster,' therefore, if not in truth the cause of
the plantation, furnished at any rate a plausible excuse for it.^

Long before the termination of the war Elizabeth, recognising
the importance of the interests at stake, was busily engaged in
collecting information, which should help to guide her in her policy,
from those best acquainted with Munster. Yery naturally she turned
to Sir John Perrot, the able predecessor of Sir William Drury in the
government of Munster. And he, in obedience to her command
(1582), prepared an elaborate * Opinion for the suppressing of the
rebellion and the well-governing of Ireland.' ^ In this tract Perrot
expresses his belief that

next to the want of the true knowledge of God and of the due course of
justice, to give every man a peaceable propriety of that which is his own,
I take (under correction) that the smoothing up of all former rebellions
by pardons and protections hath been the misery and cause of most of this
mischief.

He is therefore in favour of correcting the rebellion with all
earnest severity,

not allowing pardon or protection to be given to any man but upon special
and urgent great cause. But [he adds] lest some might draw this mine
opinion of a severe correction into the reckoning of a more cruel sentence
than I mean, I protest it is far from me to desire any extirpation ; but
rather that all might be saved that were good for the country to be saved.
Yet this I say till your majesty's sword hath meekened all, I think it neither
honour nor safety to grant mercy to any. But when the sword hath made
a way, then as to pardon all would be too remiss a pity, so not to pardon
many would be an extremity nothing agreeable to your majesty's most
godly and merciful inclination. Otherwise there would be such a vacuity
of ground there (as it is already too great) that your realm of England,

^ It ought, however, to be noted that already in 1568-9, during the imprisonment
of the earl and his brother, Sir John of Desmond, in the Tower, and while the province
was convulsed by the rebellion of James FitzMaurice, a plan was submitted to the
government by a number of English gentlemen, well able, they declared, to carry it
into effect, to relieve the crown of the burden of government in Munster, on condition
of obtaining a grant of all the land between Eosscarberry and the Blasquets, being he
possessions of the Earl of Clancarty, the MacDonough, the O'SuUivans, the O'DriscoUs,
the MacMahons, the O'Callaghans, and the MacSweenys, at that time out in rebellion.
All this territory they declared they would undertake to colonise with persons of
English birth at their own risk. The proposal was favourably received, and there
seemed some prospect at the time of an attempt being made to put it into execution.
In the end, however, it was thought wiser to pardon the rebels, and the Earl of Des-
mond having been restored to his estates the scheme for the nonce fell through. State
Papers, Eliz. vols, xxvii., xxviii.

* There is an anonymous copy of this ' Opinion,' called A Discourse for the Refor-
mation of Ireland, amongst the Carew Papers, which Mr. Brewer {Cal. ii. 367) mis-
takenly conjectured to be the work of Sir H. Sydney.

252 THE PLANTATION OF MUNSTER April

though it be most populous through your majesty's most godly government
(God be thanked, and long continue it), were not able to spare people to
replenish the waste.

Perrot's ' Opinion,' we are informed, was so well received by
Elizabeth and the council as in January 1584 to obtain for him the
office of lord deputy. And indeed a much better qualified man
could hardly have been found to fill the office. * His word being
inviolably kept during his government in Munster is as much
credited as his hand and seal,' ^ wrote one who was glad to hear
of his appointment. Accordingly on 9 June 1584 he arrived in
the haven of Dalkey about six in the afternoon, and on the 21st,
being Sunday, he received his oath of government in the cathedral
church of St. Patrick.^ By that time the war had come to an end,
and he was therefore free to direct his attention to the even more
difficult task of settling the government of Ireland. His instruc-
tions were to consult with the Irish council as to the best means
for turning the escheated lands in Munster to good account and for
rewarding those noblemen and gentlemen, * inhabitants in Munster,'
who had served ' most dutifully in the late troubles with the hazard
of their lives and loss of their goods and children,' as also for re-
compensing those suitors and pensioners, whereof there were many,
' in respect of services done during the time of the late troubles
there.' ^ Nothing, however, it was evident, could be done in this
respect before an exact estimate of the escheated lands was made
and before they had been confirmed to the crown by actual act of
parliament. Perrot was therefore informed that a commission
had been issued to Sir Henry Wallop, Sir Valentine Browne,.
Thomas Jenison, Launcelot Alford, and Christopher Payton (to
which he, the lord deputy, had power to add) to make inquisition
by jury respecting all lands which ought to come into the queen's
hands by reason of the rebellion of Gerald, earl of Desmond, and
others.^ Accordingly, having received his instructions, the lord
deputy spent eighteen days in close consultation with the privy
council. *And as soon as he understood the true state of the
kingdom, and had laid down the measure of his government, he
issued a proclamation of oblivion and indemnity.' ^ This done, he
marched through Connaught to Limerick, where, having met with
Captain (afterwards Sir) John Norris, president of Munster, and

« Hamilton, Cal. ii. 519.

* Lib. Hib. pt. ii. p. 4. This account differs somewhat from that given in The
Government of Ireland and followed by Cox.

' Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica, i. 35-49.

^ The commission is dated 19 June, 1584.

» Cox, Hib.-Anglic. i. 370 ; Cal. of Fiants, 4467, &c. Wallop was much opposed
to this proclamation, being of opinion ' that for insample it were requisite to touch
some few of the principals ; ' as it was, there would, he thought, be but little land
escheat to the queen. State Papers, Wallop to Walsingham, 9 July 1584.

1888 THE PLANTATION OF MUNSTER 253

the earl of Ormonde, he was engaged in taking order for the govern-
ment of the province, when he was called away by disturbances in
Ulster ; but he took precaution that all protectees and suspected
persons should accompany him on his northern journey. There
was, however, little reason to anticipate trouble in Munster. The
people generally were pleased to see Perrot, * being glad of peace
and weary of war,' and, as Sir William Stanley, at that time sheriff
of the county of Cork, wrote, ' a man may now travel the whole
country and none to molest him.' ^^

We must, however, leave Perrot to pursue his work elsewhere.
Our interest now centres in the operations of the ' surveyors,' as
they were called, though their duties did not extend to the measur-
ing of land. The head of the commission, Sir Henry Wallop, one
of the late lords justices, a vain and choleric but not incapable man,
though well advanced in years, was already in Ireland ; but it was
not until 24 July that Sir Valentine Browne arrived in Dublin from
England.'^ This delay was further added to by the fact that when
Browne did arrive the lord deputy had departed on his expedition
into Munster. Not until 25 or 26 Aug. did the commissioners,
Wallop, Browne, Alford, and Payton, set out for the scene of their
labours. On 1 Sept. they commenced operations in Tipper ary,
which, however, they were obliged to leave partially unsurveyed
owing to the earl of Ormonde having seized a considerable portion
of the escheated lands, which none of the inhabitants dared to
point out to them.i^ From Tipperary they proceeded into Limerick.
The soil they found to be universally good and fertile, but much
wasted. Wallop was delighted to find there was so much of it
forfeited by the rebellion, and wrote to protest against any proposal
to restore the rebels to their lands. On the 18th they departed
from Limerick across the mountains into Kerry, taking provisions
sufficient to last them till they reached the Dingle ; for of the
few inhabitants that survived 'the sword, justice, and famine,'
none of them could be induced to lend them any assistance, but,
on the contrary, did their utmost to boycott them. Kerry they
found for the most part not so fertile as Limerick, nevertheless
there was plenty of good arable land, and the bogs and mountains
were sufficient to furnish pasture for any number of cattle — room,
in fact, for more than twenty times the number of inhabitants there.
Nor were they without their adventures. The weather was * extreme
foul,' and the ways through the woods and across the mountains
exceedingly wearisome and dangerous. Stout old Sir Valentine
more than once was nearly overwhelmed in a bog, and had to be
extracted by main force.'^ Camping out in the open fields, wet to the
skin with rain and mists, and aggravated by the passive opposition

'" Hamilton, Cal. ii. 528. " State Papers, Browne to Walsingham, 6 Aug.

*2 Hamilton, Cal. ii. 541, iii. 276. '^ ^^^^^ Papers, Wallop to Walsingham, 16 Oct.

254 • THE PLANTATION OF MUNSTER April

of the few natives they met, it was Httle wonder that by the time
they reached the Dingle several of their servants and Launcelot
Alford were down with the fever and had to be left behind. From
the Dingle they turned their steps northward, skirting the Shannon,
and so back again into Limerick, where, at Askeaton, they rested
for a brief season in order to refresh themselves before continuing
their labours in Cork and Waterford. Notwithstanding the fact
that Sir Valentine had twice narrowly escaped drowning, that his
son had broken his arm, and that they had lost several horses, the
commissioners, with the exception of Alford, were enjoying good
health and very jubilant about the quantity of land they were
finding for her majesty,^"* neither Wallop nor Browne being un-
mindful of their own chance of plunder in their letters to Burghley
and Walsingham, ' knowing there are many suitors at court for the
best things here.' ^^ After spending some time in Cork ^^ they were
on 28 Nov. driven home by stress of weather ; whereupon they
directed their attention to the completion of the surveys they had
made. The result of their labours was thus summed up by the
lord president : —

The commissioners find the country generally so wasted and dis-
peopled in all parts, that small hope appeareth in many years to inhabit
the same, and those also which remain very loosely disposed through the
licentiousness of rebellion, whom of themselves being evil this late
inquiry which they see made of their lands hath much worse affected ;
nevertheless their weakness and last extremity is such that they are
altogether unable to do any hurt however evil minds they bear.^^

One Burke had broken out of prison just before the commis-
sioners returned, and with ' twenty other swords ' had taken to the
woods of Aharlow ; but Norris hoped shortly to report his capture.
During the latter portion of their inquisition the commissioners had
been much annoyed by divers claims and titles made by the Irish to
lands with intent, as it seemed to them, to defraud the queen, ' so
that our care and service hath been chiefly to find the office to
entitle the Queen.' ^^ But the difficulty thus noticed was not to
be so easily overcome, and eventually proved one of the chief ob-
stacles in the way of the plantation.

The survey, roughly and imperfectly done, as Sir H. Wallop
was obliged to admit, ^^ was not completed and in the hands of the
government until October in the following year (1585). And until
that was done the queen absolutely refused to dispose of any of the

^* State Papers, Wallop to Burghley, 18 Oct. '^ jj^^ Wallop to Burghley, 17 Sept.

'^ The presentments of the juries for the county and town of Cork on 4 and 7 Nov.
respectively, together with the jurors' names, will be found amongst the Carew MSS.
See Cal. ii. p. 385.

'^ State Papers, Norris to Burghley, 20 Nov. >» lb. Payton to Burghley, '60 Nov.

" lb. Wallop to Burghley, 11 Oct. 1585.

1888 THE PLANTATION OF MUNSTER 255

escheated lands. ^^ In this way a whole year was wasted just when
time was most valuable. And certainly Per rot was not without
good excuse for the hasty words he is said to have uttered against
the commissioners,^^ whom he regarded as utterly incompetent for
the business. The difficulties they had to contend with were, indeed,
very great, but the result unfortunately justified, as we shall have
occasion to notice, Perrot's criticisms.

The survey completed, however, no time was lost in formulating
a * plot ' or plan for the plantation. In November 1585 Mr. Secre-
tary Fenton was despatched into Ireland with a scheme for the
peopling of Munster, which he was to submit to the lord deputy.
The survey that had been made, he was to tell Perrot, was not
sufficiently thorough, and he was therefore to ' appoint meet per-
sons to survey the same, as near as might be, according to the plot
aforesaid, with respect as well of the goodness as of the quantity of
the ground.' ^^ Though unsatisfactory, the survey was sufficiently
accurate to enable the government to form a pretty fair estimate of
the lands at its disposal. And accordingly, in December, a * plot of
her majesty's offers for the peopling of Munster ' was drawn up.^^
According to this plot, the escheated lands were to be divided into
allotments of 12,000, 10,000, 8,000, 6,000, and 4,000 acres.^^
These allotments, or seignories, as they were subsequently called,
were to be distributed amongst such English gentlemen or under-
takers as were willing and able to plant in the following prescribed
fashion : —

Acres
. 1,600

400
. 600

400
. 4,200
. 4,000

800

The gentleman undertaker to have for his demesne

One chief farmer to have

Two good farmers each with 300 acres to have .
Two other farmers each with 200 acres to have .
Fourteen freeholders each with 300 acres to have
Forty copyholders each with 100 acres to have
Lands to be apportioned for mesne terms

Total, 12,000 acres and 86 families. And so with the smaller
allotments in proportion.

About the same time a commission was issued to Sir Valentine
Browne (who had come over to England with the surveys on account
of ill-health) and certain other gentlemen to enter into negotiations
with 'gentlemen disposed to repair to Ireland,' to whom they
were to point out what a benefit it would be to the * younger houses

^ Hamilton, Cal ii. 550.

^' •His lordship,' complained Wallop, 'hath always seemed to make light of our
travails, saying it would come to little or nothing, but now of late to discredit our
service the more he hath often spoken it openly, that all we did was by a beggarly
sergeant, and without him we could have done nothing.' — lb. iii. 48.

'-=2 Desid. Cur. Hib. i. 72. 23 Hamilton, Cal. ii. 589.

2* Desid. Cur. Hib. i. 61.

256 THE PLANTATION OF MUNSTER AprU

of gentlemen ' to obtain land on such easy conditions as were set
down in the plot, * and to have the manrode of so many families,
and the disposing of so many good holdings,' being * a thing fit for
gentlemen of good behaviour and credit, and not for any man of
inferior calHng.' ^^ Dorsetshire, Somersetshire, Devonshire, Lanca-
shire, and Cheshire seem to have been specially (but not exclusively,
for there were undertakers from Essex, Hampshire, and Pembroke-
shire as well) favoured by solicitations to take part in the great
work of * regenerating ' Ireland.^^ Meetings were accordingly sum-
moned by the chief gentlemen in these counties ; the benefits of
the plantation propounded, explained, and discussed ; and the names
of those willing to undertake transmitted to the privy council for
consideration.^^ But as these names do not represent those who
finally settled in Ireland, it is unnecessary here to direct attention
to them.

In speaking of the lands of Munster forfeited by the rebellion
as * escheated ' I have followed the habit of the officials ; but, as a
matter of fact, these lands had as yet not been legally passed to the
crown. Acting upon his instructions, the lord deputy Perrot had
on 26 April 1585 held a parliament at Dublin, which, so far as
the upper house was concerned, was very numerously attended,
though the commons were represented by only twenty-six cities
and boroughs. Among the acts to be passed was one for the at-
tainder of the late earl of Desmond and his accomplices in the
rebellion. But owing to circumstances which it is unnecessary to
mention in detail, but which were chiefly brought about by the
factious opposition of Loftus, archbishop of Dublin, and an unfortu-
nate proposal to turn St. Patrick's into a university, the session
came to a close without anything having been effected in the matter.
Shortly, however, after the reassembling of parliament on 28 April
1586, the subject was introduced into the house of commons, when
a curious scene occurred to which it is worth while to direct atten-
tion. It is thus described to Lord Burghley in a letter by Wallop,
who played a principal part in it, and who

thought it not impertinent to inform his lordship that by reason of a
feoffment showed in the parliament house, made by the late earl of
Desmond, to the use of his son, with certain other remainders, bearing
date 10 Sept. 1574, and his pardon in like manner showed and dated
1 Oct. next following, the act for his attainder would hardly have passed
the lower house without special proviso (which here we could not make) ^^
for the vahdity of the said feoffment, for that one John Fitz Edmund

2* Desid. Cur. Hib. i. 57.

2« Cox, Hib.-Anglic. i. 393, says that ' on 14 February letters were written to every
county in England,' which may perhaps have been done, although I find no conclusive
evidence that it was so.

'^ Cf. Careio Cal. ii. 419, and Hamilton, Cal iii. 42.

" Owing to the clause in Poynings's Act.

1888 THE PLANTATION OF MUNSTER 257

Fitzgerald of Cloyne, then being of the parliament house and one of the
feoffees (the other feoffees are the lord of Dunboyne and the lord Power)
alleged the feoffment to have been made bond fide and without collusion,
which drew most of the house to have great regard thereof until I pro-
duced and showed forth in the house a combination of treason, dated
18 July 1574, signed by Desmond himself, the lord of Lixnaw, Sir John
of Desmond, the aforenamed John Fitz Edmund and many others, as by
copy of the same, which herewith I send your lordship, may appear ; ^^
which combination I have long kept in store to meet with said feoffment
and found the same in the earl's house of Askeaton, when it was first
taken by Sir William Pelham in April 1580, the charge thereof being
then committed to me and my band of footmen. This combination
(bearing date before the feoffment, and the feoffee that spake therein
being one of the conspirators) being read in the house, and he not able to
deny his hand to be to it, presently caused the house to conceive very
hardly of him, and also without further delay to pass the bill, which
otherwise in respect of the feoffment aforesaid, I believe verily, they
would not have done until another parliament. ^^

The arrangements for the plantation were, however, proceeding
at snail's pace. It was now more than six months since Secretary
Fenton had arrived with instructions to Sir John Perrot to appoint
a new commission * to perfect the survey of the escheated lands ,^
and to compound with the intermixtors,' i.e. those freeholders not
implicated in the rebellion who possessed lands ' which lie intermixed
with the lands escheated to her majesty,' ^^ a piece of business,
according to Fenton, extremely necessary to be completed before
the arrival of the undertakers. And there was all the more need for
haste in this respect, because on 27 June 1586 Elizabeth had given
her consent to an amended ' plot ' for the peopling of Munster, in-
corporated in the ' Articles for repeopling and inhabiting Munster. '^^
According to this new * plot ' the land was to be allotted in parcels,
known as seignories, of 12,000, 8,000, 6,000, and 4,000 acres.^a In
a seignory of 12,000 acres

Acres
The gentleman undertaker was to have as demesne . . .2,100

Six farmers each having 400 acres 2,400

Six freeholders each having 300 acres 1,800

Forty-two copyholders each having 100 acres .... 4,200
Mesne properties to be held by 36 families at least . . . 1,600^

Total 12,000 acres and 91 families. And so proportionately for the
smaller seignories. In comparing this * plot ' with the former ^'^ certain
differences will be remarked. It will be noticed that while the num-
ber of families to be planted (which was the main point) has increased
from eighty-six to ninety-one, and while the demesne land of the

'» The bond is printed in Morrin's Patent Bolls, p. 109.

*» Hamilton, Cal. iii. 63. "» Desid. Cur. Hib. i. 72. t'HJrfB:!,

^ Under date June 21. " Hamilton, Cal. iii. 61. »' Suprai p. 255..

VOL. III. — NO. X. S

258 THE PLANTATION OF MUNSTER April

undertakers has grown from 1,600 acres to 2,100, the number of
freeholders has decreased from fourteen to six. This alteration
must have been intended for the benefit of the undertakers ; but
whether there was not an ulterior design in it I am not prepared to
say. In the ' Articles ' the queen consented to the division of the
land into seignories, and agreed that they should be held in free
socage at a yearly rent, commencing from Michaelmas 1590 (up to
which time they were to be remitted), of 33L 6s. 8d, in Cork,
Tipperary, and Waterford, 62Z. 10s. in Limerick, 751. in Conne-
lough, and lOOZ. in Kerry and Desmond for every entire seignory
of 12,000 acres. After Michaelmas 1593 these rents were to be
doubled, and so to continue for ever. Her majesty was also pleased
to allow that all bogs and wastes should not be reckoned as part
of the rented grounds, though for every acre of such land as was
reclaimed a rent of one halfpenny was to be taken. The free rents
and services of such Irish freeholders as had lands within any of the
allotted precincts were to be granted to the undertakers, always
reserving to the crown such rents and services as were before paid
by them over and above the rents to be reserved for the lands.
Further, the undertakers were to have license to transport into
any country, being in amity with England, corn or other victuals
growing upon their lands without the payment of customs dues.
It was, however, stipulated that no estate larger than 12,000 acres
should be granted to any single undertaker, and that none of the
undertakers should make any alienation of estate to the mere Irish.
Moreover, the heads of every family were to be of English birth,
and the heirs female were to marry with none but persons born of
English parents under pain of forfeiting their estates. For the
sake of mutual defence against the Irishry and invaders, each
farmer and freeholder was to have in readiness one light horse
with man and furniture, the principal undertakers each three
horsemen and six footmen, and every copyholder furniture for one
footman. For seven years (by which time the plantation might
be considered as established) the planters were to be freed from
service abroad and defended by garrisons at the charge of the crown.
At their request they were to be allowed to plant in companies, so
that the ties formed in England might not be severed in Ireland.
And in order to decide any disputes arising amongst the planters
commissioners were to be appointed, composed of the principal
undertakers. Certain special regulations were added by which the
lands in counties Limerick (except Connelough), Tipperary, and
Waterford (except a small portion to be assigned to the undertakers
in Cork) were allotted to Sir Christopher Hatton and the gentlemen
of Cheshire and Lancashire. To Sir Walter Rawley and the
gentlemen undertakers of Devonshire, Somersetshire, and Dorset-
shire were allotted certain portions of land in county Cork, with so

1888 THE PLANTATION OF MUNSTER 259

much land in Lisfinin and near thereunto adjoining in county-
Water ford as should not exceed two entire seignories. To Sir
Valentine Browne and those joined in society with him was assigned
land in Kerry and Desmond ; while Connelough was to be reserved
for Sir William Courtenay and his company .^^

So far the arrangements were complete, and a number of planters
came over in the autumn, but were obliged to return to England
as Sir Geoffrey Fenton predicted, owing to the fact that the com-
mission for assigning lands to them had not then been appointed.^^
This defect was, of course, as Sir Valentine Browne represented to
Lord Burghley, not only a great grievance and cause of complaint to
the undertakers, but likely also, unless it was speedily remedied, to
put a complete stop to the plantation.^^ Not until the end of August
1586 was a commission * for dividing and bounding into seignories
her majesty's attainted, escheated, and concealed lands within the
province of Munster, and for the rating and apportioning of the
rents to be reserved out of the same unto her highness,' issued to
Sir Henry Wallop, Thomas Norris, Eoger Wilbraham, and others.
Once appointed, however, the commissioners appear to have lost
no time in beginning their work. On 21 Sept. they arrived at
Dungarvan, where they spent eight days in surveying and meting
out the lands assigned to Sir Christopher Hatton.^^ From Dun-
garvan they proceeded to Lismore and thence to Youghal, where
they spent eight more days in meting and bounding such lands as
they understood were to be assigned to Sir W. Eawley. They had,
however, not been long at work before they discovered the incom-
pleteness and unsatisfactoriness of the former survey,^^ ' owing to
the want of law skill, being defective in matter, as not declaring what
offence the offenders committed — either treason or felony — or of what
estates the offenders were seized, either for life or in fee, and such
like blemishes.' ^^ Wherefore they * thought good to procure another
new commission besides, to the persons named to be surveyors in
England, to inquire of all attainted and forfeited lands.' And
while the ' measurers ' were engaged in assigning and dividing the
land into seignories. Solicitor-general Wilbraham and some of the
commissioners were busy examining the titles of such as * pretended
to or had any lands or titles intermixed or adjoining to her
majesty's,' a course calculated, in their opinion, *to satisfy the
world that no secret encroachments unduly to her majesty were
intended, and that the undertakers might not be too manifestly
deluded by obtaining other men's lands.' "^ Since the rebellion no
attempt had been made to cultivate the land of Munster, which had
become so overgrown with long rank grass, brambles, and furze,

" Hamilton, Cal. iii. 84-9. •« lb. iii. 167. '" lb. in. 186.

a' lb. iii. 168. «• Supra, p. 255. *» lb. iii. 216.

*' Jb. iii. 216.

8 2

260 THE PLANTATION OF MUNSTER April

as seriously to impede the work of the surveyors. To add to their
misfortunes the wet season and short wintry days came on before
they had well begun their labours, and obliged a partial cessation.
Accordingly in October, after measuring about 27,486 acres good"
and bad, they * returned to Dublin, committing the further pro-
ceedings in that service to Captain Thomas Norris, vice-president,
Justice Jessua Smythes, Mr. James Golde, and Mr. Wiseman, and
four measurers, viz. Eobins, Lawson, Whiteacre, and Jobson, to
proceed further in the county of Cork, who accomplished their
service so far forth as the short days and foul weather would
permit them.' Towards the end of December, however, Mr. Wise-
man with three of the measurers returned, leaving only Eobins
to continue measuring and * drawing the ground into plots.' In
this way about 63,000 acres were measured. About the middle of
February 1587 Mr. Eobins was ordered * to leave off his plotting'
and together with Jobson to * proceed in measuring only,' so as to
get over more ground and enable the undertakers to settle as soon
as possible, leaving the more perfect survey of the whole to be
made at leisure."^^

All this delay, with loss of time and money, was by no means
agreeable to the undertakers, who accordingly in January 1587
presented a humble petition to her majesty praying that the work
might be expedited ; that an additional year's exemption from rent
might be given them ' through default of the advancement of the
survey ; ' that there might be * restraint for transportation of any
corn or other victual out of any part of Munster until Michaelmas
twelvemonth, and that none might be allowed to buy corn sown in
the ground within any part of Munster unless it were some of the
undertakers.' ^^ To this their prayer the queen gave her consent,
and on 28 Feb. 1587 the privy council informed the lord deputy
that her majesty thought it good ' that a commission should be
granted to the persons already appointed to be surveyors of the
said lands, to cause the said survey to be prosecuted out of hand
in a more speedy and superficial sort,' a course of proceeding which
* they find may be done without hindrance either to her majesty or
the undertakers, for that the chiefest of them have already by
mutual accord between themselves agreed what special seignories
or smaller parcels shall be allotted to each of them.' ^^

Accordingly on 26 April two commissions were issued for the
purpose of expediting the passing of lands to the undertakers.
The first to Eobert Gardner, Sir Henry Wallop, Sir Valentine
Browne, Sir Eobert Dillon, Sir Lticas Dillon, and Jessua Smythes,
requiring them

to give order and warrant to our sergeant-at-law, our attorney and solicitor-
general, or to any one of tliem, to draw and ingross into parchment several
« Hamilton, Cal iii. 261. " lb. iii. 249. ** lb. iii. 272,

I

1888 THE PLANTATION OF MUNSTER 261

books for the disposing of the manors, lordships, castles, lands, tenements,
territories, and hereditaments, comprised in our letters patents for this
purpose, bearing date 27 June, in the twenty-eighth year of our reign
[1586], unto the several undertakers thereof according to our plot unto the
same letters patents annexed, and under the form and to the effect of that
whereof the draft is hereunto annexed ; which book and books so being
ingrossed and signed with the hand of our said sergeant, attorney and
solicitor-general, or of the one of them, and with the hands of any three

or more of you, our said commissioners, shall from time to time be a
sufficient warrant for and unto our chancellor or keeper of our great seal
of Ireland for the passing of all and every such book and books under our

, great seal of Ireland.''^

Eegarding the ' Draft ' *^ referred to in this commission, it is
: sufficient to remark that it was based altogether on the articles of
27 June 1586. At the same time (26 April) another commission
was issued to Sir John Norris, Sir Henry Wallop, Sir Valentine
Browne, Sir Edward Fyton, Sir George Bourchier, and Sir William
Herbert and others for the hearing and ending of controversies
between the undertakers. Such a commission was indeed very
necessary, seeing that the undertakers were to be allowed to deter-
mine amongst themselves what were to be their proper allotments.
Already in the spring of 1587 several undertakers, and amongst
them Sir W. Herbert, to whose energetic co-operation the govern-
ment were largely indebted for whatever success attended the plan-
tation, had begun to plant their lands, and in the beginning of June
we are informed ' that for the western undertakers only there be
already gone over above 200 persons and more upon passing as
soon as the harvest approacheth.' "^^ The harvest proved to be a
plentiful one, and everything conduced to encourage the under-
takers to proceed with their work.'^® Unfortunately, the obstacles in
the way of the plantation were as yet by no means overcome. The
Irish, who during the stormy season that followed the suppression
of the rebellion had sought shelter in the wild districts of Connaught,
had gradually and stealthily made their way back again into
Munster, and were, as Sir Henry Wallop remarked, busily engaged in
* pretending titles ' to lands already in the possession of the crown.
The government of Perrot had by no means been satisfactory to some
in point of severity, and though, as was noted by Justice Smythes in
1586, two or three hundred were annually executed in the province,
there was a complaint that numerous pardons had been granted
whereby the lands at the disposal of the crown had been greatly
diminished. The cases of John Fitz Edmund, seneschal of Imokilly,
and Patrick Condon, two large freeholders in the county of Cork,
at this time incarcerated in Dublin Castle, attracted a considerable
amount of attention. In April instructions were sent to the com-

" HamUton, Cal. iii. 299. . "« lb. iii. 302-9.

*' lb. iii. 367. *^ lb. iii. 405.

262 THE PLANTATION OF MUNSTER April

missioners for assigning lands * to declare unto them her highness's
good acceptation of their submission, and to offer unto them of her
majesty's gift, to be holden of her in knight's service, the several
quantities of their late possessions and lands,' on condition of pay-
ing certain rents ; but if they, or either of them, should not hold
themselves contented, they were to be deprived of their land, which
was to be divided amongst the undertakers/^ By reason of this
act of clemency it was calculated that of the lands allotted to the
western undertakers sixteen entire seignories were claimed by the
Irish, ' so that there was not left unto the western undertakers,
free without claim, above three seignories except those allotted to
Sir Walter Eawley.' ^" No doubt Sir Edward Fyton exaggerated
somewhat when he declared that there was * a general claim laid to
the lands of the undertakers,' but it is undeniable from the official
despatches that there were grave apprehensions that the encourage-
ment given to the Irish would eventually so cripple the plantation
as to destroy all the good effects that had been expected to
accrue from it for the government of Ireland generally. The lord
deputy was accordingly instructed * to require such of the Irish as
shall pretend any interest to the lands granted to the said under-
takers to show good matter of record or writing to maintain their
said pretended titles. -^^ On 11 Sept. Solicitor-general Wilbraham
wrote to the lords commissioners for Munster causes that he and
his fellow-commissioners had spent five weeks at Cork, Kilmallock,
and Clonmel hearing the claims and titles of the Irish to lands^
and that very many bills and fair evidences had been shown
them,

whereby it appeareth the Irishry (especially by their feoffments to uses)
have practised as many fraudulent shifts for preserving their lands from
forfeiture as in England ; and albeit their evidence be fair and very law-
like without exception, yet because fraud is secret and seldom found
for her majesty by jury,^'^ we have put the undertakers for the most part
in possession ; who dwelling but half a year upon the land shall have
better intelligences to discover the false practices than the commissioners
can possibly learn out. They plead their causes by lawyers, who almost

" Hamilton, Cal iii. 310.

*° lb. iii. 386. * Besides these parcels (i.e. those to which claim had been laid)
and that which Sir W. Eawley hath, I cannot learn that there is so much as will
make up three whole seignories in Cork, which is Mallow, assigned to Mr. Thomaa
Norris half a seignory ; Kilcolman assigned to Andrew Keade, being the fourth part
of a seignory; the great wood assigned to Hugh Cuffe, being now not a whole
seignory ; and some parcels assigned to Arthur Hyde and some other parcels about
Cork, assigned to George Eobinson.' — Petition of Attorney-General, Sir John Popham.
16. iii. 449.

»» lb. iii. 389.

" In a letter to Lord Burghley Mr. Justice Smythes commented on the ' stubborn-
ness of the jury (in Kerry), though several times instructed from the bench, gently
admonished and persuaded by the space of two whole days, and imprisoned in
Castlemaigne with grievous fines.' {lb. iii. 396.)

1888 THE PLANTATION OF MUNSTER 263

all of them in those parts have purchased titles against her majesty, so as
we have had much trouble to pacify and content them in some reasonable
sort by persuasion of further hearing hereafter and full allowance of their
good titles. "^^

Of this * further hearing ' something will be said presently. The
general situation of affairs, however, was very far from satisfactory.
A number of undertakers had come over in the autumn and were
* importunate ' to have their patents passed.^''

But what with the undecided claims of the Irish,^^ the disputes
of the undertakers themselves ^^ as to what constituted bog land
and what arable land, and the want of a definite survey and proper
system of allotments, the * commissioners for passing lands ' were
hard pressed to accommodate the undertakers, who for the most
part finding it impossible to obtain their grants returned to
England, leaving their lands in the hands of agents with instruc-
tions to make them as profitable a speculation as possible, which
they endeavoured to do by leasing them out forthwith to Irishmen.
Of Irish, we are informed, there were in the county of Limerick
five times as many as there had been during the two preceding
years, * so as within two years plenty more there will be little
room for English ; for the Irish tenants will take farms with harder
conditions than any English can or will ; and therefore the true
performance of her majesty's articles and plot may be justly
doubted.' ^^ On the other hand, the undertakers were not without
some excuse for their neglect to fulfil the conditions of their grants.
They had already suffered severely through the continued postpone-
ment of the plantation, and now, after having been put to consider-
able expense, it seemed as if they were after all, owing to the claims
of the Irish, to be deprived of their promised share in the rich lands of
Munster. The charges incurred by waiting on the commissioners*
decision were so heavy that in March 1588 the attorney-general
certified to the privy council that Sir John Stowell, Sir John

^^ Hamilton, Cal. iii. 406. Cf. 412. ' No so good prevention as to persuade the
undertakers in person to sit down amongst them with speed, so shall they kill the
young ones in the nest before they have feathers to fly.'

" The first grant I find recorded is that of Sir Edward Fyton to the barony,
manor, castle, and borough town of Awney, with other lands and tenements in the
counties of Limerick, Waterford, and Tipperary, dated 3 Sept. 1587 .—Calendar of
Fiants, No. 5032.

** Cf. Sir Edward Fyton to Walsingham, Hamilton, Cal. iii. 426.

*** According to Wilbraham the undertakers were every whit as bad as the Irish
in obstructing the plantation. ' None but complaineth that untenantable and unpro-
fitable land is . measured unto them, and in every seignory some measured that is in
controversy, yet undiscussed, so as when any deduction falleth out, as I am sure it
will daily upon titles, then the measure of the rest is but conjectural and by estimate,
80 that the proviso is in my opinion very necessary in every patent : besides, it cannot
be but the Serjeants have given the measurers false bounders in many places to please
their neighbour freeholders and conceal her majesty's rights.' — lb. iii. 405.

" lb. iii. 405. .

264 THE PLANTATION OF MUNSTER April

Clifton, John Poijham, Thomas Hannam, Edward Eogers, John
Coles, John Cowper, Edward Hexte, John Eyves, Samuel Norton,
Amice Banfield, Eoger Warre, Thomas Phillips, Michael Sidden-
ham, George Popham, and Eoger Isham had been compelled to
desist from the enterprise.^^ As for the others, they petitioned the
queen that some order should be immediately given to determine
the claims of the Irish one way or another, otherwise they protested
* we the undertakers, foreseeing that many for lack of place to stay
in for surety to ourselves must be driven to give over, whereb}^ the
rest remaining will be so weak as they shall not be able to continue,
shall be driven humbly to beseech her majesty that we may call
home those people which we have there already.' -^^

Such* a disaster was of course to be avoided by every possible
means, and on 5 March 1588 Elizabeth wrote to the lord deputy
intimating that she intended (in answer to the above petition) to
send Sir Edmund Anderson, chief justice of the common pleas, and
some other person skilled in the law, to try the titles of those who
laid claim to portions of the escheated lands.^^ Accordingly, on
2 July, a commission was issued to Sir William Fitzwilliam (the
new lord deputy), Sir Edmund Anderson, Eobert Gardner, Sir
Henry Wallop, Sir Nicholas White, Sir Eobert Dillon, Sir Lucas
Dillon, Thomas Gent, and Jessua Smythes, for examining and com-
pounding all claims to the escheated lands in Munster.^^ The ap-
pointment of the commission did much to remove the anxiety of the
undertakers, and it was hoped that it would ' establish an universal
quiet among the undertakers and those of that province.' "^^ The
commissioners Anderson and Gent were expected to arrive from
England in Munster about the beginning of August, and every pre-
caution was taken by the lord deputy to have everything prepared
so as to enable them to set instantly to work, by arranging the
records of survey and by causing it to be published in every city
and market-town in Munster that all who had ' any title of right
to any of the said lands should prepare their bills and proofs of their
matters against the time of the arrival of Chief-justice Anderson
and Baron Gent.' ^^ On 22 Aug. Sir E. Anderson, Baron Gent, and
Sir John Popham arrived at Waterford, and proceeded to Cork, where
they were joined about the end of the month by the rest of the
commissioners. The commission was opened at Cork on 3 Sept.
The first case to be heard was that of Donough O'Grady, who claimed
as his property the town and lands of Kilfiadmore, in the county
of Limerick, on the ground of a grant made by James, earl of Des-
mond, father to the late earl, on 3 Aug. 1557, to John O'Grady and
his heirs, from whom it descended to the complainant as son and
heir to the said John, but from which he had been partially dis-

" Hamilton, Cal. iii. 508. '' lb. iii. 453. «" lb. iii. 497.

«' lb. iii. 548. '^ lb. iii. 580. " lb. iv. 5.

1888 THE PLANTATION OF MUNSTER 265

possessed by a Cheshire gentleman, Edmund Manwaring, whereas
it had been proved, by virtue of an office taken at Kilmallock, that
KQfiadmore formed no portion of the lands of the late earl in the
barony of Fedamore. To this claim the commissioners answered,

that her majesty was seized in her demesne as of fee in the right of her
<;rown of Ireland, of the lands and tenements mentioned in the said bill
of complaint (as by sundry records and remembrances in her majesty's
courts of records at Dublin and elsewhere it appeareth), and that every
matter set* forth in the said bill of complaint tending any way against her
majesty's title to the premises or to impeach the same, was, on her
majesty's behalf, denied to be true. And though the same were true,
yet it was alleged that the same could not prejudice her majesty's title
for matters which should appear to the commissioners, whereof con-
sideration was prayed to be had on her majesty's behalf. Wherefore there
was no further proceeding therein.^"*

This was all the satisfaction that Donough O'Grady obtained.
Eighty-one other claims were shown, and with only one exception
they were all dismissed. Maurice Shighane, who claimed the lands
of Dromebegge, half a ploughland, in county Limerick, which one
John Day, lessee to Sir George Bourchier, had wrongfully entered,
was allowed to sue his petition according to the commission.^^ Yet
even this small boon was conferred on him, we are given to under-
stand, not on the ground of the soundness of his claim, but as an
acknowledgment for some service rendered by him to the govern-
ment during the rebellion. Four years later Maurice Shighane
complained to the privy council that Sir George Bourchier threatened
to distrain him for the rent of his land, and he therefore prayed
that he might be either restored to the possession of his land or dis-
charged of the rent and have allowance for his building and plough-
ing thereupon during his lease.^^ On the whole the decision of the
commissioners was hardly likely to afford much satisfaction to the
Irish, and there is little doubt that they regarded it as an attempt
by hook and by crook to deprive them of their lands. ' I conjec-
ture,' wrote Wilbraham to Lord Burghley, * the Irish are not yet
satisfied ; they will have farther hearing, which if it be granted it
were not the worst way and least charge to have the depositions
taken here and the cause determined there in your sight.' ^^ They
had had, according to Lord Eoche, * great expectations of justice,
with favour and expedition at the hands of the commissioners,' yet
to their sorrow they had found the success of their suits to proceed
and fall out quite contrary, and without any redress or remedy,
' were left entangled and subject to the suppressions and heavy hand
of the undertakers without redress as before and every one discon-
tented.' ^^ Nor were these ' suppressions ' of the undertakers a

«* Hamilton, Cal. iv. 14. « jj, jy, 25. «« lb. iv. 489.

" lb. iv. 51. «« 16. iv. 60.

266

THE PLANTATION OF MUNSTER

April

mere concoction of the Irish brain. Lord Eoche is perhaps not a
very credible witness ; but no one can refuse to believe the testimony
of Sir William Herbert, one of the very few undertakers who really
tried to carry into execution the conditions of the plantation. ' Our
pretence,' he wrote to Lord Burghley, * in the enterprise of planta-
tion was to establish in these parts piety, justice, inhabitation and
civility with comfort and good example to the parts adjacent. Our
drift now is, being here possessed of land, to extort, make the state of
thmgs turbulent, and live by prey and by pay.' ^^ * It might be well,'
wrote Sir Thomas Norris, vice-president of Munster, to the privy
council, * if your lordships let the undertakers know that it would
be better for them to fashion themselves to live within compass of
law, and to measure their actions by rule thereof as in England
they have been accustomed.' ^^ There can indeed be no doubt that
the slovenly manner in which the arrangements for the plantation
had been executed and the absence of any effectual supervision had
not only vitiated the whote scheme, but also led to much opi^res-
sion of the Irish. Left practically to themselves the undertakers
imagined that they could carry things as they liked. Their general
neglect to fulfil the conditions of their grants led to the appoint-
ment of a commission in May 1589 to examine into the proceed-
ings of the undertakers ; to inquire how far the lands they held
exceeded or fell short of the quantity allotted to them ; whether
they had passed their patents ; what were the chargeable lands and
chief rents within each particular ; what land had been assigned to •
tenants ; how many Englishmen with their families had been j)lanted,
and what was the nature and extent of each adventurer's stock.'''^
The commissioners commenced their inquiries in the autumn, and
the result of their investigations, concluded about the beginning of
October, throws considerable light on the state of the Munster plan-
tation. A reference to the following table and map will give a general
idea of the state of the plantation in and about the year 1589.

Undertaker

Acreage
of Estate

Euglisli on

Estate

Irish on Estate

Date of Patent

Sir William Courtenay . .

10,500

No return

No return

23 Sep. 1591

Capt. Francis Barkley . .

7,250

30

80 families

18 Oct. 1590

Henry Ughtred ....

11,958

12 tenants

Divers remaining
against his will

6 Feb. 1593

Robert Stroude ....

11,220

No return

No return

6 Feb. 1593

William Carter ....

3,274

No return

No return

2 Mar. 1592

William Trenchard . . .

12,000

24 tenants

Divers tenants

26 Nov. 1587

Robert CoUum

5,673

No return

No return

18 Aug. 1595

Sir Geo. Bourchier . . .

12,880

8

60 households ;
most part in con-
troversy

2 Nov. 1588

Capt. Geo. Thornton . . .

1,500

6

Inhabited by
Irish for the
most part

2 Nov. 1587

«• Hamilton, Cal iv. 62.

'« lb. iv. 112.

" lb. iv. 169.

1888

THE PLANTATION OF MUNSTER

26T

Undertaker

Acreage
of Estate

English on
Estate

Irish on Estate

Date of Patent

Henry Billingsley ....

6,043

40 households

Divers inhabiting
against his will

2 May 1688

Edward Manwaring . . .

3,747

6 families

The most inha-
bited with Irish

24 Oct. 1588

Eobert Annesley ....

2,599

No return

No return

22 Oct. 1589

Sir Edward Denny , , .

6,000

30

The most inha-
bited with Irish

27 Sep. 1587

Sir William Herbert . . .

12,000

20

Above 100, but
only as yearly
tenants

6 Mar. 1589

Charles Herbert ....

3,768

some 50

20 or thereabouts

6 Mar. 1589

Sir Valentine and Nicholas

6,560

No return

No return

26 Oct. 1588

Browne

Jenkin Conway ....

1,304

No return

No return

6 Nov. 1592

DenzilHollis

4,422

Eefused to
undertake
on account
of the exces-
sive rent ;
subsequent-
ly a grant
was made of
it to Patrick
Crosby
No return

George Stone and John

12,000?

No return

23 Feb. 1689

Champion

Hugh Cuff e ^2

11,020

21

None mentioned

14 Nov. 1587

Arthur Hyde

11,766

50

60 families ; most
part in contro-
versy

26 Jan. 1589

Phane Beecher and Hugh

28,000

6

Divers tenants

30 Sep. 1688

Worth ^3

Arthur Eobyns

1,800

4

20 families or
about 100 people

No date

Sir Warham St. Leger and

Kerry.

145

Chiefly inhabited

—

Sir E. Grenville

currihy

with Irish

Edmund Spenser ....

3,028

6 households

None mentioned

26 Oct. 1590

Thomas Saye

5,778

No return

No return

21 Apr. 1589

Eichard Beacon ....

6,000

No return

No return

28 Feb. 1591

Sir Thomas Norreys . . .

6,000

No return

No return

1588?

Eichard and Alex. Fytton .

3,026

None

Possessed by
Irish ; in contro-

14 May 1588

Justice Jessua Smythes^* .

6,000

None

versy

Mere Irish none ;
but some of
English race

—

Alexander Clarke ^* . . .

3,000

His English
have depart-
ed doubting
the Earl of
Clancar's
disturbance

Sir Christopher Hatton . .

10,910

20

53

18 June 1589

Thos. Fleetwood and M.

12,667

5

40 families and

3 Sep. 1587

Eedmayne

more

Sir Walter Eawley ^^ . . .

12,000

120, many
with families

50 families

June 15892

Sir Edward Fyton . . .

11,515

24

Divers tenants

3 Sep. 1587

T. Butler, Earl of Ormonde

3,000

No return

No return

26 Apr. 1591

'2 The greater portion of these lands were restored in 1591, and a grant of 1,953 acres-
in the same neighbourhood made to Cuffe.
'' Worth sold his moiety to Sir E. Grenville.

'* I doubt very much if Smythes and Clarke proceeded with their undertakings.
" Sir Walter Eawley's grant (under queen's letter of last Feb. 1587) had originally-

268

THE PLANTATION OF MUNSTER

April

Bfap to iliiutEate ihe
PLANTATION OF MUNSTER.

Scale of Miles.
20

The plantation of Munster was now, so far as it was ever destined
to be, an accomplished fact. The outlook was not very promising.
A number of English gentlemen — government officials entirely — had
superseded the old Irish landowners over a large portion of the pro-
vince ; but beyond that little or nothing had been done to fulfil the
promise and expectation of reducing Munster to civility and good
government by peopling it with Englishmen. It is not my intention
at present to enter upon the subsequent history of the plantation,
nor of the effects upon it of the rebeUion of Hugh O'Neill ; but it
was evident even in 1589 that the time was not far distant when
the land would regain its old character. Viewed in the light of the
* Articles ' and the hopes and expectations of those who formulated
the scheme, the plantation was a decided failure, for which it is not
difficult to discover the reason. The policy or impolicy of the
scheme is, of course, open to dispute and not without considerable
interest from a speculative point of view. But without entering upon
this subject it is well to remember that the situation of Munster
in 1584 furnished as favourable an opportunity for carrying the
experiment into execution as could well be imagined. Unlike the
case of Leix and Offaly, where an internecine conflict had to be

amounted to 3^ seignories, or 42,000 acres (Cal. of Fiants 5046 and Morrin Chancery
Bolls, pp. 323-7). But in June 1589 the queen, in a letter to the lord deputy and
council, informed them that Sir John Perrofc (the late deputy) in making so large a
grant to Sir Walter had misunderstood her intention, which was that no individual
should be allowed to undertake for more than 12,000 acres. Wherefore, as Sir Walter
had given his consent to the alteration, the old grant was to be recalled and a new one
lor 12,000 acres to be made to him. {State Papers, vol. cxlv. No. 43.)

1888 THE PLANTATION OF MUNSTER 269

waged between the colonists and native Irish before the former
could establish themselves, here was a wide tract — more than half a
million acres — of rich and well-wooded land practically uninhabited,
which seemed to promise ample recompense to those who cared to
settle there. Why then did the project fail ? Several reasons
suggest themselves. First and most noticeable was the unfortunate
delay that occurred between the suppression of the rebellion and
the arrival of the undertakers, affording as it did time to the Irish
to recover themselves and concentrate their opposition to the
planters. To this may be added want of experience on the part of
the Irish officials, imperfection of the surveys, and the absence of
a definite and well-arranged plantation * plot.' Another reason, and
one to which attention is generally directed, was the abnormal size
of the allotments assigned to individual undertakers ; but a more
fatal blunder even than this was the assignment of large seignories
to men like Sir Christopher Hatton, who were unable to devote
their attention to ths work of plantation. Equally disastrous in
its results was the want of encouragement to the tenant farmers.
It was all well enough to set down in the ' plot ' that each under-
taker was to plant so many farmers in proportion to the size of his
seignory ; but it was not at all likely that well-to-do English farmers
and labourers would consent to abandon their situations at home
and migrate into Ireland, even had their prospects there been
much brighter than they were. This, indeed, was the weakest point
in the whole scheme, and that which rendered it impossible for the
undertakers to fulfil the conditions of their grants. Unable to obtain
Englishmen, they were obliged to lease their farms to the Irish.
Nor was Elizabeth herself wholly free from blame. Anxious to
realise the time when the government of Munster should cease to
press upon her, she neglected to fulfil her share in the engagement,
and threw the defence of the province almost entirely on the under-
takers. ' Some think,' wrote Spenser in 1598, *that the first plot
by which the late undertakers of your majesty's lands here in
Munster were planted was not well instituted nor grounded uj^on
sound advisament and knowledge of the country; for that more
care was therein taken for profit and utility than for strength and
safety. For, indeed, what hope was there that a sort of husband-
men trained up in peace, placed abroad in sundry places, dispersed
as your land lay dispersed, should be able to maintain and defend
themselves against a people newly recovered out of the relics of
rebellion, and yet practising arms and warlike exercises ? ' ^^ All,
or nearly all, that had been done was to establish a number of
Englishmen as landlords in Munster ; yet the plantation was, as
we know, not without its influence on the subsequent history of the
province. E. Dunlop.

^' State Papers, clxxxviii. No. 18.

270 April

The Claim of the House of Orleans
to Milan

IV

IT is one thing to have a thing by might, another to hold that
thing by right. The theory that might is right appears suffi-
cient in the hour of conquest, yet it is but a slender basis for future
government ; a Francesco Sforza, safely lodged in Milan, hedged
round with troops, greeted as duke by the very citizens who had so
long repulsed him, was none the less aware that men regarded him
merely in the light of a successful usurper. Even in Milan there
were many who regretted the loss of a legitimate dynasty ; there
were those who looked to the king of Naples, the adopted heir
of the late duke ; and there was a party anxious to proclaim
the suzerainty of the emperor ; and a larger party still who
placed their faith in Charles of Orleans, the legitimate descendant
of the great Giangaleazzo. In the eyes of such men as these what
claim had Captain Francesco Sforza, soi-disant duke of Milan?
He was merely a successful soldier, the husband of the late duke's
bastard daughter, unmentioned as heir to Milan in any testament
or codicil, who by force and famine had succeeded in imposing him-
self, as the alternative to starvation, upon the miserable Milanese.
In the sight of the emperor, Francesco Sforza had compromised
whatever shadow of right he might once have had by accepting from
the illegal hand of the people the imperial gift of his duchy.

Before the feudal law Francesco Sforza was merely a usurper,
and a compromised usurper. To Orleans he appeared the repre-
sentative of the illegitimate branch defrauding the legal heirs of
their just claims. To Arragon, Sforza was the man who pockets
treasure bequeathed expressly to another. The humiliation of this
position is apparent. Yet Sforza, with much magnanimity, refused
to ruin his subjects with taxes in order to buy the imperial investi-
ture— a purchasable commodity, as his successors and his prede-
cessors knew, and one which would have legalised his situation. At
first, in the triumph of success, he appears to have enjoyed his
illegal honours, his glory as a popular hero ; and he affirmed that

1888 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN 271

he preferred to rest his claims upon the people's voice. On
25 March 1450 they pronounced him duke of Milan.

Sforza made a good ruler. Under him Milan ceased to be the
prey of miserable dissensions and disorder, and the streets no
longer rang with the cries of Guelf or Ghibelline. The soldier
proved an excellent despot ; not harsh or selfish, as might have been
expected from a man sprung from so little and taught in so rude a
school. He governed the people for the good of the people, making
his own gain but an accident of their advantage ; and that mag-
nanimous and disastrous impulse which made him refuse to tax
the poor in order to purchase his investiture is characteristic of the
man.

Yet even in Milan there were many ill content to thrive under
the orderly government of this benevolent usurper. Many voices
that famine had silenced soon began to whisper — Eepublicans,
Orleanists, Guelfs, Ghibellines were alike jealous and ill at ease
under the military dictatorship of Sforza. Another party in the
city headed by the dowager -duchess still kept alive the preten-
sions of Savoy, and he was able to write to Lucerne that on the
whole the news from Milan was not bad, for the people were
already beginning to dislike Francesco Sforza: and Madame de
Milan proved herself an efficient supporter of Duke Louis.

But if there was discontent in Milan, outside the walls the
success of Sforza was regarded with unqualified hatred and desire
for vengeance. Savoy wished no more than to oust him from his
seat. France and Orleans and Arragon and Germany thought it
sufficient for the present to brand him as usurper. But the hatred
of the Venetians for the man who once had been their servant was
of a deeper kind, and they did not shrink from plotting his murder.
On 22 April 1450 they had already decreed his death, and by
26 Aug. the plan was in full train. The council had heard through
that gentleman and soldier, Ser Giacobo Antonio Marcello of
Crema, that Vittore dei Scoraderi, the squire of Francesco, est
contentus occidere Comitem. Francescum ; et sicut omnes intelligere
possunt, mors illius comitis est salus et pax nostra et totius Italice,
Nothing was to be sent in writing to this person which might com-
promise the Venetian senate, but Marcello was instructed to offer
him ample terms. Further injunctions were despatched on 2 Sept.,
and early in December we hear again of a candidate, una persona
intelligente et discreta, not a Venetian subject, who promised to
despatch Count Francesco with aliqua venenosa rnateries.^ To this
intelligent assistant the council recommended the use of certain
little round pellets which, thrown upon the fire, exhale a most
sweet and delectable odour ; but before they were despatched for
experiment on so illustrious a subject a secret trial was to be given

' See the documents in Lamansky, Secrets d'Etat de Venise, 161, 14, &o.

272 CLAIM OF OBLEANS TO MILAN April

them in Venice on the person of a prisoner condemned to death for
larceny. In May 1451 the council added three other persons to
the conspiracy, and by June the proffered reward had grown to
the extravagant sum of 5,000 ducats, with a yearly revenue of
1,000 ducats in addition, and liberty to recall four exiles. In
return for so much munificence it is expected that Count Francesco
' shall by your industry be despatched before the end of October.'
But in August an extension of leave was granted until December.
Then the messages became frequent ; and it is easy to divine that
the noble person who is to despatch the count is none other than
Innocentio Cotta, a man of one of the great Guelf houses of Milan,
who, despite his blue blood, was the most ardent champion of
popular rights, and who is familiar to the readers of Corio's
history as the head and front of that little group of iiohili audacis-
simiy who in 1459, unbroken by famine and long misery, spurred
the people of Milan on to resist the arms of Sforza, and plundered
the party of the Ghibellines for money to furnish troops to defend
the city. The success of Count Francesco had added ruin to the
chagrin and hatred of this man, and one of the conditions that
Cotta demanded of the Venetians was that he should regain quelle
forteze, terre e possessioni mie chio godetJa al tempo de la felice
memoria del duca passato. To this man, even as to the council, it
appeared that the death of Count Francesco could only be useful
and fertile in good ( practica non potest esse nisi iitilis et fructuosa,
quum ex ea mdlum damnum sequi potest) , and with the sentiments
less of an assassin than of a lofty classic tyrannicide — a character
ever dear to the Italians — Innocentio Cotta received, in his Brescian
exile, the little round and perfumed pellets of poison.

No less than eighteen times between the August of 1448 and the
December of 1453 did the Venetian council instigate their assistant
to the deed. Poisons were despatched to him and apparently
administered. But the venom of the Venetians was more odious
than fatal. Their poisons, sublimated from an irrational medley
of volatile substances, had no regular chemical action, and the
receipts of them which remain exhibit an incoherent confusion of
mercury, sal-volatile, copperas, cantharides, burned yeast, salts of
nitre and arsenic, from which, after the endless simmerings and
powderings of their preparation, the most deadly qualities had
evaporated, and which left (according to the analysis of Professor
Boutlerow) a comparatively harmless combination of ammoniacal
chlorides.

The sedative prescription made no perceptible effect upon the
iron constitution of the soi-disant duke of Milan. He probably
remained in total ignorance of the poison so frequently admi-
nistered in the unbroken Venice glasses ; but he could not remain
equally unaware of the distaste and suspicion which environed

1888 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN 273

him, and he grew to desire some superior show of legality. The
troops and bread, with which he had convinced the Milanese, were
admirable agents, but they could not do everything. Francesco
Sforza had six young sons, and in his heart there increased
that invincible longing to found a dynasty which has overcome so
many conquerors. Somewhere in the Archives, he began to think,
in some unfound testament or neglected codicil, there must be surely
some mention of his wife, the late duke's only child. With posses-
sion already in its favour, the slightest mention in the old duke's
will would serve to legalise the dynasty of Sforza. But nowhere
in will or codicil was there any last reversion in favour of Madonna
Bianca. The searchers only brought to light the testament of
Giangaleazzo, which bequeathed Milan, failing direct male heirs,
to the sons of his daughter Valentine.

Still, if Francesco Sforza could not legalise his own succession,
he could at least secure himself against the raising of better-founded
claims. On 19 Feb. 1452^ Count Francesco wrote to Andriano
Oliari of Pavia (the Oliari were a family of notaries to whom for
generations the Archives of Milan were entrusted) commanding
him to come at once to Milan and to bring with him to the palace
the original will of Giangaleazzo Visconti,

for pie explained], because of certain matters which fall out at present,
it is necessary that we see the testament made by the illustrious quondam
duke the first. . . . Thou must come to-morrow, Sunday, the twentieth of
the present month, here, to our presence, and bring with thee the said
original will. . . . And we advise thee, that for the viewing of the said
will we will deal with thee according as thou wouldst.

Oliari and his father before him had been servants of the legal
dukes. Something in the tone of Sforza's letter, its awkward
mingling of the menace and the bribe, gave pause to the faithful
notary. He had no mind to render up so sacred a deposit to the
tender mercies of this blunt old soldier, who was wholly with-
out the dignity of the legitimate tyrants. Oliari wrote back and
said that he believed a copy of the original will would be found
to answer every purpose.

The so-called duke of Milan was irate, and despatched a curt
letter to the suspicious and insubordinate lawyer, and by the same
messenger he sent a line to the castellan of Pavia, informing him
that Oliari had not come, and bidding him despatch the notary at
once, con dicto testamento et non cum la copia. But neither the duke
nor the constable of the castle could induce Oliari to go back from
his decision. ' I really cannot come,' he replied to Sforza on
24 Feb., ' for I have neither money nor horses.' Now Pavia is not so

2 Ghinzone, in the Archivio Storico Lomhardo, Anno ix, Fasc. 2, 1882, quotes the
original documents from the Milanese Archives, Keg. Miss. N. 12, foglio 40. The
letters are all of the greatest interest.

VOL. III. — NO. X. T

274 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN April

long a journey from Milan, but that, to serve a sovereign, a man might
borrow his neighbour's hackney. The same day, the 24th, the duke
replied in anger, both to Oliari and to the castellan, that he could
not conceive why it should be so difficult to come at the said testa-
ment. * And forasmuch as you hold dear our favour, and under
pain of rebellion, you must be here with us to-morrow with the
said will, for if you dost not come we will make you repent it.'
Oliari dared not hold out against so ominous a command. He
made in secret five copies of the precious document, and then we
may suppose that he took the original to Sforza, for no more
letters require it from his custody. Thus the original will of Gian-
galeazzo Visconti was destroyed.

But while Sforza was stooping to a crime in order to protect
himself against the rivalry of Orleans, as a fact that pretender
was less dangerous than he had been before. However good his
claim might be, his inefficiency was a terrible counterpoise.
When,^ at the new year of 1454, Alfonso the Magnanimous wrote
to Venice requesting the government to continue their relations
with Orleans, the Venetians replied that Orleans was too far off
and too unready. They were as desirous as Arragon to get rid of
the usurper. A month before they strove to enlist Arragon in
favour of their novel candidate, they had written to Savoy,*
asking Duke Louis to join with them in requesting the dauphin of
France to invade Italy and suppress Francesco Sforza. They
proposed that the dauphin should conquer the Ticinese and Pia-
cenza for himself, and the duchy of Milan for the duke of Orleans.
In case the duke was not minded to go to this expense and danger
for a cousin's sake, the Venetians let it be understood that any
French prince would be agreeable to them upon the throne of
Milan.

V

The house of Orleans had no more dangerous enemy than the
royal house of France. Matters had greatly changed since, im-
mediately after the liberation of Orleans, Charles VII had seconded
his claim to the Milanese. The reduction to insignificance of the
great feudal houses in general, and particularly the reduction of
Orleans, was now the policy of the French crown; and at that
moment the policy of the already inscrutable dauphin appears to
have been the conquest of a kingdom which should comprise the
Dauphiny, the Ticinese, Asti, the Piacentine angle of the Emilia,
and the entire stretch of Liguria. To the restless contriver of a
plan so bold the claims of Sforza and of Orleans came equally
amiss; and, in secret, the chief enemy of either credulous pre-
tender was the dauphin.

3 Keg. 20, fol. 1. Secreta del Senato, MS. 3 Jan. 1454.
^ Eeg. 19, fol. 232. Secreta del Senato, MS. 11 Dec. 1453.

1888 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN 275

Sforza, however, had httle to fear from Orleans, and less from
the French. In fact, in King Charles he found at this difficult
period his ablest friend. The records of the Archives of Milan,
from the year 1452 until the death of King Charles, abound in
friendly letters, and are evidence of the cordial relations existing
not only between the duke of Milan and the king of France, but
between the house of Sforza and the royal governor of Asti. In
1459 the king besought Francesco to ask the hand of the little
Princess Marie d' Orleans for his only son ; but we may presume
that Orleans would not consent to so much recognition of the
usurper, for the negotiation came to nothing. Yet with the court
of France Francesco continued on terms of affectionate friendship-
and mutual respect.

Even the dauphin, clever as he was, could not contrive to
annul this arrangement. Circumstances, it must be admitted^
were against him. Savoy became friendly with France; Alfonso
of Arragon died ; the states of Italy placidly accepted the success
of Sforza ; and in 1456 his own disgrace at home sent the rest-
less dauphin, a discomfited fugitive, to bite his nails in exile and
mortification at the court of Philip of Burgundy. There, in 1461,
he heard the news of his father's death ; and the enemy of Sforza
ascended the throne of France.

The law of historic necessity required that, having once assumed
the uneasy crown of Louis XI, the dauphin should renounce his
ambition of a North Italian state ; that he should abandon his
early visions and his early friends, and adopt for his counsellors
the men who once had ruined him, the counsellors of his father.
Henceforth he must bend the whole strength of his spirit to the
furthering of that policy which he had so long, and at so great a
sacrifice, resisted and attempted to destroy. The first months after
the accession of Louis XI were months of disgrace and retribution,
months of volcanic upheaval. But gradually, and indeed very
soon, it became clear that a king is not merely an individual ; and
the most personal of individuals, Louis XI, became the acquiescent
successor to his father's policy.

The interests of the time required that France should renounce
all ambitions foreign to herself in order to consolidate herself ; that
she should sacrifice the south in order to insure the north ; that
she should also sacrifice the aristocracy to the people ; and Louis XI
who, as a prince, had paid so dear for his adherence to the rights
of the nobles, became the monarch who more than any other was
governed by men of low and base condition — who more than any
other oppressed and resisted the pride of feudalism. Those who had
been his friends became his enemies ; those likewise who had beeii
his enemies became his friends. Francesco Sforza, from whom he
had been so eager to take his duchy, became the one man alive

t2

276 • CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN April

whom he admh-ed and respected. Yes, this successful captain
of adventure, who for years had prevented him in Milan, in Naples,
and in Genoa, who had so long been a stumbling-block in the path
of the dauphin, became almost at once the corner-stone of the policy
of the king. Like Catherine de' Medici, like Eodrigo Borgia,
like most unscrupulous rulers, there was something oddly magnani-
mous in the moral indifference of Louis XI. Sforza never suffered
for his enmity of yore. The new king of France was a being as
destitute of rancour as devoid of gratitude.

With Savoy, Orleans, Dunois, and Anjou the new king was
ill-disposed to treat. He had learned the secret of their intrigues
and their ambitions. On 10 May 1463 he wrote to Sforza that
he was content to come to an understanding with Milan, if Milan
would utterly disavow Savoy. This conspirator, versed since boy-
hood in all the dismal ins and outs of treachery, was too well
aware of the tricks of his confederates. It still might be possible
that his enemies were honest. They at least were the only people
he could trust ; and more than any other he confided in Francesco
Sforza. In December 1463 he made to the de facto duke of Milan
the astounding cession of the French claim to Genoa.^ He also
arranged for the cession of Savona, which belonged, de jure, not to
the king but to Orleans. Negotiations were even begun for yielding
Asti to Francesco Sforza ; but the inhabitants declared that they
would stand by the house of Orleans.

At first the cousins of the king could not believe that he had
actually abandoned them — he who had begun his career as the pupil
of Dunois, and had suffered so long as the champion of the nobles.
So late as 10 Oct. 1465 the descendants of Valentine Visconti sent
a very secret embassy to Venice ^ to propose to the Ten a league
between their government and the duke of Orleans, the count of
Angouleme, and the duke of Brittany, for the purpose of ousting the
usurpjr. Count Francesco, and delivering the duchy of Milan to
Charles of Orleans. This league, which could not be confirmed by
the pope, a political adversary, might, it was suggested, be headed
by the king of France. Probably the Venetians were better in-
formed as to the real intentions of Louis XI. Certainly they
knew that it was too late or too early to dream of dislodging the
Sforzas from Milan. They replied that they loved the house of
France, but that peace also was dear to them : they begged to
be excused from attacking Count Francesco.

After this for many years the house of Orleans ceased to struggle.
Before the year was out Charles of Orleans was dead, and the
French pretender to the crown of Milan was only an infant, three
years old. Before the child was six Dunois was also dead —
Dunois who had not suffered the children of his adoptive mother to

^ Dumont, iii. ccxxviii. " Secreta del Senato, MS. Beg. 21, folio 21.

1888 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN 277

be cheated of their inheritance in Asti — would, had he Hved, have
instructed his nephew in the details of his claim to Milan. But
Louis II of Orleans, born in his father's seventy-second year, was
naturally doomed to lose in infancy his father's contemporaries.
As the child grew up every link was severed that might have bound
him to the past, and he Tinew little or nothing of the pretensions of
his house. His mother, who had a romantic worship for the
memory of Valentine Visconti, related to her son many a legend
of the quasi-royal power which during the last century his ancestors
possessed. But that supremacy seemed at an end for ever. In
France, in Italy, the star of Orleans suffered a long eclipse. By
his own experience in rebellion Louis XI was aware how dangerous
to the crown and how disastrous to the kingdom was the power
of the great feudal houses. Alen9on and Armagnac and many
another he diminished by confiscation and captivity ; Dunois,
Bourbon, Saint -Valiier, Sancerre, he attached to the crown by royal
marriages. Kinship in subjection, independence in imprisonment :
these were the two alternatives presented by the king to the nobles
of France. Among the most unfortunate of those who accepted
the former gift was the young Louis d'Orleans. Louis XI had
decided that with this young man the house of Orleans should
end ; and when its representative was eleven years of age, the king
married him to Jeanne of France, a gentle girl hunchbacked,
incapable of offspring, and so ugly that when she was brought to
court for her wedding the king himself exclaimed : Je ne la croyais
pas si laide. To this bride the young duke was married in 1473.
* They will have no expense with a nursery,' wrote the malicious
king to Dammartin : Us rCauraient gueres a besoigner et nourrir les
enfants qui viendraient du dit mariage : mais toutefois seferoit-il.

Meanwhile the six sons of Sforza had grown to manhood ; and
the eldest ruled in Milan, accepted, by the mere fact of his un-
challenged succession, as the lawful inheritor of his father's duchy.

VI

When Louis II of Orleans had reached the age of twenty he was
the best archer, the most dexterous horseman, the most adroit and
brilliant man-at-arms about the court of France. He was handsome,
fond of the arts, and well instructed. He had an engaging manner,
gentle, gracious, and benign. A brave and eager cavalier, he was
ready for adventures ; but a strong hand kept him down, a hand
whose cruel restraint was never lifted from that audacious brow.
Suddenly the pressure ceased : the hand was gone ; on 30 Aug. 1483,
king Louis died.

He was succeeded by a child of fourteen, an ugly, ignorant
youth who had grown up neglected in the castle at Amboise, far
from the court, alone with his gentle forsaken mother, Charlotte

278 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN April

of Savoy, who had taught him the only thing she knew, the plots
of innumerable romances of chivalry. For Louis XI, partly afraid
of injuring the delicate constitution of his only heir, and partly
remembering his own dangerous and rebellious childhood, denied
any solid education to his son. He never saw the boy, leaving him
for years at a time to grow up as best he might alone with his
mother at Amboise. ' Let the body grow strong first,' said the
king; ' the mind will look to itself.' And, according to tradition,
the sole food that he provided for the eager mind of his son was
one single Latin maxim : Qui nescit dissimulare nescit regnare.
This was all the Latin that was taught to Charles VIII, and on this
solitary morsel of classic attainment he was never known to act.
Louis XI, for all his subtlety, had forgotten that by simply with-
holding one sort of education you cannot insure vacuity. The
child at Amboise knew nothing of history, nothing of geography,
nothing of the classics. But his mind was stuffed with the deeds
of Eoland and Ogier, and the beauty of La belle dame sans merci.
Suddenly one summer day, unwonted messengers knocked at the
gates of Amboise ; they fetched the child away to see an old, mis-
shapen, suspicious man, whom he did not know — who was his father.
The next day Charles VIII was king of France under the regency
of his married sister, Anne de Bourbon. Madame Anne inherited
her father's dislike and distrust of Orleans ; but her sister was
his wife and adored him, and her brother, the king, admired him.
She did her best to repress Orleans in France ; but her hand,
though firm, had not the solidity of her father's. Orleans grew
and expanded.

Just at this moment Venice was in sore distress. Almost every
power in Italy was against her, and she turned for help to France.
On 16 Jan. 1484, she sent Antonio Loredan to Charles VIII, com-
plaining of the aggressions of Naples, Milan, and Ferrara, and
desiring a resumption of the Franco- Venetian league of Louis XI.
That league had been a very tame and passive piece of policy ; the
Venetians hoped a bolder favour from a younger king. Loredan
was bidden to insist upon the suggestion that the kingdom of Naples,
occupied by Ferdinand of Arragon, belonged in fact to France."^
' Nor content with that,' run the instructions of the senate, ' this
king it was who instigated Lodovico Sforza to the usurpation of
Milan.' Lodovico il Moro,^ the fourth son of Count Francesco
Sforza, had, as a matter of fact, usurped the position of his nephew
in 1481, and, though nominally regent, conducted himself as duke

' MSS. Secrcta del Senato, Eeg. 31, fol. 123, tergo.

•* Many reasons have been given for the assumption of this surname. As a fact it
appears to have been a baptismal name. In Feb. 1401 Bianca Maria Sforza sent to
the shrine of the Santo at Padua the silver image of a child, ex voto for the recovery
of her fourth son, Ludovicus Maurus, films quartus masculus, aged five years.
{^Archivio Storico Lombardo, Anno xiii ; Caffi on B. M. Sforza.)

1888 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN 279

of Milan. But this intrusion was not the seizure which now the
Venetians meant to blame. They wished to suggest, as the lawful
claimant, not the young son of Galeazzo Sforza, but the duke of
Orleans.

Express to the duke of Orleans in secret our desire for his exalta-
tion [run the instructions given to Loredan], and explain to him how
good is the opportunity for him to recover the duchy of Milan, which
belongs to him by right ; and how his claim would be favoured by the
differences and dissidences at present existing between ourselves and
Milan, as also by the discontent of the Milanese with their tyrants.
Inform the duke that Lodovico Sforza aspires to seize the sovereignty
for himself, amid the murmurs of his people, and that he will certainly
massacre all who uphold the claim of the Duchess Bona. Inflame and
^excite as best you can the duke of Orleans to pursue this enterprise . . .
and if the French should choose to make good their claim to Naples as
against the tyrant Ferdinand, they could not find a better time than
now.^

This is the programme of the great invasions of 1494 and 1500 ;
but the times were not yet ripe. On 4 Feb. the Ten despatched a
second missive to the duke of Orleans,^^ instigating him to the
speedy conquest of Milan, and offering him the entire Venetian
army for this service. The young duke appears to have taken
these proposals very seriously, and the project created some dis-
turbance and quarrelling at court. But the Venetians were in-
capable of any sustained policy in foreign affairs ; to serve Venice
in the way that at the moment appeared most advantageous was
their only aim, and thus their attitude was one of constant unrest.
In August they made peace with Naples and Milan, and sent word
to Orleans that they were glad to hear that all disunion was at an
end between him and the king. The same thing had happened in
Italy. Peace had set in under the happiest auspices, and a
fraternal affection united the king of Naples and the regent of
Milan with the Venetian senate.

So ended the project for a French succession. Louis of Orleans,
thwarted of his foreign ambition, strove for greatness at home, and
contested the regency with Anne of Bourbon. The civil war, the
flight into Brittany, the pretensions of Louis to the hand of his
beautiful cousin (the heiress to that duchy), the defeat of the
Orleanist troops at Saint- Aubin on 28 July, 1488, and the three
years' captivity of the duke, are matters of common knowledge.
But as Charles VIII grew out of the tutelage of his sister, more
and more he grew to favour his imprisoned cousin. There was
little to fear from him now that the king was a major, and Anne of
Brittany the queen of France. In 1491 the duke was released;
-and when in 1494 Charles at the head of his troops invaded Italy,

9 Eeg. 31, fol. 131, tergo. '» Keg. 32, fol. 87.

280 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN April

Louis of Orleans preceded him across the mountains, chief in com-
mand, master of the fleet, destined to drive the Neapolitans from
Genoa, and thence to lead the fleet of France into the port of Naples.

VII

The invasion of Italy by Charles VIII appeared, even to contem-
poraries, a miracle. The young king, ill advised, without generals,
without money, with the impromptu army of a moment's whim,
traversed hostile Italy as glorious as Charlemagne. With the events
of that romantic campaign we have no business at this moment,
for, notwithstanding his commission to lead the fleet to Naples, the
duke of Orleans did not go south of Lombardy. While Orleans
was gaining the battle of Eapallo, suddenly the king arrived at Asti.
It was 9 Sept., a malarious season. Across the wide plain, the
marshy fields of Lombardy, Orleans galloped, fresh from victory, to
a council with the king. He had scarcely arrived at Asti when
Charles fell ill of the small-pox. The attack was slight, and within
a fortnight he recovered. But the very day the king began to mend,
Orleans sickened of a quartan ague, and when his cousin was well
again and ready, on 6 Oct., to set out for Naples, Orleans was still
unfit to take the road. He sent his company south with the royal
troops, and with a handful of squires and servants remained behind
in his hereditary county of Asti, among the subjects who had loved
his father, and who had served himself, far-off, unseen, through
years of peril and intrigue, with as devoted and chivalrous a spirit
of loyalty as ever the highlanders of Jacobite Scotland dedicated to
an absent Stuart.

Sforza and Orleans were now the nearest neighbours, bound to
each other by their interest in the king. Fate has seldom brought
about a more ironic complication. When Lodovico Sforza, out of
revenge and anger towards King Ferdinand, had revived the French
claim to Naples, and had instigated Charles to enter Italy, he had
not foreseen the accident that left the duke of Orleans within a
league or two of Milan. Charles VIII entered Italy as the friend
and guest of Lodovico il Moro, the regent of Milan. To the external
and uninitiated world the French claim to the duchy appeared
about as actual as the claim of the English kings to France. Lodo-
vico il Moro, familiar with the France of Louis XI, knew that the
claims of Orleans were not likely to be countenanced by the throne.

The present is never clear to us. Its Archives, its Secreta, are
not given over to our perusal. Lodovico il Moro was probably
uninstructed in that secret policy of the Venetian senate which, in
1483, had so strongly urged the half-forgotten rights of Orleans.
But we, familiar with those silent manuscripts, are not surprised
to find that no sooner had the king gone south than Venice and
Florence began to interfere with Orleans. The very day the king ,

1888 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN 281

left Asti," a secret messenger from Piero de' Medici entered the
city. His errand was to Orleans. In their desire to stop the pro-
gress of Charles VIII, and in their hatred of Lodovico who had
invoked the stranger, the Itahan princes proposed to offer Milan
to the French in place of Naples. Orleans himself suggested,
unknown to his chivalrous young cousin, that the king would be
satisfied if Ferdinand would pay him homage for Naples, and,
besides a war indemnity, a yearly pension such as the kings of
France pay to England. For himself, and as a just fine on Lodo-
vico, he intimated that the duchy of Milan might be divided
between the houses of Orleans and Sforza. But as time went on,
and the arms of France were everywhere successful, he grew
bolder in his demands, and ' Milan for the heir of the Visconti ' was
his cry.

But Charles, ignorant of the intrigues of Orleans and Florence,
of Venice and of Sforza (who also for his private ends wished the
king to keep this side the Apennines), crossed the southern range
as he had crossed the Alps, and by the new year he was in Kome.
Then, afraid of the French success, the Italians began to draw back
from their conspiracy with Orleans. They had wished the French
to take Milan instead of Naples, but Milan as well as Naples was
too much.

VIII

When the French had entered Italy, Orleans had had no legal
rival to his claim, unless, indeed, the emperor be called his rival.
To the people of Lombardy, oppressed by taxes, hating their tyrant,
he appeared as the rightful heir, the last of the Visconti. Bound
the history of a past not yet remote there had grown a mist
through which all things appeared of vague, heroic, and mysterious
proportions, of which the King Arthur, the legendary glory, was the
first duke — * Saint Giangaleazzo,' as one of the brothers at Pavia
called him in the presence of Commines. ' This saint of yours,'
cried the amused historian, * was a great and wicked, though most
honourable, tyrant.' 'That may be,' said the brother; 'we call
him saint because he did good to our order.'

This was also the feeling of the Milanese, for whom Giangaleazzo
had invented security and peace, for whom he had conquered im-
mense possessions. They forgot his sins, his crimes, and the first
duk^ became the hero of the place. To be the last descendant of
this man seemed in itself a claim to inherit his possessions, to sit
in his place, to expel the usurper. While this was their feeling, in
October the usurper died.

Giangaleazzo Sforza, duke of Milan, a youth of five-and-twenty,
kept in prison by his uncle, the regent Lodovico, died no less

'^ The messenger left Florence 3 Oct. 1494. See for further details of these
schemes the first vol. of Desjardins' N4g. dip. dans la Toscane.

282 ' CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN April

suspiciously than the little princes in the Tower. He left behind
him a son four years old, his legitimate successor. But, with
ominous prevision, a year before this time, Lodovico the regent had
negotiated with the emperor to obtain the reversion of the duchy.
He had admitted that his father, his brother, his nephew were no
more than illegal usurpers : moreover they had prejudiced the rights
of the empire by receiving their titles only from the people. Thus
the infant son of Giangaleazzo was the son, not merely of a usurper,
but of a man who had forfeited whatever rights he originally had.
Conceding this, Lodovico besought the emperor, of his free grace
and bounty, to bestow the duchy on himself and his descendants,
even as once before an emperor had bestowed Milan upon a man
who had no legal claim — namely, on Giangaleazzo Visconti. Maxi-
milian consented, and on 5 Sept. 1494 the imperial letters of pro-
mise ^^ were despatched from Antwerp, letters for which the regent
paid the sum of 100,000 ducats.

This document, kept in the deepest privacy, can have arrived
in Milan but a few days before Giangaleazzo died. Every one
believed that the young man had died of poison. It was a piteous
thing. But the son of the murdered man was only four years old ;
and the French were in Lombardy — the guests of Lodovico. ' To be
short,' says Commines, ' Lodovico had himself declared duke of
Milan, and that, as I think, was his only end in bringing us across
the mountains.' Terrorised by the presence of the French, the
people hailed the regent as their duke, * and crying Duca ! Duca I '
(wrote Corio), ' and having robed him in the ducal mantle, they set
him on horseback, and he rode to the temple, the men of his faction
proclaiming him the while, and they set the joy-bells ringing, while
all this time the dead body of Giangaleazzo was lying still unburied
in the great cathedral.'

Conscious of the secret diploma in his pocket, Lodovico could
enjoy the pleasure of this ceremony with a feeling of security. Yet
his crown did not sit quite smoothly on his brows. Orleans in
Asti was assuming an intolerable air of patronage. And behind
that thin row of partisans shouting with their hired voices,
* Duca ! Duca I ' there was a sullen, silent crowd. Those, and the
rest of Italy, believed that Lodovico had poisoned the father in
order to usurp the inheritance of the child, Francesco. Of the three
pretenders, by far the most popular was the unconscious infant,
who bore the beloved and redoubtable name of his grandfather, the

** The copy is to be found in Corio, 457-9. I do not know where to find the original
document, but MSS. copies, evidently from the archives of Pavia, are to be found
among the British Museum documents. Additional MSS., 30, 675. Giovio mentions a
report that after the death of Francesco Sfovza II, Count Massimiliano Sforza found
the deed and restored it to the emperor. Lodovico il Moro ever insisted that he
received Milan, not by succession, but direct from the emperor. He called himself the
fourth, and not the seventh, duke.

1888 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN 283

great condottiere. ' Nearly all the Milanese,' wrote Commines,
* would have revolted to the king had he only followed Trivulzio's
advice and set up the arms of the child-duke.' But Charles refused
to injure the claims of his cousin of Orleans.

Meanwhile the relations between the French and Lodovico
were growing difficult and strained. The presence of Orleans in
Asti, the miraculous success of Charles, inspired the duke of Milan
with the bitterest regret that ever he had called his allies across
the mountains. He had used them as a weapon, and now their
use had passed. When, on 27 Feb. 1495, he heard the news that
the French had entered Naples, he simulated every sign of joy. But
while the bells were still ringing in the steeples, he drew aside the
Venetian envoy. ' I have had bad news,' he whispered. ' Naples
is lost. Let us form a league against the common enemy.'

This was in the end of February. During the next month
there was much secret business in the diplomatic world. Ever
since the entry of the French into Eome the great powers had
looked unkindly on the triumph of Charles VIII. The emperor
beheld with dismay the alliance of Ghibelline Milan and the
Ghibelline Colonna with the king of France. The pope believed
with reason that France, the Colonna, and the Savelli might
depose a pontiff so unpopular as Alexander VI. Ferdinand and
Isabella declared that the intention of Charles was nothing less
than to make himself the king of Italy and then proceed to con-
quer Spain. So likely did it seem that this ungainly, limping, ill-
instructed youth might justify the name he had assumed — Carolus
OctavuSf Secundus Magnus,

At Venice in the dead of the night the secret council used to
meet. There, with the Venetian senate, the ambassadors of
Germany, Castile and Arragon, and Milan conferred together.
They were negotiating a league to expel the French from Italy.
On 31 March, while Charles was still shut in the Neapolitan trap,
the quintuple alliance was proclaimed. The last name among the
allies was the name of the man who had called Charles into Italy,
now given for the first time among his equals his new dignity of
duke of Milan. Lodovico hastened to legalise this official recogni-
tion. In May the imperial privilege, formally promised in the
preceding autumn, arrived at Milan. In presence of the imperial
envoys the privilege was read aloud at Lodovico' s solemn corona-
tion.

IX

Lodovico had sprung a disagreeable surprise upon the duke of
Orleans, for his title, derived directly from Maximilian, was now
as good as that of Giangaleazzo Visconti himself. To conquer
Milan by arms, to force the emperor into revoking the privilege of

284 ■ CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN April

1495, to induce him to grant a new one confirming the Visconti
succession — this was the only course that remained to Orleans.

Secret as the council had been at Venice, it had not escaped
the notice of Commines, who wrote in March to Orleans bidding
him look to the walls of Asti, and sent a messenger to Bourbon in
France bidding him despatch a reinforcement to the scanty force
of Orleans. The young duke at Asti was not sorry to receive the
message. He had now been six months in Lombardy; he had
done nothing ; and he was eager to come to battle with Lodovico.
To all the French, by this time, II Moro appeared a traitor and
a secret poisoner. To Louis of Orleans he appeared all this and
also the usurper of his inheritance.

Great were the pomp and beauty of Milan in the year 1495,
humbled as yet by no centuries of foreign servitude, ruined by no
battles and untouched by time. Wonderful in the fresh whiteness
of its stately cathedral ; delicate with the unblurred beauty of the
new frescoes by Lionardo ; rich with statuary, broken now and lost
for ever ; gay with the clear fine moulding of its rose-red palaces,
Milan in the rich plain was a fountain of wealth to its possessor.
When Orleans beheld this earthly paradise of the renaissance, his
claim to Milan, which had been at first but a shadowy pretension,
took certainty and substance in his mind. And as the attention
of the young man was drawn to his Visconti ancestors, and to the
marriage of his grandfather with the daughter of the duke of Milan,
he and his counsellors began to reconstruct the half- forgotten title
that he had to Milan.

No one was very clear as to the point. The ducal secretaries
found themselves compelled to suppose, to invent. Nicole Gilles,
the chief of them, declared that Filippo Maria Visconti had married
Madame Bonne, daughter of King John of France (a lady who, had
she existed, would have been a good forty years older than her
husband), by whom he had two girls, Valentine, who married the
duke of Orleans, and Bonne, who married the lord of Mont Auban
in Brittany. Besides these he had a bastard child, Bianca Maria,
the wife of Sforza.

This is perhaps the clearest of these singular genealogies pour
Tire. Louis was glad to escape from their confusion and bewilder-
ment to the plain issues of the field of battle. There seemed a good
chance for him. Lodovico was so hated by his subjects ^^ that they
would welcome almost any change. Almost at the same moment
that Piacenza offered herself to King Charles if he would under-
take to support the child Francesco, the cities of Milan, Pavia, and
Novara were secretly practising with Orleans, and Commines
declares he would have been received in Milan with greater re-
joicings than in his town of Blois.

" Era molto odiato dai popoli a cagione dei denari. — Marin Sanuto, i. p. 176.

1888 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN 285

On 17 April Lodovico il Moro insolently summoned Orleans to
quit Asti and cross the Alps again with all his men. Thanks to
the warning of Commines, Orleans already had fortified the town.

This place [he replied ^'^] and its dependent castles are a part of my
inheritance, and to put them in other hands, and to go away and leave
my own possessions, is a thing that I never meant to do. Tell your
master [he added to the messenger] that he will find me ready for
combat, either waiting for him here or going forth to meet him on the
field of battle. I have received a commission from the king, and it is my
intention to fulfil it.

Unfortunately, the real commission that Orleans had received from
his cousin was to keep quiet and on no account to break the peace (for
the league was defensive, and did not menace the royal troops if
they retired without offence) until Charles and his diminished army
had arrived at Asti. They would be in imminent peril if any rash
act of Orleans should let loose upon them, amid the bewildering
passes of the mountains, the eager concourse of their vigilant
enemies. But Orleans did not remember this. He was burning
for personal conflict with his rival, indignant at his treachery, and
persuaded that he could easily secure the whole of Lombardy to
France. Thrice in April he wrote to Bourbon entreating succour.
* Only send me the reinforcements at once, and I think I shall do
the king a service that men will talk of many a year.' The
forces came ; and Orleans saw himself the master of 5,000 foot,
100 archers, 1,300 men-at-arms or thereabouts, and two fine pieces
of artillery.^^ He was aware that Lodovico Sforza was so out-at-
elbows that he could not pay his army. He knew the discontent
of Lombardy. He felt himself so much older and wiser than the
king that he found it hard to obey his commands. His secret
practice with the nobles of the Lombard cities informed him that
all was ripe for a sudden stroke. On the last night of May, in the
safety of the dark, twenty men-at-arms under Jean de Louvain
rode out from Asti across the Lombard plain, until at daybreak on
1 June they reached the gate of San Stefano at Novara. The gate
was opened to them by the factors of the Opicini, two nobles of the
place ; the citizens ran out to meet the French ; the handful of
Sforzesco troops within the town barred themselves in the citadel.
By 13 June, Orleans, with the flower of his army, occupied Novara.
No sooner was he there than, first Pavia, then Milan, offered to
receive him. He ought to have gone at once, before the armies of
his enemies could encircle him in Novara. But his whole soul was

'* For this letter, and for the letters of Orleans to Bourbon, quoted from the
Library of St. Petersburg, vide vol. ii. of Cherrier's Histoire de Charles VIII, p. 184
et seq.

'5 This is the Venetian estimate. Guiociardini says, 300 lances, 3,000 Swiss, and
3,000 Gascons.

286 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN April

invaded by a deep distrust of the Italians. It seemed safer to
temporise until the royal troops came up. Long before these could
possibly arrive, on 22 June, the Venetians protected Milan with
1,000 Grecian stradiots, 2,000 foot, 1,000 cuirassiers.^^ It was
now impossible to take Milan, which a little boldness might easily
have gained. It was impossible even to evacuate Novara. And
when, after many difficulties heroically overcome, the little army
of Charles arrived in Asti on 27 July, sorely in need of rest and
of refreshment, a new and arduous task awaited it ; for Orleans
and his soldiers were perishing of hunger in besieged Novara.

X

Commines has set dramatically before us the division between
the army and the council of the king. He himself warmly espoused
the cause of the army, which frankly declared a battle impossible
against such overwhelming odds : unless reinforcements arrived
from Switzerland, Orleans must be released by composition from
Novara. But the council insisted on an immediate engagement.
The soldiers commonly said that Orleans had promised Bri9onnet
an income of 10,000 crowns for his son, if Milan should still be
gained and the siege of Novara raised. The Swiss did not come ;
the army was too small. In September there began to be a serious .
talk of peace. On the 26th of that month, Orleans and his army
were released by composition from Novara. Over 2,000 of them
had died of hunger, and many fell by the roadside from sheer weak-
ness and died there as they lay. Commines found fifty of them
dying in a garden, and saved their lives by a timely mess of pottage.
But those who lived to reach the camp perished of the dangerous
abundance. More than three hundred of their wasted corpses were
cast upon the dunghills of Yercelli.

This was a heavy price to pay for one man's disobedient ambi-
tion. All the harder did it seem to buy nothing with so great
expense. There were many who were still unwilling for peace.
Orleans had endeared himself to his troops by his conduct during
the hunger of Novara, where he had fared and fasted like any
common man-at-arms, setting aside the ducal mess for the use of
the sick in hospital. His mess-fellows were wilhng still to die for
him. By an ironic turn of fate, on the very day on which the army
evacuated Novara, 20,000 Swiss came to the relief of the king.
With such a reinforcement as this, cried Orleans, Ligny, d'Amboise
and their men, Charles might not only conquer Milan, but make
himself master of the whole of Italy. But the negotiations for
peace already were begun ; Novara was lost ; the French soldiers
were few and much enfeebled ; and it was rumoured that the

" This is the Venetian estimate. For the figures of Giovio and Corio, see Cherrier,
ii. 197.

1888 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN 287

Swiss meant no less than to capture King Charles with all his
nobles, carry them off into the impregnable fastness of the Alps,,
and then exact a fabulous ransom for their liberty.

The king thought it best to dismiss at once these dangerous
allies, and take his homesick soldiers back to France. On 10 Oct.
peace was concluded. The king promised — on condition that Lodo-
vico Sforza renounced all claim to Asti, made no obstacle to the
relief of the French in Naples, and paid to Orleans a war indemnity
of 50,000 ducats — not to sustain his cousin's right to Milan. Orleans
was enraged and disappointed. In secret he negotiated for the
support of the Swiss captains, and with these and with 800 of his
men-at-arms he meant to march from Vercelli upon Milan. But
the night before he was to leave, when all was ready, suddenly he
demanded the consent of the king. Charles refused to sanction
this breach of the peace, and bade his cousin join the army in march-
ing back to France. By 7 Nov. Orleans, none the richer for all his
endeavours, was with the king at Lyons.

A little more than a year after this the king would gladly have-
sent his cousin of Orleans to conquer Milan : it was the duke who
made excuses and would not go. For soon after the French
returned to France, the dauphin died. Charles, who had inherited
that terrible distrust of his own children from which he had
suffered in his father, did not greatly mourn, or so at least Com-
mines assures us. But if the quickness of a little child of three —
his own son — had given him concern, much more did he dread his
new heir, the duke of Orleans. The queen, bewailing the loss of
her child, had fallen into a lamentable melancholy, and Charles,
with an absurd idea of cheering the poor mother, ordered a masque
of gentlemen to dance before her. Orleans was among them, and
he danced to such purpose, with such lightness of heart and heel,
such buoyancy and gladness, that the sorrowing queen was seriously
offended ; and Charles himself determined, if possible, to send hia
cheerful heir a little further from the throne.

An opportunity soon offered. Florence, faithful against all
the world ^o France, sent to the king at Amboise, asking him to
come and uproot the Sforza out of Milan. She offered to furnish
800 men-at-arms and 5,000 footmen at her own cost. The cardinal
of St. Peter in VincuHs, the Orsini, Bentivoglio of Bologna, Este
of Ferrara, Gonzaga of Mantua, all had promised to hire their
forces to the king. Genoa was to be conquered by Trivulzio while
Orleans marched on Milan. The plan of campaign was settled,
the troops were all drawn up, Trivulzio had already entered Italy
with 6,000 infantry and 800 men-at-arms, when, on the very night
of his departure, Orleans suddenly abandoned his post. On his
own private quarrel, he declared, he could not and he would not
go; as the king's lieutenant, and at his express command, he

288 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN April

was ready to depart — not otherwise. ' I would never force him to
the wars against his will,' exclaimed Charles, and, though for
many days the Florentine ambassadors besought him to exercise
the authority of the throne, he refused to interfere with Orleans.

* Thus was the voyage dashed,' relates Commines, ' spite of great
charges and all our friends in a readiness. And this was done to
the king's great grief, for Milan being once won, Naples would have
yielded of itself.'

What, then, had happened to change the mind of Orleans —
Orleans, disobedient at Novara, and disobedient again to-day for
so opposite a reason? * He shunned this enterprise,' continues our
historian, ' because he saw the king ill-disposed of his body, whose
heir he should be if he died.' ' He would not go,' relates
Guicciardini, * for he saw that the king was ill, and to himself
belonged the succession of the crown.'

Just a year after this, on the morning of Palm Sunday (8 April
1498), Louis of Orleans, fallen into a sort of undetermined half-
disgrace, was standing at a window in his house at Blois, when he
saw in the street some soldiers of the royal guard, running quickly.

* God save the king ! ' they cried ; ' Vive le roi Louis XII ! ' This
was the first King Louis heard of the sudden death of his cousin.
The day before, Charles VIII had fallen down, suddenly stricken to
death, as he and his wife were watching a game of tennis from the

gallery at Amboise.

XI

The French claimant to Milan was now the king of France.
From this moment the pretensions of Orleans became a factor in
European history. The plans of the first duke of Milan went so
grievously astray, that, instead of France and Germany each
holding the other in check, for half a century their armies occupied
the soil of Lombardy, nor, when they withdrew, was the land left
at peace, but, baffled and paralysed, the helpless prey of Spain.

This Iliad is too important to be contained within the slender
limits of an article. We can but briefly indicate the events which
developed and then extinguished the right of the French to Milan.
Conquered, in 1499, by Louis XII of France, Lombardy remained
for five-and- twenty years an intermittent province of that kingdom,
continually revolting, continually reconquered. During this time
several privileges and investitures, extracted from the emperor,
confirmed the victories of France, and annulled the claims of
Lodovico Sforza. These investitures are worthy of at least our
brief consideration, since, from the moment of their bestowal, the
French claim to Milan, already emphasised by the rights of heredity,
testamentary bequest, and contract, received the final sanction of
the feudal law.

The first of these imperial investitures was bestowed on King

1888 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN 289

Louis XII by the hand of Maximilian on 7 April 1505.'^ It
secured the duchy of Milan {non obstante prior e investitura illustri
Ludovico Sfortia prius exhihita) to the king of France and to his
sons ; or, in default of males, to his daughter Claude. At this
time, through the influence of Queen Anne, Claude was most
unnaturally betrothed to the permanent enemy of her country, the
future Charles V, and in this document he is mentioned as her
husband and coheir — a fact he did not allow to slip. But fortu-
nately the heiress of Brittany, Orleans, and Milan, was not allowed
to marry the great rival of France. On 14 June 1509, a second
investiture confirmed the inheritance of Claude, and associated
with her therein her future husband, Francis of Angouleme, her
cousin, equally with herself the offspring of Valentine and Orleans.'*
This imperial document explicitly admits the right of feminine suc-
cession to a Lombard fief,'^ for Claude, it affirms, is the heiress to
Milan through her father, the grandson of Madame Valentine. But
it says nothing of the descent of Francis of Angouleme, although
it provides that if Claude should die in childhood, and the king
have no other children born to take her place, then Francis of
Angouleme shall be recognised as in his own right duke of Milan
because he is the heir of the king of France.

These are the rights of Francis I to Milan, rights absolute and
impregnable. But it was only by continual conquest that the
French could keep their hold upon the Milanese. For the ten-
dencies of ages go to show us that there is a natural right more
potent than the claims of blood, succession, testament, adoption,
or investiture. The French dukes of Milan were, in their own
dominions, foreigners. And, as the wise Commines foresaw —

There is no great seniorie but in the end the dominion thereof remaineth
to the natural countrymen. And this appeareth by the realm of France,
a great part whereof the Englishmen possessed the space of four hundred
years, and yet now hold they nothing therein but Calais and two little
castles, the defence whereof costeth them yearly a great sum of money.
And the selfsame appeareth also by the realm of Naples and the isle of
Sicily and the other provinces possessed by the French, where now is na
memorial of their being there, save only their ancestors' graves.

It was the fatal battle of Pavia which really lost her Italian

lependencies to France. The treaty of Madrid, extorted by compul-

don, which proved so powerless to restore to the emperor Burgundy

^(already become an integral part of France), resigned to him for

jver the dominions of the French in Italy ; not, however, without a

'' Luenig, sectio ii. classis i. : De Ducatu Mediolanesi, xliv.

'* See in Luenig, 14 June 1509, No. xlv., and also, with some unimportant variations
text, Bib. Nat. Paris, MS. 2950, Ancien Fonds Frangais.

'9 PrcBfatus rex ex ducihus Mediolani originem trahit, medio illustris quondam
'domince Vdlentince avice suce, filice qiumdam illustris Johannis Galeatii Mediolani
duels.

VOL. III. — NO. X. XJ

290 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN April

struggle. No sooner was Francis released from Madrid than he
declared that extorted contract void. He despatched protest after
protest ^^ to all the courts in Europe ; but what availed to retain
his hold on Cognac, proved vain to regain him the Milanese.

Immediately after the battle of Pavia, Charles V had invested
Francesco Sforza II, the son of II Moro, with the duchy of his
fathers. But what should happen on the death of Francesco Sforza,
a childless man ? Foreseeing this event, the hopes of the king of
France were not extinguished ; and the ten years between 1530
and 1540 are filled with the various endeavours, menaces, persua-
sions, by which he strove to obtain from the emperor the duchy of
Milan for the second son of France. Since it was evidently im-
possible to induce Charles V to let Milan be an adjunct to the
French crown, the ambition of the king persevered upon a lower
level, and a French duke of Milan became the sum of his desires.
At two different moments the realisation of this scheme appeared
possible. In 1535, after the death of Francesco Sforza II, negotia-
tions were set on foot to obtain the Milanese for Orleans. A docu-
ment still existing in the National Library at Paris ^^ proves how
lively and how sanguine at this moment was the hope of Francis I
to recover Milan. The king offered a promise never to unite this
duchy to the crown of France, and declared himself ready to expend
an immense sum on its investiture. But the Venetians, ^^ aware of
the danger to themselves which a great French state must create
in Italy, temporised and manoeuvred so well that the matter came
to nothing ; for Charles V was in a humour to credit their asser-
tions, that any time was better than time present. The affairs of
Italy were dull and dead to him. All his energies were fixed upon
the idea of the crusade against Algiers. It was proposed that
Orleans should join him in this enterprise,^^ and that, hand to hand
in this holy fight, emperor and prince might consent to forget the
bitter memory of bygone days. But in 1536 the eldest son of
Francis died, and Orleans became the dauphin of France. The
schemes, the policy which during several years had endeavoured to
secure for the husband of Catherine de' Medici an Italian princi-
pality, collapsed before that unexpected stroke of fate. Orleans
was not to be the head of an Italian kingdom reaching from the
Alps to Kome, and in 1540 Charles V invested his own son, Philip
of Spain, with the duchy of Milan. Yet France could not acquiesce

2» See, for example, Protestations de Francois 1", Bib. Nat. MS. 2846.

'^* Bib. Nat. MS. 2846, no. 57 : Instruction hailUe au Seigneur cV Espercieu apris
la mart du du^ de Milan, Sforce, dx.

^ Ibid : ' Les Vinitiens ont praticqu4 bien avant cette nmttUrc et laissent, ce
semble, le diet Sieur de Granvelle entendre qu'ils parlcnt autrement que le roy, par
aventure, ne pense ; Vambassadeur parle assez publiquement de diviser le diet estat
en plusieurs pieces.

^ Ibid.

1888 CLAIM OF ORLEANS TO MILAN 291

in this alienation of her transalpine inheritance, and in 1544 the
disastrous treaty of Crepy provided that, in two years from that
date, either Milan or the Netherlands should be bestowed upon the
third son of Francis, Charles of Orleans. But before the time of
the engagement had expired Charles of Orleans was dead, and Milan
fast in the grasp of the Spaniards.

A. Mary F. Kobinson.

v2

292 April

Notes and Documents

THE HOMEKIC PHJEACIANS.

Among the Homerica minora no question has been more discussed
than the origin and the locaHty of the Phseacians. Eratosthenes
declared that Homer himself neither knew nor cared to know, and
that the whole was a poetical dream with no local habitation. Such
an idea, however, is rather modern ^ in its conception, for it is
certainly alien to the habits of thought among the ancient poets to
construct a long story purely out of details existing in geography
unknown to their auditors. Curtius, again, sees in Phaeacia a poetic
picture of the contemporary Ionia, through which runs a gentle vein
of poetic sarcasm and humour. Nitzsch, again, would see in the
land of Phseacia the landscape of the neighbouring ' low-lying Italy,'
but such an idea is at once purely subjective, and is at variance
altogether with the known range of the landscape of the poet. Italy
in the true sense is beyond his horizon. The extraordinary simi-
larity, extending to the minutest question of detail, between Phoenicia^
and Phaeacia has often been dwelt on, but in late years has rather
receded from contemporary criticism. We believe, however, that an
exact study of the poems on one line of argument hitherto left un-
touched will rather tend to confirm this hypothesis. What accounts,
then, are given in the * Odyssey ' about the ethnography of the Phaea-
cians, and how far does that harmonise with the last results of
oriental research on the Phoenicians ?

In * Odyssey,' vi. 4, Athene goes to the land of the Phaeacians,
* who dwelt in wide Hyperie, near to the Cyclops, who harried them
continually. Thence did the godlike Nausithous, the son of Posei-
don and Periboia, carry them to Scherie, far off from them that
live by bread.' (Cf. ' Od.' vii. 55.) Pausanias ^ noted the curious fact
that in Homer the giants are not those of the later mythology, and
that to the author of the poems the gigantomachia is unknown,
and that to him the giants are purely human in their origin.

Of the Phoenicians Herodotus (i. 1, vii. 87), from the evidence he
had himself collected in Tyre, declared that they came from the Eed
Sea, i.e. Persian Gulf. Later authorities, such as Justin (xviii. 3)

» Wordsworth, Greece, p. 356, ed. 1868.

' Hayman, Odyssey, i. App. G. 2. Mure, Gr. L, i. App. E. » 8, 29.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 293

;and Strabo (xvi. 3), asserted the same, and appealed to the similarity
of the nomenclature of towns in the Gulf and on the Phoenician sea-
board. Movers, indeed, called this in question, and Heeren ^ would
reverse the process, and would regard the cities in the Persian Gulf
as colonies from the Phoenician mother country; but Professor
Sayce ^ and most modern orientalists are now agreed on the substan-
tial accuracy of the Herodotean account. The younger Lenormant ^
even ventures to trace the route of the Phoenician migration from
the shores of the Persian Gulf, along the line of oases still used by
the caravans of the Haj in returning from Medina to Damascus,
till the final arrival in the land afterwards known as Phoenicia. The
date of the migration from the Tigro-Euphrates basin can even be
assigned^ with a fair appearance of approximate accuracy to 2300 b.c,
from the convulsions caused among the tribes of the Persian Gulf
by the irruption of the Aryans into Babylonia and Chaldaea.

Now with this the Homeric account will be found to present the
most perfect harmony if we consider the Hyperie of the poems to
be the highlands of Aram as opposed to the lowland of Canaan, and
the giants to be the Eephaim or Emim, whom the immigrants would
dislodge before they reached the seaboard, but with whom they
must have been long at feud, and with whom they may have con-
tracted intermarriages ('Odyssey,' vii. 55). Thus the Phoenician
origin of the Homeric Phseacians would be used to confirm in the
most striking manner the truth of the Herodotean account.

Of course the adoption of such an hypothesis has nothing to do
with the view that, even to the mind of the poet, Scherie was Corfu.
Doubtless later traditions, as Thucydides, iii. 70, made this identifi-
cation, and Odysseus, in the poems, does seem (unless this be a
later rechauffe of the older version) to place Scherie off the coast of
Thesprotia, but Dr. Jebb ^ has rightly called attention to the fact
that the poet never speaks of the island but always of the land of the
Phseacians. But, indeed, the conditions under which it is natural
to conceive the poet as working would certainly explain all this,
gathering materials for his work from all sides and giving them a
Greek setting, so that whether the harbour of Scherie, as described
by the poet (vi. 263), be like that of Tyre (Merry, ad loc) or like that
of Corfu (as Hayman) is not to the point. Indeed this very habit
may satisfactorily explain the apparent confusion by which we find
attributed to the easy and pleasure-loving Phaeacians the incon-
gruous detail of being the ferrymen of the dead, a legend that has,
later on at least, been regarded as being a characteristic northern
legend.

♦ Asiatic Nations, ii. 231. * Herodotos, p. 406, « Orient. Hist. ii. 144-7.

^ Kenan, Histoire des langues simitiqiies (1878), p. 187 ; Sayce, Herod, ii. 43^
Append, p. 408.

® Homer, p. 46. . '

294 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April'

Thus the rapprochement of the east and west in the case of the
Phaeacians and the Phoenicians finds a curious counterpart in the
detection of the Khitas of the Assyrian monuments with the Keteioi ^
of Homer. W. Keith Leask.

A THESSALIAN INSCRIPTION CONTEMPORARY WITH THE SECOND
PUNIC WAR.

In the ' Sammlung der griechischen Dialekt-Inschriften,' now in
course of publication, A. Fick has printed (vol. i. p. 133) a long
inscription from Larissa, in Thessaly, found not long since by
LoUing, which is of the highest importance from a philological point
of view, but which also possesses considerable historical interest.
It contains two letters of Philip V of Macedon to Larissa, and two-
decrees passed in consequence by the Larissseans granting citizen-^
ship to a large number of alien residents whose names are ap-
pended. The date must be in or soon after 214 b.c.

The inscription throws some light on the condition of the
Thessalian towns, and no doubt of other Greek commonwealths,
under the Macedonian domination. From the time of Philip II to
the battle of Cynoscephalae Thessaly was subordinate or subject
to the kings of Macedon. After Cynoscephalae Flamininus (Livy,
xxxiii. 32) liberated the Thessalians amongst other peoples which
had been sub dicione Philippi regis. Yet we see from this inscrip-
tion that the forms of political independence were still, after more
than a century of practical servitude, maintained. Philip does
not grant the citizenship of Larissa, but recommends (somewhat
pressingly no doubt) the Larissaeans to do so. In fact the position
of such towns as Larissa under the Macedonian kings was much
the same as that of many Greek towns later on under the Komans ;.
formally they were * allied states,' practically they were subjects ;
if the Macedonian monarchy had lasted as long as the Koman
dominion did, their * independence ' would no doubt have decayed
into nothing, and the position of their inhabitants been levelled
down into identity with that of the other subjects of the Macedonian
kings, as was the case with the * allied states ' under the Eoman
empire. The position of these towns was the converse of that
of the. medieval commonwealths of North Italy; the independ-
ence of the one, the subject position of the other, was gradually
becoming nominal. I do not for a moment mean to suggest that
there is any novelty in this view (which might, e.g., be inferred
from the Polybian narrative in Livy xxxii.), but our inscription
brings it out with special clearness. Philip puts himself and

" Gladstone, Hovieric Synchronism, p. 166 ; Sayce, Transactions Soc. Biblic,
Archceology, vii. 2 ; Jebb, Homer, p. 46.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 295

Larissa side by side throughout. The course recommended will
be useful * to me and to the city ; ' the new citizens are enrolled
* according to my letter and your decree ; ' some persons have
failed to understand ' the interests of their native city and my
decision ; ' some of the new citizens may have committed unpardon-
able offences * against the kingdom or the city.' Clearly sovereignty
is more or less divided.

But far the most interesting part of the inscription is the refer-
ence to Eome. It is a very early date for Eome to be mentioned
in a Greek inscription. Eome as yet only possessed Dyrrhachium,
ApoUonia, and Corcyra on the east of the Adriatic. Of course
there are very few Latin inscriptions at all of an earlier date than
this. The reason also why Eome is referred to is very curious ;
we find that two years after Cannae, though Philip had just made
an alliance with Hannibal, he could quote Eome as a model for
a Greek state, and this for reasons which seem to anticipate the
views common to Claudius Caesar and modern critics as to one of
the causes of her greatness. Eecommending the Larissaeans to be
liberal in granting citizenship, Philip says : * You may look at
others who enrol citizens in a similar way, amongst whom are the
Eomans, who even when they liberate their slaves admit them
into the body of citizens and make them eligible to office ; by such
modes of action they not only have enlarged their own city, but
have also sent out colonies to nearly seventy places.' This last
sentence shows either that our lists of colonies are very incomplete
or that Philip uses considerable exaggeration. Most probably both
are the case. At any rate few things can be more interesting than
to find that Philip, 214 B.C., holds Eome up for a pattern to a
Greek town because of its liberality in extending the limits of its
citizenship.

G. NUTT.
PAUL EWALD AND POPE GREGORY I.

The death of Dr. Paul Ewald at the age of thirty-six years, which
occurred on 14 October of last year, has been felt in Germany as a
great blow to historical research. Not only those who worked in
the same part of the field, such as Wattenbach and Lowenfeld, have
testified this, but others, and among these the most eminent of all.
H. von Sybel relaxes in his favour, as formerly in favour of Eanke
and Waitz, the rule which excludes obituary notices from the
Historische Zeitschrifty and Dr. Theodor Mommsen himself writes
in a letter which I have received from him : 'It is a heavy loss to
his friends and to our studies. Inhabiting the border country, I am
not fully able to appreciate his literary merits ; but I know enough
of his researches to bear testimony to a peculiar union of philo-

296 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April

logical acuteness and historical views. It is a sad proof of his
merits as an editor that hitherto none of us here has been capable
to propose any one able to succeed him.'

His work is for the most part of a very abstruse kind. The

* philological acuteness ' had full play ; the ' historical views ' were
for the time held somewhat in abeyance. Like Mommsen him-
self, he laid a foundation in textual criticism and palseographical
research; in due time he might have shown, as Mommsen has
done, that his insight and judgment could deal as well with
historic phenomena as with documents. But ' he has fallen upon
the course ; ' 'his story is a fragment.' We can only say of Paul
Ewald that he might have become a great historian, and we must
console ourselves by thinking of the great results that may flow
from his masterly examination of the Eegister of Gregory the
Great.

As his principal subject was the great pope who of all popes is
most interesting to Englishmen, it seems desirable that Englishmen
should receive some information about his work, and this may best
be given in a Eeview which is not merely popular. If I undertake
the task, it is not because I pretend to be specially qualified for it,
but mainly because I knew Paul Ewald personally, and felt person-
ally the shock of his death.

His name appears on the title-page of but two works of great
extent, and only as editor. One of these is the edition of Jaffe's

* Eegesta Pontificum ' published in 1885, where his name is asso-
ciated with those of Lowenfeld and Kaltenbrunner. The other is the
fragment, which has been published since his death in the series of
the * Monumenta Germanise,' of an edition of the letters of Gregory
the Great. But neither of these large works contains much that
was actually written by himself. His writings, properly speaking,
consist mainly in a number of articles contributed to the Neues
Archiv fur dltere deutsche Geschichtskundey which articles have also
been issued in a separate form. Of these by far the most consider-
able and important is ' Studien zur Ausgabe des Registers Gregors I.'
It extends to nearly two hundred pages, and is a singular specimen
of close investigation. To this, no doubt. Dr. Mommsen mainly
refers when he writes in the letter above quoted : ' The very intri-
cate question about the origin of the Eegesta has been cleared up
by him.' But he may have also in view two articles, which, taken
together, are of equal bulk, on the collection of papal letters, chiefly
of the sixth, ninth, and eleventh centuries, which is found in the
British Museum (Add. MSS. 8873). These articles are entitled ' Die
Papstbriefe der Brittischen Sammlung.' There is also a short
article on the Eegister of Gregory VII, and another on the Oldest
Biography of Pope Gregory I. The remaining articles are reports
of scientific journeys, explorations among the manuscripts of Italy,

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 297

France, and Spain, undertaken by way of preparation for the
great task which had been imposed upon him by the management
of the ' Monumenta,' viz. the editing of the letters of Gregory I.

Thus we may say that his whole life was given to the study of
the growth of the papacy — a subject not only interesting but, for the
historical student, of interest absolutely unique. For there is abso-
lutely no subject so certain to be misunderstood unless it is approached
according to the rules of the strictest historical method ; and there-
fore there is no subject which is misunderstood so generally, and,
since it divides parties, in so many different ways. What con-
clusion then, perhaps we may ask, did Paul Ewald form on the
subject ? Did he follow the eighteenth century, and take a Vol-
tairian view of the papacy, or did he take a protestant view, or
a catholic, or neo-catholic, or positivist view? I must answer
that, though he spent so many years and wrote so much on the
subject, I have scarcely found a sentence from which it could be
inferred towards which party he inclined. Whether the papacy was
good or bad or partly one and partly the other, or justifiable in
certain circumstances but not in others, all these possible conclu-
sions lay for him, at his point of view, beyond the horizon. For the
time his endeavour was, not to arrive at a conclusion, but to make
a commencement of inquiry. It is little to say that he referred
to original documents ; he confined his attention to the documents
themselves, scarcely inquiring what they said or what might be
inferred from them, and content to ask, in what way did they come
into existence and in what degree are they trustworthy ? In short,
he had faithfully assimilated the discipline of the 'Monumenta
Germanise Historica,' which treats the sources of Germanic history
with a thoroughness like that which was formerly reserved for
classical texts. The rage for thoroughness seems, indeed, to grow
among these investigators. Paul Ewald aimed to outdo Jaffe, as
Sickel leaves Bohmer, as too uncritical, behind him, though but
thirty years ago Bohmer and Jaffe were the great names in the
literature of the * Eegesta.' Nothing now will do but that these
diplomas and letters and capitularies of the earliest Germanic period
shall be scrutinised as microscopically asLachmann scrutinised the
text of Lucretius. Is there some extravagance here ? I remember
proposing the question to Ewald himself, and I am reminded of the
candid answer he gave by these sentences in * ZumEegister Gregors
YII : ' ' History in these days has resolved itself into a series of
isolated districts of study of which each at the best comprehends a
single age. Nay more. Within each district a considerable share
of the labour and acuteness of investigation is applied, not to the
substance of the record of facts, but chiefly to the mariner in which
they have been handed down. We seem to care less what happened
than how the information about it reached us. Hence the eager

298 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April

industry we see in the departments of the comparative science of
authorities, diplomatics, and palaeography.'

This describes the state of things in Germany; certainly it does
not apply to England. As in education so in the organisation of
research, we may for the present safely follow the example of
Germany, because there is for the present no danger whatever of our-
being betrayed into German excesses. But Ewald's own judgment
is given as follows : ' The result of all this industry is, for the
augmentation of historical knowledge, pretty insignificant, but, for
the deepening and securing of it, more important than could have
been anticipated.'

Certainly when the subject is that burning heart of all human
discord, the papacy, we may be thankful for any investigation
which keeps clear of controversy and puts us in possession of even
a minimum of unquestioned truth.

Ewald's great achievement is his analysis of the letters of
Gregory the Great, but his curious discovery of the oldest biography
of Gregory is peculiarly interesting, as will be seen, to Englishmen.
Of the former I will try to offer an outline, and then I will explain
the latter.

Whence comes the collection of letters attributed to Gregory
the Great — the only large collection bearing the name of an early
pope — and what reason have we for believing them to be really
his? Ewald begins by quoting the fundamental text from the
biography of Gregory the Great written about a.d. 872 by Johannes
Diaconus, and dedicated to Pope John VIII : Si cui tamen, ut
assolet, visum fuerit aliter, ad plenitiidinem scrinii lestri [i.e.
Johannis VIII] reciirrens tot charticios libros epistolarum ejusdem
patris [i.e. Gregorii'] quot annos prohatur vixisse, revolvat. (Prol.)
And again, in iv. 71 : Ab exponendis epistolis, qiiamdiu vivere potiiit,
nunquam omnino cesmvit : quarum videlicet tot libros in scrinio
dereliquit, quot annos advixit. Unde quartum decimum epistolarum
librum septimce indictionis imperfectum reliquit, quoniam ad ejusdem
indictionis terminum non pertingit.

Here certainly is an explicit statement of the kind which in
obscure historical periods is invaluable. Here we have a some-
what particular description of the original Lateran Eegister of
Gregory the Great, as it was less than three centuries after Gregory's
own time. But Ewald produces testimony more than a century
older than this to the existence of a scrinium ecclesice Romance in
which the letters of Gregory were preserved. Here enter two
countrymen of our own, Bede and Boniface. Bede tells us that
he had incorporated in his Ecclesiastical History certain letters
which Nothelm, a presbyter of London, had brought from Eome,
and he writes : Nonnullas ibi beati Gregorii papce simul et aliorum

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 299

pontificum epistolas, jy^f'scrutato ejusdem sanctce ecclesiae Komanse
scrinio, pei'missu ejus qui nunc ipsi ecclesice prceest, Gregorii [III]
pontiJiciSf invenit. And Boniface, in 735, writes to Canterbury for a
copy of the questions addressed by Augustin to Gregory, and of
Gregory's answers, adding, Quia in scrinio Eomanae ecclesiae, ut
affirmant scriniarii, cum ceteris exemplarihus sujwa dicti pontificis
qucesita non inveniehatur. From which it follows, as Ewald remarks,
that not all papal letters went into the scrinium, and also, we/ may
add, that our collection cannot be identical with that in the scriiiium,
for the very letter which was missing there is found in our collec-
tion (Ep. xi. 64).

But what is the relation of our collection to this original Eegister
(Urregister) ? The number of manuscripts of the collection is, Ewald
tells us, incredibly great. He has obtained an exact knowledge of
more than a hundred, and has personally examined more than
twenty, and he has arrived, first, at the negative conclusion that the
original Eegister itself is not preserved in any of them ; secondly,
that they fall into three wholly distinct classes. He discovers, in
fact, three different collections, of which two are comparatively small,
consisting of 200 and 53 letters respectively, while the third is much
larger and consists of 686 letters. The two smaller collections con-
stantly appear coupled together, though their distinctness is un-
mistakable ; they have no division by books or indictions, and they
have no title referring back to the Eegister. On the other hand,
the large collection is divided by indictions, and bears the title
Epistolce ex registro heati Gregorii^ dx., which title Ewald under-
stands to convey that the collection is not a copy but only a selec-
tion from the Eegister. The small collections are not less old,
perhaps older, than the larger one. Ewald finds a reference to a
manuscript in which they were coupled together in a letter of
Alcuin's (Jafte, BibL vi. 391) : Epistolam vera qiiam heati Gregorii
de simpla mersione dicunt esse conscriptavi, in epistolari suo libro qui
de Eoma nobis adlatus est, non invenimus. One of the small collec-
tions bears the name of a certain Paul, who may perhaps be Paulus
Diaconus, the historian of the Lombards, but perhaps also not.

As to the larger and more important collection, Ewald finds
it plainly pointed to in the biography of Gregory by Johannes
Diaconus, where we find (iv. 71) these words : Ex quorum \lihrorum'\
multitudine primi Hadriani papce temporibus qucedam epistolce decre-
tales per singidas indictiones excerptce sunt, et in duobus voluminibus,
sicut modo cernitur, congregatcB. For this collection is divided ac-
cording to indictions. And there is also a very evident trace of the
two volumes, for among the manuscripts one large class includes
only the letters of the first seven years, and another class only
those of the last seven years of Gregory's pontificate of fourteen
years. He adds that when Johannes Diaconus says ' in the timea

300 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April

of Hadrian I,' we must evidently understand that the selection was
made by and with the authority of that pope. And thus we
acquire an historical fact of great importance. We knew already
that in 774 Charles the Great received from Hadrian a copy of the
collections of Dionysius Exiguus, which form the basis of the canon
law. We also knew that he received later a copy of the ' Liber
Sacramentorum ' of Gregory, and that he was assisted by Hadrian
in introducing among the Franks the Gregorian church music.
That in like manner the collection of Gregory's letters made by
Hadrian, which now lies before us in the manuscripts examined
by Ewald, was intended to be sent, and was sent, to Charles, he
renders probable by referring to a letter written by Hadrian to Charles
(Jaffe, Bibl. vi. 245) in 794. Hadrian there quotes as certainly
known to Charles the letter of Gregory on the worship of pictures
(ix. 105). Now that letter, remarks Ewald, is found only in this
particular collection of Gregory's letters.

The modern editions of the letters of Gregory give 850 letters,
which are presented to us as constituting a single whole, identical,
for all we are told, with the original Gregorian Kegister. The result
of Ewald's inquiry is that they are really nothing of the kind, but
that the collection must have been made by artificially uniting
together three distinct collections. How and when was this done?
This question, too, Ewald examines, and he brings to light what he
calls the codification of Milan.

He finds in the Vatican library a manuscript in which the three
collections are fused together, and which contains after the last
letter the following note : Explicit Registrimi sancti Gregorii pape
multo stvdio correctum ad instantiam Reverendissimi domini domiiii
Jo. Arcimboldi tituli sanctce Praxedis presbyteri cardinalis et archi-
episcopi Mediolanensis . Per me Oddonem de Beka A lamanum scri^num .

Arcimbaldi, an intimate friend of Galeazzo Maria Sforza, was
archbishop of Milan from 1485 to 1488. This is the time of the
writing of the manuscript, but Ewald has not been able to obtain
any further information about it, and can learn nothing about Otto
de Beka the German. But to this manuscript he traces back the
collection which is now known as Gregory's letters.

We have assisted at a masterly investigation. But since we
have Gregory's letters, does it greatly matter in what way the
collection was formed ? Clearly ; for this reason. Of the three
collections thus fused together, only one, the largest, had any
chronology. It was arranged according to indictions. But the
other two collections give no note of time. Now the fusion was
accomplished by taking the letters of the two smaller collections
and distributing them among the indictions of the larger one. This
process involved giving dates to these letters. On what authority,
then, do these dates stand ? Ewald answers: ' On no authority ; the

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 301

letters were thrown in at hazard, mtf's Gerathewohl ! ' And conse-
quently our collection, as it stands, is full of errors of date, and is
chronologically misleading. He produces evidence of this.

And now he enters upon the task of construction. For an arti-
ficial whole, he proposes to substitute the original Lateran Kegister,
which, as we have seen, was known to Bede and Boniface, but has
since, we know not how, disappeared. This he will reconstruct by
a careful comparison of the three collections.

I promised but a bare outline, but I feel that I must be content
with furnishing only a kind of sample of Ewald's method. I have
no space for the remarkable positive results which he reaches, nor
yet for the equally important conclusions about the history of the
Papal Kegister which he draws in his investigation of the British
collection. I must fulfil the other promise which I made, of com-
municating something interesting to Englishmen. I turn to Ewald's
article, entitled * Die alteste Biographie Gregors I.'

He begins by remarking that in the ninth century there was
current a biography of Gregory the Great which was peculiarly
English.

This appears from the biography above mentioned of Johannes
Diaconus, which was undertaken about 872 at the instance of Pope
John Vin. Johannes tells us that this pope had been led to com-
mission him to write such a biography, throwing open to him the
Lateran Register, by observing that Gregory's own church possessed
no biography of so great a saint, whereas both the Saxons and the
Lombards possessed biographies of him, which, however, were short
and insufficient. In his narrative, too, Johannes refers more than
once to the English biographies. Thus in ii. 14 we read: Quce
autem de Gregorii miraculis penes easdem Anglorum ecclesias vulgo
leguntur omittenda non arhitror. And in ii. 44: Sed cum de su-
periorihis miraculis Romanorum sit nemo qui dubitet, de hoc quod
apud Saxones legitur . . . duhitari videtur. He speaks never of a
single biography, but as if he had before him several. Does na
trace remain of this English legend of Gregory the Great ?

Canisius long ago remarked the existence of two unprinted
biographies of Gregory. One of these was in the monastery of
Petershausen. Canisius printed it, and thought it might be the
Lombard biography just mentioned. This, according to Ewald, is
impossible, and the Life is wholly uninteresting, being but a meagre
abridgment of the work of Johannes Diaconus. The other was at
St. Gallen ; but this Canisius himself pronounced to be of no value :
fahidis adeo passim scatentem ut si exscripsissem ac vulgassem, et
operam et chartam ludos fecisse non injuria censeri possem. This
Codex Sangallensis has therefore lain in complete neglect. Ewald
now examines it. Let us inquire what he has found.

302 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April

It is fearfully corrupt, in many parts unintelligible, and, con-
sidered simply as a Life of Gregory, deserves the worst that Canisius
could say of it. It is extremely meagre, inferior not only to that of
Johannes Diaconus but also to that of Paulus Diaconus. The
author himself is painfully aware of his own want of information.
His work, he says, is opus tanti viri dilectione magis quam scientia
extorsum. Again : vul/jata tantum hahemus, non ah illis qui viderunt
et audierunt per or a didicimus. As to Gregory's death : de fine vero
hujus vitce viri quomodo qualis esset minime aiidiinmus. Neverthe-
less the newly found Life has a peculiarity which arrests our atten-
tion. It consists of thirty- two chapters, of which ten (ix-xix)
are devoted to England. But of these ten chapters seven are
of the nature of a digression. They forget Gregory and even
Gregory's age, and wander into the history of Northumbria, telling
of the death of Paulinus, of King Eadwin's conversion and death,
and of the carrying of his bones at a later time to the monastery of
Streoneshalch (Whitby) . The writer, we observe, has extremely little
information about Gregory, but more than enough about the king-
dom of Northumbria and the monastery of Whitby. Have we,
then, actually found here one of those English Lives of Gregory ?

The very table of contents, as Ewald gives it, suggests this as a
possibility ; it becomes a certainty when we read the copious extract
which he prints, and which I reprint at the end of this article.
For we find the writer habitually speaking as an Englishman.
Gregory is ^ magister noster,' ^doctor noster,' ' apostolicus nostery'
' papa iioster,' ' noster Gregorius' It is said of him that ' nostram
propagavit conversionem,' ^fidem nostram prima refecit.'' We hear of
the time, * quo gens Anglonmi hanc ingreditur insulam.'

But, further, the writer is a Northumbrian. He writes, 'in
gente nostra que dicitur Hiimhrensimn,' Paulinus is ' doctor noster,'
' unus illorum quos inter nos direxit Gregorius.' E ad win is ' rex noster.'

Further still, the wi'iter is a monk of Whitby. For in speaking
of the carrying of the bones of Eadwin to Streoneshalch he uses the
expression ad hoc nostrum secum asportavit coenohium. And in
quitting this part of his subject he lets fall the expression His igitur
peractis relationihus que proprie ad nos pertinent.

What, now, is the age of this biography? In chapter xviii.
the writer tells us that he had his account of the translation of the
bones of Eadwin, which Ewald is able to place between the years
675 and 704, from a relative of the presbyter Trimma, who figures
in the story — -frater noster, illius preshiteri cognatus, qui hanc mihi
exposuit ystoriam. Our author, then, was roughly contemporary
with Bede, whose Church History ends at the year 731 and who
died in 735. And then arises the question, Did he write before or
after Bede ?

Ewald argues that he must have written before Bede, from the

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 303

simple fact that he complains so bitterly and so frequently of want
of information. It is not credible that he would have done this if
shortly before, in his immediate neighbourhood, there had appeared
a history dealing with this very subject by the most famous
historical writer Europe had seen since Isidore.

But if he wrote before Bede, had Bede read his work ? If so, it
is rather surprising that he does not reproduce the story of the
translation of Eadwin's bones by Trimma. But, while he grants this,
Ewald holds that in two distinct passages he finds Bede borrowing
from our author. The first is the first chapter of Bede's second
book, which is to be compared to the first chapter of our biography.
The second is the famous story of the Anglian slaves at Kome and
of Gregory's pious puns. Here Ewald points out the resemblance
of Bede's opening, Nee silentio pr(etereunda opinio ^ and of that of
our author. Quod omnino non est tegendum silentio.

At any rate, as he remarks, it is interesting to think that, if we
have here really the oldest biography of Gregory, the story of the
play upon the word Deira is henceforth to be considered as coming
to us actually from a native of Deira. And from these rude,
scarcely intelligible pages, there certainly falls a welcome ray of
light upon the earliest years of the Whitby monastery.

On surveying the whole work of Paul Ewald, we see that it was
mainly devoted to one subject, the papacy, and that he was prin-
cipally occupied with the earlier phases of this. Had a longer
term of years been granted him, had he been allowed to complete
his edition of Gregory's letters and then to undertake other tasks,
it seems likely that, on the one hand, he would have pushed his
inquiry into the papal Eegister back from the time of Gregory to
that of Leo and Innocent, and, on the other hand, would have been
led to investigate the relation of the papacy to Boniface, Pippin,
and Charles. But he describes himself also as positively fascinated
by the subject of the Eegister of Hildebrand. We can imagine him
then gradually acquiring such a grasp as no man has yet possessed
of the whole development of the papacy from Innocent to Hilde-
brand, such a grasp as Mommsen has of the history of pagan
Eome. ' He had,' writes Lowenfeld, * such a sovereign grasp of his
material as none of his predecessors has possessed in the remotest
degree.' This fundamental knowledge he might in due time have
gathered up, as Mommsen has done, into a comprehensive and
luminous history. Such a work might have made an epoch. We
have waited long enough for an historian who should treat this pro-
blem of the papacy both with such adequate knowledge and in a
truly historic spirit — that is, without prejudices ecclesiastical or
anti-ecclesiastical, neither contenting himself with unverified theories
nor losing himself in aimless research.

804 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April

Architectural beauty cannot be shown in the foundations of a
building, and Ewald has left only foundations. "We admire their
solidity and good workmanship, but they only affect our feelings
when we remark how amply and strongly laid they are, how much
might be reared upon them, and then reflect that death has
frustrated the bold design. What can be said of Paul Ewald
personally ? Did he convey to those who knew him the impression
that he was capable of finishing nobly what he had begun so
solidly ?

It seems to me that he did. His friends give him credit for
rarer powers than any which he had any opportunity of displaying ;
nay more, for personal qualities such as cannot be displayed in any
literary work. Dr. Mommsen not only adds * historical views ' to

* philological acuteness ' in describing his talent, but speaks with
strong feeling of the man. ' He was not only a scholar, but an
accomplished gentleman. The inkstand, of which most professors
retain the traces out of their study, was not visible in him; he
came of a family of painters and artists, and of manifold culture ;
he is a great loss for many of our best men.'

I myself made his acquaintance in 1886 at Freiburg. We were
introduced to him by our friend, his accomplished wife ; and I
remember every word that he said to me in rambles at the entrance
of the Black Forest. He was a man of distinguished appearance
and fine manners. In his conversation you could certainly discern
the specialist, but not less clearly the thinker and philosopher, the
open mind and frank generous spirit. Perhaps, indeed, it was only
on his own subject that his judgment seemed a little severe ; so
much was surely unavoidable. I was not surprised that he listened
with a kind of superb indifference when I spoke of our Milman ; but
perhaps I was a little shocked when he pronounced of Kanke's

* Weltgeschichte ' that it was not a work of permanent importance,
and that it was interesting less in itself than as a record of Kanke's
personal views. Of Eanke's work in general his appreciation was
enthusiastic enough to satisfy even my demand, which in this matter
is exacting, but the * Weltgeschichte ' traverses ground on which he
could not but feel himself to be more at home even than Eanke.

I must not in this place indulge in mere personal reminiscences.
I speak here only of the loss which science has suffered. Science
has lost much, and so have the friends of Paul Ewald ; but yet,
as I close this notice, I confess I think neither of science nor even
of the friends. I think that when I met him only a year and a half
ago he was newly married, and that only fourteen months divided
his wedding day from the day of his death.

J. E. Seeley.

■

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 305

Incipit liber heati et laudahilis I'iri Gregoni pape urhis Rome,
De vita atque eius virtutihus^

In primis proemium.

Cum suos sancta per orbem ecclesia catholica in omni gente
^doctores semper celebrare non cessat, quos Christo domino magis-
trante ad se directos in eo gloriando congaudet, eosque^ scriptis
memorialibus promulget in posteros, ut ponant in Deo spem suam
et non obliviscantur operum Dei sui et mandata eius exquirant,
merito nos quoque nostri mentionem magistri possumus iuxta vires
nostras, adiuvante Domino, facere, describentes quem sanctum
•Gregorium cum omni etiam orbe prefato possumus appellare.

Finit prefaciuncula.

I. Fuit igitur iste natione Eomanus, ex patre Gordiano et matre
Silvia, nobilis secundum legem, sed nobilior coram Deo in religione.
Longo iam tempore manens in monasterio etc.

IX. Quod omnino non est tegendum silentio, quam spiritaliter,^
quomodoque cordis incomparabili speculo oculorum, nostram pro-
videndo propagavit ad Deum conversionem. Est igitur narratio
fidelium, ante predict um eius pontificatum Eomam venisse quidam
de nostra natione forma et crinibus candidati albis. Quos cum
audisset venisse, iam dilexit vidisse. Eosque albamenti"* intuitu
sibi adscitos, recenti specie ^ inconsueta suspensus et, quod maxi^
mum est, Deo intus admonente, cuius gentis fuissent, inquivisit.
[Quos quidam pulchros fuisse pueros dicunt, quidam vero crispos
iuvenes et decor os.] ^ Cumque responderent : Anguli dicunt ur illi
de quibus sumus, ille dixit : Angeli Dei. Deinde dixit : Kex gentis
illius quomodo nominatur ? Et dixerunt : Aelli. Et ille ait :
Alleluia, laus enim Dei esse debet illic. Tribus quoque illius
nomen de qua erant proprie requisivit. Et dixerunt : Deire. Et
ille dixit : De ira Dei confugientes ad fidem.

X. Tam itaque spiritali data occasione inflammatus, preces-
sorem pontificatus sui papam Benedictum tam inhianter hue pro-
liciscendi precatus est dare licentiam, ut precis^ sue non potuit
declinare nimietatem, illo dicente : Miserum tam pulchris vasis
infernus ^ debuisse repleri. Hec et his similia illo dicente licentiam
tribuit pontifex, hue ^ iter agendi. Ex qua iam licentia populum
satis contristavit Komanum. Unde tale dicitur condictum fecisse,
ut se in tres partes divideret*^ iuxta viam, qua profectus est ad

' eius supra atque add, corrector. ^ eisque cod.

' Perverse iam hie ponit cod. ad Deum, qiLod post repetitur.
* albe mentis cod. * specie cod.

' Verba, qucn uncis inchcsi, aut glossator quidam addidity aut supra post albis
'Teicienda sunt.

'' preces cod. * Sic pro infernum cod.

^ Corrector ex hoc. '^^ dividendo cod.

VOL. III. NO. X. X

306 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April

ecclesiam sancti Petri " idem pontifex. Unaquaque autem pars eo
transiente sic proclamavit ad eum : Petrum offendisti, Romam de-
struxisti, Gregorium dimisisti. Is ^^ ergo tarn terribiliter tercio
audiens, concite post missis legatis fecit eum reverti. Cuius rever-
sionis prius Domino in se loquence sancta mente per unam locustam
agnovit ita rationem.^"' Confecto namque trium dierum itinere,
quiescentibus illis quodam loco, ut iter agentibus moris est, venit
ad eum locusta ^^ legentem. E cuius nomine statim, quasi sibi
diceret : sta in loco, agnovit. Concite tamen ortatus est comites,
parare se ad proficiscendum. Quod dum agebat cum illis, preventus
a nuntiis, reductus est Rome.

XI. Postque non multum temj)us papa defuncto electus, ut
prescripsimus, ad pontificatum est.'^ Quantaque '^ potuit festi-
natione venerande memorie viros hue Augustinum et Mellitum
atque Laurentium direxit cum ceteris, Augustinum ordinando epi-
scopum, a quo hie Mellitus dicitur et a Mellito Laurentius ordi-
natus.

XII. Per hos igitur regum omnium primus Angulorum Edil-
bertus rex Cantuariorum ad fidem Christi correctus eius baptismo
dealbatus cum sua enituit natione. Post hunc in gente nostra
que dicitur Humbrensium, Eduinus, Aelli prefati filius, quem sub
vaticinatione alleluiatica laudationis divine non inmerito memi-
nimus, rex precepit, tarn sapientia singularis, quam etiam sceptro
dicionis regie, a tempore quo gens Anglorum ^^ banc ingreditur
insulam.

XIII. 0 quam pulchre quamque hec omnia decenter '^ simul
sibi conveniunt prefata ! Ergo nomen Anglorum, ^^ si una e littera
addetur, Angelorum sonat; pro certo vocabulum, quorum pro-
prium est semper omnipotentem Deum in celis laudare, et non
deficere, quia non lacescunt in laude. Quos beatus lohannes etc^
etc. Et Aelli duabus compositum est sillabis, quarum in priori cum
e littera absumitur ^^ et in sequenti pro i ponitur e, alle vocatur,
quod in nostra lingua omnes absolute indicat. Et hoc est, quod
ait Dominus noster : Venite ad me omnes qui laboratis et onerati
estis et reliqua. Sicut ^^ regem quoque significat alle Patrem, lu
Filium, ia Spiritum sanctum.

XIY. Porro cum in lumbis fortasse, cum hoc fuit vaticinatum,
adhuc patris sui Aelli fuit, praedistinatum vas misericordie Dei ^^
Eduinus, cuius nomen tribus sillabis constans recte sibi designat
sancte misterium trinitatis. Quod ille docebat, qui omnes ad se
invitat baptizatos in nomine patris et filii et spu'itus sancti. Huius

" sancti Petri in margine supplekir. '- His cod. {forte scribendum hos).

'3 iterationem cod. " locusta suppl. cod.

'* est suppl. cod. '* que suppl. cod.

" Corr. ex Angulorum. '** Corr. ex decentur.

'» Corr. ex Angulorum. -° adsumitur cod.

'■" Si ad cod., uhi ad post ras. deletur. •- Deo cod.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 307

namque Eduini pater in baptismo venerandus fuit Paulinus, antistes
unus illorum, quos inter nos ^^ direxit, ut diximus, Gregorius. Qui
tarn facile signum Dei sui sapientie, quadam, ut reor, dominica
dicitur dedisse.

XV. Cum stipatus ad ecclesiam rex prefatus ad caticuminium ^^
eorum, qui adhuc erant ^"^ gentilitati non solum, sed etiam et non
licitis stricti coniugiis, cum illo festinavit ab aula, ubi prius ad
hoc 2^ utrumque emendandum hortati sunt ab illis, dum quedam
stridula cornix ad plagam^^ voce peiorem cantavit. Tunc omnis
multitudo regia, que adhuc erat in platea po]3uli, audiens avem,
stupore ad earn conversa subsistit, quasi ilium canticum novum
carmen Deo nostro non esset vere futurum in ecclesia, sed falso ad
nihil utile. Tunc venerandus episcopus puero suo cuidam, Deo
omnia ex arce sua speculante providenteque : dirige, inquit, sagit-
tam in avem otius. Quo festinanter effecto, avis et ^^ sagitta ser-
vari precepit, usque dum peracto '^^ catacuminio eorum, qui erant
catezizandi, asportatur in aulam. Omnibusque illuc congregatis
recenti rudoque adhuc populo Dei bene satis eo ^^ causam donante
confirmavit antique scelus^^ idolatrie tam evidenti signo esse pro-
nihilo in omnibus discendum, dicens : etiam sibi ipsi avis ilia in-
sensata mortem canere ^^ cum nescisset, immo renatis ad imaginem
Dei, baptizatis omnino hominibus, qui dominantur piscibus maris
et volatilibus celi atque universis animantibus terre, nihil profu-
turum prenuntiet. Quas illi ex sua suptili natura ad deceptionem
stultorum se scire, Deo iuste permittente, actitant.^^

XVI. Sed quia regis nostri christianissimi facimus Eduini
mentionem, dignum fuit etiam et eius conversionis ^ facere, quo-
modo antiquitus traditur illi fuisse premonstrata. Quod non tam
condenso quomodo audivimus verbo, sed pro veritate certantes, eo
quo^^ credimus factum brevi replicamus et sensu, licet ab illi^
minime audivimus famatum, qui eius plura pre ceteris sciebant.
Nee tamen quod tam spiritaliter a fidelibus traditur, tegi silentio
per totum rectum rimamur, cum etiam sepe fama cuiusque rei per
longa tempora terrarumque spatia post congesta diverso modo
in aures diversorum perveniet. Hoc igitur multo ante horum
omnium,^^ qui nunc supersunt, gestum est dies. Verum itaque ^"^
omnes fuisse scimus, quia idem rex fuit exul sub rege Uuestran-
glorum ^® Kedualdo. Quem emulus suus sic passim persecutus est,
qui eum ex patria pulsit tirannus iEdilfridus, ut eum pecunia sua

'^^ Sic corr. cod. ex ita nobis. ^* caticuminum cod. ^s erant suppl. cod^

■^ adhuc cod. "" Sic cod. 2* et om. cod.

-" peracta cod. 3" eo cod., id est Deo.

^' Corr. in antiquum scelum et add. nomen, quod sine dubio interpretatio voci&
idolatrie est.

^ acuere cod. " Corr. ex lactitant. '' Corr. ex conversationis.

^^ quod cod. ^" omnes cod. 37 Qqj,^^ gg. iaque.

^^ Corr. rad. v in Uuestanglorum.

X 2

BOS NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April

emere occidendum querebat. Ea tempestate dicunt ei de sua vita
consternate quadam die quidam pulchre visionis, cum cruce Christi
coronatus apparens eum consolari coepisse, promittens ei felicem
vitam regnumque gentis sue futurum, si ei obedire voluisset.
Eoque promittente voluisse, si verum probaret sibi quod promisit,
respondit : probabis hoc verum et qui tibi primum cum hac specie
et signo apparebit, illi debes oboedire. Qui te uni Deo, qui creavit
omnia, vivo et vero docebit obedire, quique Deus daturus est tibi
€a, que promitto et omnia, que tibi agenda sunt, per ilium demon -
strabit. Sub hac igitur specie ^^ dicunt illi Paulinum prefatum
episcopum primo apparuisse.

XVII. 0 piissime pater domine Deus omnipotens, licet pre-
dictam beati Gregorii minime meremur presentiam, per eum tamen
tibi semper sit gratiarum actio doctoris nostri Paulini, quern in fine
suo fidelem tibi ostendisti. Nam fertur a videntibus, quod huius
viri anima in cuiusdam magne qualis est cignus alba specie avis
satisque pulchra quando moritur migrasse ad celum.

XVIII. Sed ut propositum persequar, qualibet Christi lucerna
de hoc rege Eduino signorum lucescit floribus dico, ut apertius
merita clarescant. Huius itaque regalis vere viri ossium reliquie,
quahter Domino relevante sunt reperte, dignum est memorie com-
mendare. Fuit igitur frater quidam nostre gentis, nomine Trimma,
in quodam monasterio Sundaranglorum ^^ presbiterii functus officio,
diebus Edilredi regis illorum, adhuc in vita monastica vivente
Aeonfleda, filia religiosi regis prefati Eduini. Cui per somnium
presbitero vir quidam visus est dicens ei: Vade ad locum quem
dixero tibi, qui est in regione ilia, que dicitur Hedfled, quo Eduinus
rex occisus est ; debes enim ossa eius exinde tollere et "*' tecum ad
Streunes-Alae deducere, quod est coenobium famosissimum Ael-
flede, filie supradicte regine Eonflede, nate, ut supra diximus,
Eduini, femina valde iam religiosa. Cui respondit presbiter dicens :
Nescio ilium locum, quomodo possum quo ignoro proficisci. At ille :
Vade, inquit, ad vicum ilium in Lindissi, cuius ^'^ nomen frater
noster, illius presbiteri cognatus, qui banc, mihi exposuit ystoriam,
non recolebat et quere in eo maritum quendam nomine Teoful.
Interroga ilium de loco, ipse potest tibi monstrare, ubi est. Pres-
biter itaque sciens esse somniorum fallatia multimoda, nimirum de
quibus *^ scriptum est : Multos errare fecerunt somnia, dimisit rem
adhuc taliter ostensam.'*'' Unde post hec ab eodem viro validius
admonitus, alteri e suis, sicut illi monstratum est, retulit fratribus.
Sed ipse eodem quo diximus modo agnoscit somnium, eumque fecit ^^
dimittere.

XIX. His itaque peractis tertius adhuc vir suus eodem pres-

^ specie cod. ''" Corr. in Sudranglorum ; confer supra Uuestranglorum.

*^ et addidi. *' Lindis. si cuius cod. " que cod.

*^ ostensa cod. *■' Nescio, qna ratione scribal codex eum fecit qui de ee dimittere

i

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 309

bitero apparuit eumque flagello satis redargutione correxit, sicque ^^
increpans ait : Nonne bis indicavi tibi, quid debes facere et negle-
xisti? proba modo si adhuc inoboediens an oboediens mihi esse
volueris. Turn scilicet festinanter perrexit ad maritum prefatum,
eumque otius querendo ubi esset, invenit secundum quod illi mon-
stratum est. A quo satis diligent er sciscitando didicit, signis aperte
monstratis, quo iam querere reliquias debuisset regis/^ Statimque
comperto profectus est ad locum sibi demonstratum. Et primo
fodiens non invenit adhuc quod querebat, sed secundo laboriosius
fodiendo, ut sepe fieri solet. Inventumque thesaurum desiderabile
ad hoc nostrum secum asportavit coenobium. In quo nunc hono-
rifice in sancti Petri apostolorum principis ecclesia hec eadem
sancta ossa cum ceteris conduntur regibus nostris, ad austrum
altaris illius, quod beatissimi Petri apostoli est nomini sanctifi-
catum, et ab oriente illius, quod in hac ipsa sancto Gregorio est
consecratum ^^ ecclesia. Fertur quoque ab hoc relatum presbitero,
qui postea pro tempore prioris sanctum iamque habitavit locum
sepultionis, crebro se iam vidisse spiritus interfectorum IIII nimi-
rum'*^ baptizatoruni, splendide venientes sua corpora visitasse et
adiecit, si posset monasterium ubi ^° voluisse facere.

XX. His itaque peractis relationibus, que proprie ad nos per-
tinent,^^ adhuc ea sequamur, quibus Christo in se quoque loquente
vir beatissimus Gregorius signorum est sanctitate famatus nobiscum.
Nam antiquorum etc, etc.

XXXII. De fine vero huius vitae viri, quomodo qualis esset,
minime audivimus. Quomodo in Deum moritur, ubi maxime que-
ritur sanctitas. Quid amplius : fidem nostram primo refecit, quo-
modo quod ille iam de sua scripsit humilitate monastice vitae etc.
etc. Iste enim sanctus utique per omnem terram tam sanctus
habetur, ut semper ab omnibus ubique sanctus Gregorius nomi-
natur. Unde letaniis, quibus Dominum pro nostris imploramus ex-
cessibus atque innumeris peccatis quibus eum offendimus, sanctum
Gregorium nobis in amminiculum vocamus cum Sanctis scilicet
apostoHs et martyribus, inter quos eum in cells Christo credimus
coniunctum, illumque esse super familiam suam servum fidelem et
prudentem, qui in tempore tritici tam abundanter donavit illi men-
suram, ut cunctis per orbem sacramenta ruminando divina, qualiter
illud granum frumenti mortuum multum cadens in terram adferens
fructum a fidelibus cottidie debeat libari atque in perpetuum gus-
tari salutem, quo iam de eo, qui in eo manet et ipse in illo dicebat :
Beatus ille servus, quem cum venerit Dominus suus invenerit sic
facientem. Amen dico vobis, super omnia bona sua constituet
eum. Quam scilicet promissionem suam Domini sui beatissima

*® eumque . . . sicque in marg. suppl. cod. *'' post regis erasa est vox ossarium.

*" consecrata cod. *» pernimirum cod. ^ Forte ibi legendum.

*' pertineat cod.

310 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April

pretiosa in conspectu eius morte IIII. idus martias ^^ expectat feli-
citer in ecclesia sancti Petri, cuius sedit episcopatum annos XIII,
menses VI, dies X, ante eius offitii secretarium sepultus corpore •^•'
dormit in pace. A quo est resuscitandus in gloriam. Cuius cor-
poris et sanguinis secreta nobis initiavit sacramenta, qui solus
remotis omnibus hostiis carnalibus tollit immolatus omnium pec-
cata, cum quibus omnibus in unitate deitatis sue semper est regna-
turuB in secula seculorum amen.

THE CHRONOLOGY OF THEOPHYLAKTOS SIMOKATTA.

The text of M. de Boor's new edition of Theophylaktos * is based
on a Vatican manuscript (977) of the eleventh or twelfth century,
which also contains the Breviarium of Nikephoros, edited in 1880
by the same scholar. The value of M. de Boor's work may be
estimated by the fact that Pontanus had used for his text only one
late Munich manuscript. The requirements of the student of lan-
guage as well as of the student of history are consulted by two
copious indexes.

A careful reading of the ' Ecumenical History ' — things ' ecu-
menical ' were the mode in the days of Maurice and Joannes Nes-
teutes — in the new edition led me to discover certain serious
chronological difficulties that beset the order of events in the
second half of the reign of Maurice. At that time the forces of
the empire were engaged in operations against the Avars and Slavs
in the provinces of Illyricum and Thrace. The difficulty is to
determine the dates of these campaigns, and to bring Theophanes
into congruity with Theophylaktos.

The restoration of Chosroes Eberwiz to the throne of the
Sassanids, by the assistance of Maurice, in the summer of 591, put
an end to the Persian war that had broken out in 572. The first step
of the government was to transfer the armies that had served on
the oriental frontier to the Balkan peninsula, which suffered almost
every year from the hostilities of the Avars or the plundering
incursions of the Slavs, who were already beginning to settle in
cis-Danubian territory. Subsequently to the transference of the
armies the emperor Maurice made a progress in Thrace. Now
Theophylaktos places these two events in the closest temporal
proximity — ras hwdfjisis 6 avroKparcop is rr)v FiVpayTrrjv o)s rd'^^Laro

/llSTS^L^a^EV STTL T£ T7)V ^ Ay^LoXoV TTJV SKBlJ/jLLaV TTapaaKSVOL^STai,

(v. 16, p. 218) — whereas Theophanes places them in separate years.
According to Theophanes, namely, the soldiers were transported

" id. mar. cod. *^ corporis cod.

' Theophylacti Simocattm Histories, ed. C. de Boor (Teubuer, 1887).

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 311

to Europe in the year of the world 6082, which ran from
1 Sept. 589 to 1 Sept. 590, and the progress of Maurice took place
in the following year, 6083— that is (as it took place after the
restoration of Chosroes), in the autumn of 591. The first statement
of Theophanes as to the date of the transference of the army can
of course not be accepted without reserve, but there is no difficulty
in supposing that a portion of the army was removed from Asia in
590, and that Theophanes omits to mention the removal of the
remainder in 591. In this way we can reconcile the two accounts.
Theophylaktos tells us that the year in which these events took
place was the ninth year of Maurice (p. 218), i.e. between 13 Aug.
590 and 13 Aug. 591 (almost coincident with anfias muncli 6083).
We are consequently entitled to conclude that the recall of the
Eoman forces which assisted Chosroes and the progress of Maurice
took place in the summer of 591, before the 13th day of August.
Theophylaktos, however, has been guilty of an error which has led
Clinton and others to a different conclusion. He says that there
was an eclipse of the sun when Maurice was at Hebdomon, a place
at a little distance from Constantinople on the way to Herakleia.
Astronomical calculation determines that there was an eclipse of
the sun on 19 March 592. Hence Clinton places the progress of
Maurice in March 592 — that is, in the tenth year of Maurice — and
he is thus obliged to reject Theophylaktos' statement that it was in
the ninth year of Maurice. But it is equally legitimate to suppose
that he was mistaken in the date of the eclipse ; and this supposi-
tion is more scientific because (1) the notice of Theophanes sup-
ports the harov sros of Theophylaktos, and (2) the language of
Theophylaktos forbids the assumption that a winter intervened
between the recall of the army and the progress of Maurice.

The course of the narrative naturally leads us to imagine that
the siege of Singidon, the operations of the general Priskos and his
defeat at Herakleia by the Chagan, took place immediately after the
return of Maurice to Constantinople, in August and September 591.
In that case fisroTrcopov ap^o^isvov of vi. 6 would mean the late
autumn of 591, and r^pos ap'^ofjuivov, immediately below, would
mean the spring of 592. And thus the expedition of Priskos against
the Slavs would fall in 592. The account of this expedition extends
in Theophylaktos from p. 230 to p. 239, ed. De Boor. Priskos
receives a letter from the emperor, with a mandate that the army
should spend the winter — rr^v ^et/^e/otoi/ wpav (p. 239) — in the terri-
tory of the barbarians ; that is, the winter of 592-3. Immediately
after this Maurice deposes Priskos from the command in favour of
his own brother Petros. Priskos, however, commences operations —
spring 593 — and gains some successes before he hears of his recall ;
then he returns to the capital (p. 245), and Petros proceeds to take
the command. The campaign in which Petros proves his incom-

312 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April

petence we naturally assume to occupy the rest of the year 593-,
and place his deposition and the reappointment of Priskos (p. 254)
at the close of that year.

But at this point Theophylaktos gives us a definite date, which
puts us completely out of our reckoning. Immediately after his
notice of the return of Petros and the appointment of Priskos he
says (vii. 6, p. 254) : Trpo rsTrdpcov rolvvv tovtcov sviavroyv (irpos
yap TO, TTpscr^vTSpa rrjs laropias avOis ycvo/xsOd) 'Icodvvrjs 6 rrjv is
^v^dvTLOV SKK\7)(Tlav Wvvwv Tov rfjBs jScov dirsXiirsv,

Joannes Jejunator became patriarch of Byzantium on 12 April
582, and we learn from the ' Brief Chronography ' of Nikephoros
that he held that office for thirteen years and five months. His
death consequently falls about 11 Sept. 595. Hence the history of
Theophylaktos must have already reached the end of 598, when the
notice occurs that the patriarch John died four years ago. But in
following the course of the narrative we had not succeeded in
reaching further than the end of 593 — a difference of five years.
We may reduce the difference by one year, if we suppose that
Theophylaktos accepted a different date from that given by Nike-
phoros for the death of John, viz. September 594 ; for such a date
seems to be implied by Theophanes, who mentions that Kyriakos
(John's successor) was bishop of Constantinople in 6087 = 1 Sept.
594-1 Sept. 595.

To explain this incongruity two alternative suppositions are
possible. Either the historian has omitted to mention the winter
seasons, which formed breaks in the campaigns and serve to the
reader as a chronological guide, and has thereby run several years
into one, or else there is a gap in the text. In the former case we
must suppose that Theophylaktos was ignorant himself of the pre-
cise chronology, and consciously left it undetermined.

Turning to Theophanes, whose sole authority for these wars was
Theophylaktos, we find that he has hammered out the metal thin,
so as to make it extend over the years which are not accounted for.
The first campaign of Priskos and the battle of Herakleia took
place m 6084, that is, 592 ; the expedition against the Slavs is
placed in 593, the mission of Tatimer and the recall of Priskos in
594. The campaign of Petros is drawn out to extend over three
years — 595, 596, 597 — and thus the deposition of Petros at the end
of 597 agrees with the date of Theophylaktos, assuming that he
assigned the decease of Joannes Jejunator to 594.

The question is whether Theophanes used a source, not acces-
sible to Theophylaktos, which indicated these chronological divi-
sions, or whether, in order to suit the plan of his chronicle, he
exercised his own judgment in parcelling out the events recorded
by Simokatta. We cannot hesitate to reject the first alternative ;.
for not only has no hint come down to us of the existence of such

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 313

a source,^ but the facts do not render the assumption necessary.
Theophanes presents us with nothing more than an excerpt of
Theophylaktos ; he records the same events in the same order.
Moreover a very remarkable event took place in 597, which the
historian of Maurice does not mention — namely, the siege of Thessa-
lonica by the Avars, of which an account has come down to us in
the *Life of St. Demetrios of Thessalonica.' This event is also
omitted by Theophanes. We may, then, take it for granted that the
only sources accessible to Theophanes were the history of Theophy-
laktos, and possibly official documents ; but the latter would hardly
have furnished much information about the Avaric wars. The con-
clusion is that the division of events from 592 to 597 given by
Theophanes is quite arbitrary, and if we compare it in detail with
his source we shall hardly consider it very plausible.

Theophylaktos must have derived his facts mainly from the
oral evidence of persons who witnessed the course of the campaigns,
and, living in Egypt, he may not have been able to inform himself
accurately on all the details. There is no trace of a lacuna in his
history ; the narrative flows smoothly. It follows that the writer
was ignorant of the exact years in which the various events fell ;
and though he was not candid enough to say so directly, he was not
dishonest enough to supply from his imagination the deficiencies of
his information. His reticence about the siege of Thessalonica
shows that his knowledge of events as well as of dates was defective.^

It is not my purpose to make any attempt in this place to re-
arrange the chronology of the six years elapsing between the pro-
gress of Maurice and the reappointment of Priskos. The data are
not sufficient for any definite conclusions ; but Theophanes is
mistaken in lengthening out the period of Petros' command to
three years. If anything can be certain on the subject, it appears
to me certain that Petros held the post of general for one year
only — namely, the year 597 — the year in which Thessalonica was
rescued by the miraculous intervention of its patron saint. I hardly
think that even Maurice, with all his opinidtrete and all his affec-
tion for his kindred, would have tolerated the incompetence of his
brother for three years.

For the remaining five years of Maurice's reign Theophylaktos
furnishes us with sufficiently clear chronological indications. The

'^ The only other source could be the chronicle of John Malalas, who, as G.
Sotiriadis has lately proved, carried his chronicle down to Phokas. If this be so^
what we say of Theophanes will apply to Malalas, who certainly furnished Theophanes
with no fact not recorded by Theophylaktos, and who (even if we place him as early as
Heraklios) we may assume drew on Theophylaktos for the Avaric wars.

^ It is worth mentioning that in his digression on the history of the reigns of
Justin and Tiberius in bk. iii. Theopliylaktos gives a false date for the adoption of
Tiberius, naming December in the ninth indiction— that is, 575. The true date ia
December 574, which falls in the eighth indiction.

3] 4 ^OTES AND DOCUMENTS April

campaign of Singidon and the expedition to Dalmatia occupied the
year 598. Theophanes places the first of these events in 6090, and
the second in 6091 ; correctly, for the last four months of 598 corre-
spond to the first four months of 6091. After the Dalmatian ex-
pedition no military events of any consequence took place for more
than eighteen months : iirl fjurjvas rooyapovj/ otcrcoKaLSsKa koI
TTSpaLTspco 'VwjjbaioLS TS Kol jBap^dpoLs Tols ava tov "larpov avXt-
^OfjbsvoLS ovBsv a^LOV (Tvyypacfirjs Bca'TrsirpaKrat (vii. 12, p. 266).

Beckoning therefore from October or November 598, we reach
March or April 600. The campaigns of Priskos and Komentiolos
occupy the year 600, and we must not allow ourselves to be confused
by a notice which Theophylaktos inserts in an unsuitable place.
Before entering upon the campaigns of 600 he mentions the inci-
dent of the man who unsheathed a sword in the forum at Byzantium
and used menacing language against Maurice, and assigns the nine-
teenth year of Maurice as the date. The nineteenth year of Maurice
was current from 13 Aug. 600 to 13 Aug. 601, almost corresponding
to the year of the world 6093, in which Theophanes places the same
event. Thus Theophylaktos here anticipates chronological order.
In the early part of the year a treaty is concluded between the Avars
and Bomans (p. 273), but it is soon broken. The summer of 600 is
marked (p. 285). Komentiolos abode in Philippopolis during the
winter and proceeded to Byzantium in the spring of 601 ; in summer
he was reappointed general (p. 290) . But although he was nominally
general no operations took place in the nineteenth year of Maurice
^Aug. 600-Aug. 601 (p. 290). In spite of this assertion Theophanes
assigns the victories of Priskos to the year 6093. In this he may be
right, for we must not press the words of Theophylaktos to include
strictly the latter part of the year 600 ; they refer, as is evident
from the context, to the year 601.

In the twentieth year of Maurice Petros was again appointed
general in Europe. He proceeded to Palastolon, a town on the
Danube, koI '^apaKa Trocrja-dfisvos ovrco ttjv tov Ospovs copav hirjvvsv.
At the beginning of the autumn, fjbsroirwpov dp'^ofisvov, he proceeded
against the Avars, who had taken up quarters in Dardania (p. 292).
Negotiations between the Avar captain, Apsich, and Petros came to
nothing, but no hostilities seem to have taken place, and the armies
separated, the barbarians proceeding to Constantiola and the Bomans
to quarters in Thrace. Now it is important to observe that these
events must have taken place in 601, not in 602, as Theophanes
apparently understood. The twentieth year of Maurice began on
13 Aug. 601, and Oepovs may refer to the end of that month. The
summer and autumn of 602 cannot possibly be meant, as Theophy-
laktos proceeds to mention them immediately afterwards : tov hs
Ospovs sTTsiyovTos cLKOT) ^LvBTai M^avpcKiw, /c.T.X,., and a little further
on Mpas rolvvv /jLsro7rcopLV7]s svhTjfxovarjs, k.t.X. He thus implies

I

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 315

without any ambiguity that the army spent the winter 601-2 in
Thrace. The narration of the events which led up to the fall of
Maurice, occupying the last months of 602, presents no chronologi-
cal difficulty.

We must call attention to a misstatement of Theophylaktos
respecting the marriage of Maurice's eldest son, Theodosios. Having
stated (p. 291) that ' Maurice appointed his brother Petros general
in the twentieth year of his reign,' he proceeds : irpb tovtov tov
sviavTov SsoS6(TLos 6 TOV jSaatXscDS vlos- vvfji(f)i09 7ro/jL7rsvsTac. That
is, he places the marriage some time before 13 Aug. 601. But
we learn from Theophanes that the event took place in the month
of November, in the fifth indiction, which w^as current from 1 Sept.
601 to 1 Sept. 602 ; that is, it took place in, and not ' before,'
the twentieth year of Maurice. Now, on all events that took
place inside the capital Theophanes is far better informed than
Theophylaktos, and on such a matter as the marriage of a member
of the imperial house registers were extant from which he could
obtain precise information. Theophanes based his chronology on
the years of the world, adopting the Alexandrine era of Panodoros ;
and he only occasionally dates an event by the current indiction.
Now it is a very significant fact, and I do not remember to have seen
it noticed, that those events which he honours by mentioning the ap-
propriate indiction are almost invariably connected with the emperor,
or the imperial family, or the city of Constantinople. As the indic-
tion system was the official mode of reckoning dates in the Eoman
empire since the year 312 a.d., the obvious conclusion is that these
dates were copied directly from official registers preserved in the
praitorion of the prefect of the city. We are therefore bound to
accept Theophanes' date for the marriage of Theodosios ; and it is
probable that this mistake of Theophylaktos misled Theophanes into
transposing events that happened in 601 to the following year.

Having discovered that the last five years of Maurice's reign,
598 to 602, are satisfactorily accounted for by Theophylaktos, we
are now in a position to affirm the hypothesis which we provision-
ally adopted above — namely, that he placed the deposition of Petros
at the end of 597, and consequently believed that Joannes Nesteu-
tes died in 594. There is thus a great gap in the chronology of
Theophylaktos from a.d. 593 to 597, and we have no materials to fill
it up. John B. Bury.

THE DEATH OF QUEEN ELEANOR OF CASTILE.

Eleanor of Castile, the gentle and loving wife of Edward I, died on
her way to Scotland, whither she was following her husband, on
28 Nov. 1290, at a place described as ' Herdeby iuxta Lincolniam.' ^

* Rishanger, Chronica, p. 120, copied by Walsin^am, Historia Anglicana, i. 32

316 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April

The continuator of Florence of Worcester assumed that, as Herdeby
was near Lincoln, it must be in Lincolnshire, and he accordingly
calls it * Herdeby in comitatu Lincolniensi.'^ The Oseney annalist
says that she died at ' Graham,' no doubt Grantham.^ Consider-
able uncertainty exists amongst our historians as to the identifica-
tion of this place, and this uncertainty is mainly owing to the
assumption that Herdeby is in Lincolnshire. Pearson "^ says that
Eleanor died at ' Hardley in Lincolnshire.' But there is no such village
in Lincolnshire, and this name seems to be merely a modernisation
of Herdeley, which appears in Walsingham's ' Ypodigma Neustriae,'
p. 180, although this writer has the correct Herdeby in his * Historia
Anglicana,' i. 32. Eiley has shown that Walsingham is a mere
copyist of the S. Albans chronicle known to us under Eishanger's
name, and this work has coYrectlj Hei^dehy. Moreover, Edward's
letter to the archbishop of York announcing his wife's death is
dated from Herdeby,^ so that there can be no doubt as to the
contemporary form of the name. The 'Annals of England'
give ' Hardby near Lincoln,' but there is no such village on the
maps, and this name seems to be only a modernised form of Herdeby.
Longman^ says that Eleanor died at 'Herdeby in Lincolnshire,'
which is either taken from the continuator of Florence of Worcester
or is an assumption that Herdeby was in that county. Miss Strick-
land ^ places Eleanor's death at ' Herdeby, near Grantham,' the
source of which assertion I have not been able to trace. Ellis,
the editor of John de Oxenedes, does not attempt to identify Herdeby,
and Eiley merely alters the name to ' Hardeby ' in the indexes to
Eishanger, Walsingham, and Trokelowe. Low and Pulling' s ' Dic-
tionary of English History ' says that Eleanor died at Grantham,
on the authority, probably, of the Oseney annalist. There is a
tradition at Hareby, near Horncastle, that her death occurred
there, but this is manifestly wrong, for Hareby is too far from
Lincoln and the north road, and as it is called Harebi in the
Domesday Survey, it could hardly appear as Herdeby in 1290.

The whole difficulty has arisen from the erroneous assump-
tion that Herdeby was in Lincolnshire. Now the Nottinghamshire
border approaches within seven miles of Lincoln, and on this border,
but in Nottinghamshire, is the village of Harby. This is quite near

and Yjpodigma NeustricB, p. 180 ; Opus Chroniccn-uvi, in Trokelowe, p. 49 ; John of
Oxenedes, p. 254. The locality of her death is not recorded in the Dunstable Annals
{Annales Monastici, iii. 362), the Worcester Annals {id. iv. 504), Trivet, p. 317^
Hemingborough, i. 72, Bartholomew Cotton, p. 179, Annales Londonienses, p. 99.
'^ Vol. ii. p. 245. ' Annales Monastici, iv. 326.

* History of England in the Early and Middle Ages, ii. 352.

* Printed in Canon Raine's Historical Letters and Papers from the Northern
Registers, p. 91.

® Lectures on the History of Englaiid, 1863, i. 290.
^ Lives of the Queens of England, i. p. 443.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 317

enough to Lincoln to be described as * near Lincoln,' and it is close
to the great north road. And the ancient form of this name was
Herdehy, so that we must have here the place of queen Eleanor's
death. Harby was formerly a chapelry annexed to the parish of
Clifton, but in 1874 it was incorporated with Swinethorpe in
Lincolnshire as an ecclesiastical parish. Shortly after this date a
church was built at Harby in succession to the ancient chapel, and
the great event in the history of the village was then recorded by
placing a statue of queen Eleanor over the door on the east side of
the tower.

The following extract from the Eegister of archbishop Eomanus
(fo. 62) at York settles the question as to the place of queen
Eleanor's death. Harby was, as I have said, formerly in the
parish of Clifton, and Clifton (north and south) and Herdeby are
reckoned as one uilla in the ' Nomina Villarum,' 9 Ed. H. This in-
strument, it will be seen, states that queen Eleanor died at Herdeby,
and it tells us that the chapel of Herdeby lies within the limits of
the church of Clifton. There is no question as to the identity of
Clifton, for, although situate in the diocese of York, it was a pre-
bend of Lincoln, and the bishop of Lincoln was a large landowner
in Clifton. As the instrument is not very long and is pertinent to
the subject, I have transcribed the whole of it.

W. H. Stevenson.

Ordinatio super capella de Herdeby pro anima Regince Anglice.

Vniuersis Sanctae Matris Ecclesise filiis, ad quorum notitiam
peruenerit haec scriptura, I[ohannes], permissione diuina, Ebora-
censis archiepiscopus, etc., salutem, etc.

Sanctae deuotiones fidelium piis sunt prosequendae fauoribus,
et illae praesertim, quae diuini cultus dilatationem respiciunt, quo,
dum Patri pro peccatis populi immolatur Filius, commissorum
remissio facilius impetratur. Cernentes itaque, quod compositio
seu ordinatio facta per discretos uiros Decanum et Capitulum
Lincoln' et Magistrum Willelmum de Langwath, Canonicum Lin-
coln', Praebendarium ecclesiae de Clifton, nostrae dicecesis, ad
sustentationem uel exhibitionem unius presbyteri, qui in capella de
Herdeby, nostrae dicecesis (quae infra Hmites dictae praebendalis
ecclesiae de Clifton' sita noscitur), pro anima clarae memoriae
Dominae Alianorae, quondam Keginae Angliae, quae apud Herdeby
(sicut Domino placuit) diem clausit extremum, perpetuo celebret,
ad diuini cultus tendit augmentum, quem ob salutem animae prae-
fatae Reginae praecipue, quam, dum uixerat, nota merita com-
mendabant, prone cupimus ampliare : harum serie ordinamus, quod
in praedicta capella de Herdeby sit cantaria perpetua, et quod uhus
presbyter idoneus [?/fZ-, MS.] pro anima dictae Eeginae et pro

318 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS AprH

animabiis omnium fidelium defunctorum ibidem iDerpetuis celebret
temporibus, nobis et successoribus nostris in singulis uacationibus
dictae cantariae a Decano et Capitulo Lincoln' prsesentandus ; cuius
presbyteri institutio et destitutio ad nos et successores nostros
tantum pertineat, et ipse presbyter, qui pro tempore fuerit, nobis et
successoribus nostris et loci Ordinariis in spiritualibus omnimode
sit subiectus. Quod autem per Decanum et Capitulum Lincoln',
quoad sustentationem seu exhibitionem praefati presbyteri per-
petuam, est prouisum, approbamus admodum, et, quantum ad nos
attinet, confirmamus, auctoritate, dignitate, et potestate nostra, suc-
cessorum nostrorum, ac nostrae Eboracensis ecclesise in omnibus
semper saluis.

In quorum testimonium sigillum nostrum praesentibus est
appensum. Datum apud Burton, xi. Kalend[as] Nouembr[es],
anno gratiae. etc., nonagesimo quarto et pontificatus nono.
[October 22, 1294.]

A DEED OF KOBERT FABYAN.

In cataloguing a number of miscellaneous charters purchased last
year for the British Museum, I have just come across the deed
printed below. It appears to be so very valuable and interesting, as
elucidating the family history of a writer of whom almost nothing
is known, that I venture to lay it in extenso before the readers of
the Historical Keview. Kobert Fabyan, citizen and clothier of
London, author of the * Concordance of Histories,' according to the
testimony of his latest editor in 1811 (Sir Henry Ellis), is a person-
age of whom, were it not for his will, we should know very little.
But that document, which Ellis has published at length, reveals to
us the fact that Fabyan had a wife named Elizabeth and also lands
in Essex at Theydon-Garnon. The deed which I have unearthed
shows us the family of his wife, and that she brought to him these
lands. It is in reality a settlement of them in the hands of
trustees for the joint benefit of the pair — perhaps their marriage
settlements. I did not find with it the usually accompanying docu-
ment, which recites and explains the uses and purposes of the
trust. Edward J. L. Scott.

British Museum, Additional Charter 28925.

Sciant presentes et futuri quod nos Kobertus Fabyan civis et
pannarius Londoniensis, et Elizabetha uxor ejus filia et heres
Johannis Pake jun. nuper civis et pannarii Londoniensis defuncti,
dedimus, concessimus, et hac presenti carta nostra confirmavimus
Johanni Tuttesham, Johanni Jakes, Willelmo Spark, pannariis, et
Willelmo Martyn, fuller, civibus Londoniensibus, omnia et singula
ilia terras, tenementa, tofta, crofta, gardina, campos, pecias terre et

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 319'

prati, redditus et servicia nostra subscripta, Videlicet omnia ilia
terras et tenementa nostra redditus et servicia cum suis pertinentiis
jacentia in villis de They don Gernoun et They don atte Mount e in
Comitatu Essexie, que nuper fuerunt Johannis Pake sen. nuper de
Theydon Gernoun predicta avi mei predicte Elizabethe et postea
fuerunt predicti Johannis Pake patris mei, et de quibus idem
Johannes Pake, pater meus, die quo obiit solus erat seisitus in
dominico suo ut de feodo et de tali statu inde solus obiit seisitus,
Necnon totam illam parcellam nostram terre vocatam Oxspitilhellys
cum sepibus fossatis et suis pertinentiis jacentem in villa de Theydon
Boys in Comitatu predicto, inter terram quondam Willelmi Foster
ex parte boriali et Kegiam viam que ducit de Affebrigge versus New-
chepyng ex parte australi uno capite inde abuttante super terram
vocatam Millefeld ex parte occidentali, et altero capite inde exten-
dente super terram quondam Johannis Felde ex parte orientali de
qua quidem parcella terre vocata Oxspitilhellys, cum sepibus fossatis
et aliis suis pertinentiis prefatus Johannes Pake jun. pater mei
dicte Elizabethe die quo obiit solus erat seisitus in dominico suo ut
de feodo et de tali statu inde solus obiit seisitus, Aceciam quoddam
croftum nostrum terre, cum suis pertinentiis, vocatum Flodeland,
sepibus et fossatis inclusum jacentis in Theydon Boys predicta,
scilicet inter Eegiam viam ducentem de Affebrigge predicta usque
Newechepyng predictum, ex parte boriali, et terram Abbatis de
Waltham, ex parte australi, unde unum caput abuttat super terram
quondam Willelmi Foster, colyer, ex parte occidentali, et aliud caput
inde abuttat super terram quondam Johannis Felde, ex parte
orientali, de quo quidem crofto terre cum suis pertinentiis prefatus
Johannes Pake jun., pater mei dicte Elizabethe, die quo obiit solus
erat seisitus in dominico suo ut de feodo et de tali statu inde solus
obiit seisitus, Preterea unum campum nostrum terre cum suis per-
tinentiis vocatum Wedynsfeld, duo crofta nostra terre cum suis per-
tinentiis, quorum unum vocatur Gulwentescroft et alterum vocatur
Shepecotecroft, et unum pratum nostrum cum suis pertinentiis
vocatum Edwynesmede, situata et jacentia in villa de Theydon
Gernoun et Theydon atte Mounte predicta prout cum sepibus et
fossatis includuntur, de quibus quidem campo terre, duobus croftis
terre, et prato predicto, cum sepibus fossatis et aliis suis pertinentiis
prefatus Johannes Pake jun., pater mei dicte Elizabethe, die quo
obiit solus erat seisitus in dominico suo ut de feodo et de tali statu
inde solus obiit seisitus, Insuperque quoddam toftum nostrum terre
quondam cum domibus superedificatis vocatum Bollys cum uno
gardino et uno crofto terre eidem adjacente in parochia de Theydon
Gernoun predicta, videlicet in longitudine inter Regiam viam exten-
dentem a Brettes Brygge usque le Welde Golet ibidem ex parte australi
et quendam campum vocatum le Brodefeld ibidem ex parte boriali
uno capite inde abuttante super le Mersshfeld ibidem. Ac unum

B20 • NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April

aliud croftum terre cum una pecia prati continente per estimacionem
duas acras, prout sepibus et fossatis includuntur, jacente in parochia
de Theydon atte Mount predicta, et dictum croftum terre jacet inter
le Mersshfeld predictum ex parte australi et dictum campum
vocatum le Brodefeld ex parte boriali. Et unum caput dicte pecie
prati abuttat super le Pethopes ibidem versus boriam et aliud caput
inde abuttat super commune mariscum ibidem versus occidentem
et extendit in longitudine usque dictum mariscum, de quibus quidem
tofto, gardino, duobus croftis, et pecia prati predicta cum sepibus
fossatis et aliis suis pertinentiis prefatus Johannes Pake jun., pater
mei dicte Elizabethe, die quo obiit solus erat seisitus in dominico
suo ut de feodo et de tali statu inde solus obiit seisitus. Aceciam
illas nostras quinque acras et dimidiam acram terre cum suis per-
tinentiis divisim jacentes in Clyvet Brome in campo vocato Upton
Felde, in parochia de Westhamme in Comitatu predicto quas pre-
dictus Johannes Pake, pater mei predicte Elizabethe, et Henricus
Pake filius ejus defunctus, frater mei dicte Elizabethe, quem diet us
Johannes Pake pater mens supervixit, nuper conjunctim habuerunt,
eis heredibus et assignatis suis ex dono et concessione Hugonis
Abbatis Monaster ii beate Marie de Stratford Langthorne in dicto
Comitatu Essexie et ejusdem loci conventus per quoddam eorum
«criptum indentatum sub eorum sigillo communi, inde confectum.
De quibus quidem quinque acris et dimidia acra terre predicta cum
suis pertinentiis, prefatus Johannes Pake, pater mei predicte
Elizabethe, predictum Henricum Pake fratrem meum supervivens,
racione supervivendi et per jus accrescendi, solus erat seisitus in
dominico suo ut de feodo die quo idem pater mei dicte Elizabethe
•obiit et de tali statu inde solus obiit seisitus. Necnon omnia ilia
terras et tenementa nostra cum suis pertinentiis situata et jacentia
in parochia de Esthamme in Comitatu predicto de quibus dictus
Johannes Pake pater mei dicte Elizabethe ac alii cofeoffati sui nuper
seisiti fuerunt, videlicet dicti cofeoffati sui in eorum dominico ut de
libero tenemento et dictus Johannes pater mei ejusdem Elizabethe
in dominico suo ut de feodo et de tali statu inde solus obiit seisitus,
Atque insuper totum illud croftum nostrum terre cum pertinentiis
vocatum Howfeld sepibus undique inclusum continens septem acras
terre sive magis sive minus habeatur jacentes in Affebrigge predicta
alias dicta Abrigge in parochia de Lamburne in Comitatu predicto,
videlicet inter Eegiam viam ibidem ducentem versus Rumford ex parte
orientali et terram Johannis Pykeman vocatam Longlond ex parte
occidentali uno capite inde abbuttante super terram Willelmi Hurt
versus boriam et altero capite inde abbuttante super croftam nostram
terre vocatam Hancotfelt versus austrum, quod quidem croftum
terre vocatum Howfeld sepibus undique inclusum predictus Johannes
Pake pater mei dicte Elizabeth perquisivit de Johanne Tramps de
Lamburne predicta, husbondeman, et inde solus erat seisitus in

I

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 321

dominico suo ut de feodo die quo obiit, et de tali statu inde idem
Johannes pater mei dicte Elizabethe solus obiit seisitus, Post cujus
mortem omnia et singula terre, tenementa, tofta, crofta, gardina,
campi, pecie terre et prati, redditus et servicia predicta cum sepibus
I'ossatis ac omnibus et singulis aliis suis pertinentiis michi prefate
Elizabethe ut filie et proxime heredi ejus jure hereditario accreverunt
et descenderunt, Habenda et tenenda omnia et singula terras, tene-
menta, tofta, crofta, gardina, campos, pecias terre et prati, redditus
et servicia supradicta cum sepibus fossatis ac omnibus et singulis
aliis suis pertinentiis prefatis Johanni Tuttesham Johanni Jakes
Willelmo Spark et Willelmo Martyn heredibus et assignatis suis im-
perpetuum de capitalibus dominis feodi illius per servicia inde debita
et de jure consueta, Et nos vero prefati Kobertus Fabyan et Eliza-
betha uxor ejus et heredes nostri omnia et singula terras, tenementa,
tofta, crofta, gardina, campos, pecias terre et prati, redditus et servicia
supradicta cum sepibus fossatis ac omnibus et singulis aliis suis
pertinentiis prefatis Johanni Tuttesham Johanni Jakes Willelmo
Spark et Willelmo Martyn heredibus et assignatis suis contra
omnes gentes warantizabimus imperpetuum per presentes. In cujus
rei testimonium huic presenti carte nostre sigilla nostra apposuimus
Hiis testibus, Johanne Pykeman, Willelmo Pykeman, Willelmo
Baker, Kicardo Lye, Johanne Symme, Eoberto Jacob, Koberto Lye
et multis aliis. Datum, vicesimo quarto die mensis Maij Anno
regni Eegis Eicardi Tercij post conquestum secundo [1485]. (The
seal in red wax of Eobert Fabyan is appended ; that of his wife is
missing.)

Endorsed. — Carta de terris de quibus Johannes Pake obiit seisitus.
In diversis locis videlicet Halstedis cum pertinentiis — Oxpetyll
Hyllis — Floodland — Wedyngsfeyld — Gulwentyscroft —
Shepecotyscrofft — Edwynsmede — Tofftum cum gardino voca-
tum BoUis — Unum crofftum terre cum una pecia prati —
V. acre et dymidia terre jacentes in Clyvetbrome in Westham
perquisite de Abbate de Stratfford — ac omnia alia terre et
tenementa jacentia in Est et Westham predicta — Howeifeyld
continens vii. acras terre.

A LETTER OF POPE CLEMENT VII, 1524.

The following letter from Clement VII to Henry VIII, recommend-
ing Cardinal Campeggio for the bishopric of Salisbury, is of some
interest. It was composed by the eminent scholar Sadolet, but
is not contained in Balan's ' dementis VII Epistolae per Sadoletum
scriptse.' The original is in the possession of Mr. G. Pritchard, of
1 Connaught Street, London. It is beautifully written on vellum,
but by being doubled up some of the words in the middle of the

VOL. III. — NO. X. Y

322 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April

lines have been damaged. The date of the letter is 21 Sept. 1524,
and in less than five 3^ears' time Campeggio was sent to settle, if
possible, the question about Queen Catherine's marriage. A much
shorter letter of the same date, and with the same purpose, addressed
to Wolsey, exists in the Kecord Office ; and Balan (p. 33) prints a
letter of Clement YII dated 29 Nov. thanking Wolsey for procuring
Campeggio's appointment to the vacant see. C. W. Boase.

Clemens VII.

Carissime in Christo fili noster salutem et apostolicam benedic-
tionem. Nihil habere possumus magis compertum quam perinde
Serenitatem tuam, memorem promissionis et liber alitatis, qua cum
[erga] omnes quidem probos et meritos tum vero erga dilectum filium
nostrum Laurentium Cardinalem Campegium usa fuit, nunc Deo
ita disponente, illi iampridem per te destinata ac desponsa Saris-
buriensi vacante ecclesia, suam beneficentiam in ilium expleturam
ac preclare sue erga eum voluntatis certum hoc pignus daturam.
Tamen nos cum eundem Cardinalem omni prestantem virtute
singulariter diligamus, simusque illi ob ipsius multa et magna
merita et nostro et sedis Apostolice nomine obstricti, non duximus
alienum nostras quoque partes interponere, ipso adhuc inopinante
et rei huius ignaro ; non tam ut Serenitatem tuam hortaremur
aut rogaremus pro eo, id enim minime arbitramur necesse, quam
ut significaremus nobis maxime esse cordi, tum ut illius fortunis
et commodis consulatur, tum ut ipse noscat in tanto tue Serenita-
tis erga eum beneficio nostrum quoque amorem et studium inter -
cessisse : Ac admonere quidem Serenitatem tuam, ut fidei sue
memor et promissionis esse velit, ac spem tamdiu optimo et dig-
nissimo Cardinali ostentatam, postquam illius assequende venit
occasio, tua auctoritate complere et perficere, alienum est et a
magnitudine tua et a natura nostra : maximum enim rogare Eegem
ut fidem suam prestet de illius est animo et constantia dubitantis,.
quod minime in mentem nostram cadit. Quamobrem vero hoc
quod per te promissum fuit recto et vero iudicio et tunc promissum
fuerit ut ei tribuatur, de eo arbitramur nos pauca debere scribere.
Nam si virtus et integritas digna amore est, in hoc Cardinale summa
utraque est. Et tu quoque iis dotibus et partibus plurimum deferre
consuevisti. Ei viro ad commune virtutis indicium magis acce-
dit peculiaris benevolentie ratio quam omni in causa capere soliti
sumus ; quorum fidem erga nos studium observantiamque cognovi-
mus, certe nemo tantam pre se tulit unquam inserviendi cuique
voluntatem ; quinetiam ipse Cardinalis Campegius animo tue Sereni-
tatis amplitudini honori nomini fuit semper addictus. Itaque non
solum in omni sententia occasione tempore id declaravit, sed in
suis etiam fortunis augendis et constituendis pene fuit negligens,
cum se totum, quantuscunque esse posset, Serenitatis tue opus et

I

1

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 323

creaturam vellet intelligi : Ita hac una spe contentus, que illi in
liber alit ate et benignitate tua semper posit a fuit non magnopere que-
sivit aliunde, nee quorum beneficia requireret nee quibus obligatus
esse vellet, cum te solum atque unicum sibi proponeret auctorem
suarum fortunarum et machinatorem voluntatum. Huius in illo
animi iudiciique nos optimi testes esse possumus. Nee dubitamus
Serenitatem tuam nobis affirmantibus omnia credituram, quanquam
et sine affirmatione nostra clara res ista et apud omnes testata sit.
Sed etsi apud Serenitatis tue animum satis momenti ac plusquam
satis ipsius Cardinalis fidelem ac perpetuam erga te observantiam
habituram certi sumus, tamen quia nostra quoque interest, qui
illius opera prestante et egregia inter Germanos diu in causa
Lutheranorum utimur, et qui plurima illi debemus, ut ipse fortunis
et facultatibus sit ornatior, quo auctoritatem maiorem habere possit,
non possumus temperare quin hortemur Serenitatem tuam in
Domino, vel rogemus potius, ut ex solita sua magnanimitate et
beneficentia sibi deditissimum hominem, nobis carissimum, cuius
maxime virtutes omni honore dignissime sunt, sue voluntatis
et liberalitatis . . . ornare, ac tantum et tam expectatum benefi-
cium in ilium conferre velit; quo ipse hoc munere splendidior
redditus maiore cum dignitate et tibi servire et tuis omnibus in
perpetuum possit. Nos certe quid in ilium collatum fuerit, de eo
sumus perpetuam gratiam Serenitati tue habituri, ac in nosmet-
ipsos illud collatum existimaturi. Datum Eome apud Sanctum
Petrum sub annulo Piscatoris die xxi Sept. M.D. xxiiij Pontificatus.
autem nostri anno primo. Ja. Sadoletus.

CROMWELL AND THE INSURRECTION OF 1655.

I. The Origin of the Insurrection.

In April 1886 an article appeared in the Quarterly Revieiv entitled
* Oliver Cromwell : his Character illustrated by Himself,' the
authorship of which has since been claimed by Mr. Eeginald Pal-
grave. The reviewer undertakes to demonstrate from the Thurloe
Papers and other official correspondence that the insurrection which
took place in March 1655 was a sham insurrection fabricated by
Cromwell for his own purposes. According to the reviewer an
examination into the secret history of that occurrence supplies an
effectual test of Cromwell's real self, and a complete corrective
of Carlyle's Cromwell- worship. Whether the Protector was a knave
or an honest man is a question of some general interest. The de-
tails of abortive plots and the personal history of obscure conspira-
tors are in themselves of very Uttle attractiveness. But the method
of demonstration adopted in the Quarterly Revieiv inextricably

Y 2

324 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April

connects these two subjects, and obliges a refutation to follow the
same system. The aim of this note is therefore twofold : to give
an account of the origin of the rising of 1655, and to refute the
misstatements and misconceptions of the Quarterly Keviewer con-
cerning it.

The theory of the reviewer is that the insurrection of March
1655 was * arranged,' 'patched up,' fabricated, or 'manufactured'
by Cromwell. ' Any insurrectionary movement during the year
1655 sprang from a far-reaching design which Cromw^ell practised
alike on friends, neutrals, and enemies.' As he then observes, with
very great justice, 'that this was the case has hitherto escaped
notice. Every historian who has taken part in the Cromwelliad
regards that revolt as a very tragic reality.' ' Cromwell humbugged
every historian as effectually as he hoodwinked his contempo-
raries.' ^ He explains this by the supposition that these hum-
bugged historians were insufficiently acquainted with the Thurloe
Papers, and claims that he himself is the first to read them aright.

The explanation of the rising of 1655 which is given generally
by historians is familiar and commonplace enough. They regard
it as springing naturally, like most other insurrectionary move-
ments, out of an antecedent conspiracy. An examination of the
question whether such a conspiracy existed is the first step to be
taken in an investigation into the nature of the rising which
followed.

With the establishment of the protectorate and the division
caused amongst the republicans by that event, the hopes of the
royalist party grew high. In the summer of 1654 they commenced
serious preparations for a rising. The king assured them that if
they would make ready he would not fail them when the time came
for him to play his part. The letter which he wrote on this occasion
was published by the Protector, and has never been denied to be
really the king's.

' I am very well pleased,' wrote Charles, ' to hear how careful and
solicitous you are for my Concernments, and of the Course you resolve to
take. The Truth is, I have been so tender of my friends, that I have
deferred to call upon them to appear till I could find myself able to give
them good Encouragement from abroad ; but since I find that comes on
so slowly, I will no longer restrain those Affections which I most desire to
be beholden to ; and I have reason to believe that if they, who wish one
and the same thing, knew each other's Mind, the Work would be done
without any difficulty, and if there were any handsome Appearance in any
one Place, the rest would not sit still ; and I am persuaded I should then
find Supplies from those who are yet afraid to offer them.' ^

' Qimrterly Review, vol. 162, pp. 415, 437.

■^ A Declaration of Ids Highness by the Advice of his Council, shewing the Reasons
of tlieir Proceedings for securing the Peace of the Commonwealth, upon Occasion of
the late Insurrection and Rebellion, 1655, p. 20.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 325

The royalists in England were under the direction of a select
council of six or seven members termed ' the Sealed Knot.' The
exact date of the establishment of this council is uncertain. It is
first proposed in a letter of William Coventry's written in November
1649, and it was suggested to him by Sir Gilbert Talbot.^ The idea
seems to have been put into execution in 1653 or 1654. In May
1654, a series of instructions were sent to the Sealed Knot, em-
powering them to direct the movements of the English royalists.'*
A number of commissions were sent over, and gentlemen were
appointed to head the risings in particular counties, and to secure
particular places. The rising was to take place at the same time
in all parts of the kingdom, and those not ready at the day were to
join with their nearest neighbours who were ready. Any rational
design upon London, said the king, would cover all other designs,
and it should be well weighed and carefully executed. In July a
particular account of the whole movement was sent to Charles. In
each of the three counties of Surrey, Sussex, and Kent, the gentry
would provide 500 horse, and Sir Philip Musgrave undertook to
raise 300 horse in the North. Warwick, Denbigh, Tynemouth,
Ludlow, and other castles were to be secured. Sir Philip Musgrave
was to seize Carlisle ; Sir John Grenville, Plymouth ; Sir Humphrey
Bennett, Portsmouth ; Lord Byron, Nottingham ; Sir Thomas
Peyton, Sandwich ; Colonel Grey, Tynemouth ; Colonel Scriven,
Shrewsbury; and a number of other gentlemen had undertaken
other places.-^

In Ireland, Lord Ardes, Sir Charles Coote, Colonel King, Colonel
Trevor, and others, had promised to secure certain towns for the
king.^ In Scotland, Lord Glencairn and a number of Scotch
royalists were actually in arms in the highlands, and were not
suppressed till the end of 1654. England itself had been denuded
of troops in order to suppress the rising in Scotland, and it was
reported amongst the king's friends that only 4,000 soldiers were
left south of the Tweed.^ Many of the English presbyterians were
willing to make common cause with the royalists. Amongst their
leaders Lord Willoughby, Major-General Browne, and Sir George
Booth were known adherents of the king's cause, and Lord Fairfax
was confidently believed to favour it.^

But the chief hopes of the royalists were founded on the dis-
affection of a portion of the army, and a hope of a rising of the
levellers. Hyde, in an important paper written in 1649, had
pointed out to the king the advantages to be derived from treating

' Nicholas, Papers, p. 154. * Calendar Clarendon Papers, ii. 356, 363.

^ Calendar Clarendon Papers, ii. 335, 355, 359, 369, 383, 440. The paper on
p. 440, calendared as No. 2108, properly belongs to June 1654. I have quoted from
this paper some particulars not given in the Calendar.

« Calendar Clarendon Papers, ii. 329, 362, 364, 383. ' Ibid. ii. 357, 379.

« Ibid. 392, 413, 426, 440.

326 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April

with the levellers, and his influence now guided the king's counsels.^
An attempt was made to open negotiations with Overton, the leader
of the malcontents still remaining in the army, but the king's letter
does not seem ever to have been delivered to him.^° Overton him-
self always denied taking any part in the intrigue between the
levellers and the royalists, and apparently with perfect truth. '^
Men like Wildman and Sexby were less scrupulous, and the address
of the levellers to the king in 1656 is signed by several persons who
were officers of the army in 1654.^2

But whether the levellers attempted an insurrection on their
own account, or were willing to join the royalists, the prospect was
equally favourable to the success of the king's designs. The simple
existence of active discontent in the army would facilitate the aims
of the royalist s.^^ They were also encouraged by the hope of foreign
aid in arms, money, and men, if they could only succeed in obtain-
ing a seaport w^here troops from the continent could be landed. ^"^
The divisions between Cromwell and the parliament further excited
their hopes. Some members had gone to Westminster intending to
serve the king, others were serving his cause without knowing it.^^

On the other hand, the hopes of immediate action with which
the royalists had entered the plot were frustrated by their want of
preparation, and the time for action was repeatedly postponed.
First they wished to act before Cromwell called his next parlia-
ment, which was to meet in September 1654. Next the end of
October was proposed by the king, and November found Charles
still believing that in a few weeks all would be ready for action. ^^'
In December the royalists talked of a rising at the end of January
1655, in February a day was actually fixed, and at length in March,
when postponements and arrests had destroyed all real hopes of
success, the long-delayed rising took place.

Such briefly was the history of the conspiracy from which the
rising at Salisbury sprang. However feeble and abortive the actual
attempts at insurrection in March 1655 were, the conspiracy from
which they sprang was real, general, and dangerous. With great
justice the government a,sserted in their declaration of 31 Oct. 1655
that ' the rising fell not out by chance, or as the rash undertaking
of some few inconsiderable persons,' but that * the party were
generally involved in the business.' ^^

The Quarterly Keviewer rejects the commonplace theory that
the rising of 1655 arose out of the conspiracy of 1654, and is there-
fore obliged to provide another origin for it. He finds this in the

" Nicholas Papers, p. 138.

" Calendar Clarendon Papers, ii. 344 ; Thurloe, iii. 217, 280.
" Thurloe, iii. 110 ; Burton's Diary, iv. 150. ^- Cal. Clar. Papers, iii. 145.

'3 lb. ii. 423. '^ Ih. iii. 13, 15, 17. ' ' Ih. ii. 392 ; Thurloe, iii. 74.

•« Calendar Clarendon Papers, ii. 383, 384, 392, 393, 395, 413, 433.
" Declaration upon Occasion of the late Insurrection and Rebellion, pp. 34, 36.

f

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 327

theory that Cromwell needed an insurrection in order to consolidate
his power. It was necessary, he argues, for Cromwell to conciliate
the army ; in order to do so he agreed to establish the government
of the major-generals, and, to find an excuse for that act, he manu-
factured the rising of March 1655.

What was Cromwell's motive in the fabrication of this insurrection
of March 1655 ? . . . His motive was a very simple one. He was forced
to obey his servant, the army. The men whom he had made, and who
had made him, demanded a visible share in the power and profit that he
^njoyed.^® ... If rumour be evidence, there was, during November [1654]
* a great division in the army.' And it is certain that at the close of that
month Cromwell and his military men came to terms. At a meeting held
in St. James's Palace, the staff of the army agreed ' to live and die with
Cromwell.' ^^ And a train of events, occurring in direct sequence after that
meeting, proves that it was at this conjuncture that Cromwell agreed to
parcel out his protectorship amongst the leading officers of the army.' ^^

Cromwell's motive is more concisely stated on p. 442 ; ' it was
to save himself, to propitiate a gang of mutinous servants,' and
again in a letter by Mr. Palgrave which appeared in the Ti7ries on
12 Jan. of the present year, * to bribe his army officers, to repose
by placing England under the yoke of the major-generals.'

The first defect in the theory is that there is no evidence of any
such agreement as the one imagined by the reviewer. Even the
authorities to which he refers do not support him. The speech
made by Cromwell on 27 Feb. 1657 does indeed state that he
appointed the major-generals at the instigation of the officers of the
army, but contradicts the theory that he agreed to do so in December
1654. On the contrary, Cromwell, after describing the dissolution
of the parliament in January 1655, continues : ' Some time after that,
you thought it was necessary to have major-generals ; and the first
rise to that motion (then was the late general insurrections) was
lustifiable.' ^i So Cromwell fixes the date of the first suggestion
of their appointment, not only long after the army meetings of
November 1654, but after or during the insurrection of March 1655.
Moreover, the truth of this statement of Cromwell's is confirmed
by the dates of appointment of the major-generals. Desborough
(or Disbrowe as he signs himself), to whom the command of the
six western counties was entrusted, was appointed on 28 May
1655.^^ The rest were appointed in pursuance of an order of the
council made on 9 Aug. 1655.^^ Their appointments were not
-fiinally settled or pubhshed till the end of October 1655.^^

'* Quarterly Review ^ p. 439.

•« ' 1 Dec. 1654, Pell Corr., Lansd. MSS. Brit. Mus. 752, fo. 215, 220.'
^ Quarterly Bevieio, p. 440. -'• Burton's Diary, i. 384.

*•" Thurloe, iii. 486. '^^ lb. iii. 701.

" lb. iv. 88, 117 ; Public Intelligencer, Oct. 22-9, 1655 ; Calendar State Papers,
Dom. 1655, pp. 275, 296.

328 • NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April

The second piece of evidence adduced in support of the
imaginary agreement of December 1654 is a letter in the Lansdowne
MSS. from Thurloe to Pell. This, to which the reviewer refers as
if it were unpubKshed, was printed in 1838 with much more of the
same correspondence. ^^ There is no mention or suggestion of any
such agreement either in that letter, or in the preceding letters de-
scribing the meeting of the officers. Thurloe thus describes the
result of that meeting : —

I formerly wrote to you of a meeting of the officers had at St. James's,
the result whereof is this — and I have accordingly declared it to his
Highness — that they will live and die with him, both as their general in
military matters and as their protector in civil ; and this they have done
unanimously, so that whatever uncertainty and wavering there may be in
the minds and counsels of other men, the army is fixed and of a piece.' ^^

In the third place the reviewer relies upon the train of events
to support his alleged agreement. An examination of the actual
relations of Cromwell and the army at the end of 1654 proves con-
clusively two points : first, that there was no such general disaffec-
tion in the army as to render any such agreement necessary;
secondly, that, though there was a mutinous section in the army,.
Cromwell did not attempt to ' propitiate ' or ' concihate ' it.

At the close of 1654, the greater part of the army were im-
movably faithful to the protectorate and the Protector, and it was
not necessary to propitiate them by any new agreements. The
constitution of the protectorate represented with singular fidelity
the political ideas of the army. It embodied the demands which
they had formulated in their declarations of 1647-8, and in the
agreement of the people in 1649. The instrument of government
was drawn up by a committee of officers. It contained all their pet
political theories, redistribution of seats and disfranchisement of
the little boroughs, biennial parliaments limited in the period of
their sitting and the nature of their powers, and liberal provisions
for liberty of conscience. In November 1654, when the meeting of
officers at St. James's took place, parliament had taken in hand the
revision of the instrument of government. They insisted on re-
voting it clause by clause, and amending it so as to increase the
powers of parliament, limit the authority of the Protector, and
restrict the amount of toleration, as defined in the articles of the
constitution. Apart from the purely military business which they
came together to transact, the officers met to assure the Protector
of their support in his struggle to maintain the instrument of
government against the encroachments of parliament. As Thurloe
distinctly states and Cromwell himself hints, they were inclined to^

'^■' K. Vaughan, Protectorate of Oliver Croimvell, i. 87. -'® lb.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 329

go further than the government itself in maintaining the authority
of this new constitution.^^

In the case of the mutinous minority it is observable that their
disaffection dated from the beginning of the protectorate. Few
officers except those who, like Ludlow, Hutchinson, and Sydney,
were themselves members of parliament, objected to the expulsion
of the Eump by Cromwell in April 1653. The division of the army
began after the dissolution of the Little Parliament in December
1653. Harrison and a number of officers of more advanced
opinions became discontented, and were dismissed from the army
at intervals during the next few months as they showed signs of
active disaffection. Harrison was at first relegated to the seclusion
of his father's house in Staffordshire, to stay there till further
order.28 In September he was arrested for getting up an anabaptist
petition to be presented to parliament. A few days later he was
released, entertained by the Protector, warned as a friend * not to
persist in those deceitful ways whose end is destruction,' and dis-
missed with good counsel and great civility. As he continued to
intrigue against the government, and was suspected of being con-
cerned in the plots of the levellers, he was arrested on 15 Feb.
1655, sent prisoner to Carisbrooke Castle, and passed most of the
rest of the protectorate in prison. ^^

In November 1654, three colonels were arrested and tried for
circulating for signature a petition which reflected on the existing
form of government.^*^ Of the three persons concerned, one,
Colonel Saunders, promised obedience, and was allowed to retain hi&
command, which he continued to hold till dismissed by Cromw^ell
in 1656.^^ Colonel Matthew Alured, who had previously (16 May
1654) been recalled from Ireland for words spoken against the Pro-
tector, also submitted, but was imprisoned for twelve months, and
dismissed from all his commands. At a later period during the
protectorate he was again imprisoned, and was never again em-
ployed till the Eump made him captain of their life guard in
1659.^^ The third. Colonel Okey, submitted himself to the Protector's
mercy after having been committed to trial by a court martial, and
was pardoned as to his life, but dismissed from the service, and
like Alured not employed again till 1659.^ * So far from the army

2' Vaughan, i. 85 ; Burton, i. 384. ''^ 3 Feb. 1654.

29 Calendar of State Papers, Dom. 1653-4, p. 387, 1655, p. 112; Calendar
Clarendon Papers, ii. 398 ; Thurloe, ii. 606 ; Merc. Politicus, Feb. 15-22, 1655.

*" The petition is printed in the Calendar of Domestic State Papers for 1653-4,
p. 302, and there dated Dec. 1653 ; but it properly belongs to the close of 1654.

^* Vaughan, i. 85 ; Claretidon Papers, iii. 309.

32 Thurloe, ii. 286, 709; Vaughan, i. 85-8; Calendar of State Papers, Dom.
1658-9, 382 ; Case of Col. Matthew Alured, 1659, 4to.

="» Vaughan, i. 85-8; Thurloe, iii. 64, 147; Calendar State Papers, Dom.
1658-9, 383.

330 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April

falling in with humours of such men as these are, there is no
question but they will live and die to maintain the government as
it is now settled,' observes Thurloe in his account of Okey's trial.^

Immediately after the trial of the three colonels, orders were
sent to Monk to arrest Colonel Overton and send him up to London.
Investigations revealed the existence of a conspiracy amongst the
levellers and anabaptists in the Scotch army. According to the
beHef of Cromwell and Thurloe, the mutineers intended to depose
Monk from his command, make Overton their leader, and march
into England. According to Overton's own account, the discon-
tented officers in the Scotch army intended merely to present
an address like that of the three colonels, and he had discouraged
them even in that project.^^ The officers sent out a circular letter
dated 18 Dec. 1654 convening a general meeting of the discon-
tented at Edinburgh * at the green dragon in Canny-Gate on new
year's day.' Before new year's day, however, all those who had
signed the circular were arrested, and Overton himself was shipped
off to England for trial.^*^ He remained a prisoner for the rest of
the protectorate, first in the Tower, afterwards in Jersey .^^

During January and February, several additional arrests of
officers sharing the principles of the levellers and anabaptists
took place. Colonel Eyres was arrested on 27 Jan., Major-General
Allen on 31 Jan., and Colonel Kich on 15 Feb.^^ Finally Major
Wildman was seized on 10 Feb. as he was penning a ' Declaration
of the free and well affected people of England now in arms
against the tyrant Oliver Cromwell.' ^^ Thus every officer who had
shown signs of mutiny or even of disaffection was either cashiered,
reduced to obedience, or imprisoned. Yet the reviewer talks of
Cromwell ' propitiating a gang of mutinous servants ' and seeking
to ' bribe his army officers into repose.' Cromwell's policy was
precisely the reverse ; its chief defect was that there was too little
attempt to conciliate. He was somewhat too suspicious and too
severe. He did not make sufficient distinction between the mode-
rate and the violent members of the military opposition. He con-
founded Overton and Wildman in the same category. Overton was
harshly punished, on insufficient evidence, and without fair trial.
^ All will confess he had very hard measure,' wrote a friend of
Overton's in 1659 ; ' yea, those who would in everything plead for
the integrity of the deceased Protector, condemned him in this
<iase of Major-General Overton.' '^^ There are no doubt circum-
stances that are much against Overton, but the evidence of his

"^ Vaughan, i. 85-8.

3^ Thurloe, iii. 110. ='« lb. iii. 29 ; Mercurius Politiciis, Jan. 11-18, 1655.

=*" TJic sad suffering Case of Major-Gcneral Robert Overton, 1659.

3« Thurloe, iii. 124, 143 ; Mercurius Politicus, Feb. 15-22, 1655.

™ Thurloe, iii. 147 ; Wbitelock, f. 599. *" Case of Major-General Overton, p. 9.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 331

complicity in the supposed plot for marching the Scotch army into
England is far from being sufficient to prove his guilt/^ But
whether Cromwell was unjust to Overton or not, the fact remains
that these strong measures put an end to any division existing in
the army, and put an end at the same time to the high hopes
the royalists had founded on it. Nor was that the sole blow they
received during January 1655.

Simultaneously with suppression of the disaffected party in the
-army took place the first arrests of royalists in connexion with the
great conspiracy started in the previous summer. The Confessions
of two persons seized by Cromwell's police during January revealed
the existence of a plot in North Wales directed against the castles
■of Denbigh and Beaumaris. Nicholas Bagenal, a landowner in the
isle of Anglesea, confessed to having received a commission from
Charles II to raise a regiment of horse. Nicholas Bayley (son of
the late bishop of Bangor, Lewis Bayley), a Carnarvonshire gentle-
man, had received a similar commission to raise a foot regiment.
According to Bagenal's account they had received their commissions
from a certain Colonel Stephens, evidently the Colonel John Stephens
who is frequently mentioned in Hyde's correspondence."*"^

At the same time the government discovered the existence of
an organised plan for buying arms in London and abroad, and
supplying them to royalists in the country. Major Norwood, the
head of this organisation, and the London merchants who assisted
him, were arrested, and confessed that under colour of exporting
arms to Virginia and Barbadoes they had been providing weapons
to be used against the government. The Protector's army was but
weak in England, Norwood had told one of the conspirators : * the
Protector and parliament could not agree, and half the parliament
were for the king, therefore when the parliament should be dis-
solved, that was the time when the rising should begin, when the
members will be come into their countries, and have discovered
their discontents to the people.' ^"^ Several gentlemen suspected or
proved to have acquired arms from Norwood and his friends were
brought prisoners to London. Chief of these was Sir Henry Little-
ton of Hagley, the high sheriff of Worcestershire, and his brother,
Charles Littleton, who had been the king's cupbearer when he was
in Scotland.''-^ As both the Littletons were subsequently engaged in
Sir George Booth's rising in 1659, small credit can be given to their
assurances of their peaceful purposes."*^ With them were arrested
Col. Edward Vernon ; his uncle, Walter Vernon, of Stockley Park

« Thurloe, iii. 47, 55, 75, 148, 185; Burton's Diary, iv. 150-61 ; Nickolls, Letters
addressed to Cromwell, p. 132.

" Thurloe, iii. 125-7-8; Calendar Clarendon Papers, ii. 329, 385; MercuriuLs
Politicus, January 1655, pp. 5050, 5100.

" Thurloe, iii. 74. ** Calendar Clarendon Papers, ii. 84.

** Publick Intelligencer, Aug. 1-8, 1659.

332 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April

in Staffordshire; and his brother-in-law, Edward Browne, of Bentley
in Derbyshire. Sir John Pakington of Worcestershire was also
committed to the Tower on the same charge, and a number of less
important persons were laid hold on.''^

. The reviewer, whose statements are often a trifle contradictory,
mentions on one page * that Cromwell arrested several noted
royalists in London,' and on the next page classes these arrests
with the * ostensible precautions ' by which Cromwell secured him-
self and fooled the royalists. ' Cromwell arrested some royalists
shortly before the outbreak, but, as we know on the best authority,
he touched none of those engaged therein.' '^^ The best authority
(whose name is not given) is certainly wrong. In addition to the
persons already arrested the following royalists, all deeply concerned
in the plot, were arrested during January and February 1655 : Sir
Humphrey Bennett, the head of the Hampshire cavaliers, who had
undertaken to secure Portsmouth for the king ; ^^ Colonel Grey,
son of Lord Grey of Wark, who had undertaken to secure Tyne-
mouth ; '^^ Sir John Greenville, who afterwards played so promi-
nent a part in the Kestoration, and was now commissianed to
raise Devonshire and secure Plymouth ; ^^ Mr. John Weston, the
son of Sir Pdchard Weston, the king's agent to raise money from
the English catholics.^^ Colonel Gardiner, another of Hyde's
confidential correspondents, was also amongst the j)risoners made
at this time.'^^ At the same time the government openly announced
the cause of these arrests.

Cromwell was far from concealing his knowledge of the plot. In
his speech of 22 Jan. 1655 he described the nature of the plot
to parliament, and again on February 13, after the dissolution of
parliament, he called the lord mayor and common council to
Whitehall and gave them an account of the conspiracy and its de-
tection. Week after week through January and February the
arrests on account of the plot were chronicled in ' Mercurius
Politicus ' and other papers. Why in spite of these warnings did
the royalists persist in their intended insurrection ? The reviewer's
suggestion is that Cromwell encouraged them to persist because he
needed an insurrection, and that in pursuance of this design * he
acted on the impatient credulity of those who shared the King's
exile ' to make him sanction a hopeless enterprise. The evidence,
however, while it proves clearly that the king did sanction the

*' On this affair see Thurloe, iii. 65, 73, 82, 89-94, 98, 99, 104, 107, 129, 163 ; Mer-
curius Politicus, January 1655, pp. 5050, 5066, 5116 ; Calendar of Clarendon Papers,
iii. 20; Burton's Diary, iv. 301.

^» Quarterly, pp. 419, 421.

*» Calendar Clarendon Papers, ii. 359, 440, iii. 19, 21. ^^ lb. ii. 440, iii. 19.

*' Mercurius Politicus, March 1-8 ; Calendar Clarendon Papers, ii. 362, 440.

** Mercurius Politicus, Feb. 1-8 ; Calendar Clarendon Papers, ii. 394, iii. 16, 19.

*^ Mercurius Politicus, Feb. 8-15 ; Calendar Clarendon Papers, iii. 9, 16.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 333

enterprise, proves also that Cromwell had no part m procuring
that sanction ; nor does the reviewer produce any evidence to prove
Cromwell's share in it.

By January 1655, a great division had arisen amongst the
English royalists. In December the Sealed Knot had written to
the king telling him that nothing was yet ready for a rising.^''
Others of the royalists were still confidently looking forward to a
speedy appeal to arms. They admitted that the day must be post-
poned, but saw no reason for abandoning the attempt. J. Brerely
(perhaps Lord Willoughby) writes on Jan. 5 expressing his confi-
dence of ' bringing the cause to a very fair trial next term,' ^^ and
again on Jan. 19 stating that * the trial of the cause is put off for
a week.' ^^ Another correspondent writes to the king : ' For the state
of your affairs here you'll have an account of them by a servant of
yours ere this arrive you and of the necessities that put some of
your friends upon so sudden resolutions. But since he went hence,
finding the day appointed too near to give the witnesses that live
far off convenient warning, they have prorogued it a week longer.
I am going northward to prepare them against the day. . . .
Sir, if you shall think you cannot have a fair hearing this term,
the trial may be put off till the next. But I would gladly have
your express pleasure herein by reason Mr. S. K. (the Sealed
Knot) gives us little advice in your business, and I wish I had never
been referred to them.' ^^

The result of this was that at the end of Jan. 1655 a number
of the royalists were opposed to any rising being attempted at all,
and those who were anxious for action were uncertain about the
date when it was to take place. The question was laid before
Charles II for decision early in February. A certain Mr. Upton or
* Koles ' wrote to the king on behalf of the Sealed Knot : ^^ —

Sir, — In all submission I here represent unto you the sense of Lord
Bellasis, Will Compton, and myself, the other three being out of town,
but what was theirs too when last here, and nothing having intervened
to alter but rather to confirm us, we presume to give you this account.

** Calendar Clarendon Papers, iii. 3.

*^ The expression ' next term ' employed in Brerely's first letter probably means
next month, i.e. February 1655. A subsequent letter shows that the day fixed for a
rising was at one period Feb. 13. The fact of this date having been originally fixed is
confirmed by many other pieces of evidence ; Thurloe, iii. 176, 182, 314 ; Mercurius
Politicus, Feb. 8-15, 165|. Brerely's second letter and Dowcett's letter show that
towards the end of January the date of the intended rising was again postponed, ' for
a week,' as they both say. I am inclined to believe that ' week ' should be taken to
mean month, and their letters would then refer to the postponement of the rising
from February to March 1655.

^" Caleiidar Clarendon Papers, iii. 6, 9.

*■ C. Dowcett, 19 Jan. 1655, Clarendon MSS. ; Cale>idar iii. No. 84.

**' Clarendon MSS. Calendar iii. No. 39, a deciphered cipher; the spelling ^and
punctuation are modernised.

334 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April

Being here very watchful upon all consultations, though they know it
not that are for your service, and understanding they have sent to you for
your approbation of a day for rising (which they already here have agreed
on), we thought it very undutiful not to represent to your Majesty the
dangerousness of the consequence of it ; for now that their own divisions
is for the present so allayed as that no rise from the Army is to be hoped,
which was the ground of our hope, and that the fleet is gone, which we
conceived not so material as the other design of the Army, we look on the
rising of your party but to (be) the destroying of themselves, and more,
that in this juncture of time, it will so prejudice your affairs as cordially
to piece up interests which otherways, with great heartburnings, would for
the present but acquiesce. This, on my faith. Sir, is not only our sense,
but of all wise parties we confer (with), though solely subscribed by Upton.
John Eussell presents this as his opinion.'

The day referred to as fixed in this letter was certainly Feb. 13,
as the letter of its bearer, James Halsall, proves. Halsall arrived at
Antwerp bearing this letter about Feb. ^Ti having been detained
in England a week by contrary winds. He found that Eoss, the
messenger of the party of action, had already succeeded in obtain-
ing the king's approval of the day fixed for the intended rising.
Ormonde, who was at Antwerp at the time, and in the confidence
of both parties, thus summarises the account of affairs given him
by the messengers :—

The discourse I had with Mr. Ross was very short, and he made it
so cheerful that it abated rather than increased the melancholy the letters
I opened had given me, but Halsey (who with Maurice arrived here the
day he went hence, and met him upon the way) quickly brought me back
again with his narration of theperplexedness, uncertainty, and contrariety
of opinions and resolutions in our friends and business. The Sealed Knot,
in whom only there is any known authority from the king, declaring
absolutely and sharply against (as they call it) the madness of those
people that are resolved to begin, and professing that they will not only
lay still themselves, but dissuade all others from appearing ; grounding
this purpose upon the weakness and unpreparedness of their design, and
upon the great probabilities they say there are that a fitter conjuncture
will immediately offer itself, by divisions in the Army, and by the dis-
content Cromwell's parting as he hath done with his Parliament will give
all sorts of people, which is an advantage they say they have long foretold
would be offered, and which being now come about, these men's precipi-
tations will frustrate by not allowing time for the effects ; they on the
other side charge the Knot, and not incolourably, with a continued cold-
ness and backwardness to action, and with a reservedness very improper
to the nature of the business, by which they allege many irrecoverable
opportunities, persons and parties have been lost ; instancing the fleet,
from whom they say the taking of Portsmouth, the Isle of Wight, and
other advantages were offered upon any the least appearance for the King
in other places ; and for their present purpose to act, they say they are
forced to it by the full discovery they suppose Cromwell has made of the

J

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 335

whole plot, and of the persons engaged in it ; which if he dissemble, it is but
to bring them into security, and keep them quiet till he shall have mastered
intestine difficulties, and brought himself into a condition to chuse whom
he will destroy : They say the disorders in his army are upon the matter
appeased in the disappointment and apprehension of Overton, and if there
remain any reliques, they will amount but to such mutinies as if he have
time he will quiet, as he hath done many others heretofore, and that
being done, the discontents the dispersed members can infuse into their
several countries will signify little, which yet will have the greatest effect
upon their first return home, and afterwards will digest of itself into a tame
sufferance : this is what I can collect out of what I have heard from both
or of both parties, for Halsey is but a bare relator for ought I can see, as
Jack Stephens is of both and yet of neither opinion. He says that though
the Sealed Knot are fully satisfied of the imprudence of beginning now,
to that degree, that they cannot with their loyalty consent to it or appear
in it, yet if the King will command them, they are ready to lay down
their lives, but, without his express command they will keep themselves
to their opinion and resolution. Eoss seemed to me and told Halsey
expressly, that he carried with him the King's approbation for present
action, and yet no direction to the Sealed Knot to countenance and assist
it ; but I am sure the King has either forbidden the enterprise, or directed
the Knot to fall into it with all their power and industry, else it would be
the certain loss of those that shall appear, and the very probable destruc-
tion of those that hold off.'^^

The same day James Halsall wrote to the king from Antwerp
apologising for forwarding the letter from the Sealed Knot which
was in his charge by O'Neill instead of bringing it himself.

I intended to have waited on your Majesty had not the crossness of
the winds detained me six days at the water side ; when I came to
Antwerp I met Mr. Ross, and then finding the impossibility of my
coming to Cologne and return into England before the 18 of February
(0. S.) which is the day intended for our action I resolved for going back
with all speed, and wish that I had your Majesty's commands to some
very considerable persons for their now engaging ; Sir, Mr. O'Neill will
give you a letter from the Sealed Knot, who do wholly dissent to what
was proposed by Mr. Ross. Sir, they are generally known (though they
think other ways) to have had the full managing of your Majesty's affairs,,
they have discoursed with the most considerablest, and have very many
that do really submit to their opinions ; Sir, when we shall now appear,
if they sit still, and keep their chambers, I very much fear that by their
ill examples, our sword will be cut very short : but I hope your Majesty
(since your approbation of what hath been presented) hath sent your
commands to them not to be wanting with their assistance, and then I am
confident that they are persons of that honour and duty, that they will
readily engage. ^^

Charles followed the course which both Ormonde and Halsall

^' Ormonde to Hyde, Feb. ^^, 1655. Clarendon State Papers, iii. 265-6.
^ Clarendon MSS. James" Halsall to the king, ^ Feb. 1655 ; Calendar, iii..
No. 65.

336 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April

had confidently hoped that he would not follow. He had approved,
as the letters of Ormonde and Halsall show, of the design of Eoss's
party to rise on Feb. 13. But he did not order the Sealed Knot to
join with them, neither did he take the course recommended by the
Sealed Knot, and order the party of action to remain quiet. He
took the fatal middle course which Ormonde said would be * the cer-
tain loss of those that should appear and the very probable destruc-
tion of those that held off.' Daniel O'Neill was sent to England
with the following answer to the letter of the Sealed Knot : —

I have received yours without a date, and am the more troubled that
it contains no answer to any of the particulars mentioned in my two last :
I was in hope that there would have been that trust and communication
between you and the rest of my friends, that there would have been little
difference of opinion between you in what concerns me, but that they
would either have brought yoii to join with them upon the information
they would give you, or you restrain and compose them by your reason
and discretion, but too much reservedness in you have made you too
much strangers to each other. Nor can it be reasonable for me to hinder
them from moving who believe themselves ready for it, and undone if
they do not, and yet I cannot look for any great success, if whilst they
stir, you sit still, and discountenance what they do ; and it is as un-
reasonable that any positive command of mine, should oblige you to an
action directly contrary to your judgment and inclinations. In this
strait I could not think of a better expedient, than to send this trusty
bearer who is so well known to you, and who will have credit enough
with all who are ready to serve me, to beget a right understanding
amongst them, he will tell you what I think, and I shall say no more,
but that though all particular designs may be secret, the general jealousy
will serve the turn to imprison all my friends, and if some of them move,
the rest will have no security by sitting still. I will be as ready myself
as I wish others to be, and trust God Almighty with the rest.^^

The letter may be summed up as saying that the king hoped
the Sealed Knot would join, but did not think it reasonable to
<3ommand them to do so. The reason why the rising did not take
place on 13 Feb. is that, after Koss and Halsall had been des-
patched to the king, the date was again postponed, as stated in
Brerely's second letter and in the letter of Dowcett before quoted.

O'Neill, travelling disguised under the name of Bryan, left
Cologne about 8 Feb., O.S., was stopped at Dover about 14 Feb.,
but was not recognised, and contrived to escape from Dover Castle
on 22 Feb. (O.S.).''^ A few days later, Wilmot, earl of Eochester,
was despatched to England. According to Clarendon in his * History
of the Eebellion,' this was done at the request of the earl himself,
who was ' always jealous that somebody would be general before
him.' Eochester desired the king

«' Clarendon MSS. endorsed, ' the K. to Mr. Roles, the 18 Feb. by Bryan.'
^ Calendar Clarendon Papers, iii. 21, 23.

I

I

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 337

to permit him to go over in disguise, to the end that finding the way to
London, which was very easy, he might upon advising with the principal
persons engaged (of whom there was none who had not been commanded
by him, or was not inferior to him in command), assist them in their
enterprise, and make the best of that force which they could bring
together : and if he found that in truth they were not competently pro-
vided to sustain the first shock, he might by his advice and authority
compose them to expect a better conjuncture, and in the meantime to
give over all inconsiderate attempts. ^^

Unfortunately Clarendon's papers do not contain the earl of
Eochester's commission. They contain, however, a note by Hyde
of instructions for Mr. Trelawny, who was intended to accompany
Rochester. Trelawny was

to go with Lord Rochester and inform Sir Thomas Peyton, Col. Thorn-
hill, Sir Humphrey Bennett, Col. Grey, and Mr. Weston of his being
there ; to hasten into the west and inform Pollard and Dick Arundell ;
to tell all persons that Lord Rochester has full authority from the King,
but that he does not come to cause the least delay in anything they are
ready to do, but to assist and direct them.^^

Rochester sailed 19 Feb. (O.S.) and had reached London on
24 Feb. (O.S.).«5 He took the name of Mr. Symonds. With
Rochester went Sir Joseph Wagstaffe, whom the reviewer persis-
tently calls Sir John Wagstaffe. Mr. Trelawny, who went under
the name of Morris, followed with Nicholas Armorer, who adopted
the name of Wright. Armorer bore with him a letter from the
king to Lord Willoughby, in which Charles said that he could not
direct him what to do, but hoped that if any of his friends appeared
in any engagement, the rest would join, which would be the best
security for all.^^

These extracts from the correspondence between the king and
the English royalists prove conclusively that the king's encourage-
ment of the party of action was the chief cause of the fact that the
intended insurrection was not abandoned after the discoveries and
arrests of January 1655. At the same time, the fact that he would
not command those who held back to fall in with the party of action
caused the insurrection, when it did take place, to be a miserable
failure. In the face of these facts, there is no room for the theory
that Cromwell ' manufactured ' the rising. The reviewer omits all
mention of these letters. He makes up for this omission by a
passage of melodramatic rhetoric, in which he speaks of ' zealous
emissaries,' ' false prophets,' * false friends,' &c., who lured Charles
to disregard the advice of the Sealed Knot, and to encourage the
insurrection. He argues that these messengers must necessarily
have been instructed by Cromwell.

*' Hist, of the Rebellion, xiv. 126. ** Calendar Clarendon Papers, iii. 19.

«* 76. iii. 22, 23. «« I&. iii. 19.

VOL. III. — NO. X. Z

338 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April

Who was a warmer or a false friend to the enterprise of March 1655
than Cromwell ? . . . Who could set against the king a scheme of syste-
matic false encouragement . . . except Cromwell, who had all the secret
agents at home and abroad at his command ? Or who would undertake
so difficult a task as the creation of such an elaborate scheme of deception,
but one who was anxious that the outbreak should take place ? And we
know that such was his wish.^^

For the theory that these * zealous emissaries ' were inspired by
Cromwell, the reviewer brings forward no direct evidence whatever,
but relies on * a variety of antecedent circumstances.' He even sets
aside positive evidence that these emissaries were honest men.
Clarendon in his history anticipates the suggestion that these
messengers were traitors, and twice emphatically denies it. * The
persons who sent those expresses were very honest men, and had
served well in the war.' ' The messengers w^hich were sent this
winter to Cologne who, I say still, were honest men, and sent from
those who were such.'^® No doubt, as the reviewer observes,
* Clarendon's opinion is not so indisputable, but that it may be
questioned.' But he advances no evidence that Clarendon was
mistaken, save the fact that the hopes the messengers held out
were improbable, and were not fulfilled. The names of two of
these messengers are known : Koss, 'little Tom Eoss,' and James
Halsall.^^ To prove his case, the reviewer should have proved
them Cromwell's agents, which he does not even attempt to do,
nor could do if he attempted. He does indeed attempt to prove
that one of the king's correspondents, Mr. Eoles, alias Upton, was
a tool of Cromwell's.'^^ Take for granted, for the purpose of
argument, that this man was Cromwell's agent. According to Mr.
Palgrave's theory, he ought to delude Charles into encouraging
the projected insurrection. On the contrary, in the letter printed
above, pp. 333-4, he says plainly that any rising of the king's party
would result in their destruction. '^^ But the proofs which Mr.
Palgrave gives for the conjecture that Upton alias Eoles was the
Protector's agent are throughout defective. He argues as follows :

Cromwell held an intercepted letter from the king to Mr. Roles
addressed to him under his alias, Mr. Upton, expressed in terms of entire
confidence,^^ but Roles was not arrested. And the suspicion inspired by
the immunity which Cromwell granted to such a conspicuous royalist,
was confirmed by finding that Thurloe, in a letter (dated 6 April, 1655) to
Manning the spy, refers to Mr. Upton as their common friend.^^

In the first place, the name Eoles is a pseudonjmi, and, as there
is no evidence that Cromwell knew who Mr. Eoles really was, no
conclusion can be drawn from the fact that Eoles was not arrested.

«^ Qvurterly Review, pp. 418-420. «^ Hist, of the Rebellion, xiv. 123-4.

«» Thurloe, iv. 10. " Quarterly Revieio, p. 420.

'' Calendar Claroidon Papers, iii. 11. '- Thurloe, iii. 76.

''^ Egerton MSS. British Museum, 2542, fo. 168; Qtiarterly Revieio, p. 420.^

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 339

In the second place, the Upton to whom Thurloe refers in his
letter to Manning is not the king's correspondent. Thurloe's Upton
is a well-known merchant, the king's Upton is an unknown person
occasionally using the name of Upton as a pseudonym. Thurloe
directs Manning to write to him under cover to one or other of two
London merchants, either * Mr. John Upton merchant at London,'
or ' Mr. Nathaniel Manton merchant at London.' Nathaniel Manton
was Thurloe's cousin. John Upton was one of the contractors for
the victualling of the Navy. He was afterwards one of the farmers
of the customs, and a member of Cromwell's committee for trade.
He sat for Fowey in the latter part of the long parliament, and
for Haverfordwest in the parliament of 1656. Thurloe's foreign
correspondents sometimes drew bills on Upton for their salary.'^''

Mr. Palgrave misstates the contents of each of his authorities.
In the first case the king's letter to Mr. Eoles is not addressed to
him under his alias Upton, but under the name of Eoles only. In
the second case, Thurloe does not refer to Upton as the common
friend of himself and Manning, but merely gives his name without
a word of comment.

In case of failure to prove that the messengers from England
were Cromwell's agents, the provident reviewer has still another
argument in stock. ' Even though no actual assistance be given,
stiU complete foreknowledge of a coming mischief, unfoUowed by
corresponding precautions, implies a sanction. And this form of
sanction Cromwell gave to the insurrection.'^-^ Granting for the
sake of argument the truth of these statements, it may be observed
that the reviewer's case is that Cromwell ' manufactured ' the
insurrection, and that to ' sanction ' and to ' manufacture ' are
very different things. But the first of these statements is exagge-
rated, and the second absolutely unfounded. Cromwell was far
from possessing the ' complete foreknowledge ' of the conspiracy
which the reviewer attributes to him, nor did he ever claim to
possess it as the reviewer represents him as doing.

In the account of Penruddock's rising given to the parliament of
1656, Cromwell argued that it was a general design : ' That it was
general, we had not hy suspicion or imagination ; hut ive know indi-
viduals who carried themselves the most demurely and fairly of any men
in England ivere engaged in this. And he that gave us. our intelli-
gence lost his life for it in Neuhurg country — I think I may now
speak of that because he is dead — hut he did discover from time to time
a full intelligence of these things.'''^ Cromwell here simply claims
that he possessed full intelligence as to the persons actually impli-
cated in the conspiracy, however discreet their actions might have
been. This is exactly the information which the letters of Manning
to whom he refers did contain. As Manning's communications

'* Thurloe, ii. 684, iii. 529. " Quarterly Revieiv,:p. 420. '« Carlyle, speech v.

z 2

340 ' NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April

to Thurloe only began in March 1655, nearly all the intelligence
supplied by him is posterior to the rising, and relates simply to the
shares of certain persons in the rising, and the movements of
other persons after the rising.

As little do the statements of the other informants mentioned
by the reviewer bear out his assertion that Cromwell had * complete
foreknowledge ' of the coming insurrection.

*With characteristic craft,' remarks the reviewer, * Cromwell
<3oncealed the most effectual informant of these things, the clerk
who wrote out the despatches in the king's closet.'" The clerk in
question was Peter Massonet. Massonet's communications date
from the middle of February 1655. No specimens of communica-
tions directly from him are to be found in the Thurloe Papers.
Specimens there are of intelligence transmitted by him through
Sir John Henderson and Eichard Bradshaw, but they are rare and
brief.^^ In another passage, the reviewer states that Cromwell ' had
obtained the espial of one of the king's most trusted friends, and a
member of the Sealed Knot.'^^ This means Sir Eichard Willis, but
there is no evidence that Willis was at this period in Cromwell's
pay, and what evidence there is in respecting his treason leads to
the conclusion that it commenced much later.^^ According to
Clarendon, the information which he gave to Cromwell was
extremely general in its character. '^^ As none of his communica-
tions are known to exist, it would be rash to suppose that he
supplied Cromwell with this complete foreknowledge.

The real sources of whatever foreknowledge of the plot Cromwell
possessed deserve some mention. His knowledge was chiefly
derived from three classes of persons : spies abroad, government
officials at home and abroad, and prisoners. Of the first class of
persons the following were the chief. Colonel Bampfylde, the man
who had managed the duke of York's escape from England in 1648,
entered Thurloe's pay in the summer of 1654, and from that date
sent him occasional letters of intelligence. The most valuable of
his communications is a paper entitled ' The condition and design-
ments of the titular king of Scots and of those abroad who are
interested in his affairs.' ^^ This paper forms the basis of a con-
siderable portion of the declaration concerning the late insurrection
published by Cromwell in Nov. 1655. In the same summer of
1654 Sir John Henderson, royalist governor of Newark in 1643,
became one of Thurloe's correspondents. Neither Bampfylde nor
Henderson was in the king's secrets, for he thought the first a

" Quarterly Review, p. 420.

'" Calendar Clarendon Papers, iii. 14, 15 ; Thurloe, ii. 610, iii. 153, 198.

^^ Qtiarterly Review, p. 436.

•*" Thurloe, i. xiv-xvi ; Calendar State Papers, Dom. 1661-2 ; 232.

«• Hist, of the Rebellion, xvi. 28, 31. "- Thurloe, ii. 510-14.

I

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 341

knave, and the second a fool, but both were trusted by many of
the king's followers, and Henderson was still occasionally employed
by the king. His letters from Germany in the winter of 1654-5
contained much useful information about the movements of the
royalists. ^^ The movements of the royalists in Holland were re-
ported by a certain John Adams, and there were other spies of
less value. The government also employed correspondents in most
of the capitals of Europe to supply general political news, whose
letters occasionally contained intelligence about the exiled royalists.
Diplomatic agents such as Richard Bradshaw then resident at
Hamburg sometimes supplied information on the same subject.
But the amount of knowledge to be obtained from these sources
was small and of no great value. Amongst officials at home, the
lieutenant of the Tower, John Barkstead, was specially useful.
According to Cromwell, ' there never was any design on foot, but
we could hear it out of the Tower. He who commanded there
would give us account, that within a fortnight or such a thing,
there would be some stirrings ; for a great concourse of people were
coming to them (i.e. his prisoners), and they had very great ele-
vations of spirit.' ^*. There were also reports on the movements of
suspected persons from officers in different parts of the country,
and spontaneous communications from private persons. ^^

Specimens of the third source of intelligence — the examinations
of prisoners — abound in the Thurloe Papers, especially during
January and February 1655. To these may be added a certain
number of intercepted letters. The total amount of the infor-
mation thus supplied to the government was considerable, but it
lacked definiteness and completeness, and was often of very doubt-
ful authority. The government had a general knowledge of the
aims of the royalists, but as to the circumstances of time and
place it was less well informed, nor did it know with certainty
what persons were concerned in the conspiracy until Manning's
revelations came to complete the indications furnished by the at-
tempted rising.

As the extent and nature of the conspiracy were gradually re-
vealed to Cromwell he took various precautions against its outbreak.
The arrests which have been already mentioned were accompanied
by many other measures to secure the peace of the country.

At the close of 1654 England was very bare of troops, partly in
consequence of the war in Scotland, partly in consequence of the
expedition to the West Indies. The first thing necessary was to
increase the number of soldiers in England. Two thousand foot
and three hundred horse were brought over from Ireland under
the command of Colonel Sadler and Major Bolton.^^ In ' Mer-

*" Thurloe, ii. ^* Carlyle, speech v. ^^ e.g. Thurloe, iii. 53, 64, 138.

»« Ludlow, p. 196, ed. 1751.

342 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April

curius Politicus ' (Jan. 18-25, 1655), the number is stated to be
3,000 foot,®^ and they appear to have landed at Liverpool about
Jan. 15.^^ Their landing frustrated an important part of the plot,
for James Halsall wrote to the king that it would prevent the
design of his brother Ned Halsall to surprise Liverpool. ^^ From
Scotland Sir William Constable's regiment was recalled to
garrison Hull, and also two troops of Lambert's regiment.^^ In
London, Barkstead's regiment which garrisoned the Tower was
raised from 400 to 1,200 men.^^ On Feb. 15 a new body of militia
commissioners for the city of London, headed by Skippon and Lord
Mayor Pack, was appointed, and empowered to raise troops. ^^ On
Feb. 24 the commissioners presented to the Protector a list of the
officers they had agreed upon to be confirmed by him.^^ They
agreed to raise 3,000 foot, and were in addition instructed by the
Protector to raise a proportionate number of horse.^'* The militia
of London, announces ' Mercurius Politicus,' under March 5, having
chosen all their officers, they are approved by his highness and
have received their commissions from him. And this day they
issued out warrants for the immediate listing and raising of their
regiments which are to be formed within six days to the number of
5,000. They have also thought of a considerable number of horses
to be raised out of hand, and put under their old officers of horse ;
all to be commanded in chief by their old faithful Major-General
Skippon.*

Other precautions were also taken for the safety of the city.
On 12 Feb. a warrant was issued to the ordnance officers to collect
and bring into the Tower all the powder in any stores or warehouses
in London, so that it might not fall into the hands of disaffected
persons.^^ On the same day, in the evening, orders were given
for the seizing of all horses in Westminster, and in many places
in and about London, to prevent any designs of lurking enemies. ■^'^
An order for establishing special watch and ward in London and
Middlesex was issued on 22 Feb., and general searches were com-
manded to be made.^^ The first of these general searches was on
5 March. Letters from England in February stated that guards
were set at every street's end in London .^^

The prohibition of horse races for the period of six months (24
Feb.) was a measure specially directed against the country royalists.^^

*" This figure is confirmed by Thurloe, iii. 70.

«» Calendar State Papers, Dom. 1655, p. 61.

^^ Calendar Clarendon State Papers, iii. 16.

«» Thurloe, iii. 46. »' Orders of 20-25 Dec. 1654 ; Thurloe, iii. 56.

'^ Calendar State Papers, Dom. 1655, p. 43.

»3 Mercurius Politicus, 22 Feb., 1 March 1655.

»^ Calendar State Papers, Dom. 1655, p. 72. ^^ lb. 1655, p. 39.

^* Mercurius Politicus, 8-15 Feb. »^ Ibid. 1-8 March.

*" Calendar Clarendon State Papers, iii. 21.

^^ Calendar State Papers, 1655, p. 53.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 343

At race meetings country gentlemen could assemble in large numbers
without attracting attention, and conspirators often made use of
them for that purpose. ^^^ At the same time care was taken to
secure the seaports which were known to be special objects of
attack. The measures taken to guard Hull and Liverpool have
been already mentioned. Chatham, Eochester, and Dover were also
made ready to resist an attack. ^^' On 4 July 1654 special orders
had been sent to thirty-four ports to search all vessels passing out
or in, and apprehend all suspected per sons. ^"^ In addition to this,
early in February 1655 a letter of restraint was sent to Eye,
Margate, and other ports, in consequence of which persons landing
from the continent were detained until they had been examined.^"^
The king was warned by an English royalist that the ports were
strictly guarded on account of a supposed plot.^^"*

In the face of all these precautions the intrepid reviewer has
still another argument to prove that Cromwell encouraged an
insurrection. According to him, all Cromwell's precautions were
but * ostensible precautions,' for he did not guard the real points of
danger ; * he did not forewarn the custom house officers at Dover,
or guard that port, just as he, subsequently, somehow failed to station
soldiers near those obvious points of danger, Marston Moor and
Salisbury Plain.' ^^^ The reviewer argues that Dover was purposely
left unguarded in order to facilitate the entry of the cavalier
leaders into England. Dover was not unguarded. As early as
28 October 1653 a special police commission had been appointed
to guard the port of Dover under the title of ' commissioners of
the passage.' They were charged to examine all strangers passing
out or in, take bonds for their appearance, register passengers,
require passports, search ships, and arrest suspected persons. ^^
This commission was still in force in January and February 1655,
and Dover was also one of the ports included in the letter of
restraint issued by Cromwell in February 1655. If the commis-
sioners failed to carry out their orders with proper vigilance, the
blame lies with them and not on the Protector. The reviewer next
argues at considerable length that Eobert Day, the clerk of the
passage, was an accomplice of the royalists, known by Cromwell
to be such, but utilised by him for his own ends. Day's office
was the humble one of registering passes, and receiving the fees
due from persons obtaining passports. He may possibly have been
an accomplice of the royalists. One suspicious fact there is in his
conduct, viz. his engagement on behalf of a royalist prisoner,
Armorer, alias Wright. '^^ But the evidence against Day is not

100 Thurloe, iii. 314, Calendar of State Papers, 1650, p. 163.

"" Calendar State Papers, 1655, pp. 47, 75, 429, 441. '«'^ 16. 1654, p. 243.

'"3 lb. 1655, p. 47. '"* Calendar Clarendmi Papers, iii. 16.

'»* Quarterly Beview, p. 421. ""' Calendar of State Papers, Dora. 1653-4, p. 221.

••"^ Thurloe, iii. 164.

344 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April

conclusive, and there is no evidence to prove that Cromwell made
use of Day's treacher}^ in order to admit Eochester and his
companions into England. ' Thurloe and Cromwell knew on the
best authority that the royalists regarded Mr. Day as their ally,
for Armorer in a letter (which came to Thurloe's hands) men-
tions " Mr. Eobert Day Clarke of the passage " as a man ready to
do him service.' ^^^ Here the reviewer, as in many other instances,
reads something into his authority which his authority does not
contain. Armorer wrote to a friend in London saying that he was
prisoner at Dover, and asking his friend to procure him an order
giving him leave either to come to London or to return to the con-
tinent. He concludes : ' Pray direct your letter to Mr. Eobert Day,
clerk of the passage.' He says nothing of Day being ready to do
him service, but mentions Day's name because Day was the official
to whom such passes should properly be addressed. ^^^

The second point is that the Protector's foreign correspondents
repeatedly warned him that Day was a traitor. The first warning
against Day by name is dated Hamburg, 7 March, and could not have
reached the Protector till long after the royalist agents w^ho got up
the rising of 11 March had entered England. ^^° ' In spite of these
warnings,' continues the reviewer, ' Cromwell retained Day at his
post until during the following July he had seen safe back across
the Channel the conspirators whom he had admitted in March.*^
Cromwell does not aj)pear to have dismissed Day from his post,
probably because he did not regard the charges as proved, but
perhaps because he had already rendered Day harmless. At the end
of February 1655, in consequence of the escape of several royalist
prisoners, the authority of the old commissioners of the passage
was superseded, and the control of the police of the passage en-
trusted to the deputy-governor of Dover, Captain Wilson. ^^^ Secure
in the fidelity of the governor, Cromwell could disregard any general
warnings or accusations against Day and the other commissioners
which might be sent to him.

The release or escape of these royalist prisoners at Dover is an
important point in the reviewer's indictment against Cromwell, his
theory being that they were released or permitted to escape by the
government. His account of this episode is inaccurate throughout.
The first two of the royalists to be so arrested were two persons
calling themselves Wright and Morris; Wright according to the
reviewer is Nicholas Armorer, and Morris, Daniel O'Neill. As a
matter of fact the person bearing the name of Morris was a certain
Mr. John Trelawny, an agent of the western royalists.^ ^^

Wright, proceeds the reviewer, was released by a direct com-
mission from the Protector, which was an entirely exceptional

*»8 Qimrterly Beviciv, p. 423. '"» Thurloe, iii. 138. "» lb. iii. 198.

'" lb. iii. 180. "•- lb. iii. 339, 428, 457.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 345

proceeding. The truth is that Wright was released under a general
order from the Protector to the port commissioners to release all
persons they thought harmless on taking an engagement for them
or from persons who knew them. The commissioners of the
passage accordingly released Wright and several other persons
who had been detained. Immediately after they had done so,
Thurloe came to know that the supposed Wright was really Major
Armorer, and sent down one order to secure Armorer, and another
revoking the powers granted to the port commissioners. The
governor wrote apologising for Armorer's release, stating how it
happened, and promising to communicate his new instructions to
the commissioners.

This explanation of the occurrence is contained in Captain
Wilson's letter to Thurloe.^^^ Thurloe is represented by the re-
viewer as feeling that the release of Wright was an awkward affair
and seeking ' to avert suspicion from Wilson and himself by a mean
trick, the causeless accusation of an innocent man. He reproved
Wilson for neglecting to warn W^hitehall of the detention of such a
noted suspect as Mr. Wright.' As Thurloe's letter to Wilson does
not exist, this romance is simply an inference from Wilson's reply
to it. As Wilson in the reply confesses that he had grave suspicions
of Wright, did not think it necessary to inform the government
directly of these suspicions or of Wright's arrest, and contented
himself with simply notifying it to them indirectly through the
governor (Colonel Kelsey), Thurloe's blame was not without cause.
Wilson was ordered for the future to send accounts of persons
stayed directly to the council, and did so.

The second case of the release of a person detained is the case
of a certain Broughton, who was released by the mayor of Dover in
virtue of his authority as one of the commissioners of the passage.
Wilson pointed out to the mayor that his authority was now super-
seded and that he had no right to intermeddle, and begged Thurloe
to write a sharp letter of rebuke to the mayor. ^^'^ As the release of
Wright and Morris was due to the laxity of the commissioners of
the passage, so the release of Broughton was due to a conflict of
jurisdictions. The natural inference to be drawn from these
escapes is the inference drawn by Ormonde : ' I am willing to
conclude from so many escapes either that Cromwell is ill served,
or they are well befriended.' ^'-^ They do not prove, however, that
Cromwell purposely admitted into England a gang of conspirators.

The reviewer's second proof that Cromwell's precautions were a
sham is that Salisbury was unguarded at the time when Penruddock's
cavaliers occupied it : * Cromwell somehow failed to station soldiers
near that obvious point of danger — Salisbury Plain.' ^^^ 'He kept his

"3 Thurloe, iii. 164. ''* lb. iii. 180.

"* Calendar Clarendon Papers, iii. 23. ".•■■ Quarterly Review, p. 421.

346 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April

soldiers away from Salisbury. He took this course although he knew
that Salisbury Plain had been named as a levellers' rendezvous,
and although he had received a report about three weeks before
11 March from an officer sent to Salisbury on police duty, "that it
would be convenient for some horse to be quartered hereabouts,"
because the royalists in the neighbourhood were restless.' '^^ ' Crom-
well's soldiers were marched not towards, but away from, Salis-
bury.' ^^^

One look at the two informations referred to shows plainly the
reason why Cromwell disregarded them. The first information is
contained in the examination of one John Dallington of North-
amptonshire, taken 21 December 1654, which contained certain
revelations about the designs of the levellers which he said he had
heard from another man about a fortnight earlier. Their rendez-
vous, said Dallington's informant, was to be in January at several
places, ' and named Salisbury Plain and Marston Moor, and other
places he said were also agreed upon.' ^^^ In March the time for
which the rendezvous was fixed was long past. Moreover, the
persons who were to meet there were no longer dangerous. There
was, therefore, no longer any need for guarding Salisbury or Marston
Moor. Finally, the information itself was only a piece of hearsay
of the smallest possible value. The second piece of evidence is of a
similar nature. A certain Mr. Forsington was sent down to Wilt-
shire to search for Colonel Sexby, and came to Salisbury in the
course of his inquiries. In his letter he gives an account of the ill
success of his search, says that he is informed by some of the in-
habitants that they think it convenient that a troop of horse should
be quartered there, and then proceeds to give various reasons of his
own for disagreeing with them. He does not say that he thinks
it desirable himself (as the reviewer represents him as saying), but
that some of the inhabitants think it desirable, and that he does
not see the necessity. ^^^

Even if these informations had themselves been of greater
authority, there were very good reasons for disregarding them.
Salisbury Plain was as harmless a place for a gathering of cavaliers
as could be imagined. Unless they carried off Stonehenge they
could not do much damage there. Salisbury itself was a place of

"' Quarterly Review, p. 430. "« Ih. "« Thurloe, iii. 35.

^'^^ ' I am informed by some of the inhabitants of this city that it would be con-
venient for some horse to be quartered hereabouts, for there hath been some, which
ve not been ashamed to show themselves in young Tarquin's colours, and also there
ath been several declarations scattered up and down these parts (as I am informed
by creditable and honest persons). The tendency thereof is to exasperate the spirits
of the people against your highness and your proceedings. But I humbly conceive
and judge this thing rather to be relicts of Major Wildman's family. I have made it
my endeavours since my coming forth to try the spirits of the people as to these
present times, and I must confess really, I have not met any that I have found dis-
fiatisfied either with your person or with your proceedings.' — Thurloe, iii. 162.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 347

no importance, unfortified, and utterly incapable of defence. It
never stood a siege during the civil wars. When Penruddock and
his friends occupied it they never dreamt of trying to stay there.
In order to prove that Cromwell purposely removed and kept away
his soldiers from the real point of danger, the reviewer gives an
account of the movements of Major Butler's forces.

Major Butler was stationed at Marlborough. In the latter part
of February he was ordered to Bristol, and he was kept there till
the rising took place. The reviewer's argument is that he was sent
thither and ordered to stay there, so that he might not interfere with
the insurrectionary display arranged to take place at Salisbury.
The real explanation of his movements is this : In December 1654
there was a series of disturbances at Bristol caused chiefly by the
preaching of the quakers, and suspected to be in part connected
with the plots of the royalists.^^^ There were also disputes between
the officials of the town, some of whom were suspected of being
royalists, and the officers of the garrison. On 14 Feb. 1655 Captain
Bishop, the commander of the garrison, wrote urgently to Thurloe
for reinforcements.

I am very apprehensive of the immediate danger the interest of the
Commonwealth and of the honest people in this city are in at present,
through some design of the enemy very near breaking forth, and which
to withstand we are in no capacity. . . . And hereupon I am much
troubled to consider, what a sad advantage may suddenly be made of
such a place as this, even to furnish an army with arms, ammunition,
men, money, and other provisions of war, besides the reputation of a
city of this consequence, full of trade, ships, people and riches.^^^

On 17 Feb. Bishop repeated his warnings.

In the same posture we continue, though at present quiet, yet every hour
expecting a very great storm to fall. . . . You might perhaps think me
too affectionate in what I represent of danger here ; but knew you this
city, and the parts about it, and how easily in a very few days an army of
20,000 horse and foot might be raised and furnished with all things, and
in what a preparedness, without anything to make any considerable
resistance, the hearts of men are to serve such a design, you would as
much hasten to secure it as any city in England, except London, and be
more forward thereunto than any here to desire you.'^a

Such appeals as this could not be disregarded, and Major Butler
therefore was ordered to Bristol to examine into both the differ-
ences between the officers and the town, and the royalist designs
against the garrison. Butler entered Bristol on 20 Feb. with two
troops of horse. '24 q^ the quarrel between the officers and the
magistrates Butler's report was in favour of the magistrates, and
against the quakers and the officers who favoured them. On
the question of the state of the town, Butler concluded that the

'-' Seyer, Bristol, ii. 470-6. '" Thurloe, iii. 153. '^=« lb. iii. 161. ^" lb. iii. 165.

348 . NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April

plots were less serious than represented, but that the castle and
fort were insufficiently garrisoned.

It may be [lie wrote to Cromwell] your highness will expect I should
say something concerning the castle and fort. Truly, the first thing that
I shall say is, it is a matter of wonder to me, to see how both of them,
and all that are in them have been exposed to most apparent hazard
through the paucity of soldiers to defend them. Any of them in such a
juncture as this hath been would have required more than the number
that both had.

It had been decided by the council on 28 Dec. 1654 to demolish
the castle of Bristol ; so Butler now proceeded to discuss the question
of keeping a garrison in Bristol and decided strongly in favour of
it. On the minor question of dismantling the castle he was less
decided, but concluded by saying emphatically : ' While you do keep
the castle and fort, it is necessary they should be reinforced.' '^-^
On 26 Feb. Butler in a second letter gave an account of the dis-
covery of a plot which was to have broken on 13 Feb. and of his
arrests of some of the conspirators. Again he concluded : ' Two
things, in case your highness resolve to keep a garrison here, seem
very necessary ; one that you reinforce your garrison, the other that
you give these captains some other employment ; it being impos-
sible to get a good understanding betwixt them and the town.' ^^^
The result of these letters was that as Butler was marching back
to Marlborough on 27 Feb. he was met by the Protector's orders
to stay at Bristol. '^^

Such were the causes of that movement of troops from Marl-
borough to Bristol which seems to the reviewer to show that
Salisbury was purposely left unguarded by Cromwell. But he has
still a last argument left to prove that the Protector ' manufactured '
the rising which took place at that town on 11 March. * Two men
can be traced who prepared Wiltshire for insurrection, one of whom
was the chief instigator of Wagstaff's rising in Wiltshire.' ^^^ Of
the first of these persons not even the name is known. ^^^ The other,
* the chief instigator of Wagstaffe's rising,' was a certain John
Dowthwaite. The reviewer argues that John Dowthwaite was an
agent of the Protector's. On this point he brings forward no
evidence, but simply enumerates circumstances which he deems sus-
picious. For instance, Dowthwaite had a suspicious foreknowledge of
the king's movements, Cromwell and Thurloe had a similar foreknow-
ledge, therefore Dowthwaite was probably in their service. This
John Dowthwaite was undoubtedly a royalist. At the restoration he
petitioned for a reward, on the ground that he had been a lieutenant
of horse in the king's service, was wounded in the late wars, had since
that conveyed intelligence and commissions for the king, was engaged

'" Feb. 24, 1655 ; Thurloe, iii. 172. '-« Thurloe, iii. 177.

»2' lb. iii. 182. •'^•' Quarterly Review, p. 424. •-« Thurloe, iv. 344.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 349

in the rising at Salisbury, was taken prisoner in the battle of Dun-
kirk, and took part also in Sir George Booth's rising in 1659.'^"

It may of course be argued that Dowthwaite's account of himself
is not necessarily true. It will at least be admitted that it is of
more value than many suppositions. If the reviewer had examined a
little more closely the depositions in which Dowthwaite is mentioned,
he would have perceived facts which connect the particular rising
which took place at Salisbury with the general royalist conspiracy.
The general insurrection, as has been already proved, was originally
fixed to take place on 13 Feb., and particular risings were arranged
to take place at the same time throughout the west of England.
This general insurrection was postponed, but a few abortive gather-
ings took place in connexion with it.

A Bristol merchant, Jasper Gill, was told of one of these abortive
meetings, which, according to his informant, took place at Salisbury
on 12 Feb.^^^ Gill communicated the story to Major Butler, the
commander at Bristol, with the result that his informant, John
Stradling, was arrested. Stradling confessed that he had been
engaged in a design of the kind, and that there was to have been a
rendezvous of cavaliers at Salisbury to attack the troops stationed
at Marlborough. But he endeavoured to minimise his own share
in it as much as possible, and to represent himself as drawn in by
John Dowthwaite. On Dowthwaite's authority he stated that there
was to have been a general rising throughout England on 13 Feb.;
that the troops at Marlborough were to be attacked on the night of
the 13th; Colonel Wyndham was to attack those quartered at
Taunton, and Sir John Greenville to fall upon Plymouth. ^^^

Stradling's confession appears to have been substantially true.
Sir John Greenville had come down to the west with the express
object of securing Plymouth for the king.^^^ Colonel Wyndham
stoutly denied the design attributed to him, but it is to some extent
corroborated by an earlier information mentioning an intended
rendezvous at Taunton. ^^'^ A month later one of the prisoners
taken in the Salisbury rising, Mr. St. Loe, made a confession con-
firming the fact of the intended attack on the soldiers quartered at
Marlborough, and implicating Penruddock, Grove, and others in it.*^^
In his confession the connexion between the rising of 11 March
and the preliminary movements in February is stated in the
strongest terms. Penruddock, says St. Loe, told him that there
was to be a general rising throughout England on Valentine's
day, in which he himself was to undertake Wiltshire, and other
gentlemen other counties. On a later occasion Penruddock informed
him of the postponement of the rising. Colonel Bennett and

'*> Calendar State Papers, Dom. 1660, p. 158. "" Thurloe, iii. 176.

•=^- lb. iii. 181. '^^ Calendar Clarendo7i Papers, ii. 362, 440.

"* Thurloe, iii. 148, 397. '^^ lb. iii. 315. -

350 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April

some others of their party had been taken at London, which
had disappointed them, and their day was put off ; when another
day was fixed he promised that St. Loe should hear of it. Many
other pieces of evidence confirm St. Loe's statements. For in-
stance, the Colonel Bennett he mentions was Sir Humphrey
Bennett, who had undertaken to head the Hampshire royalists and
to secure Portsmouth. His arrest was one of the chief causes
which prevented the Salisbury insurgents from being joined by the
royalists of Hampshire, just as the arrests of Greenville and the
Wyndhams deprived the royalists of Devon and Somerset of their
leaders. The statements of these two witnesses, Stradling and St.
Loe, made independently, confirming each other, and themselves
confirmed by other evidence, establish the fact of the connexion
between the general royalist conspiracy and the particular rising at
Salisbury on 11 March. That connexion is in itself probable, and
it is not contradicted by any other evidence. On the other hand the
theory of the reviewer that the rising was manufactured by Crom-
well, which is in itself improbable, is contradicted by direct evidence,
and every argument which he brings forward in support of it is
throughout defective. Thus the old theory of the origin of the
insurrection of 1655, ' the received version,' as the reviewer terms
it, remains unrefuted. It was a genuine royalist rising which
sprang spontaneously out of a general royalist conspiracy. An in-
quiry into the history of that conspiracy supplies no evidence what-
ever of Cromwell's agency or complicity. An examination of the
history of the rising itself, which fills the latter part of the reviewer's
article, will lead to a similar conclusion. C. H. Firth.

1888 351

Reviews of Books

Geschichte der Hebrder. Von K. Kittel. Erster Halbbd. : Quellenkunde
und Geschichte bis zum Tode Josuas. 8vo. (Gotha : Perthes. 1888.)

This is the first instahnent of one of the useful ' Handbooks of Ancient
History ' which are being brought out by Perthes of Gotha, and, in accord-
ance with the plan of the series, gives special prominence to all questions
relating to the sources of the history. For the period closing with the
death of Joshua, which is all that the present half- volume overtakes, the
sources are mainly comprised in the Pentateuch and the book of Joshua,
and the use to be made of them for historical purposes depends on the
solution of a complex critical problem which for many years has
absorbed the chief energies of continental Hebraists and given rise to very
warm discussion. It is not therefore surprising that the * Quellenkunde '
fills the best part of the book, while the narrative in which the author
embodies his historical conclusions reduces itself to a somewhat slender
thread. The standpoint is that of a moderate conservatism — not the con-
servatism of a few years ago, when the Grafian hypothesis was treated
as a mere critical heresy, but that represented by the latest writings of
Dillmann, in which notable concessions are made to the modern school
of Kuenen and Wellhausen, though the post-exile origin of the priestly
parts of the Hexateuch is still denied. Kittel' s agreement with Dillmann
is so close that the book may on the whole be regarded as the historical
complement — laboriously, and, in general, lucidly worked out— of the
Berlin professor's commentary on the Pentateuch and Joshua, and from
this point of view it has an interest which could hardly be claimed for it
on the ground of literary ability or fresh historical insight. Many persons
who are unable to follow in detail the critical discussion of the text of the
Hexateuch will be glad to compare the picture of Israel's historical develop-
ment which Wellhausen has sketched on the basis of the Grafian hypo-
thesis with another picture resting on amore conservative criticism, and the
comparison will afford a good idea of the extent to which critics of different
schools have come together of late years in their views of some of the most
important questions of Hebrew history. On all merely literary questions,
especially on what is known as the ' separation of the original sources,'
there is now a great measure of agreement among scholars ; the Jahvist,
the Elohist, the Deuteronomist, and the priestly narrator are terms
denoting strata of the Pentateuch as definitely marked off, and as generally

852 . REVIEWS OF BOOKS April

recognised, as the strata of geology. The order of the strata is not matter
of such complete agreement, but it is no longer denied that the priestly
narrative is of later date than the Elohist and the Jahvist and of inferior
historical value. The questions of the precise age of each stratum and
especially the great crucial question whether the priestly elements in the
Pentateuch date from the times before or after the captivity, continue to
be matter of lively controversy ; but the period of history which is most
affected by this controversy is not that which the Hexateuch recounts,
but that in which the disputed documents were written. The date of the
priestly document, for example, is a question of the first importance for
the history of the work of Ezra, but no answer that can now be con-
sidered possible will greatly affect our view of the work of Moses.

Some readers may be surprised to find that for the history of the
patriarchs, of Moses, and of Joshua, the conservative criticism of Kittel
does not, after all, conserve very much that Wellhausen throws over. For
this whole period the priestly narrative when it stands alone is practically
ignored, and save that Genesis xiv. — an isolated and peculiar passage —
is accepted as containing an ancient and valuable record confirmed by the
cuneiform monuments, the authentic tradition of the beginnings of Israel's
history is sought in the Elohistic and Jahvistic documents, or rather in 1
the features in which these two narratives support one another. This
indeed is due quite as much to the influence of Noldeke's ' Untersuchungen '
(Kiel, 1869) as to the labours of the Grafians.

The most difficult problem in Pentateuch criticism is one which has
nothing to do with the date and authority of the priestly record, viz. the
disentangling of the traditions about the visit to Sinai and the revelation
there. Kittel accepts the decalogue as Mosaic, and connects it with
Mount Sinai, but makes no attempt to fill in the details of this important
passage in the history. This leaves the work of Moses sufficiently vague,
and as it is certain that the oldest tradition represents Moses not merely
as a prophet but as the founder of civil order in Israel, it is somewhat
surprising that our author has failed to recognise the importance, so well
indicated by Wellhausen, of the very ancient account of Moses's work as a
judge preserved to us in Exodus xviii. The decalogue is not a civil code,
but a body of religious and moral precepts, and it is impossible to base
any intelligible estimate of the work of Moses on it alone. It may even
be said that for the historian the date of the decalogue is a matter of very
minor importance. Yet this is the chief point in the early history on
which the more conservative critical party now differs from the less ex-
treme men of the advanced school. It is satisfactory to think that the
acrimonious battles of recent criticism have not left things as they were,
but that the moderate men on the two sides are much nearer one another
than they were a few years ago. Of course those who reject the critical
method altogether still remain irreconcilable, and on the other hand the
Grafian hypothesis has been taken up by hot heads who have made it
ridiculous by advancing from it to views entirely destitute of historical
sobriety ; but the future of research is not in the hand of either of these
extreme factions. W. Kobertson Smith.

I

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 353

The Flowers of History. By Eoger de Wendover. Vol. I., a.d. 1154-
1204. Edited from the original manuscripts by Henry G. Hewlett.
Published under the direction of the Master of the Eolls. (London :
Longmans & Co. 1886.)

If there were any urgent demand for a new edition of this chronicle, that
demand remains still unsatisfied, for the present volume is little better
than a reprint of the edition published by the English Historical Society
in 1841 under the editorship of the Eev. H. 0. Coxe. Mr. Hewlett's text
can in no sense be called a new one, for he repeats Coxe's mistakes,
silently reprints important alterations of the text, follows his orthography,
and carefully reproduces his punctuation, even in cases where irregu-
larities occur in the application of the system. And he seems to have
entirely ignored the text given by Mr. Luard in his edition of Matthew of
Paris. Occasional reference to this work would have saved Mr. Hewlett
from the repetition of many serious errors of Coxe's, Mr. Luard's text
being immeasurably superior to Coxe's. For his edition of Matthew of
Paris Mr. Luard not only collated the two Wendover MSS., but he
also adopted as the basis of his text a manuscript that is older than either
of the Wendover MSS. This manuscript, although described as a manu-
script of Matthew of Paris, is really the oldest copy that we possess of the
St. Albans compilation, a work that was copied almost verbatim by Boger
of Wendover for this portion of his work. Paris's additions and alterations
are easily distinguished in this manuscript, as they are written in the
margins, at the foot of the pages, or on inserted pieces of parchment. As
the original text can be thus easily ascertained, it was the duty of an editor
of Wendover to collate this manuscript for the early portion of his work.
Mr. Hewlett, how^ever, has not perceived this necessity, and he has not
even taken the precaution of collating his text with Mr. Luard's printed
text. He has contented himself with a servile reproduction of Coxe's
text, adding collations from the Cottonian MS. of Wendover, which
Coxe was unable to use, and a few collations from the Douce MS. in
cases where Coxe has silently corrected grammatical errors in this manu-
script. But against this we have to put the fact that Mr. Hewlett has
reprinted some important readings given by Coxe that were apparently
derived, not from his manuscript, but from Archbishop Parker's notori-
ously incorrect edition of Matthew of Paris, The impression left upon
one's mind by a collation of Mr. Hewlett's text with that of Coxe is that
he has used Coxe's printed text instead of making an independent tran-
script, and has sent it to the printers after a superficial collation with
his manuscripts, omitting, however, Coxe's footnotes. This seems to be
the extent of Mr. Hewlett's editorial labours. He gives no marginal
abstracts, for he does not even repeat those given by Coxe. This is an
omission that will not be readily forgiven by any one who has frequent
occasion to turn from chronicle to chronicle in search of a certain passage,
date, word, or phrase. But there is an even worse omission than this.
Mr. Hewlett has not attempted to analyse his text. In this respect Coxe's
edition is superior to his, for the source of each chapter is indicated in a
footnote. Mr. Hewlett's text is printed throughout in large type, as if it
were all original historical matter, instead of being almost entirely made

VOL. III. NO. X. A A

«

354 REVIEWS OF BOOKS April

up of extracts and abridgments from well-known chroniclers whose
authority for this period is superior to Wendover's. For instance, Mr.
Hewlett does not vouchsafe the inexperienced reader the slightest hint
that the thirteen pages devoted to the narrative of the life of S. Godric of
Finchale is purely and simply an abstract from the work of Eeginald of
Durham. And there are pages of extracts from Robert de Monte, from
Benedict, from Roger of Howden, from Diceto, and from Coggeshale
similarly printed in large type without any indication that their author-
ship is not due to Roger of Wendover. It is difficult to conceive how
Mr. Hewlett could commit this grievous sin of omission when he had
only to turn to Mr. Luard's book to find the source, whether printed or
manuscript, of almost every line of his text indicated. . But, as I have
said, he has ignored Mr. Luard's labours, with the natural result. By
so doing he has placed himself in about the position of an editor of Livy
who should re-edit the Delphin edition in utter ignorance of Madvig's
labours upon the text of that historian. There can be no excuse for the
mistakes in the present volume, for the editor, if he had little chance
of achieving distinction, had every imaginable safeguard against error
had he but chosen to avail himself of it. He was altogether in a most ■
favourable position, having not only Mr. Luard's magnificent edition of I
Matthew of Paris to fall back upon, but having also editions of his
principal sources from the master hand of the bishop of Chester.

Mr. Hewlett has carried his independence of Mr. Luard's work to
such an extent that he does not appear to have read his prefaces. Mr.
Hewlett has wisely omitted the early portion of Wendover's work extend-
ing from the creation to the death of King Stephen. His reason for
commencing to print at this point is a remark of Sir T. Duffus Hardy's
that * Wendover may be said to assume the character of an original
author' with the accession of Henry 11.^ Now it is evident from the
context that Hardy did not mean that Wendover became an original
authority at this date, as Mr. Hewlett appears to regard him, but that he
began to compile his portion of the work at this point — that is, he became
an author or compiler instead of a mere copyist. Mr. Luard has shown
that Hardy's conclusion is wrong, and, as he has submitted the chronicle
to a more minute analysis than Hardy can possibly have bestowed
upon it, his opinion should not be passed over in silence. Mr. Luard's
conclusion, strengthened by fourteen years' arduous work upon this
chronicle and Paris's continuation, is that Wendover's work as compiler
does not begin until 1188, the previous pages in Mr. Hewlett's volume
being, he believes, the work of Abbot John de Cella. This conclusion is
founded upon a marginal note in the Douce MS. of Wendover at this date
to this effect : Hue usque in lib. cronic. lohannis abbatis. This infor-
mation is repeated in a note by a later hand : Usque lioc cronica lohannis
abbatis et hie finis.^ It will hardly be believed that Mr. Hewlett makes

' Catalogice of Materials for British History, vol. iii. p. xlii.

- Mr. Coxe has suggested, with some hesitation, that these notes have no relation
to the authorship of the St. Albans compilation, but merely mean that the chronicle
of John, abbot of Hexham, ends with this date. But John was prior, not abbot,
of Hexham, and his chronicle, which ends in 1153, not 1188, was not used by the
St. Albans compiler, so that there was no reason for recording the end of his work.
In the case of Robert de Monte, whose chronicle was extensively used by the com-

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 355

no mention whatever of these important notes, although they occur in the
Douce MS., which forms the basis of his text. They have, moreover,
been extensively quoted by writers upon the St. Albans chronicles,^ so
that he can hardly plead ignorance of them. So far from Roger of Wend-
over becoming an original authority in a.d. 1154, Mr. Luard has shown
that he has no right to this appellation until after the close of Eoger of
Howden's chronicle in the year 1202. His claim to be even then so
called is not unchallenged, for Liebermann ^ has shown grounds for the
behef that Wendover continues his character as a compiler for some time
after this date, and has suggested that he embodies in his work a lost com-
pilation that was largely used by the writer of the St. Edmundsbury
chronicle and by Taxter. None of these considerations are referred to
by Mr. Hewlett.

I have said that Mr. Hewlett reprints mistakes in Coxe's text that
were derived by that editor from Parker's edition of Matthew of Paris
and not from the manuscript that he professed to be copying. Mr. Goxe,
it is evident, took considerable liberties with his text, and he seems to
have relied upon Parker's work almost as much as Mr. Hewlett has rehed
upon his. He substitutes readings from Parker without giving any notice
of the change, and even imports matter from the same source. Thus the
words animce sucr salute et regni sui similiter et heredum suormn per-
petua tranquillitate appear in his edition (ii. p. 337) as though they were
derived from the Douce MS., whereas they represent an addition made
by Matthew of Paris. And again (ii. p. 365), Coxe prints, also without a
note of the alteration, octauo idus Augusti, which must have come from
Parker, for all the manuscripts have sexto. It is due to Mr. Hewlett to
say that he has detected and rejected these two inexcusable alterations.
But there are other cases where he has reproduced errors of transcription
that originated with Parker's editor, and in some cases he gives, after Coxe,
words as the reading of the Douce MS. that do not exist in this manu-
script, according to Mr. Luard's collation. In one case we have a
positive assurance from Mr. Luard that Coxe's reading is not according
to the Wendover MSS. The vision of a future state recorded under the
year 1196 is ascribed by the Paris MSS. to a monk of EuesJiam,
although Coggeshale has correctly in Enigsamensi ccenobio — that is,
Eynsham. As Parker's edition is professedly an edition of Matthew of
Paris he cannot be blamed for ha>YmgEuesham, but we cannot excuse Coxe

piler, we have a similar note of the end of his work : Et hiiciisque Bohertus, abbas
de Monte Sancti MicJiaelis, chronica sua digessit (Hewlett, p. 16). The conclu-
sion of Wendover' s work is thus recorded in the manuscripts : Htcc usqiie scripsit
cronica Dominus Bogerus de Wendoure. And, more pertinent still, Matthew of Paris
records in the following offhand way the conclusion of a work that formed, to a large
extent, the basis of his own: Dominus Bogerus de Wendoure, Prior aliqtiando de
Beluero, hucusque cronica sua digessit. These passages plainly support the inter-
pretation that Mr. Luard has put upon the notes quoted above. It is also worthy
of note that the conclusion of manuscript A of Matthew of Paris, the oldest
manuscript of the St. Albans compilation, coincides with the end of abbot John's
work.

^ They are quoted by Coxe, i. p. xxxi., and ii. p. 435, note 1 ; Hardy, Catalogue,
iii. p. xli; Sir Frederick Madden in Paris's Historia Anglicana, i. p. Ixxxi; and by
Mr. Luard, ii. pp. x, 336, and vi. p. x.

* Ungedruckte anglo-iwrmannische Oeschichtsquellen-, 1879, p. 101.

A A 2

356 REVIEWS OF BOOKS April

for inserting Eueslimncnsis in liis text (iii. p. 97) without giving the shghtest
hint that his manuscript had Eineshamensis. Mr. Hewlett (p. 246) re-
prints Coxe's reading without giving any note of the real reading of the
manuscripts. If he had referred to Mr. Luard's text he would have found,
two notes (ii. p. xiii, note 1, and p. 423, note 1) pointing out Coxe's-
mistake and stating that the two Wendover MSS. have correctly Eines-
hamensis. After this we can hardly believe that the Douce MS. has
Baalver as given by Mr. Hewlett (p. 155) with the note that Cott. MS. has
Baalum, which is the correct form of the name. This latter form is given
by Mr. Luard (ii. p. 340), and he is silent as to any other reading oc-
curring in any of the Wendover or Paris MSS. This erroneous Baalver
appears in Coxe's text (ii. p. 439), and it seems to have been derived from
Parker, for it also appears in his text. The inference seems very strong
that this form originated in a blunder of Parker's editor, from whom it has
been copied by Coxe and repeated from Coxe by Mr. Hewlett. On p. 262
we read Hc&c mihi altius recolenti dolor nescio an devotio animum distra-
hebant infelicem, stupor et admiratio me mente quodam modo alienum
reddunt et ahsentem. This agrees with Coxe (iii. p. 114), with the
exception of recolenti, for which Coxe has silently substituted Parker's
reuolue7iti, although he has not accepted his alteration of reddnnt into
reddehant to agree with distrahehant. Turning to Luard (ii. p. 435) we
find, without any notice of any variant readings in the Wendover MSS.,
distrahunt and mihimet instead of mente. Mr. Hewlett notes that the
Douce MS. has immiiiet for Coxe and Parker's mente, leaving us to infer
that the Cott. MS. has mente. It seems evident that this mente is
another of Parker's blunders, that Mr. Hewlett's imminet is an erroneous
reading of mihimet, and that he has derived distrahehant fi'om Coxe and
not^from his manuscripts.

Not only has Mr. Hewlett reprinted from Coxe these non-existent
readings of Parker's, but he has also repeated from Coxe some unneces-
sary alterations made by Parker, relegating the correct readings of the
Douce MS., which he has taken as the basis of his text, to the footnotes.
Thus, p. 85, sequente uero die, where the manuscript has the more correct
sequenti ; p. 114, m capella loco illi contiguo, the obviously correct coii-
tigua appearing in his manuscript. A more flagrant instance occurs at
p. 118, where he prints, after Parker and Coxe, Ne ludcei uel Sarraceni
Christiana mancipia permittantur habere, sed, ad fidem Ghristi si conuerti
uoluerint, a possessoribus suis mUlatenus excludantur. Now a moment's ^ ;
consideration will show that possessoribus does not make sense, and on thi& : !
ground alone the reading possessionibiis of the Douce MS. (and no doubt |
of the Cott. MS.) should have been retained. This reading is supported '
by Paris (ii. p. 810), where, it may be added, Mr. Luard gives no note of
the reading possessoribus appearing in any of the manuscripts. Independ-
ently of the evidence of Benedict and Howden, the correct reading could
have been easily discovered, as the passage is an abstract of a decree of
the Lateran Council.

A reference to Mr. Luard's text, or to that of Roger of Howden, who
is the author here copied, would have saved Mr. Hewlett from repeating
the following errors of transcription : p. 243, Anco for^«co,Eu; pp. 245,
279, Merlon for Merlou ; p. 279, Gilernallis for Gilervallis ; pp. 289, 293,.

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 357

294, Butanant for Butavant, Boteavant. Most of these were copied by
Coxe from Parker. The same blind dependence upon Coxe is illustrated
by the reading Wailim (p. 289), instead of Wailu7i as given by Luard and
Stubbs. Coxe (iii. p. 141) copied this from Parker, although he was
perfectly aware, as his footnote shows, that the modern name of this
place is Gaillon. This erroneous Wailim is repeated by Mr. Hewlett at
p. 293. Li this instance, however, Coxe and Parker have the correct
form. But Mr. Hewlett agrees with them in printing Wailum at p. 271,
although this was, in all probability, either an error of transcription or
a printer's error in Parker's edition. The de Parisiis, at p. 279, for de
Parisius is another repetition of a false reading in Parker's edition. In
.another instance Parker's transcriber, with characteristic carelessness,
misread cBquanimius as cequaiihjius and quietly altered it in his text to
(Bquo ajiimo, which is duly repeated by Coxe (iii. p. 104) without a note
of the true reading of his manuscript. Mr. Hewlett (p. 253) reprints, as
usual, Coxe's reading, although he informs us that both manuscripts have
animus. The manuscripts really read, according to Mr. Luard, cequani-
inius. A reference to Mr. Luard's text or to Eoger of Howden would
have enabled Mr. Hewlett to correct the unmeaning sentence (p. 282) cepit
rex de wiaquaque carucata terrce suae hida totius Anglice quinque solidos
de auxilio. This occurs in a quotation from Howden, who wrote sine
instead of suce, which must have been a mistake in the St. Albans com-
pilation of sue for seu. But the error has gone undetected from Parker
to Coxe and from Coxe to Mr. Hewlett.

As Mr. Hewlett has so faithfully reproduced Coxe's text, it was natural
that he should repeat the errors that are due to Coxe himself. One of
these is a most unwarrantable and absurd deviation from his manuscript.
In the account of the floods at Paris in 1196, Coxe (iii. p. 97) makes Wen-
do ver speak of a Mauricius, Perticiacensis episcopus, and does not mention
the fact that the Douce MS., which he was copying, reads Parisiacensis.
Mr. Hewlett (p. 246) gives the erroneous Perticiacensis in his text and
the correct Parisiacensis of the Douce MS. in a footnote. Now a trifling
amount of research would have proved that Maurice was the name of the
archbishop of Paris at this date, and thus the a priori probability that it
was the prelate of the capital who was referred to would have been sup-
ported. And, as the Perticiacensis of the Cott. MS. is undoubtedly
blundered for Perticensis under the influence of Parisiace7isis, which the
scribe had before him,^ it might have been easily ascertained that there
never were any bishops of Le Perche. Moreover, as we learn from
Mr. Luard's marginal abstract, the passage containing this reference to
Archbishop Maurice is copied from Diceto's * Ymagines Historiarum,'
and that writer (ii. p. 142) gives correctly Parisiacensis. In addition to
this, Mr. Luard has expressly stated (ii. p. 422, note 3) that the Perticia-

* We have here a good example of Coxe's peculiar fondness for substituting a
reading derived from a printed text for that of his manuscript. The reading
Perticiacensis occurs only in the Cott. MS. of Wendover, which Coxe was unable to
use, as it had not been repaired in his day. There is no mention of Archbishop
Maurice's see in the Paris MSS., which greatly abridge the account of the Paris floods,
so that Coxe can only have derived Perticiacensis from the collations of the Cott. MS.
-of Wendover, given in Wats's edition of Matthew of Paris.

358 REVIEWS OF BOOKS April

censis of the Cott. MS. of Wendover is a mistake. But all these safeguards
against error have proved powerless to save Mr. Hewlett from repeating
Coxe's blunder. He even follows Goxe in reading Avernia, Auvergne, at
p. 159, remitting the correct Arvernia of the Douce MS. to a footnote,
although he might have discovered that the reading of the Douce MS. is
supported by the MSS. of Paris and by Diceto, who is the author here
copied. Although Mr. Hewlett rejects the r in this case, he yet retains
the precisely equivalent I in Alvernia (p. 243), Coxe being again his
authority. At p. 119, Mr. Hewlett reprints from Coxe and Parker : non
semel in anno Temj^larii sine Hospitalarii ecclesias sub mterdicto positas
aperiant. In this case Coxe was justified by his manuscript in this
reading, but Mr. Hewlett claims to have used the Cott. MS., which was
unavailable for Coxe. Mr. Luard tells us that this manuscript has the
word nisi after non, an insertion that improves the sentence. The reading
of the Cott. MS. is supported by Benedict and Eoger of Howden, who
quote in full the Lateran decree here referred to. Mr. Hewlett has no notice
of the existence of this important word in the Cott. MS. A little thought
would surely have suggested that there was something wrong in the
sentence (p. 251), repeated as usual from Coxe, tunc solus ad altar e mihi
in somnis uocatum progrediens. It is evident, from Mr. Luard's read-
ing, that Coxe has read n as u and t as c — mistakes easily made in
manuscripts of this date — and has thus obtained uocatum instead of the
obviously correct notatum. If Coxe had referred in this case to Parker,
he would have found that the editor of that text had read the word
correctly, although he had, in his benevolent attempt to improve the style
of his author, silently altered notatum to demonstratum. It is very singular
that Mr. Hewlett should have misread both his manuscripts in the same
way as Coxe misread the Douce MS. And it is very singular that,
although Coxe and Mr. Hewlett represent the u consonans of the manu-
scripts by V, they should both retain, for no perceptible reason, the u
unchanged in Beluacensis, Beauvais, smd parasceues (Trapaa Kcvrj^), although
they both write evangelium. These coincidences support the idea that '|
Mr. Hewlett has adopted Coxe's text instead of an independent tran- t
scription of his manuscripts as the basis of his own text. It seems in- ]
credible that two independent transcribers should both make the singular "
mistake (p. 292) ca^isce [sic] Hi., qiccsstione 6, for the Arabic numeral must *
be due to the transcribers and not to the manuscripts. A remark in Mr.
Hewlett's introduction certainly supports the theory that Coxe's text has
taken the place of an independent transcript of his manuscripts. He tells
us that he has retained ' a few of the author's idiosyncrasies, such as his
almost habitual choice . . . of the diphthong cb in cceZ'Z^m,cceme^ermm,^ &c.'
It is well known that scribes of this period were not in the habit of using
diphthongs at all, and I have no hesitation in affirming that the Wendover
MSS. (both of which were written long after Wendover's death) have
invariably celum, cemeterium or cimiterium. The fact is plain that Mr,
Hewlett is here speaking of Coxe's text, not of the manuscripts. It is,
no doubt, from Coxe that Mr. Hewlett has adopted such exploded spellings
as co&lum, ccecus, fcemina, prcelium, ccetera, hcsres, projicere, ejicere, an-

" It is, perhaps, hardly necessary to say that there is no idiosyncrasy in writing,
cosmfiterium, that spelling being etymologically correct {Koifx-r\Ti)piov.) -<

I

I

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 359

nulus, &c., for when the correct cesium, ccbcus occur in Coxe, they also
appear in Mr. Hewlett's text.

Nor does Mr. Hewlett venture to differ from Coxe, even when his
text makes nonsense or is bad grammar. Mr. Hewlett may, perhaps,
object to some of the following examples that he was not making an
eclectic text, but, as he has frequently altered his text to make it agree
with Coxe's emendations, he can hardly plead this excuse. For the
bombastic letter of the Emperor Frederick to Saladin, Mr. Luard cites
the continuator of William of Tyre, Benedict, Howden, Diceto, the * Itine-
rarium Regis Ricardi,' and the * Libellusde Expugnatione Terrae Sanctse.'
These are all of superior authority to the present work, and, with the
exception of the continuation of William of Tyre, they have all been
edited for the Rolls Series, four of them having the name of WilUam
Stubbs upon their title-pages. Mr. Hewlett has preferred Coxe's guidance
to that of any of these writers, although his text is palpably corrupt, and
he has not even availed himself of Mr. Luard's text. Thus he prints
Norunt hcec [the might of the Holy Roman Empire] reges, qui cruore gladii
Bomani stmt crebrius ehriati (p. 146). The alteration of qui to quorum is
a very obvious emendation, and it is one that is supported by the * Itine-
rarium,' Benedict, Howden, and Matthew of Paris. Continuing the
sentence we read quid [subaudi possit] caput indomitum Bhe7ii, quid
iuuentus qui [!] nunquam nouit fugam. Here, be it said, Mr. Hewlett
has for once ventured to differ from Coxe, who, in accordance with the
scant respect that he had for his manuscript, boldly altered the second
clause to cuius iuuentus nunquam nouit fuga7n, giving, as usual, no hint
of the real reading of the manuscript. The correct reading quid iuuentus
Histri, quce nunquam noicit fugam, is given by Mr. Luard from the
* Itinerarium.' A little lower down we have quid Alpince salices, the
manuscripts really having Alpini, which is retained by Mr. Luard.
Parker altered Alpini to Alpince to agree with salices, and this reading
appears in the Coxe-Hewlett text without a hint of the reading of the
manuscripts. But Parker's alteration does not mend matters, for, apart
from the improbabihty of the Alps ever being famous for growing willows,
it is not likely that these trees would appear in a list of the forces of the
Empire or that a skilful rhetorician would expect a reference to them to
strike terror into the heart of Saladin. The difficulty is immediately
solved by a reference to the 'Itinerarium' or Howden, where we read
Alpini salaces, the adjective here having, no doubt, its etymological
sense. And the mention of the uetus proretha does not appear any more
likely than the reference to the Alpine willows to affright the stubborn
Saracen. In Mr. Luard's text we find Ve[ne]tus proretha, a reading that
is supported by the ' Itinerarium,' the ' Libellus,'^ Benedict, Howden, and
Diceto. This highflown letter winds up in the Coxe-Hewlett text with this
corrupt sentence : denique dextram nostram, quam senio arguis, qualiter
gladium uihrare dedisceret, dies ilia Icetitice plena et iocunditate triumpho
Christi prcBfixa te docebit. Mr. Luard — aliquando dormitat—retaLins
this sentence, with the exception of reading didicerit instead of the highly

^ Coxe retained the uetus of his manuscript, although he notices that the Libellu&
(which he cites as ' Coggeshale ') has Venetus. He thus gives the puzzled reader a
clue to the proper word, being in this respect more thoughtful than Mr. Hewlett.

360 REVIEWS OF BOOKS April

improbable dedisceret of Coxe and Hewlett. This dedisceret seems to
be another of Coxe's wanton alterations of his text, for Mr. Luard does
not notice any such reading m the Wendover MSS., and Parker gives
dedicerit, which probably suggested Coxe's dedisceret. On turning to
the * Itinerarium ' all difficulties vanish, the sentence there appearing as
denique qualiter dextera nostra, quam senio arguis effetam, gladium
uibrare didicerit, dies ilia plena Icetitim et ioctmditatis , triumpho Christi
jprcBfixa, te docehit.^

There is one consideration that does not seem compatible with the
theory that the compositors had Coxe's printed text before them. If they
had they would hardly have committed such errors as the following :
p. 23, liberatis for libratis ; p. 120, euectionem, gen. pi. ; p. 143, que for
qui ; p. 184, iter for itur ; p. 191, Leucestrensis ; p. 202, qucelihet ; p. 253,
nonnullusj ace. pi. ; p. 255, ud for ad ; p. 258, qcedam ; p. 290, aliorem ;
p. 297, proadicatione ; p. 302, rex ; p. 305, ap ipsius custediam ; p. 306,
uisitatus for uisitatis ; p. 310, resisticere, sacerdotam ; p. 319, cognouissit.
But, whether or not Coxe's text was sent to the printers, it is evident
that Mr. Hewlett's text is practically a reprint of Coxe's. I have never
had occasion to critically examine that text before, and I have now only
examined a small portion, but my examination has destroyed all confidence
in it. It is therefore greatly to be regretted that Mr. Hewlett should
have contented himself with a repetition of Coxe's text. So far as the
present volume is concerned, the evil is, perhaps, not very great, for
we are in possession of Mr. Luard's vastly superior text. But in Mr.
Hewlett's next volume Eoger of Wendover will assume the position of a
writer of first-class authority, and as his work progresses we shall gradu-
ally lose the benefit of Mr. Luard's careful editing, for as he nears his
own day Matthew of Paris so alters and revises Wendover's text that
independent editions of both writers are absolutely necessary. If Mr.
Hewlett's succeeding volume is no better edited than this, we shall still be
without a reliable edition of this important chronicle, for one can never
feel certain whether the Coxe-Hewlett text represents the reading of the
manuscripts or some figment or blunder of Parker or Coxe.

W. H. Stevenson.

MedicBval Jewish Chronicles. Edited by A. Neubauer. (Anecdota
Oxoniensia.) (Oxford : Clarendon Press. 1887.)

Jewish history, in so far as it forms a prominent part in the books of
the Bible, has in this country always received its due share of atten-
tion, and is invariably included in the curriculum of our schools. But
the postbiblical history of the Jews has been neglected. A change seems
to have taken place in this respect. ' Anglia Judaica,' by Tovey, the
standard work for Anglo -Jewish history, has lately been supplemented by
James Picciotto's ' Sketches,' and by the interesting papers read in coimec-
tion with the Anglo-Jewish exhibition of last year. The general history
of the Jews has become more accessible to the public by the publication
of two manuals, the one being a translation of D. Cassel's ' Leitfaden der

« The text of Benedict, Howden, and the Libellus practically agrees with that of
the ' Itinerarium.'

f

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 361

jiidischen Geschichte,' the other, * Outlines of Jewish History,' by Lady
Magnus. Graetz's great work, ' Jiidische Geschichte,' in eleven volumes,
is now being translated into English in an abridged form, the history
having been compressed by the author into four or five volumes.

Whilst these and similar attempts are intended for the general public,
and aim at spreading and popularising the knowledge of Jewish history,
other works have been brought to light that concern exclusively the
student who desires to examine for himself the sources that supply the
historian with data upon which he builds up his theory. The * Sefer hay-
yuchasin,' by Abraham Zaccuth, edited byH. Filipowski, is a book of this
kind. The collection of ' Mediaeval Jewish Chronicles,' edited by Mr. A.
Neubauer, is another instance, and is the more welcome since it is only
the first instalment of a series of similar publications, to be edited by the
same indefatigable worker in the field of Hebrew literature.

Most of the chronicles contained in this collection have been printed
•over and over again, but neither editors nor publishers seem to have paid
due regard to the readers' comfort and taste. In the present edition both
the editor as well as the publisher deserve the credit of having made the
' Mediaeval Chronicles ' more attractive to the modern student and less
injurious to his sight. Mr. Neubauer has evidently taken great pains to
read the numerous manuscripts extant of these Hebrew works and
to collect the varies lectiones in the footnotes added to the text. We
fully agree with Mr. Neubauer that it would not have in the least im-
proved the notes if he had given all the different readings, and we apply
to him the Talmudic saying : * grateful as we are for what has been given,
we are equally grateful for what has been omitted.'

In the preface Mr. Neubauer gives a concise and complete account of
the literature of the * Hebrew Mediaeval Chronicles and Histories.' Of the
chronicles contained in the present collection, the letter of the Gaon
Sherira, who was the head of the college at Pumbaditha (968-998), is
first both in chronological order and in literary importance. It purports
to be a reply to some queries sent from Kairuan. But we are not quite
sure whether this is in reality the case. The reader is rather inclined to
think that the questions have been formulated in accordance with the
answer. They merely serve as an index of the contents of the letter,
which seems in reality to be a reply to certain attacks made by Karaites
on the authority of the Oral Law. The problem which the Gaon Sherira
proposes to solve is this : How was the Mishnah written ? Why does it
only contain the decisions and opinions of rabbis of a comparatively late
period ? How is it that the Mishnah had to be supplemented by the
Tosephta ? These and similar questions imply doubts about the authen-
ticity of the Oral Law, as codified in the Mishnah, and it seems to be the
principal object of Sherira's letter to remove these doubts. He rejects
the theory of a gradual development of the Oral Law, and denies that
Rabbi Jehudah lurote the Mishnah, or Rab Ashi the Gemara. He holds
that the laws of the Mishnah, together with their explanation and
argumentation — the Gemara — were fully known long before Rabbi
Jehudah, the Prince, but the latter fixed the wording of the laws so that
thenceforth they were transmitted verbatim from generation to generation.
Rab Ashi did the same with regard to the Gemara. The Talmud —

362 BEVIEWS OF BOOKS April

Mishnah and Gemara — was committed to writing, according to Rab
Slierira, long after Eab Ashi. Mr. Neubauer may be right in assuming two
recensions of the letter, a French recension and a Spanish one, but we do
not think that they differ as to the writing of the Mishnah by Eabbi
Jehudah. The above theory is the basis of the whole letter, and is dis-
tinctly stated in both recensions ; and wherever the verb khathabh ' to
write' is substituted for, or added to, the verb terits 'to arrange,' wa
recognise the clumsy interference of the ignorant copyist with the text
of the author.

Almost the same origin and tendency — the defence of the Oral Law —
is noticeable in most of the other chronicles edited in the present volume.
It is, e.g., distinctly stated in the * Sefer hak-kabbalah,' * Book of Tradi-
tion,' by Abraham ben David of Toledo, that the author intended to show
that there was an uninterrupted chain of tradition from Moses to his own
time. He therefore describes in chronological order the history from
Adam to the year 1161. The history from 1161 to 1497 is continued in
the ' Book of Tradition ' by Abraham ben Solomon of Torrutiel in Spain,
an eye-witness of the expulsion of the Jews from Spain (1495). Both
authors are very severe in their remarks on the Karaites. The supple-
ment is considered by Mr. Neubauer as copied from the chronicles which
Joseph ben Zaddik of Arevalo affixed to his book ' Zekher Zaddik.'

Of the remaining chronicles we will only mention here the * Extracts
from Joseph Sambary's Chronicles.' They are full of episodes in the
history of the persecutions of the Jews in different countries, interest-
ing to the historian, and of legends and fables which will prove of
great value to the folklore student ; and if some of the latter are not
given in full, or not reproduced at all, we may trust to the judgment of
Mr. Neubauer as to the omission of unimportant passages. The volume
contains a variety of matter and affords a source of information and enter-
tainment for the student of history as well as of modern Hebrew, and we
hope that Mr. Neubauer will be enabled to fulfil his promise and to con-
tinue the edition of the treasures hidden in the Bodleian Library.

M. Friedlander.

On the Traditionary Accounts of the Death of Alexander III. By W. F,
Skene, LL.D., D.C.L., historiographer-royal for Scotland. (Reprinted
from the Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland.)

This pamphlet is a reprint of a paper read by Mr. Skene before the
Society of Antiquaries of Scotland in 1886, the six hundredth anniver-
sary of Alexander Ill's death. Alexander III was not the only medieval
sovereign who died of a fall from his horse, nor was he the only one who,
thus dying, left his kingdom without a full-grown male successor. But
there was of course this peculiarity about his fate — that he was practi-
cally the last of the native kings of Scotland. His race was to be suc-
ceeded by that of an Anglo-Norman baron settled in Scotland ; and
hence it is no wonder that legend should settle round the narrative of
his sudden death. All the stories attaching themselves to the last few
hours of his life are the tribute paid by a nation to a sovereign on whose
death she recognised the ending of one of the great periods of her exist-

i

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 363

ence ; nor, under these circumstances, is it a thing to be wondered at
that, of the two best known items of the legends, i.e. those of Thomas the
Eymer's prophecy and the fall over the west cliff, the former should be
indefinitely the older tradition. For there is a true breath of Celtic
eeriness in the forecast of ' that violent blast ' which was to blow before
the twelfth hour, such as Scotland had never witnessed from the remotest
ages. The mockery of the earl as noon approached without any token of
such a storm, the sudden knocking at the gate, and the entry of the mes-
senger with the news that explained the true meaning of the prophet's
words, all look like bits of genuine ballad tradition, and, as is natural,
can be traced back much further than the story of the fall over the cliff.

It is to this latter section of the Alexander myth that Mr. Skene con-
fines his remarks. He shows first of all from topographical considerations
that the king's death most likely occurred while riding along the sandy
shore, and not from being pitched over the cliff. He then proceeds to
consider the earliest accounts of the incident. Of these only two can
claim to be in any degree contemporary, viz. those of William Rishanger
[oh. 1312) and the * Chronicle of Lanercost.' Rishanger merely states
that the king * in a certain night Bhnost entirely dark, from his horse
stumbling, fell, and, being severely bruised, expired.' The ' Chronicle ' has
a very long and interesting account of the king's previous proceedings on
the night of his death. He had been holding a council in Edinburgh
castle during the day, had dined merrily and set out, as evening drew on,
to cross the Forth at Queensferry on his way to visit his newly married
wife. Despite all warnings he will cross the water, loses his way in the
dark, falls from his horse, and then * bids farewell to his kingdom in the
sleep of Sisera,' 'that is with a fractured skull.' In this account Mr.
Skene detects traces of an animus against the king, and suspects the nar-
rative of not being strictly contemporary. To Trivet, who was also con-
temporary or nearly so, Mr. Skene does not refer, but he does not allude
to the cliff.

In a similar way no Scottish or English chronicler of the fourteenth
or fifteenth century — neither Fordun, Bower, Knyghton, nor Sir Thomas
Gray — knows anything about a fall over the west cliff. It is, however, to
be noted that the Scottish writers, whose details grow fuller the further
they are removed from the time of the occurrence, make the king's in-
tended journey from Inverkeithing to Queensferry instead of from Queens-
ferry to Inverkeithing. It is not, however, till we get to the vernacular
Scotch historians of the sixteenth century that the cliff makes its appear-
ance. Mair (1521) and Boece (c. 152) know nothing about it. But Boece's
translator, Bellenden, perhaps improving on a hint given by his original,
makes the king * fall over the west crag toward the sea and break his
neck.' Holinshed borrowed the story from Bellenden ; and since Holins-
hed, in Mr. Skene's words, ' though Buchanan does not adopt it, the west
cliff having once entered the story, Hke King Charles's head in Mr. Dick's
memorial, cannot now be got out again.'

Such is a rough sketch of Mr. Skene's inquiry into the sources and
antiquity of one small item of the history of Alexander III. The point
itself is perhaps one of no very great importance. But gratitude is due
to Mr. Skene for his labours, seeing that in history, as in other sciences,

364 REVIEWS OF BOOKS April

the process and the principle are often much more valuable than the
actual result. It is but the filmiest incrustation of error that he has
cleared away ; perhaps so slight a one as to leave the story almost as pic-
turesque as he found it. And yet we are sure there are many who will
regret the loss of one more of those pleasant illusions that make up half
the happiness of hfe. But even they may have their consolation, know-
ing well that even if the old legend has to disappear from its place in
later editions of the solemn volumes of Tytler and Burton — who, less
cautious than Mr. Eobertson twenty-five and Mr. Skene eleven years ago,
put in the local touch without the slightest misgiving — no future editor
will ever have the heart to cut it out from those veracious pages in which
the greatest genius of our century has, once for all, told the history of his
native land first for Master Hugh Littlejohn, but secondly for all English-
speaking children the world over. T. A. Archer.

Pabstliche Urhunden und Begesteii aus den Jahren 1295-1352, die
Gebiete der heutigen Provinz Sachsen und deren Uonlande hetreffend.
Bearbeitet von Dr. Gustav Schmidt. (Geschichtsquellen der
Provinz Sachsen, T. xxi.) (Halle : Otto Hendel. 1886.)

The opening of the Vatican archives to scholars promises to furnish a
most important aid to our knowledge of the middle ages. The relations
of the papacy with almost every detail in the public and private life of
Christendom were so intimate that the history of medieval Europe could
almost be constructed from the correspondence of the popes. Certainly
one could better spare any class of documents than these, and the special
selections which lend so much value to the works of Eeynaldus, Wad-
ding, KipoU, Sbaralea, &c., have rendered students most anxious to obtain
access to the whole enormous mass.

The Ecole Fran9aise de Eome is performing service of no common
value through the band of earnest scholars who are analysing and printing
the registers of Gregory IX, Innocent IV, Honorius IV, Nicholas IV,
Boniface VIII, and Benedict XI. The Benedictines of San Callisto are
labouring at those of Clement V, which it is hoped may soon see the
light. Herr Werunsky recently issued an interesting selection of the
bulls of Clement VI and Innocent VI relating to the empire under
Charles IV, and now Dr. Gustav Schmidt, under the auspices of the
Historical Commission of Saxony, has analysed those from Boniface VIII
to Clement VI which relate to that province, and a continuation of the
work is promised by Dr. Paul Kehr. This accumulation of the indispen-
sable original sources of history will soon render a new edition of
Potthast's Kegesta and its continuation throughout the fourteenth
century one of the most desirable aids that can be offered to the historian.

Dr. Schmidt performed the task of which the results are before us
under manifest disadvantages. He had but five months' leave of absence
from his post as director of the gymnasium of Halberstadt, and even this
limited time was unavoidably cut short by nearly a month. The archives
are open only from half-past nine till noon, and he plaintively tells us
that in sunless rooms on a chill day in January even a scaldino will not
prevent the fingers from becoming numb in spite of the warmest

I

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 365

clothing. Under the circumstances, he is to be congratulated on having
accomplished so much, although the reader is sometimes puzzled to
divine the guiding principle which has led him occasionally to print in
full long documents accessible elsewhere, while giving only tantalising
abstracts of others which are new and of general interest.

A collection such as this is, of course, primarily of only local value,
for a large portion of the briefs throw light merely upon obscure genea-
logies or on the history of Saxon religious houses. Yet such was the
overmastering importance of the papacy in medieval history that no
collection of papal letters can fail to present some features of wider
import. Thus in the present case the reader cannot but be impressed,
in the correspondence of John XXII, with the confirmation afforded of
the explanation given by Villani of the enormous accumulation of
treasure made by that greedy pontiff. Among his other avaricious
devices was that of diminishing simony by arrogating to the holy see the
patronage of all collegiate preferment, which we are told he then turned to
account by selling it to the highest bidder, and thus securing immense
sums. Accordingly, in his 532 letters relating to Saxony alone contained
in this volume, it would be safe to say that more than half are presenta-
tions to canonries. A large portion of the remainder, as is usual in the
papal registers, are dispensations for marriage, for holding pluralities, for
defects of birth and of age &c. — illustrations of the manner in which the
curia coined money by setting aside in special cases the whole — some
disciplinary provisions enacted seemingly for the purpose of profiting by
their infringement. The contrast is great with the comparatively purer
pontificate of Benedict XII, under whom these abuses diminished, to be
developed into full activity again under Clement VI. It is these things
which explain the universal complaints uttered by the church, leading to
the ineffectual revolt at Constance and Basle, and finally to the upturning
of the sixteenth century. No one can understand the movement which
culminated in the Reformation without paying due attention to the
minute and apparently unimportant details contained in collections like
that of Dr. Schmidt. Henry C. Lea.

Cartularium Monasterii de Bameseia. Edited by W. H. Hart and the

Rev. P. A. Lyons. Vol. i. 1884; vol. ii. 1886. Chronicles and

Memorials.
Ghronicon Ahhatim Bameseiensis. Edited by the Rev. W. D. Macray.

1886. Chronicles and Memorials. Published mider the direction of

the Master of the Rolls.

In 1884 was published in the Rolls Series the first volume of the chartu-
lary of the great Benedictine abbey of Ramsey in Huntingdonshire. In
1886 it was followed by the second volume and also by a so-called chro-
nicle of Ramsey, which, though taken mainly from the same source, has
been allotted to a separate editor, and has received separate treatment.
As the publication of the chartulary is still incomplete, and as the pre-
faces, indices, and even tables of contents, are reserved by the editors, until
the concluding volume, it will be better to postpone any detailed review
of it until the whole has been given to the world. The editing seems ta

366 REVIEWS OF BOOKS April

be carefully done, and sucli occasional annotations as the strict rules of
the Master of the Rolls have allowed the editors to make, appear judi-
cious and helpful. I notice one sHp of the editors in vol. ii. p. 274, where
they describe Robert Fitzhamon as earl of Gloucester. Though lord of
the Gloucester honour, Robert certainly never enjoyed the title of earl,
which was first bestowed by Henry I on Fitzhamon's son-in-law, the
king's own famous bastard Robert. It is, however, very hard to make
much use of the chartulary until all is published. The editors have pre-
served the chaotic and unchronological arrangement of the original, and
have even gone so far as to reprint in extenso in volume ii. documents
which have already been given in vol. i. owing to their occurring twice
in the manuscript. This seems a waste of space, and so does the print-
ing of such public documents as a confirmation of the forest charter
by Edward I,^ which are already easily accessible, and have nothmg in
particular to do with Ramsey. J

The ' Chronicle of Ramsey,' which Mr. Macray has edited, demands a "

fuller notice. As Mr. Macray tells us, it is not really a chronicle at all.
Its title is ' Liber Benefactorum Ecclesiae Ramesciensis,' and it is * in its
earlier part an abstract, and in its later a register of grants and legal
documents.' The historical part is almost confined to the story of the
original foundation of the abbey, as a result of the monastic revival of
the days of Edgar, and of the life of St. Oswald, who inspired ealdorman
Ailwin to the good work. To this is added at the end a very interesting
account of the troubles of the abbey during the anarchy of King Stephen's
time. It is of great interest as ' among the earliest of monastic histories,'
and it seems to date from the reign of Henry II. Of the four parts into
which it is divided, three were printed by Gale in 1691, and Mabillon
extracted the life of St. Oswald for the ' Acta Sanctorum.' Perhaps Gale's
separate edition has suggested the idea that the ' Chronicle ' and the
* Chartulary ' are something essentially different, and so has led them to
be assigned to separate editors for separate treatment. This is a very
great pity, for the * Chronicle' is simply a portion of the * Chartulary.' It
occurs in the midst of the Record Office MSS., occupying, according to
Mr. Macray, folios 103-132 h. But the MS. table prefixed to the * Char-
tulary' places it between folios 103 and 135, and as the * long hundred ' of
120 is used, it really stands between folios 123 and 155. It covers the
same ground as the * Chartulary,' and repeats many documents which occur
elsewhere in it. If, therefore, separate editors were necessary, it was im-
perative that there should have been complete co-operation between them.
This does not seem to have been the case. Over and over again the same
documents are printed both in the * Chartulary' and the ' Chronicle.' The
editors of each work are laudably careful to tell us whenever a charter
has pre^dously seen the light, but they seem quite unconscious that they
are publishing the same documents side by side. Here are a very few
examples. The charter of Gilbert, bishop of London, concerning the
church of Deepdale, occurs at page 309 of the * Chronicle ' and in vol. ii.
p. 192 of the * Chartulary.' Mr. Macray laments that there is a gap in his
MSS. at a very interesting point in the middle of a charter by which the
younger Geoffrey Mandeville, earl of Essex, seeks to atone for his father's-

• Vol. ii. p. 307.

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 367

violent occupation of the abbey in the days of Stephen (pp. xi, 314). Yet
Geoffrey's charter is found in extenso in vol. ii. p. 196 of the 'Chartulary,'
while the confirmation of the grant by St. Thomas of Canterbury is printed
at p. 306 of the ' Chronicle ' and at p. 197 of the second volume of the
'Chartulary.' Again, a charter of Edward the Confessor is printed in
Latin at p. 167 of the ' Chronicle,' which occurs both in Latin and in
Enghsh in the first volume of the ' Chartulary ' (pp. 188, 191). This is the
less excusable as the latter volume was published two years before Mr.
Macray's book. It is needless to multiply examples of what can only
be called deplorable mismanagement.

Apart from these points Mr. Macray has performed the work of editor
with the thoroughness and care which his long experience in such work
enables him to command. His preface is helpful, his marginal summaries
correct, his index full, and, so far as I have used it, scrupulously accurate.
He has laboriously collated many of the charters with the originals that
are still preserved in the muniment room of Ramsey Abbey. He has
printed as appendices Goscelin's 'Life of St. Ive,' from a Bodleian MS.
that gives a much better text than that of the ' Acta Sanctorum ; ' some
lives of later abbots of Ramsey than those dealt with in the history ; a
very curious catalogue of the abbey library, and valuable fragments of
the letter-books of abbots Sawtry and Eye. These letters, found in a
chaotic state in the MS., he has digested into chronological order. It is a
pity the same process was not applied to the whole of the Record Office
MSS. I have noticed but very few mistakes made by Mr. Macray, and
those not very important ones. He can hardly be right in describing
Ramsey as situated in East Anglia (p. vii), or in saying that the townsfolk
of Ramsey accused abbot Eye in 1326 to the king of being a partisan of
the Despensers (p. xlix). The only king in 1326 was Edward II, and to
him friendship for the Despensers was hardly a crime. On p. 74 Mr.
Macray speaks in his marginal summary of a bishop of Ely in the tenth
century : the see was of course established in the twelfth. On p. 99 he
describes pope John XII as John XVI. On pp. 349-50 he wrongly
assumes that abbot Eye obtained his charters of confirmation and in-
speximus from Edward II, when reference to the * Chartulary,' vol. ii. pp.
50-110, would have shown that it was from Edward III that they were
procured. This is abundantly clear from the text itself, for Edward II
certainly made no journey from Ipswich to Brabant and thence towards
France in the thirteenth year of his reign. T. F. Tout.

Dalmatian the Quarnero, and Istria ; with Ce'ttigne in Montenegro, and
thelslandof Gnulo. By T. G. Jackson. 3 vols. (Oxford: Claren-
don Press. 1887.)

When an accomplished architect devotes his vacations to investigating
the buildings of remote and imperfectly explored regions, and afterwards
communicates the results to the public, he deserves the sincere thanks of
all true lovers of art. The experience possessed by a practical worker is
of the first importance in such researches, because it renders him famihar
with the difficulties which in each case had to be overcome, and enables
him to divine the reason of a departure from the ordinary method of

368 • REVIEWS OF BOOKS April

treatment, and to trace originality where it might otherwise escape
notice. The late Mr. Street's book on the Gothic architecture of Spain
was an admirable instance of what may be effected in this way ; and
Mr. Jackson's work on the eastern shores of the Adriatic, which is now
before us, is worthy to be classed with that splendid volume. The
author has spared no pains to make his study of the subject as complete
as possible. He visited the country three times, in 1882, 1884, and 1885 ;
and in the course of these journeys he penetrated into some of its re-
motest districts in the hope of finding the remains of former civilisation —
a hope which was seldom falsified by the result. He consulted on the spot
printed books relating to Dalmatia, which are rarely to be met with else-
where, and obtained access to original documents illustrating its history
and antiquities — a source of information the importance of which in this
instance is even more than usually great, because the tendency of the
artists at different periods to imitate earlier works often renders it difficult
to fix the date of a building on architectural grounds alone. The illus-
trations introduced into the work are numerous and varied ; comprising
views of towns, plans and drawings of edifices, details of ornament, and
representations of objects of art, especially in wood-carving and metal-
work, which in many cases are minutely elaborate. The buildings of
Dalmatia deserve all the attention which Mr. Jackson has devoted to
them. Not only are some of them fit to take rank with the finest
specimens of architecture in Europe, but most of the European styles are
represented among them, while at the same time certain local features-
are usually present, which modify the ordinary mode of treatment. The
peculiar conformation of the country, and the remarkable sites of many
of the towns in which these objects are found, contribute an additional
element of interest to the study. The long and rocky coastline of Dal-
matia, backed on the land side by steep and bare mountains, which
separate it so completely from the interior of the country, that it has been
described as ' a face without a head ; ' the innumerable islands that
fringe its shores, and towards the north are clustered in the Quarnero, as
the north-eastern gulf of the Adriatic is called ; and the peninsula of
Istria— form a land in which curious forms of civilisation might easily
arise ; and on remote parts of its coasts, or at the head of its deep inlets,
ancient cities remain, now in many cases only half inhabited, which have
almost or entirely escaped observation. Such a place is the town of
Lesina, on an island of the same name in the Quarnero, which has been
deserted as a centre of commerce for the modern capital, Cittavecchia ;
but which Mr. Jackson, who visited it on speculation, without knowing
beforehand what it might contain, found to possess most interesting
structures, both civil and ecclesiastical, and other works of art, which
he has beautifully delineated in his second volume. The history, also,
of Dalmatia is important, because that country was contended for by
many different empires ; and it was mainly through their influence that
the various styles of architecture were introduced. Hence this work con-
tains both a general account of its fortunes, which forms the early part of
the first volume, and also a more detailed notice of the annals of each ^
community, which is prefixed to the description of its antiquities. The m
student is thus enabled to find his way clearly through the mazes of 1

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 369

Roman, Byzantine, Slavonic, Venetian, and Hungarian influence. Mr.
Jackson fully acknowledges that a considerable portion of this district had
already been examined by Professor Eitelberger of Vienna, and illustrated
by him in his ' Kunstdenkmale Dalmatiens ; ' but most of the islands
were still left as an open field for investigation, and, as far as English
readers are concerned, he is justified in claiming to have been the first
to reveal the art treasures contained in a great part of the entire country.
The first occasion on which Illyria becomes of importance in history
was during the interval between the first and second Punic wars, when
the piracies of its inhabitants caused the Romans to interfere in behalf of
the traders of the Adriatic. This was the commencement of that advance
of the Roman arms in this direction which ended in the subjugation,
first of Greece, and afterwards of the other countries that border on the
eastern coasts of the Mediterranean. In B.C. 180 the Dalmatians, who
were an Illyrian tribe, rendered themselves independent; and though
from time to time they became tributary to Rome, yet they were not
finally subdued and incorporated in the Roman empire until the ninth
year of the christian era. For several centuries after that time their
country enjoyed great prosperity, and traces of Roman splendour are still
found even in remote localities. It is necessary to dwell on this early
period of Dalmatian history, because so many points in the fortunes of
the people during the middle ages, and in their politics at the present
day, depend on their early association with Rome. The next event of
importance was the retirement of the emperor Diocletian to the neigh-
bourhood of Salona, which place had become the capital of the province,
followed by the erection of his palace, the remains of which embrace within
their circuit, to all intents and purposes, the modern town of Spalato. After
the extinction of the western empire, Dalmatia for a time was subject to
the Gothic monarchy, but in the time of Justinian it was reconquered,
and was attached to the exarchate of Ravenna. Two centuries later, in
the year 639, the crisis of its history arrived in the irruption of the Avars
and Slavs, by whom the country was desolated and most of the cities
ruined. When this tempest had cleared away, seven only of the old
Roman municipalities recovered themselves, the inhabitants either re-
turning to their old homes, or founding new towns in secure positions.
The names of these are given by Constantine Porphyrogenitus in one of
the most interesting portions of his work * De Administrando Imperio,'
where the imperial author describes the condition of this province ; they
are, in their modern forms — on the mainland, Zara and Traii, which
retain their original position ; Ragusa, which was established by fugitives
from Epidaurus ; and Spalato, where the former inhabitants of Salona
found a refuge within the walls of Diocletian's palace ; and, in the islands
of the Quarnero, the towns of Arbe, Veglia, and Ossero. When the ex-
archate came to an end through the capture of Ravenna by the Lombards
in 752, the imperial prefects of the Adriatic transferred the headquarters
of the fleet to Zara, which thenceforward became the capital ; and the
organisation that followed recognised the dual element which has ever
since continued to exist in Dalmatia. The ancient Roman colonists,
with their Latin civilisation, continued to inhabit the cities, and retained
their municipal system ; while the Slavs, who had overspread the country

VOL. III. — NO. X. B B

370 REVIEWS OF BOOKS April

districts, and had organised themselves according to their traditional
method, were allowed to administer their own affairs and pursue their
own mode of life, while they accepted titles from the Byzantine govern-
ment. At a later period the Slavs became also the lower class of the
population in the towns ; but it is the Latin element which all along
has been the chief source of the culture and the consequent interest of
Dalmatia. The contrast which is formed by these two nationalities exist-
ing side by side is one that cannot fail to strike every visitor to the
country ; and it is to be remembered that the Italian which is spoken
there, however much it may have been modified by contact with Venice,
is not derived from that city, but has descended directly from the Latin
tongue.

It is not part of our purpose to follow Mr. Jackson further in his
sketch of Dalmatian history, though the succeeding portion contains
much that is interesting. After the final cessation of Byzantine influence
towards the end of the eleventh century, this country was for three
hundred years an object of contention between Venice and Hungary.
Even at the present day, it would seem, the recollection of the predomi-
nance of those powers seems to have survived, to judge from a story
which the author tells of his having bidden a peasant in a remote district
to guess from what country he came, whereupon he suggested in reply
first Italy and then Hungary. At the expiration of that period, not long
before the Turkish conquest of Constantinople, Dalmatia became perma-
nently incorporated in the Venetian dominions, with the exception of
Ragusa, which succeeded in maintaining its independence. Mr. Jackson,
indeed, does not allow the boast of the Eagusans that they never were
subject to Venice, because from 1221 to 1358 they were under the govern-
ment of Venetian counts regularly appointed by the republic of St.
Mark ; but during the later and more important period they remained a
free repubhc. Among the incidents which varied the kaleidoscopic history
of the country, not the least curious are the fortunes of the two piratical
communities which existed there, worthy successors of those predatory
lUyrians who first attracted the attention of the Romans. In the ninth
century the Narentines — as those still pagan Slavs were called whose
headquarters were the valley of the Narenta — were able to contest with
the Venetians the command of the commerce of the Adriatic, and for a
hundred and fifty years the republic paid them tribute in order to insure
liberty of navigation. Again, in the sixteenth century, the Uscocs arose,
who originally were refugees at the time of the advance of the Mussul-
mans, and established themselves at Clissa, near Spalato, as an outpost
to defend the country. Being expelled from that fortress, they betook
themselves to Segna, on the mainland of the Quarnero, and, having
equipped a fleet of light barques, proceeded to pillage Mahometans and
Christians alike, until at last, in consequence of the protection accorded
to them by those powers who found them serviceable in injuring their
opponents, they embroiled the Venetians, the Austrians, and the Turks in
open warfare. The original colony seems to have become a centre of
attraction for other restless spirits, for adventurers from various countries,
including not a few Englishmen of good birth, were to be found in their
number. The difficult navigation of the intricate channels among the

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 371

islands, which faciHtates both sudden attack and escape from a pursuing
foe, renders this region a natural home of piracy.

We may now turn to the architecture of Dalmatia, the history of
which, as Mr. Jackson says, is an epitome of that of southern Europe.
In tracing this we can hardly do better than follow the author in his
valuable summary, and at the same time illustrate the subject by reference
to some of the leading buildings which he has described in the course of
his work. This art, like the rest of the civilisation of the country, com-
mences with the Roman period. The palace of Diocletian at Spalato,
which time has only partially availed to destroy, exercised a powerful
influence even on the later styles in Dalmatia ; but, beyond this, it marks
a new departure, because here, among other relaxations of the strict rules
of ancient classic art, the arches are made to spring immediately from
the capitals of the columns without an intervening entablature. To use
the words of Professor Freeman in his ' Subject and Neighbour Lands of
Venice,' this was ' the greatest step ever taken, the beginning of all the
later forms of consistent arched architecture, Romanesque or Gothic or
any other.' The Byzantine style, which comes next in order, is well
represented both in its earlier and its later period. Of the former a
splendid example remains in the basilica of Euphrasius at Parenzo
in Istria, which belongs to the age of Justinian, and is therefore
coeval with the best works of that school at Constantinople and Ra-
venna. In plan it is a basilica, and its walls are richly decorated with
mosaics of marble, glass, and mother-of-pearl, while of its sculptural
ornament Mr. Jackson remarks that many of the capitals ' might
have been carved by the same hand that wrought those at S. Vitale
or S. Apollinare in Classe.' The buildings of the later period, when
the decay of civilisation had induced rudeness in art, and ancient
columns and capitals were employed without much reference to their
fitness, are nevertheless interesting from their originality and the promise
of future development which they show. Some of the churches of this
age, which commences with the ninth century, are of the basilican, some
of the domed, type. The latter is finely exemplified in S. Donato at
Zara, a round building with the same general arrangement as S. Vitale
at Ravenna and the cathedral of Aix-la-Chapelle. This edifice is men-
tioned, and its general features described, by Constantine Porphyrogenitus,
and the interest attaching to it has been recently augmented by the
discovery that its simple piers and coarse masonry are supported on
splendid remains of Roman buildings.

' In 1877 the old pavement of the christian church was taken up and
the area excavated to the depth of about four feet. At this level was
found the ancient pavement of a Roman street or forum, and running
diagonally across the area of the church were the two lower steps of what
had evidently been a flight leading up to a portico. But the most sur-
prising spectacle revealed by this excavation is that of the foundations of
the christian work. They consist of huge fragments of more than one
magnificent classic building, entablatures with Corinthian enrichments,
marble columns cut or broken into lengths and laid simply on their side,
rich friezes with running scroll-work in the best style of Roman architec-
ture, dedicatory inscriptions, mouldings, and stringcourses, all thrown

B B 2

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flat on the pavement of the Roman town, some on their sides, some
upside down, and some arranged corner-wise or awry with a rough ap-
proximation to the plan of the superstructure. The whole mass of these
fragments was filled in with earth and rubbish, and covered over with
the pavement of the christian church, so that till now their existence was
not even suspected.'

From the year 1100 onward a mixture of Venetian and Hungarian
influence appears in the architecture, corresponding to that which pre-
vailed also in the political world of Dalmatia. The art of Venice, though
still Byzantine in character, was distinguished by numerous local features ;
but Hungary had adopted the Romanesque style of France and Germany,
and in this way a western type was strongly imprinted on the buildings
of this time. In order to illustrate the Hungarian influence, Mr. Jackson
has devoted a chapter to describing the church of Jak in that country,
and pointing out the correspondences between it and the cathedral of
Trail, which was probably of the same date, the middle of the thirteenth
century. Of that magnificent cathedral his second volume contains an
elaborate account, and he speaks of the western portal of the nave as ' a
work which in simplicity of conception, combined with richness of detail
and marvellous finish of execution, has never been surpassed in Roma-
nesque or Gothic art.' We should be disposed to plead for an exception
in favour of the Portico de la Gloria of the cathedral of Santiago in Spain,
ornamented as it is by the exquisite sculpture of Master Matthew. To
this Romanesque period belong many other of the finest structures on the
eastern shores of the Adriatic, including the campaniles of Arbe in the
Quarnero and of Spalato, and the cathedral of Zara. It is noticeable also
that the round-arched style was retained in Dalmatia long after the
pointed style had become predominant elsewhere ; in fact, far into the
fourteenth century. The main cause of this seems to have been the in-
fluence of Diocletian's great building at Spalato, and Mr. Jackson points
out several peculiarities in the architecture of that palace which were
imitated at this time.

When Dalmatia was finally occupied by the Venetians at the begin-
ning of the fifteenth century, the Venetian Gothic, with its ogee windows
and graceful balconies, became the dominant style ; and to this we owe
many of the charming objects that delight the eye of the visitor as he
threads the narrow streets of the maritime towns. But the reign of
Gothic architecture in the country was very brief, for within half a
century the Renaissance style was introduced, and received a warm wel-
come there, long before it was adopted by most of the other nations of
Europe. This was due to the genius of one man, Georgio Orsini, the
architect of the cathedral of Sebenico (a.d. 1441). In that most original
building elements of Gothic still remain : for instance, in the windows of
the principal apse, though they are divided in the middle by a fluted
column with a Renaissance capital, the heads are filled in with trefoil
cusps and Gothic tracery, the effect of which is singularly pretty and de-
void of any appearance of incongruity. But the wonder of this edifice is
its roof, a construction which no one who has seen it can ever forget. It
is thus described by Mr. Jackson : * At Sebenico the whole of a great
cruciform church is covered by a waggon roof of stone, the underside of

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 373

which forms the ceiling, the stone covering being visible both internally
and externally, without the outside roof of timber and tiles or lead which
exists in ordinary cathedrals above the stone- vaulted ceiling. The effect
both within and without of these simple waggon vaults over nave, choir,
and transepts, interrupted only by a dome at the crossing, is very
simple and imposing, and the design is not less successful architecturally
than it is original.' This early phase of Renaissance art maintained itself
until the period of decline, for the Palladian development of that style
is hardly found in Dalmatia.

The outline which has thus been traced of the history and archi-
tecture of this remarkable region may give some idea of the wealth of
information to be found in Mr. Jackson's volumes. But we have by no
means exhausted their contents. The representations of wood-carving
and metal-work have been already referred to ; but, in addition to these,
the reader will find notices of inscriptions, vestments, and other anti-
quities and art treasures. Accounts also of the present condition and
the superstitions of the various races that inhabit the country are
interspersed throughout the work, and just so much personal narrative
is introduced as may relieve the details of architectural description.

H. F. TozEE.

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Beign of Henry VIII.
Arranged and catalogued by James Gaiednek. Vol. V. (London :
Eyre & Spottiswoode. 1887.)

Henry VIII and the English Monasteries. By Francis Aidan Gasqubt.
Vol. I. (London : John Hodges. 1888.)

The tenth volume of the ' Calendar of State Papers ' for the reign of
Henry VIII covers only the first half of the year 1536 ; and it may fairly
be doubted if there were ever six months in English history which raised
questions of greater interest, or which required more careful and accurate
study. The death of Catharine of Aragon, the trial and sentence of
Anne Boleyn, and the reports of the visitation of the monasteries are all
subjects of much debate ; while the cumulative importance of the growing
mass of evidence for the character and policy of Henry VIII steadily
tends to elucidate the great changes which transformed England in the
sixteenth century. This volume of the calendar enables us to judge, as
we could not judge before, of Canon Dixon's * History of the Church of
England ' and of Mr. Friedmann's * Anne Boleyn,' both of them works of
importance which have led to diversity of opinion.

Mr. Gairdner in his excellent preface calls attention to the chief ques-
tions which are illustrated by the documents which he publishes. Fore-
most among them is Mr. Friedmann's contention that Catharine died of
poison. Yet when the evidence is all put together, it will hardly carry
this conclusion. Catharine's illness lasted nearly six weeks : she suffered
from sickness, pain in the stomach, and sleeplessness. Before her death
the imperial envoy Chapuys was permitted to visit her and stayed with
her four days : an old servant. Lady Willoughby, who made her way to
Kimbolton, managed by an artifice to gain admittance to her former
mistress. Chapuys left Catharine ten days before her death in the belief

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that she was better. He asked her physician if he had any suspicions of
poison ; he said, Yes, for after she had drunk some Welsh beer she had
been worse ; but he admitted that he could discover no evidence of a very
simple and pure poison ; it must have been a slow and subtle one. Thus
the suspicion of poison was suggested by Chapuys, and was assented to
by the queen's physician without any sufficient evidence. On the other
hand, the haste and secrecy shown in embalming Catharine's corpse cer-
tainly tended to give weight to a hitherto baseless supposition. Within
eight hours the body was opened, in the presence only of the candlemaker
of the house and a servant, by a man who was not a surgeon yet had often
performed a similar task before. To him the appearance of the heart seemed
suspicious because it was black, did not change colour in washing, and had
a black growth on the side. The queen's physician was convinced by this
evidence that she had been poisoned ; Chapuys took his word for it, and
Mr. Friedmann in turn takes Chapuys' word. But he does not explain
what poison blackens the heart and causes a growth round it — a step which
is necessary if he is drawing his conclusions from the medical evidence.
He takes refuge instead in the general remark that poisoners in the six-
teenth century administered small doses, so as to sap the strength of their
victims and leave no trace behind. If this were so, the presumption that
Catharine was poisoned does not depend on anything save its inherent
probability ; and the incident of the candlemaker is not worth recording.

Mr. Gairdner, however, calls attention to the difficulty which Cha-
puys himself found in establishing his supposition. On 21 Jan. he wrote
that the poisoning was evident from the story about the heart, and from the
whole course of the queen's illness. On 29 Jan. he wrote : ' Many suspect
that, if the queen died by poison, it was Gregory di Casale who sent it by a
kinsman, of Modena, named Gorron. Those who suspect this say the
said Gregory must have earned somehow the eight ducats a day the king
gave him.' Chapuys himself dismisses this story ' as there would be
too great danger of its being made known.' It would seem from this
letter that Chapuys found some difficulty in working out his poisoning
theory. England was not famed for skilful poisoners ; some Italian
agent was necessary, and he was hard to find. Mr. Gairdner pertinently
remarks that if the suspicion of poisoning had obtained any real belief, it
is strange that it should have become generally discredited and almost
forgotten until the search into the Viennese archives brought it to light
in our own day. Without wishing to extol Henry VIII unduly, we may
acquit him of poisoning Catharine.

Mr. Friedmann's view of Henry VIII generally is that he was a vain
and a weak man, who was always under some one's influence. The
papers in this volume of the calendar supply a sufficient example that
this was not the case. Henry VIII, after the fall of Wolsey had shown
him the extent of his power, used his ministers as his puppets, allowed
them to do all his dirty work, and deceived them or trusted them just as
far as suited his purposes. After Catharine's death Charles V had no
longer any personal motive of hostility to Henry VIII. He was on the
verge of a war with Francis I and took a practical view of the advantages
which he might gain by detaching Henry from the side of Francis.
Henry himself calculated on this, and commissioned Cromwell to open up

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 375

friendly proposals to Chapuys, who came to talk with the king about an
imperial alliance. Then Henry, to Cromwell's amazement, gave a
haughty answer and complained of his grievances : he demanded that
the emperor should write to him beseeching forgiveness of his past
ingratitude. Cromwell was hardly able to speak to Chapuys afterwards,
and said that he had never been more mortified in his life. Henry was
wiser than Cromwell, and was pursuing a course of policy which he had
learned from Wolsey. He told Francis I of the emperor's overtures ; he
told his envoy at the imperial court that the emperor's ingratitude made
it necessary that overtures should proceed from his side. He was doing
his utmost to set Francis and Charles against each other, and was en-
hancing his own value in the eyes of both, so as to make the best terms
with the one who would offer him most. The policy was entirely his own,
and Cromwell had been used as a decoy, for he was genuinely in favour of
an imperial alliance.

The abominable heartlessness of Henry VIH and Cromwell has not
been painted by Mr. Friedmann in darker colours than it deserves.
There was no refinement of cruelty which they did not use to compel the
Princess Mary to admit the illegality of her mother's marriage ; and
Chapuys at last advised her that submission was the only means of saving
her life. Further, the death of Catharine sealed the fate of Anne Boleyn,
of whom Henry was already weary. Three weeks after Catharine's death
Chapuys heard that Anne was often in tears * fearing that they might do
with her as with the good queen.' Henry said that he had married Anne,
seduced by witchcraft, and for this reason considered his marriage null ;
* and this was evident, because God did not permit them to have male
issue.' Anne was treated with growing coldness, and Cromwell smiled
ambiguously when he spoke of her to Chapuys. The letters of Chapuys
show us clearly that Anne's fall was agreed upon long before her arrest.
It is difficult after reading them to believe in the specific charges which
were suddenly brought against her. There had been enough trouble
about a divorce before : Henry and Cromwell took a shorter method in
her case. Anne herself seems almost to have welcomed death as a
release from a position which was hopeless. She knew that Henry had
turned to Jane Seymour, whose relatives were schooling her to ruin
Anne, even as Anne had been taught to overthrow Catherine. It was
only a question of a few months at the best, and she felt an hysterical
joy when the crisis came. Even Chapuys gives his opinion that, although
every one rejoiced at Anne's death, ' there are some who murmur at the
mode of procedure ; and it will not pacify the world when it is known
what has passed and is passing between him and Mrs. Jane Semel '
(Seymour). Any one who believes in a lofty standard of morals at the
English court may receive some enlightenment from the reason which
Cromwell gave to Chapuys why Henry VIII could not marry the
daughter of the French king — ' that if a foreign queen of great connec-
tions misconducted herself as to her person she could not be punished
and got rid of like the last.'

The despatches of Chapuys are full of interesting information, espe-
cially about Cromwell, whose character and methods of procedure become
clearer as this volume proceeds, though we must still wait a few years

376 REVIEWS OF BOOKS April

longer before we are able to estimate him aright. There is much other
matter of importance in these volumes, which is excellently illustrated b}
Mr. Gairdner's preface. Mr. Gairdner is to be congratulated upon the
increasing capacity which he shows of giving a careful summary, in which
every judgment is weighty.

We turn to another point on which this volume gives valuable infor-
mation, the beginning of the dissolution of the monasteries, a subject
which Father Gasquet has undertaken to illustrate. Father Gasquet in
his preface does justice to the thoroughness of the work which Canon
Dixon has done in this direction, but professes to ' carry the investigation
yet a step farther forward.' We must confess to feeling somewhat disap-
pointed with the performance of this promise so far. There is nothing
new in Father Gasquet' s first volume : perhaps as he advances he may
have something more to say about the details of the several acts of
dissolution, their local effects, and the fortunes of the ejected monks.
These points it is worth while to pursue into details which were not
within the scope of Canon Dixon's 'History.' But Father Gasquet's
first volume only comes down to 1536, and in the description of the
measures which preceded the dissolution he comes to no conclusions
which are not to be found either in Canon Dixon's book or in Mr. Gairdner's
prefaces. It is, in fact, remarkable how much these three writers, each
having a different end before him, are at one about the general aspect of
the question.

There are two points relating to the dissolution of the monasteries
which it is necessary to keep quite distinct : (1) the general policy of sup-
pressing monasticism, and the public opinion about it ; (2) the particular
measures taken by Cromwell, and the public opinion about them. Now
Mr. Gairdner and Canon Dixon are only concerned with the second of
these points, but Father Gasquet's subject makes him responsible for con-
sidering the first ; and this he has done in a very perfunctory manner.
He omits the general considerations on which our ultimate judgment must
depend. Had the monasteries finished their work in England ? Were they
still maintaining a high standard of spiritual life ? Were they homes of
learning ? Were they civilising agencies ? Or was their work doubtful ?
Were they hindrances to the economic change which was passing over
England and could not be withstood? Were they far too numerous?
Had they lost popular respect ? We think that it is impossible for any
one to read the history of the previous century, and not feel that some
change was inevitable. The only questions were what the change should
be and how it should be wrought. The critic of Henry VHI and Cromwell
ought to have before himself some conception of an alternative policy to
that which they pursued. Father Gasquet, so far as we can discover, has
no such alternative, but contents himself with hinting that the monasteries
were very well as they were, and proving that they did not deserve the
treatment which they received.

The fair-minded student of history would agree with him that they did
not deserve the treatment which they received, but would not agree that
they were very well as they were. This last opinion was that of the
great majority of Englishmen in the year 1530, and it was the exist-
ence of this opinion which made Cromwell's proceedings possible. The

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 377

monasteries were neither better nor worse than they had been any time
in the two previous centuries ; the reason for their dissolution was in-
dependent of anything that could be brought to light about them. No
one, for two centuries, had looked upon the monks as saints ; no one at
the time of the dissolution looked upon them as monsters of vice. They
were on the whole excellent members of society, kindly landlords, resi-
dent on their estates, employing labour, leading very respectable lives.
But they were exposed to all the odium which always attaches to social
superiors, capitalists, and landlords alike. The feudal lord, who was
generally non-resident, was only grumbled at in the abstract ; the monks
were grumbled at in the concrete. Every one who wished to raise his
voice in protest as a reformer, in things ecclesiastical, political, or
social, always denomiced the monks, because he was sure of an approving
audience. Doubtless the monks were the butts of many a medieval joke.
They were not all of them unworldly, or temperate, or chaste ; and point
was added to an equivocal story by making its hero one of a class whose
profession rendered his mischance more ludicrous. But neither the quips
of the medieval jest-books nor the rhetoric of ecclesiastical reformers can
be accepted as setting forth actual facts. The facts that can be gleaned
tend to show that in England the monks, as a body, were above the or-
dinary standard of morality, but they were not so far above it as to be a
moral force in the community. They were lazy, ignorant, self-indulgent,
and a hindrance to economic progress and ecclesiastical reform.

The real interest of the dissolution lies in the cleverness of Cromwell.
A political cynic might recommend the study of this period to the young
politician. He would there be able to discover how to do arbitrary and
violent deeds in a constitutional manner ; how to be villanous in a virtuous
fashion ; how to use the thin end of a wedge ; how to educate public
opinion ; how to get up a political cry ; and sundry lessons of a like sort.
The first thing Cromwell did was to discover the full contents of the royal
supremacy. When the papal jurisdiction was gone, the visitation of
exempt monasteries fell into the king's hands. Cromwell began to exer-
cise this power, and at the same time inhibited the bishops from their
visitations during the royal visitation. Of course Cromwell knew his
Cranmer, or he would not have ventured on issuing so entirely uncon-
stitutional an order. Then the monasteries were visited by blustering
officials, who browbeat the monks, treated them as criminals, laid upon
them unheard-of restrictions, and announced that they were ready to listen
to any tittle-tattle which might be forthcoming from any quarter.

This process was found tolerably successful. Monasticism was
generally discredited. The monks, harassed and alarmed, were be-
wildered. The old landmarks were gone ; they could not invoke the aid
of the pope ; it was useless to turn to the bishops, who quailed before the
king. Cromwell was quite satisfied with the results of the visitation of
the province of Canterbury, which seems to have extended over a period
of three months. The northern province was more rapidly dealt with.
The distance between Lichfield and York only occupied Legh and Layton
a fortnight. They knew what they wanted to find, and they found it.

We have, unfortunately, no means of knowing what was the method
which they pursued in their visitations. Mr. Gairdner says that ' they

378 REVIEWS OF BOOKS April

probably pursued the old methods of inquiry, and the only thing that was
new was that the result was now reported to the king.' Father Gasquet
truly says that this could scarcely be the case. The religious sanction of
episcopal visitation was wanting. The bishop visited to exercise disciph-
nary powers vested in him by the rule: he listened to the confessions or com-
plaints of the individual members in private, and gave his injunctions as
a judgment on the general condition of the house. Here Father Gasquet,
if he had chosen, might have made an important contribution to our know-
ledge. He says that he has consulted many episcopal registers which
contain records of episcopal visitations : it is a pity that he has not
printed some of them in extenso. Instead of doing this he only refers
to Oliver's ' Historic Collections for Devon ' for a testimony that Oliver's
study of the Exeter records shows him that 'the grosser immoralities
were far from common.' It is true that later on he gives a quotation
from the Eegister of archbishop Lee of York, and refers vaguely to
the Norwich Eegisters in the Bodleian ; but this is scanty evidence on
a point which is of the greatest importance for his case. Indeed, Father
Gasquet's book is more distinguished by good intentions than by erudition ;
and he has neglected many obvious sources of information. It is a mis-
fortune for him, for instance, that his book appeared before he had time
to use Mr. Gairdner's article on 'Cromwell' in the 'Dictionary of
National Biography.' He says 'Lord Herbert declares that bishop
Latimer was anxious to preserve some of the monasteries,' apparently
being unaware of Latimer's letter to Cromwell on the subject. Indeed,
he might well have made a good deal out of Latimer's testimony. It
has passed into an historical commonplace that when the ' Black Book '
of the monasteries was read in parliament there arose a cry ' Down with
them ! ' Now this, which is repeated as a sober statement of fact, is an
exaggeration of a passage in a sermon of Latimer preached before
Edward VI, at least twelve years after the event. It forms part of an
argument against giving benefices to chantry priests : ' I would not that
ye should do with chantry priests as ye did with abbots when abbeys were
put down. For when their enormities were first read in the parliament
house, they were so great and abominable that there was nothing but
"down with them;" but within a while after the same abbots were
made bishops.' Latimer says nothing about a cry being raised ; his words
only summarise the action of parliament, which agreed that if the king
presented such a document it meant that he was resolved on the dissolu-
tion. Further, Latimer's words distinctly imply that he regarded the
record of these ' enormities ' as only a parliamentary move ; for he blames
the inconsistency of the government in appointing to bishoprics men
whose order had been so grossly stigmatised . We may fairly take Latimer
for as honest a man as dare make his voice heard in England at the time.
Though he was a foe to ' monkery,' he was startled at Cromwell's summary
measures of devastation, and pleaded that two or three houses in every
shire should at least be spared ' to maintain teaching, preaching, study,
with praying and good housekeeping,' and he therefore interceded for the
prior of Great Malvern.

There are many curious features in the details of Father Gasquet's
opinions. He seems to believe in the inspiration of the Maid of Kent, and

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 37^

even finds a fulfilment of her prophecy that Henry VIII should not be
king of England seven months after his marriage with Anne Boleyn.
For in April 1533 Anne was declared queen, and in July the Pope * excom-
municated Henry and Anne if they did not separate before September —
subsequently extended to October. Henry disregarded the sentence and
was ipso facto excommunicated in October, just seven months after Anne
Boleyn was declared queen.' By excommunication Henry lost his civil
rights, amongst them apparently his crown. Again he has a view, sup-
ported by an undescribed manuscript in the British Museum, that Crom-
well ingratiated himself with Henry by stealing from Wolsey the royal
licence for exercising his legatine authority, and so depriving Wolsey of
the means of pleading against the premunire. M. Creighton.

Bathory et Possevino. Documents iii^dits sur les Bapports du Saint-
Siege avec les Slaves. Publics et annotes par le P. Pieeling, S.J.
(Paris: Leroux. 1887.)

The efforts of the papacy during the sixteenth and the earlier part of the
seventeenth century to bring the Russians within the pale of the Roman
catholic church are well known to the student of history. Father Pier-
ling, a Russian Jesuit residing at Paris, has already published some valu-
able monographs on this subject, the most noteworthy of which is * Rome
et Demetrius d'apres des documents nouveaux, avec pieces justificatives,'
&c. (Paris, 1878). Much has also been written on the embassy of Anthony
Possevino or Possevin the Jesuit to Ivan IV, and many important docu-
ments were published in the ' Historica Russiae Monumenta,' edited by
A. Turgueniev (St. Petersburg, 1842), a work of which Father Pierling
speaks, as seems to us, too slightingly. The importance of the present
publication consists in its containing seventy-two unpublished documents,
which the learned Jesuit has discovered in the Vatican and other archives.
Without communicating any information of the highest value, these papers
often elucidate much that is obscure. They are mostly letters written by
Possevin to the cardinal of Como. The Jesuit went to Russia ostensibly
for the purpose of reconciling Bathory and Ivan IV, then engaged in a
deadly struggle ; but the main object of his mission was to induce them
to undertake an expedition against the Turks, and especially to win over
Ivan the Terrible to the Roman faith. On his way to Moscow the papal
nuncio stayed at Venice and endeavoured to induce that power to join the
alliance, but the republic contented itself with mere promises, fearing
that its trade would be injured if the expedition were successful. The
official documents of the years 1581-2, which give an account of the
interviews of the nuncio with Ivan and Bathory, have long been pubHshed,
but in this work we get for the first time the letters of Possevin himself
on the subject. Here and there in these papers we have interesting
glimpses of historical personages, as of Anne, the daughter of Sigismund I,
who became the wife of Bathory and queen of Poland. Horsey has also
recorded an interview with her ; ^ he calls her, however, ' a hard-favored
quen.' So also Christopher Radziwill comes on the scene, who is like-
wise introduced in the highly interesting narrative of Horsey. He was a
' Russia at the close of the Sixteenth Century, edited by E. A. Bond, p. 249.

380 . REVIEWS OF BOOKS April

stout protestant, and to him the Poles are indebted for the valuable trans-
lation of the Bible published at Bresc in 1563, which has now become
scarce in consequence of his son Nicholas turning Koman catholic and
causing all copies of his father's Bible which he could find to be destroyed.
The account given on p. 94 of the conversation between Bathory and
Possevin is interesting. The Polish king had small hope of the conver-
sion of Ivan, and we find in one of the letters that the English merchants
at Moscow were constantly telling the Eussian czar that the pope was
antichrist. In a state paper giving the report of Possevin on the Mus-
covites and their habits to the Council of Ten of Venice, we are told that
the Eussian envoys in the course of a few days had eaten at Venice five
hundred cucumbers : sono di piil dissolutissimi nel mangiar et bever, che
le diro una piacevolezza : in questi pochi giorni, che sono stati qui, lianno
mangiato cinquecento melloni. Over the last word in the text is added
coccumeri. Those who are familiar with Eussian habits at the present
day will have noticed the great fondness of the people for gherkins.
Another amusing incident we learn from the letters here published : One
of the Eussian emissaries, Shevrigin, whose name appears in a Latin docu-
ment ingeniously metamorphosed into Stephanus Sevirigenus, although
a mere courier (gonetz), contrived to pass himself off on the Venetian
doge as an ambassador. In order to accomplish this, he presented a
fabricated letter as from the czar to the doge, and contrived that the
reply of the doge should be intercepted on its way to Eussia. Father
Pierling thinks that the motive of Shevrigin for this fraud was to get
valuable presents from the doge, to which he would not have been entitled
as a mere courier. Certainly no letter from the doge appears among the
Eussian archives. The embassy of Shevrigin is mentioned in the second
volume of the * History of Eussia ' by Bestuzher Eiumin, now in course
of publication.^ He says that Shevrigin in his report stated that he had
entrusted the letter to a German of Liibeck {liuhski niemchin) for con-
veyance, but that he had been robbed on the way. The embassy of
Possevin is fairly discussed in the same work from a Eussian point of
view.^ Three papal nuncios had already visited the country in the reign
of Basil III, the father of Ivan ; their missions had borne no fruit. How
far the Eoman church was implicated in the expedition of the false
Demetrius has never been settled. Father Pierling, in his interesting
work already cited, wishes to acquit the Holy See of any complicity in
the matter. W. E. Morfill.

Comity Families of Lancashire a7id Cheshire. By James Croston,
F.S.A. (Manchester : John Hey wood.)

In this handsome quarto volume Mr. Croston sets forth, after an attractive
fashion, many interesting facts pertaining to some of the families of the
palatine counties of Lancaster and Chester. The title is a misnomer and
far too comprehensive, for it is only a few of the old historic families of
these two shires, which have been aptly described as the ' seed-plots of
gentilitie,' that are chronicled within these pages. The favoured ones are
eleven in number, and comprise the Stanleys, Egertons, Traffords, War-
■' St. Petersburg, 1885. "' Page 303 et seqq.

i

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 381

burtons, Harringtons, Huttons, Grosvenors, Mosleys, Mainwarings, Hes-
keths, and Davenports. The selection is by no means representative, and
not a little capricious. At least three of these family names might give
way to any out of a score that press forward of greater historic dignity
and of wider local sway. Mr. Croston has proved himself a fairly accurate
gleaner and painstaking writer on these two counties m other of his pub-
lished works, but it savours somewhat too strongly of presumption to
find a book of these dimensions and pretensions with but two, or three at
the most, footnotes referring to authorities throughout the whole of its
450 pages. This almost total absence of references cannot but strike the
reader unfavourably in a work that bristles with facts and assertions and
that does not pretend to be a mere gossiping chronicle.

Though the style is pleasant, and a great deal of interesting informa-
tion has been put together in an able manner, the book is destitute of
value from an historic point of view. Incompleteness of statement as
well as misstatement is sufficiently frequent and prominent to justify an
unfavourable verdict, which we record with regret, for much of the book
is eminently readable, and its ample margins are grateful to the eye.

In the account of the Traffords, mention is made of William Trafford,
the last abbot of the Cistercian house of Salley in Craven, who was hanged
in 1537 for participating in the Pilgrimage of Grace. Mr. Croston is
content to reproduce Stevens's statement that the name of no other abbot
of this house save Trafford is known. A moderate amount of research
would have convinced him of the contrary ; Abbot Kimington, for in-
stance, was chancellor of Oxford in 1372. There is also much confusion
in the pedigree connexion of Trafford, Longford, Vernon, Port, and
Gerard given on p. 180. Again, writing of Sir Edward Trafford, who
was a vigorous 'papist hunter' in the days of Elizabeth, Mr. Croston
says that treason was frequently concocted * at this time ' in the secluded
halls of the old Roman catholic families, ' where the Jesuit mission-
aries found shelter.' The date last mentioned was 1574 ; and the year
of which he writes in the next paragraph is 1579, when the puritan
Dr. Chadderton was appointed to the bishopric of Chester, and at the
same time made warden of Manchester. It was not, however, until 1580
that a single Jesuit missionary reached England, and all through Eliza-
beth's reign the Jesuits were but as a handful compared with the ordinary
secular Roman priests ordained at Douay. But inasmuch as the term
Jesuit usually excites more prejudice, it is very common to find this falsity
asserted. Into this error Mr. Croston readily falls. Again, when writing
of the execution of the Romanists Bell, Finch, and Leybourne in 1584,
he says : ' It must be remembered that these men were tried and executed,
not for the. catholic doctrines, but for high treason.' This is but a pitiful
quibble. These men, like scores of others, were hanged, drawn, and
quartered for their religion, and were every whit as much martyrs for
their faith, whether right or wrong, as the Marian victims. The parti-
culars are known in each of these cases. They were condemned, it is true,
because they persisted in denying the queen's ecclesiastical supremacy,
but as to her civil supremacy they never were even accused of gainsaying
it, and they all of them could have saved their lives if they would but have
attended church. James Bell (by the bye Mr. Croston gives to him and to-

382 REVIEWS OE BOOKS AprH

one of his fellow-martyrs wrong christian names) was an old Marian
priest, and the other two were laymen. It is a curious fact with regard
to James Bell, that the actual sentence of the court is preserved at the
Public Record Office, whence we copied it, and the very wording shows
that Mr. Croston's allegation of civil crimes is in his case directly untrue ;
it is there stated of ' James Bell, priest,' that he was * condemned accord-
ing to the stat. for saying mass in Golborne upon St. John's day in
Xtmas last.' In relating the history of those who suffered terrible deaths
and who were not of our own communion, the obhgation should rest on
us of being doubly careful in our search after truth. It may here be
remarked that no Jesuit suffered in Lancashire or Cheshire till the year
1628.

The volume is illustrated with some well-executed arms, crests, seals,
and autographs of the different families, together with a few views, but
we think we could have spared the likeness of the author, which, after an
evil and nearly exploded taste, appears as the frontispiece. A repro-
duction of an historical portrait from the galleries of one of the noble
families described would have been more acceptable.

A History of the Vyne in Hampshire. By Chaloner W. Chute, of the
Vyne. (London : Simpkin & Marshall. 1888.)

Me. Chute has produced a very interesting and scholarly monograph on
a plan which might be adopted more frequently than it is. A fine old
house came to his father from a descendant of the worthy speaker of the
house of commons, Chaloner Chute, of the Commonwealth period (whose
name his father adopted), and the son has spared no labour in searching
out the history of every family which has ever been connected with the
place. Of course a large proportion of these are only names, but there
are two personages of historical interest whose careers, though already
known to students, well deserve the more particular attention they receive
in this book. These are the first Lord Sandys of the Vyne, Henry VIII's
lord chamberlain, and Speaker Chute, men of marked character, who
possessed considerable influence over their contemporaries. The first built
the present house, a fine specimen of Tudor architecture ; the second
bought it from the fourth Lord Sandys, and by his descendants it has
been altered, not always for the better, and brought to its present condi-
tion, which is almost that of a museum of antiquities. The Italian
character observable both in the house and its contents is derived from Mr.
John Chute, one of the most intimate friends both of Horace Walpole and
the poet Gray. Some original letters of the poet thus find a place in these
pages, as well as several interesting notices of Walpole, a constant visitor
at the Vyne. In Hampshire the * Vine Hunt ' is far better known than
the place itself. The founder of this hunt, William Chute, a somewhat
eccentric country gentleman, is presented to us in a few pleasant touches ;
but some may think that the chief merit of the book lies in the extreme
minuteness with which every portion of the house and its contents is
described, and the rare beauty of the illustrations contributed by Mr. Lionel
Muirhead. Not a frieze or a finial or a coat-of-arms, or notable stair-
case or chapel or fireplace, has escaped his artistic pencil, evidently, like

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 383

the book itself, a labour of love. None are more interesting than the
Koman ring with its strange history, nor is any part of the research more
successful than that which connects the Vyne with the Roman station
Vindomis. If a slip or two is here brought to light in reference to the
notices of the Brocas family, who for two generations possessed the Vyne,
it is owing to the minute inquiry into the history of that family which
fell to the lot of the present writer. The legend painted in the last
century on Sir Bernard Brocas's fine monument in Westminster Abbey
is not sufficiently trustworthy to be quoted (p. 30) and ought to be
obliterated (it was not there when Addison described Sir Roger's visit) : the
dying words put into the mouth of the second Sir Bernard (p. 31) were
uttered by his fellow-sufferer, but no doubt faithfully expressed his own
sentiments ; and the legend of the Newbury flag (p. 65) could not apply
to any Sir Bernard, but might possibly connect itself with young William
Brocas, as explained in the * Family of Brocas of Beaurepaire and Roche
Court.' The English version of the enigmatical inscription upon the
tomb of Bernard Brocas of the Vyne (p. 33) does credit to the talent of
the composer. It is of good augury for the progress of antiquarianism
when it is taken up by an Oxford first-class man and Ireland scholar.
May many more such arise ! The modern pursuit of such studies, an
excellent sign of the times, requires to be both broadened and elevated.

Montagu Bureows.

The English Church and its Bishops (1700-1800). By the Rev, Chaeles
J. Abbey. (London : Longmans, Green, & Co. 1887.)

Theee are some inconveniences in the writing of history in driblets. A
book of historical essays is one thing, a book of historical biography is
another thing, but a book partly of essays and partly of short biographical
sketches is neither one thing nor another, 'neither fish nor flesh nor
good red-herring.' Yet this method of writing history seems to have
peculiar charms for the students of the English church in the eighteenth
century. Some years ago, Mr. Abbey and Canon Overton wrote together
a book of essays which has become the standard work on this subject.
Since then each author has separately written a book, covering to some
degree the same ground, which is partly a book of essays and partly
contains a series of short notices of the churchmen of the period dealt
with. Of both books the essays form by far the best and the most in-
teresting part. The biographies suffer, as all short notices of this kind
must suffer, from the difficulty that the pages allotted to the few really
great men merely whet the reader's appetite without appeasing it, while
the lines given to the many dull men fill him with an unconquerable
feeling of satiety. Of all dull things the biography of a mediocrity is the
dullest. Even Mr. Abbey cannot make us rejoice that Bishops Dawes,
Trimnell, and Ironside have not been suffered to remain in the seclusion
for which they were so eminently fitted. Bishop Talbot has perhaps
earned the right of publicity by his appearance in the king's train in 1722,
* in a long habit of purple, with jack boots and his hat cocked and a black
wig tied behind him like a military officer.'

Mr. Abbey himself has an uncomfortable suspicion that the essays

384^ REVIEWS OF BOOKS April

and the biographies do not fit in very well together, for in his preface he
apologises for the double character of his book by explaining the way in
which it has grown to be what it is. First it was to be a book of biographies,
then it was to be a book of biographies with introductions, then the intro-
ductions dilated into essays, and the volume went forth to the world in its
present form in spite of the ' grave doubts ' entertained by the author
wiiether he was not ' spoiling two subjects by attempting to unite them
into one.' We are bound in candour to say that we think Mr. Abbey's
doubts were reasonable, and that the advantages gained ' in combining
the history of a period in a church's life with sketches of its principal
officers ' are more than counterbalanced by the want of connexion which
must inevitably be the result, and which cannot fail to give the book a
flavour of literary mincemeat, however well it may be disguised. Mr.
Abbey has given us, not the history of the English church in the eighteenth
century, but jottings out of his notebooks on that subject more or less
worked up. But here our criticism must end. Subject to the conditions
he has laid down for himself, he has done his work remarkably well, and
has made a real contribution to our knowledge of the century with which
he deals. It is not his fault that among the prelates of the period are so
many hopeless mediocrities, while it is his merit to have given us a
picture of the religious and intellectual activity of the early part of the
century and a statement of the principles of the Wesleyan movement in a
way which has never been done so satisfactorily before.

The problem which presents itself at the outset to every student
of the eighteenth century in its ecclesiastical aspect is, how to account
satisfactorily for the rapid change in the mind of the nation from the
feverish excitement of the times of Queen Anne into the listless indiffer-
ence of those of George II. In little more than a generation the concep-
tion of religion among English churchmen had so altered that the sons
of the men who had passed the Schism Act and had shouted for Sache-
verell were gravely denouncing John Wesley as a papist because he was
an enthusiast, and recommending the methodists to form themselves into
a separate sect rather than disturb the tranquillity of ' our happy
constitution in church and state.' No doubt this may partly be accounted
for by saying that the motto of the eighteenth century was ' Eest and be
thankful,' that men were so exhausted by the struggles of the Revolution,
and were so afraid of the recrudescence of the religious troubles of the pre-
ceding century, that zeal became hateful to them because it reminded
them of fanaticism. Life had become easy and comfortable. England
had tasted the pleasures of sleep and did not care to be awakened. Or
it may be said again with Mr. Abbey that the special work of the church
in the eighteentli century was ' to complete what the Reformation had
begun by establisliing Christianity as firmly upon the reasoned conviction
of humanity as it already had upon the wills and feelings of those who
were conscious of its power.' In the order of evolution the time had
come, no longer to claim the assent of mankind to truth in the logical
and crystallised shape of dogma, but to win intellectual consent by
proving the reasonableness of faith. The result of the deist and semi-
Arian controversies was therefore naturally to turn away attention from
the turmoil of political excitement and religious fervour, and plunge men

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 385

into a sort of religious epicureanism where every practical question, even
the slave trade itself, soon came to be but

A tale of little meaning though the words are strong.

All this is true, but it is not the whole truth. The latter half of the
century was by no means a time of sluggish indifference in matters which
were not questions of practical morals and religion. In all departments
of life, whether literary, military, political, maritime, commercial, or
industrial, the energy of England was conspicuous all over the world.
Why is it that in practical religion alone she so failed to keep abreast of
the responsibilities which her ever widening empire and ever increasing
population were daily thrusting upon her ? Why was it that the Test Act
was so long in repealing, the slave trade so hard to abolish, the colonies
so many years denied an episcopate, and Ireland the happy hunting-
ground of placemen and of sycophants ?

Such questions must continually occur to the readers of Mr. Abbey's
pages, and he does not, we think, lay sufficient stress on the real answer
to them. The way in which the whigs governed the church after the
death of Anne must be held responsible for the larger part of the mis-
chief. The religious fervour which marked the reign of Anne was to a
large extent political excitement in a religious dress. The whig oligarchy
of the first two Georges, always self-seeking and immoral, struck at the
politics it hated through the religion it both despised and dreaded. In
politics its blighting influence was broken by Chatham and crushed by
George III and Pitt, but the church became its easy prey, unable to lift
her head against it or make her voice heard when convocation was silenced
and bishops were the nominees of Queen Caroline or Newcastle. Mr.
Abbey shows that the Test Act would have been repealed as early as 1730
if it had not been for the determined opposition of Walpole, and it is well
known that Berkeley's scheme for giving an episcopate to the American
plantations only fell through owing to W^alpole's refusal to carry it "out.
A hfeless Christianity which did not give trouble, or at best a ' sober
piety ' which might help men to live decorous lives without stirring in
them any deep spiritual questions, was the religious ideal of a government
whose object was to keep things quiet, and who sought to effect this object
by bribery and patronage. That ideal was enforced by every possible
means. Opposition was silenced. Enthusiasm became a word of the
strongest condemnation. All display of church feeling was treated as
Jacobitism. What energy was left was turned into the arid deserts of the
Trinitarian controversy, and men lived in a fool's paradise prating about
our ' happy constitution in church and state ' when the ancient relations
between church and state had been overturned, when there were more
crimes committed in six weeks than in the whole of the reign of Queen
Anne, and when parliament, the guardian of English liberty, was the paid
agent of an unscrupulous minister.

The church thus dehberately deteriorated by the selfish policy of the
whigs was suddenly called upon to deal with a question which demanded
not only the care and tact which the reasonable moderation of a Hoadly
or a Herring might be fairly expected to produce, but a power of spiritual
sympathy wholly alien to whig modes of thought. Mr. Abbey has traced

VOL. III. — NO. X. C C

386 REVIEWS OF BOOKS April

with great care the growth of the methodist movement, and has shown
how from the first its rejection of the parochial system, and the stress
it laid upon the doctrine of the new birth, rendered separation from the
church almost inevitable. ' It is inconceivable,' he says, ' that any number
of sober Enghsh churchmen should ever have become methodists. Wesley
with all his tolerance could hardly find room for them in the christian
system. And therefore a wide gap inevitably rose up between them, and
would in all likelihood have done so even if the church had been as faultless
in its dealings with him as too often it was the contrary. . . . My conclu-
sion now is that the English church as a whole could not in the last century
honestly combine with methodism ; neither could Wesley, thinking as he
did, have honestly accepted its organised support. There was no reason
whatever why individual churchmen, clerical or lay, should not become
methodists. Wesley held no doctrine which could in the slightest degree
involve separation for himself or any of his supporters ; but the spirit of
his theology was, in some cardinal particulars, not that of the church in
general or of any considerable party in it. ... If a methodist considered
a churchman " unconverted," he would be bound by a thousand passages in
Wesley's writings to consider that person, however highly he might
respect him, either no christian, with the most awful doom impending upon
him, or, at best, a christian in some miserable "legal" sense of the word.
Between the two communities the strain would be too great to admit of
any cordial union.'

Mr. Abbey is no doubt right in his contention that these fundamental
differences of theology would, apart from independence of organisation,
have led sooner or later to separation on the part of the methodists. Yet
that they organised themselves so soon as they did apart from the church,
and that they separated as soon as they did from the church, was in no
slight degree owing to the reception they met with from the leaders of
the church. To Whitefield, after he had made a name for himself, the
vast majority of educated men were contemptuously hostile. To Wesley
many of the bishops behaved with the kindly courtesy which respect for
his earnestness and the responsibility of their own position claimed, but
none showed that perception of the real character of the crisis which
could alone come from true sympathy. Things were allowed to drift until
it was too late. The success of the evangelical movement at the end of the
century showed how much there was of Wesleyanism, both in method and
in doctrine, which was not merely compatible with, but could flourish and
expand under the cover of, the formularies of the church. And when we
read Mr. Abbey's description of the ideal which Wesley put before his
people it were shame indeed if it were not so.

* Love was to be the ruling principle, perfection the end and aim,
With fear in any other sense than of reverence and awe he {i.e. the
methodist) was henceforth to have nothing to do. Neither was there to
be any more wilful sin. For the immediate fruits of justifying faith were
peace, joy, love, power over all outward sin, and power to keep down
inward sin. No form of Christianity has ever laid down more universally,
confidently, and unswervingly so high a standard of christian living.
However far the methodist practice might commonly be from the methodist
ideal, it was at least an incalculable gain to have raised up so many

I

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 387

thousands of men and women from the lowest to the highest aims.
... To implant the very idea of moral perfection not among the
philosophical, refined, and thoughtful, but among classes like the Kingwood
colliers, was indeed a triumph of methodist Christianity.'

It may be true that the bishops did not expel the methodists, but that
they did not succeed in retaining men in the church who professed
principles such as these, led and directed as they then were by a loyal
clergyman of the church, is surely in itself a sufficient condemnation of
their policy. Henry Offley Wakeman.

Becueil des Instructions donnies aux Amhassadeurs et Mmistres de
France depuis les Traites de Westphalie jusqu'd la Bevolution
Francaise. Ill : Portugal. Avec une introduction et des notes par
le yt® de Caix de Saint- Aymoue. (Paris : Felix Alcan. 1886.)

This is the third volume of the magnificent series of instructions to
French ambassadors which is being issued under the auspices of the
Commission on Diplomatic Archives, and which promises to supply the
most valuable materials for training students of the history of diplomacy.
The previous volume on Sweden, admirably edited by M. GefProy, has
already been noticed in this Review, and the pioneer of the series had the
advantage of being introduced by the masterly pen of M. Albert Sorel.
The Vicomte de Caix de Saint-Aymour has accomplished his task in a
manner which leaves little to be desired, and we are glad to see that the
chronological list of French envoys and agents, the absence of which we
mentioned as a defect in the Swedish collection, has been supplied in the
present volume. If any criticism is to be offered, it is that the editor has
done almost too much. The introduction to the separate instructions
might have been curtailed, if economy of space had been an object, as
each instruction usually contains a resume of previous events which is
sufficient to connect it with those which came before.

The editor has evidently felt himself compelled to make the most of
his materials, which are far inferior in interest and importance to those
of the two preceding volumes. Only twice in the period was Portugal in a
position to exercise any considerable influence upon the course of European
affairs, and its relations with France were as a rule of a slight if not of
an unfriendly character. It is true that the recovery of Portuguese in-
dependence was due to the policy of Eichelieu, and that without French
support the house of Braganza would hardly have obtained the throne.
But France was disappointed in its expectations of assistance from its
prot6g6. Portugal, once freed from the Spanish yoke, was content to
stand on the defensive, and the urgent pressure of the French envoys was
unable to induce the government at Lisbon to make any effectual diver-
sion on the western frontier of Spain. And its relations with France
were completely altered when the marriage of Louis XIV with Maria
Theresa opened the possibility of the Spanish succession to the house of
Bourbon. By the treaty of the Pyrenees, France promised to withdraw
all assistance from Portugal, and Spain looked forward with confidence
to the recovery of its former supremacy. Mazarin, however, was not pre-
pared to consent to this, and he succeeded in effecting an alliance between

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388 REVIEWS OF BOOKS April

England and Portugal. This proved the deathblow to French influence
at Lisbon. The outbreak of the War of Devolution made the Portuguese
alliance once more desirable, but it was too late to regain it. Spain had
ceased to be a formidable neighbour, and in 16G8 the treaty of Lisbon,
mediated by England, recognised the independence of Portugal. French
envoys continued to be sent to Lisbon, but it was hopeless to contend
against English influence, and they were mostly content to encourage the
Portuguese government in maintaining the indolent neutrality to which it
was naturally inclined.

As the approaching death of Charles II seemed to render inevitable a
great struggle for the Spanish succession, Portugal was at once placed
in a position which enabled it to exercise considerable influence. The
instructions of this period are the most important in the volume. Pedro V
accepted the second partition treaty, which was nullified by Louis XIV's
acceptance of the will of Charles II. For the moment the accession
of Philip V seemed likely to be unopposed, and Portugal was induced to
recognise him. But the formation of the grand alliance and the outbreak
of the war soon terminated this brief revival of the French alliance. In
1703 Sir John Methuen succeeded in concluding the brief but famous
treaty, which exercised so important an influence upon the succession
war, and which made Portugal almost a province of England for the next
century. The court of Lisbon gained nothing from the war, as the early
successes of the allies were followed by the disasters of Almanza and
Villa Viciosa, and Portugal was lucky to escape without the loss of terri-
tory in the treaty of Utrecht. If the mere dread of Spain falling to the
Bourbons was sufficient to detach Portugal from France in the previous
century, the actual acquisition of the Spanish crown by a member of that
house could not but tend still further in the same direction. From this
time the relations between Versailles and Lisbon are extremely cool.
The French envoys have nothing to do but to contest disputed points of
etiquette, and to carry on a hopeless struggle against English rivalry for
more favourable conditions for French commerce. After the first decade
of the century, Portugal is hardly a second-rate power, and its temporary
revival under Pombal brought about no more cordial relations with
France. Even common interests in the contest about the Jesuits with
Clement XIII failed to soften Choiseul towards the Portuguese minister,
of whom he always speaks with hatred and contempt.

But it must not be concluded that this volume, because it fails to
throw much light upon the central current of European affairs, is there-
fore dull and uninteresting. On the contrary, it is almost the more read-
able because it is concerned with minor issues, and because we feel that
no great matter is at stake. We learn a great deal about the methods of
French diplomacy, and we can even see something of the character of the
ministers who dictate the instructions. There is a good deal of informa-
tion about the character and relations of the royal family at Lisbon and
their advisers, and the questions of etiquette are as amusing as they are
obstinately contested. But the chief lesson to be learnt from the instruc-
tions of the eighteenth century lies in the details which they furnish about
French commerce, and the illustrations which they offer of the impor-
tance attached to mercantile and colonial interests. R. Lodge.

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 389

The Historical Basis of Modern Europe (1760-1815). By Archibald
Weik, M.A. (London : Swan Sonnenschein. 1887.)

In a volume of moderate size, Mr. Weir has striven to fulfil a great pur-
pose. Taking history in its widest sense, as embracing social, industrial,
scientific, literary, and artistic development as well as internal and external
policy, he has tried to show the transition from the old order to the new,
and the beginnings of the era in which we are now living. This transition
period he puts roughly between 1760 and 1815. Perhaps 1740 would
have been for many purposes a better starting point, but it is impossible
to choose any definite date that shall be wholly satisfactory. Briefly, the
plan of Mr. Weir's work is as follows. First the state of Europe in the
latter part of the eighteenth century is reviewed ; the chief political cha-
racteristics of most countries are taken to be the power of monarchy, and
the survival of the powerless feudal order as a hindrance to progress.
Next come the efforts of the reforming monarchs from Peter the Great to
Louis XVI to amend this state of things — efforts which had only partial
success. The French revolution and the Napoleonic wars are briefly
narrated, with sketches of the rise of national feeling in various countries
of Europe. Two chapters are devoted to the * industrial revolution ' in
England and the new machinery that helped to work the change ; and the
lest of the book deals with the rise of political economy, science, philo-
isophy, and the German and English literatures of the new era.

Mr. Weir seems to have used the best modern books for his subject,
and takes the most accredited modern view of most matters. On the
whole his work ought to be very useful ; it brings together in a small
compass many important facts and tendencies, whose connexion and even
contemporaneous existence we are too apt to ignore. He gives enough
information on most subjects to excite a craving for more ; and the infor-
mation, though necessarily compressed, is in the main accurate. But,
as usual in short statements, some parts have been compressed more than
others. While eight lines contain the story of the Russian campaign of
1812, six pages are given to the details of the territorial settlement of
Vienna. Surely the latter could have been safely left to the text-books
and handbooks that give little else. They are out of place in a general
essay; and such slips as 'Archduke Francois d'Este,' * Guastella,' 'the
Bocca di Cattaro,' do not help their dryness. Further, as if to recompense
scientific and mechanical progress for its exclusion from many historical
works, Mr. Weir has given it in unnecessary minuteness — actually de-
voting a page to expounding the principle of the hydraulic press ! It is
sometimes hard to determine for what class of readers Mr. Weir means
his work ; for it is by no means a book for beginners in anything — even
in hydrostatics.

A * cram ' book for those who desire to talk or write fluently about
modern history, the work can never be ; its very defects will preserve it
from that, and not least the defect of style. In a mere statement of
facts style is important, and much more in a general discussion and
grouping of large classes of facts ; and when Mr. Weir quits his autho-
rities and strikes out into generalisation for himself, his grasp is not
very strong, while his style is often laboured and heavy, weighted down

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with masses of long words. His study of the ancien regime and the French
Revolution — one of the best parts of the book — is sadly marred by such
sentences as this : ' And with their unsuspicious encouragement of the
revolutionary propaganda went genuine participation in its philanthropic
sentiments ; ' or this : ' The provincials were consequently trained to follow
with implicit obedience the mandates and vogue of Paris.' ' Mandates
and vogue ' is pure Daily Telegraph.

These defects, however, do not prevent the work from being a valuable
help and introduction to the study of the most modern periods— a study
which sadly needs all the system and generalisations it can get, so im-
measurable in extent and so chaotic in arrangement are its materials.
That restriction of history to political development and action of which
Mr. Weir complains is rather the result of necessity than of choice as we
approach our own age. It does no harm — nay, it is a useful reminder —
when Mr. Weir shows us all kinds of progress and change going on in
close connexion with each other ; but he would admit that for the pur-
poses of historical science we must consider man in his political capacity,
as for purposes of economic science we consider him chiefly in his acqui-
sitive capacity. If in ancient times of scanty records we are obliged to
chronicle what we can, in what it is convenient to call ' modern ' history
we must exercise a somewhat rigorous selection. To treat adequately in
any detail the various subjects on which Mr. Weir has written chapters,
would require many volumes such as his. Arthur R. Ropes.

Jean- Joseph Mounier, sa Vie politique et ses Merits. Par L. de Lanzac
DE Laborie. (Paris : Plon. 1887.)

The influence of English institutions on the minds of the leaders of the
first French Revolution is a subject of curious historical interest. Every
one of the statesmen of the constituent assembly quoted the example of
England freely, if not always correctly, during the debates which led to
the promulgation of the constitution of 1791, and affected to look with
admiration upon the political arrangements then in vogue on this side
of the Channel ; but their audience did not agree with them, and thought
that the French nation was going to have a much finer constitution than
the English people had ever possessed. The average deputy of the
constituent assembly was far more learned in the constitutional history
of Greece and Rome than in that of England, and knew the works of
Rousseau better than those of Montesquieu ; |[ while in the legislative
assembly and the convention the example of England was quoted with
abhorrence rather than admiration. It was, therefore, only upon the
minds of the statesmen of the revolution and not of the French people in
general that English institutions exercised any influence at all. These
statesmen naturally looked upon the English constitution in different ways
according to the medium through which they had seen or studied it. Lally
ToUendal learnt from Burke, whose friendship he had made when he wag
in England getting up the facts for his triumphant vindication of his
father's conduct in India, to regard it as the greatest creation of human
wisdom. Mirabeau, who had lived with the leaders of the new whigs, and
especially with Romilly and Lord Lansdowne, looked upon the English

I

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 391

constitution with their eyes, seeing its manifold defaults, but seeing also
how expansive it was, and how admirable it could be made. Marat, on
the other hand, who had lived in England with the members of the popular
societies, looked upon the unreformed English constitution as something
monstrous, and dedicated his first serious political essay to the assembly
under the title of ' Tableau des vices de la constitution anglaise.' These
three leaders had all seen for themselves the merits and weakness of
English institutions ; it was naturally reserved for a man who had never
seen them in action, but had only studied them in books, to become their
chief advocate in the constituent assembly, and to try in vain to force them
upon France. This man was Mounier, who played the leading part in
French politics during a most important year, and who has only now, after
nearly a hundred years, found a biographer.

Though M. de Lanzac de Laborie devotes the greater portion of his
valuable book to a discussion on, and analysis of, Mounier's political career
in the constituent assembly, it was not during the five months he sat
there that he exercised his most important influence on the history of the
revolution. It is rather as the leader of the revolution in Dauphine,
which preceded the elections to the states-general, that he deserves his
place in history, and it was on account of his behaviour there that he
won the predominating influence in France which made him the referee
in all the numerous electoral difficulties which arose during the elections
of the tiers etat to the states-general. Of the proceedings in Dauphine
M. de Lanzac de Laborie gives a concise and correct account, containing,
however, no new matter of importance, and he fully brings out the great-
ness of the service which Mounier did to the cause of the third estate by
exhorting all the electors to sink their private or provincial quarrels in
the one great aim of electing deputies who should really represent the com-
monalty of all France. Had not the assembly of Dauphin^ by the medium
of Mounier exhorted the people of Beam, and thus by implication of all the
different pays d'etat, to surrender their provincial privileges for the sake
of France, local jealousies would inevitably have destroyed the harmony
which fortunately prevailed among the deputies of the tiers etat at the
meeting of the states-general ; and had he not also drawn up his cele-
brated letter to the authorities of certain cities and towns proving the
inexpediency of their insisting upon separate representation, a fatal distinc-
tion might have been made between the deputies of towns and of country
districts. During the electoral period, then, Mounier was the recognised
leader of the tiers etat, and as such he deserves a more prominent place
in history than has been accorded to him.

When the states-general met he was universally looked upon as the
predestined leader of the third estate ; he failed to fill the position, and
others quickly seized the vacant place. He failed because he was no
statesman, but a political theorist ; and M. de Lanzac de Laborie's book
only brings out this' fact the more clearly. He had imbibed an even more
ardent admiration for the English constitution than his friend Lally
ToUendal, and he desired to copy that pattern and make a similar con-
stitution for France. But his knowledge of the English constitution was
derived from books alone, from Blackstone and De Lolme, and he looked
upon it as a perfect whole, not knowing from practical experience that it

392 REVIEWS OF BOOKS April

was full of anomalies and flaws, and the growth of centuries of compromise.
France was not ripe for a constitution of the sort which Mounier admired,
.and the constituent assembly only uttered the opinion of France when
it rejected the idea of having two chambers in its representative assembly.
This rejection quite upset the balance of Mounier ; he could imagine no
constitution without two chambers, and so, after filling the post of president
with admirable courage during the visit of the women of Paris to the
assembly on the night of 5 Oct., he resigned his seat, and gave up the
battle at once as lost. Thus Mounier made and frittered away a repu-
tation in a single year, because he was a mere theorist, and showed
that he was not fitted to play a great part in a revolutionary age.
His later years possess but little interest ; it may be valuable and important
to study the early years and education of any man who has played a great
part on the world's stage, but it matters little how such a man has spent his
later years, when he has deliberately abandoned the scene of his triumphs.
Mounier emigrated, became tutor to Lord Hawke's son, kept a school near
Weimar, returned to France, became prSfet of the department of the Ille-
et-Vilaine under Napoleon, and finally a member of his conseil cVetat,
and died on 26 Jan. 1806. His works also have lost their interest, and
it would profit no one to read his * Recherches sur les causes qui ont
empeche les Fran9ais de devenir libres,' or even his more curious ' De
I'influence attribuee aux philosophes, aux francs-ma9ons et aux illumines
sur la revolution de France,' written in opposition to Dr. Robinson and
the Abbe Barruel. His opportunity was gone ; and after October 1789
the influence of Mounier was simply nil.

Such was the career of Jean Joseph Mounier — a career marked with one
year of conspicuous importance, and then falling into nothingness. From
his influence on the elections to the states-general he must ever fill a place
in French history, and a much larger place than he has hitherto filled ;
while from his melancholy failure to keep up his position he must ever
serve as a warning to men not to dash into political affairs armed only
with a few theoretical notions and prepared to retire the moment their
pet theories do not commend themselves to the minds of others. Such a
man ought to have found a biographer before, for Mounier is the most
representative figure of 1789, as Mirabeau may be said to be of 1790 and
Robespierre of 1794, but it is perhaps an advantage that he should have
been left to be treated by M. de Lanzac de Laborie. The biography is in
every way adequate ; the facts are told soberly ; information has been dili-
gently sought out ; the author does not indulge in rhapsodies or attempts
at fine writing ; and if it is impossible to agree with him that Mounier
was a great man, it is possible to admit on his showing that his hero was a
good and virtuous citizen, and cordially to acknowledge that he has been
fortunate in his biographer. H. Mokse Stephens.

M&moires du Prince Adam Gzartoryski et Correspojidaiice avec VEm-
pereur Alexandre I. Preface de M. Ch. de Mazade, de I'Academie
Fran9aise. 2 tom. (Paris : Plon. 1887.)
This work consists of two volumes, the first being a fragment of an auto-
biography by Prince Adam Gzartoryski, the second a collection of political
documents described, not quite accurately, as his correspondence with

1688 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 393

Alexander I. There is nothing in the book or in the editor's preface to
make the reader aware that the greater part of the second volume was
published as a separate work twenty years ago by M. de Mazade. An
unwary reader will think that he is dealing with new materials. Persons
on the other hand who happen to know the edition of Czartoryski's cor-
respondence published in 1865, will suppose at first sight that the second
volume of this book is simply the one volume of 1865 over again. It is
only on a close comparison that the reader will discover that in the sixty-
eight documents in this collection there are fifteen which are not com-
prised in the collection of 1865. As these new documents are of great
interest and importance, it may be well to do here what ought to have
been done by the editor, viz. to indicate the numbers of the new docu-
ments. They are Nos. 3 to 12, 15, 16, 20, 21, and 22. If it was worth
while for M. de Mazade to write a preface to the book, he surely might
have been at the pains to state which of the materials now given to the
world were old and which new. It appears, moreover, from a footnote
at the termination of the incomplete autobiography, that the editors
are now in possession of notes left by Czartoryski on the subsequent
events of his Life. These have been withheld on the ground that they
were not in sufficient order for publication. It is greatly to be regretted
that the editors should have taken this course. The less revision the
notes had undergone, the more valuable they would have been for pur-
poses of history ; indeed the student who is accustomed to sift his
materials closely will perhaps think, on reaching the end of the auto-
biographical fragment, that the editors have gone as much by the shape
of the bottles as by the quality of the wine.

Prince Adam Czartoryski was born in 1770 and lived till 1862. The
opening chapters of the * Memoirs,' which come down to 1787, give a
curious picture of the family life of Polish grandees. From 1787 to
1795 there is a break in the * Memoirs.' This was the period of the
destruction of Poland. Young Czartoryski took part in the campaign
against Russia in 1792. When Kosciusko's rebellion broke out in 1794
he was in England. Hastening back to his own country, he was stopped
by the Austrian government at Brussels. The third partition of Poland
followed. Though Pulawy, the palace of the Czartoryskis, was in western
GaUicia, which fell to Austria, the greater part of their estates (on which
there were 42,000 male serfs) were in the territory annexed by Russia. These
estates were confiscated by the Empress Catherine ; and, on a request
for their restoration being presented through the Austrian sovereign,
Catherine required that the two young Czartoryskis should appear at St-
Petersburg and enter her service. It was decided in a family council that
the young men should go. They reached St. Petersburg in May 1795,
and it is at this point that the * Memoirs 'are resumed.

No stranger scene is to be found in the history of that time than the
levies of Catherine's favourite, Platon Zubow. Here, at eleven o'clock in
the morning, every one in St. Petersburg, great or small, who wished to
obtain anything, had to present himself, and stand in silence while the
Zubow's valet attired his master. Generals who had conquered and
governed provinces had to repeat these humiliating visits for weeks to-
gether ; and to one person alone. Field-marshal Soltykow, was a chair

394 REVIEWS OF BOOKS April

ever offered. In the painful position of suppliants for the restoration of
their father's estates, the young Czartoryskis, like the rest of the world,
had to present themselves at the daily court of the favourite. They had,
moreover, to seek the patronage of his brother Valerian, commander of the
regiment which had sacked Pulawy. A fearful description is given of the
suspense and the powerlessness of those who sought for some mitigation
of the sufferings of their kindred banished to Siberia or immured they
knew not where. In the convulsions of these years whole provinces were
confiscated. There were some among the crowd of suppliants begging
for the restoration of their own ; others greedy for a share of the spoiL
In the case of the Czartoryskis a favourable answer was at last given.
The estates were conferred by edict upon the young men, who returned
them to their father.

As members of an illustrious Polish house, and one, moreover, which
was connected by marriage with the same houses as the royal family of
Eussia, the Czartoryskis were received with distinction in the highest
society of St. Petersburg. The empress encouraged their attendance at
court. Here they made acquaintance with her grandsons, the grand
dukes Alexander and Constantine ; and a passage in the ' Memoirs,'
which has already been printed in the introduction to M. de Mazade's
book of 1865, tells how Alexander revealed to his astonished friend the
horror which he felt for the violent and unscrupulous policy of his grand-
mother, and his firm intention to restore the kingdom of Poland when he
should himself succeed to the crown. In November 1796 Catherine
died ; Paul, who succeeded her, saw with no very friendly eye the in-
timacy between his son Alexander and Adam Czartoryski, and sent the
latter in 1798 on a mission to Italy. On the murder of Paul in 1801
Czartoryski was immediately summoned back to St. Petersburg by the
new emperor, who evidently cherished the warmest affection for him.
On the distinct understanding that he should not give up his Polish
nationality and interests, Czartoryski entered the emperor's service, be-
coming in 1803 adjunct of the chancellor Vorontzow, and in 1804 minister
of foreign affairs. This post he held during the formation of the third
coalition against Napoleon and during the momentous events of 1805. He
was with Alexander at Austerlitz, but ceased to be minister in the spring
of 1806. With the battle of Austerlitz the * Memoirs ' end. It is stated
by the editors that Czartoryski was still dictating them during his last
illness in 1862, when he was over ninety years of age ; but there is clear
internal proof that the earlier part of them was written about 1836.

The ' Memoirs ' hardly add to our knowledge of the great events of the
time, but they do throw light on the character and aims of Alexander, and
they clothe with life and reality certain pages of Russian political history
in which the actors have hitherto been mere shadows to us in Western
Europe. The names of Marcow, Razumowski, Wintzingerode, Novo-
siltzow, are familiar in connexion with the treaties and the diplomacy
of the Napoleonic period ; but the present * Memoirs ' are perhaps the
first book accessible to a western reader in which these personages appear
with anything of human and dramatic interest. The rarity of such infor-
mation about Russian politicians gives to these details a value greater
than would belong to ' Memoirs ' of the same historical calibre in which

f

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 395

the actors were Frenchmen or Germans. For political history in the
strictest sense, the chapter which describes the policy of the Russian
court when, with the appointment of Czartoryski to the Foreign Office,
it entered upon the cosmopolitan or mediatorial projects of 1804, is
perhaps the most important. It shows that what Czartoryski really had
in his mind, beneath all the vague and sounding phrases to which Pitt
lent so cold an ear, was the restoration of Poland by some European
areopagus under Russian ascendency. The murder of the duke of Enghien
to some extent forced Czartoryski's hand, and made an end of the schemes
of mediation. Russia broke off diplomatic intercourse with France, and
the formation of the third coalition began. The situation was a strange
one. Alexander had placed at the head of Russian affairs a man who
had definitely covenanted that he should adhere to the cause of Poland.
Subject to this condition Czartoryski no doubt did his best for Russia,
and he seems to have taken it for granted that a union of the two
countries under Alexander was possible, in which Poland should possess
a distinct national existence and a free constitution. So, when in 1805
war with France had become imminent, and Prussia appeared resolved
to pursue its policy of neutrality, Czartoryski was passionately desirous
that Alexander should invade Prussia and win over its Polish provinces
by proclaiming himself king of Poland. The plan was surely one of the
most reckless ever formed by a responsible politician, for it must have
thrown all the military resources of Prussia into the hands of Napoleon
against Russia and its allies. This Alexander perceived in time, and the
extreme animosity of Czartoryski against Prussia was probably the means
of opening Alexander's eyes to the impossibility of maintaining him as ,
Russian minister. It is evident that from the time when the czar abandoned
the idea of throwing his armies upon Prussia, Czartoryski's position was
undermined, and throughout the campaign of 1805 he felt that he had not
the monarch's confidence. It was against his wish and advice that Alex-
ander took part in the military operations in Moravia, where the monarch's
presence did the utmost mischief, depriving the generals both of authority
and of responsibility, and leading directly to the disaster of Austerlitz.
It would appear both from the ' Memoirs ' and from the correspondence
that even after this catastrophe, and after his interview with Napoleon,
the emperor of Austria had some idea of continuing the war if Alexander
would have continued to support him, but that Alexander positively re-
fused to lend him any further help. This does not accord with the re-
ceived view, which throws upon the Emperor Francis the responsibility of
breaking up the coalition by his separate submission. Czartoryski was,
however, in communication with the Emperor Francis in the days follow-
ing Austerlitz, and he would hardly have dared in his letters to reproach
his sovereign with ' abandoning his suffering ally ' if Francis had not
shown some willingness to continue the war. When Austria was thus
left to itself, Czartoryski urged that Russia should enter into negotiations
for peace with Napoleon, instead of remaining exposed to new dangers by
the continuance of a state of war in which it was doing nothing. This
counsel, however, was not accepted, and in the spring of 1806 Czartoryski
withdrew from office. Alexander subsequently repented that he had not
in 1805 accepted his advice and declared himself king of Poland, thus

B96 REVIEWS OF BOOKS April

preventing the Poles from becoming Napoleon's instruments and antici-
pating the establishment of the duchy of Warsaw. When war with France
came within sight in 1810, the project of a Polish kingdom again
occupied Alexander's thoughts. The interesting letters that then passed
between him and Czartoryski form part of the collection published in
1865 ; they appear unaltered in the present work.

The new documents enumerated above comprise the minutes of the
council held at St. Petersburg on the murder of the duke of Enghien ;
the secret instructions given to Novosiltzow on his mission to England in
September 1804 (he was told among other things to try to turn out Pitt
and to establish a coalition ministry) ; a project for the resettlement of
Europe after a successful war (1804), with plans for the eventual partition
of Turkey ; and various reports sent in by Czartoryski to Alexander on
the affairs of 1805 and 1806. Space does not permit us to enter into
the contents of these documents, which deserve to be cited almost at
full length ; but their mere titles will suggest to the student of the
history of that time what a treasure of information they contain.

C. A. Fyffe.

A new volume in the CoUectio7i de textes i:)Our servir a Vetude et a
renseignement de Vhistoire, now in course of publication by Alphonse
Picard, Paris, calls for notice as one of considerable utility. It forms the
first part of the Textes relatifs aux institutions privees et publiques aux
epoques Merovingienne et Carolingienne, edited by M. Thevenin — a com-
pilation for which the editor justly claims the merit of ' adequately
affording to the student the necessary notions with respect to the social
economy and life of the period,' while it also throws much light on not a
few points connected with the history of legislation. The extracts are
accompanied by brief notes, which are so clear and to the point as to
leave us only to regret that they are not more numerous. So far as the
date of each document is ascertainable, the order is chronological ; but by
means of two indexes the geographical distribution is placed before the
student (the great majority belonging either to Neustria or to Burgundia),
and the whole material is also classified according to the subjects to which
the different documents relate. Among them are those defining the status
or illustrating the condition of freemen, serfs, and coloni; those apper-
taining to marriage, dowry, paternity, and adoption ; to property, dona-
tions, and bequests ; to modes of procedure in courts, to attestation, and
to legal evidence ; to legal decisions and to criminal law. Altogether, this
collection, when completed by the publication of the corresponding volume
relating to public law, cannot fail to be of great utility to the student. It
does not contain much that is new to advanced scholars — only one docu-
ment appearing for the first time in print, and this inserted, according
to M. Thevenin's own admission, chiefly as a concession to the ' goilt
exagere et indiscret de V erudition de notre temps pow " Vinedit ; " ' but
it brings together, after the fashion of Stubbs's ' Select Charters,' a body of
judiciously selected material before accessible only in different collections,
for the most part of a costly and somewhat rare description.

Jean VIII et la Fm de V Empire Caroling ien. Par A. Gasquet.
(Clermont-Ferrand : Imprimerie Mont-Louis. 1886.) M. Gasquet, who

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 397

is professor of history and geography in the Faculte des Lettres at
Clermont, gives us in this short treatise the results of some valuable
research. He has made a special study of the correspondence of
John VIII, and his estimate of the general abihty of that pontiff is higher
perhaps than that of any recent writer, much more so certainly than
that of Gregorovius. The sudden changes of poUcy for which John was
notorious, and which others have ascribed to vacillation of purpose, are
in M. Gasquet's opinion the result of a remarkable capacity for discerning
the tendency of events and grapphng with the exigencies of the hour.
The treatise also contains much that is suggestive with regard to the
relations of the empire and the popedom, and the summary which it gives
of the difficulties attaching to the much-controverted question of the date
and genuineness of the Lihellus de imperatoria potestate in urbe Boma
will be found useful. The criticisms in connexion with the alleged
donation of Charles the Bald to the Holy See are also well deserving
of attention ; and the conditions of the papal election and consecration
at this period receive no little elucidation.

Baines's Lancashire has long held a well-known place among county
histories. The book — to give it its full title, The History of the County
Palatine and Duchy of Lancaster, by Edward Baines, M.P.— first ap-
peared in 1836 in four quarto volumes. A new edition by Harland and
Herford, in 1868, succeeded in reducing its size to two volumes ; but
this was done by the use of an unpleasantly small type and the omission of
the family pedigrees dear to the heart of the local antiquary. Mr. James
Croston, F.S.A., at. length undertook the preparation of a third edition,
to include these pedigrees and to steer a middle course between its two
predecessors. The type though close, is not too small, and the work is
to be completed in three volumes, of which the first lies before us (Man-
chester and London : John Hey wood). Probably there is no county his-
tory in existence of which the introductory or general portion will bear
much looking into ; and the present one is no exception. On the very
first page we find the forgery known as ' Eichard of Cirencester ' quoted
in cold blood, and Mr. Croston has actually added in the new edition Dr.
Henry's ' opinion that the Brigantes were descended from the ancient
Phrygians.' After this it is not surprising to learn that * historians are
generally agreed that the aborigines of Britain . . . were Gauls or Gaels.'
The account of Roman roads and other remains in Lancashire, indeed,
shows a distinct improvement on the previous editions ; but there is a
recrudescence in the summary of Anglo-Saxon history, where the myths
of Geoffrey of Monmouth, Alfred's institution of trial by jury, and other
' facts ' of the kind are solemnly recorded. Why should county histories
be kept as mortuaries for defunct blunders ? It is needless to say that it
would be highly unfair to judge the local part of the * History ' by these
examples. Here the new edition seems on the whole to be fairly well pre-
pared, though there are some bad blemishes, and we think that those
who have occasion to use the book would prefer to have documents given
in the original and at full length instead of (as is sometimes the case here)
in an abridged translation. The statistics are, in most instances, brought
down to the latest date, but it is surely unadvisable to encroach upon the

398 REVIEWS OF BOOKS April

province of the Directory by giving lists of present holders of office in
the county.

A short History of the Irish People, down to the date of the Planta-
tion of Ulster, by the late A. G. Kichey (Dublin : Hodges & Figgis) is a
rather misleading title given to a reprint of two courses of lectures which
appeared in 1869 and 1870. Mr. Kane, who has edited them, has incor-
porated another lecture on the physical geography of Ireland and the
beginning of a detailed history of Ireland which was left behind at Mr.
Kichey's death. It may be doubted if this attempt to weave together
fragments into a consecutive history has been successful, and the adop-
tion of a title suggested by a very different kind of book is certainly a
mistake. This does not, however, detract from the value of Mr. Richey's
work, which has been already recognised. No recent writer has dealt
with Irish history in a more intelligent and sympathetic manner than Mr.
Eichey, while his fairness of mind and his critical judgment give his
book a permanent value. Above all things he has grasped the origin of
institutions, without a clear conception of which Irish history is a hope-
less puzzle. It may be admitted that he has mapped out the course of
early Irish history with precision and has prepared the way for a larger
treatment of its problems. We are thankful for a new edition of these
extremely suggestive lectures, which deserve to be widely known.

Souvenirs du feu dice de Broglie. Vol. IV. (Paris : Levy. 1886.)
The first three volumes of this work were reviewed in our number of
January 1887. The fourth volume, which appeared later, and which
concludes the work, takes up the narrative at the point where the due de
Broglie became a minister of Louis-Philippe on 11 Aug. 1830. It is
carried no further than April 1832. The third chapter, which deals with
the brief period from 11 Aug. to 2 Nov. 1830, during which the duke
remained in office, is of considerable historical value. It sets in a very
clear light the principal objects of the ministry of 11 Aug., or rather of
that section of it which agreed with BrogHe : viz. to get Talleyrand sent
to England ; to preserve the Council of State from abolition ; and, while
requiring strict legality from the clergy, to avoid all unnecessary quarrels
with the Church. The later part of the volume contains little that is not
found in current histories ; and it is to be regretted that the duke did not
live to carry his Souvenirs over the period of his return to office as the
leading member of Louis-Philippe's government.

A new monthly publication entitled Le Moyen Age made its appear-
ance last January. Besides reviews of books bearing on medieval history
and literature and a variety now and then, it contains a detailed account,
with occasional criticism, of the articles on its subject to be found in an
immense list of periodical publications. So large is the field covered that
the editors can only include one or two countries or sections of countries
in a single number. One almost doubts whether so comprehensive a
scheme can be consistently carried out ; but the first three numbers are
kept well up to the original design. The editors are MM. A. Marignan,
G. Platon, and M. Wilmotte. The publication, which is externally much
hke the Bevue Critique, is published at Paris by M. Alphonse Picard.

In the last issue of the English Historical Review, p. 169, line 11,
the date 1658 was misprinted 1698.

1888

399

List of Historical Books receiitly pitblished

I. GENERAL HISTORY

(Including works relating to the allied branches of knowledge and works
of miscellaneous contents)

Brief institutes of
Pp. 440. Boston.

Alcorta (A.) Curso de derecho inter-

nacional publico. I. Pp. 509. Buenos

Aires: Lajouane.
Andrews (E. B.)

general history.

12mo.
DucROCQ (T.) Etudes d'histoire financi^re

et mon^taire. Paris : Guillaumin. 7 f.
Freeman (E. A.) Four Oxford Lectures,

1887 : fifty years of European history ;

Teutonic conquest in Gaul and Britain.

London : Macmillan. 5/.
EoKos (J.) Chronologisch-iibersichtliche

Darstellung der zehn wichtigsten

Epochen der Weltgeschichte seit den
Kreuzziigen. Pp. 603. Pressburg :
Heckenast.

Seignobos (C.) Abr6g6 de I'histoire de la
civilisation depuis les temps les plus
recules jusqu'a nos jours. Paris :
Masson. 12mo. 1-25 f.

Vars (J.) L'art nautique dans I'antiquit^
et specialement en Gr^ce, d'apr^s A.
Breusing, Bie, Nautik der Alien, suivi
de comparaisons avec les usages et les
proc6d6s de la marine actuelle. Pp.
265, illustr. Paris : Klincksieck. 12mo.
5 f.

II. ORIENTAL HISTORY

Barges (abb6 J. L.) Complement de
I'histoire des Beni-Zeiyan, rois de
Tlemcen, ouvrage du cheikh Mohammed
Abd'al-Djalil al-Tenessy. Pp. 612.
Paris : Leroux. 18 f.

Bataviasche Dagregister [1624- 1807].
I : Dagh-register gehouden int Casteel
Batavia vant passerende daer ter plaetse
als over geheel Nederlandts -India [ 1 640-
1641]. Edited by J. A. van der Chijs.
Pp. 511. The Hague : Nijhofif. 5 fl.

Erman (A.) Aegypten und agyptisches
Leben im Altertum. II. Pp. 742,
illustr. Tubingen : Laupp,

GuTSCHMiD (A. von). Geschichte Irans
und seiner Nachbarlander von Alex-
ander dem Grossen bis zum Untergang
der Arsaciden, mit einem Vorwort von
T. Noldeke. Pp. 172. Tiibingen :
Laupp, 4 m.

HoMMEL (F.) Abriss der Geschichte des
alten Orients bis auf die Zeit der Per-
serkriege. Pp. 98. Nordlingen : Beck.
1-80 m.

J08EPH1 (Flavii) Opera, edidit et apparatu

critico instruxit B. Niese. I : Antiq.
Jud. I-V. Pp. Ixxxiv, 362. Berlin:
Weidmann. 14 m.
Kremer (A. Freiherr von). Uber das Ein-
nahmebudget des Abbasiden-Eeiches
vom Jahre 306 H. [918-919]. Pp. 82,

3 plates. Vienna : Gerold. 4to. 5*40 m.
Le Chatelier (A.) Les Confr^ries musul-

manes du Hedjaz. (Biblioth^que

orientale elz6virienne, LII.) Paris :

Leroux. 16mo. 5 f.
Maspero (G.) Egyptian Archasology.

Translated by A. B. Edwards. Pp.

326, 299 illustrations. London : Grevel.

10/6.
NoiiDEKE (T.) Aufsatze zur persischen

Geschichte. Pp. 158. Leipzig : Weigel.

4 m.

Pressel (W.) Die Zerstreuung des Volkes
Israel. II : Die Stufen dieser Zer-
streuung. Pp. 127. Heilbronn: Hen-
ninger. 2 m.

Wellhausen (J.) Skizzen und Vorar-
beiten. Ill : Eeste arabischen Heiden-
tumes. Pp.224. Berlin: Eeimer. 8m.

m. GREEK AND ROMAN HISTORY

Baumeister (A.) Denkmaler des klassi-
schen Altertums zur Erlauterung des
Lebens der Griechen und Komer in
Eeligion, Kunst, und Sitte. Pp. 1136,
1400 illustr. Munich : Oldenbourg.

Bertolini (C.) I celeres ed il tribunus
celerum : contributo alia storia della
costituzione dell' antica Eoma. Pp.
75. Eome : Loescher.

Blunt (H. W.) The causes of the decline

400 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED April

of the Eoman commonwealth. (Arnold
prize essay, 1887.) Pp. 42. Oxford:
Blackwell. 2/.

BuzELLo (J.) De oppugnatione Sagunti
quffistiones chronologicae. Pp. 42.
Konigsberg : Koch & Reimer.

DoKSCH (E.) De civitatis Romanae apud
Grascos propagatione. Pp. 70. Breslau :
Kohler.

Geigeb (K. a.) Der Selbstmord im
klassischen Altertum. Pp. 82. Augs-
burg: Huttler. 1*50 m.

Gerathewohl (B.) Die Reiter und die
Rittercenturien zur Zeit der romischen
Republik. Pp. 103. Munich: Acker-
mann.

Herzog (E.) Geschichte und System der
romischen Staatsverfassung. II : Die
Kaiserzeit von der Diktatur Casars bis
zum Regierungsantritt Diocietians. 1 :
Geschichtliche Uebersicht. Pp. 602.
Leipzig : Teubner. 10 m.

Inscriptionum Latinorum, Corpus, con-
silio et auctoritate academia litterarum
regiae Borussicas editum. XIV : In-
scriptiones Latii antiqui Latinse. Ed.
H. Dessau. Pp. 608, map. Berlin :
Reimer. 61 m.

Maschke (R.) Der Freiheitsprozess im

klassischen Altertum, insbesondere der
Prozess um Verginia. (Jastrow's His-
torische Untersuchungen, VIII.) Pp.
191. Berlin : Gaertner. 6 m.

MoMMSEN (T.) Romisches Staatsrecht
(Marquardt & Mommsen's Handbuch
der romischen Alterthiimer, III). I.
Pp. 832. Leipzig : Hirzel. 15 m.

Myska (G.) De antiquiorum historicorum
Grfficorum vocabulis ad rem militarem
pertinentibus. Pp. 67. Konigsberg :
Koch & Reimer.

RiCHTER (W.) Die Spiele der Griechen
und Romer. (Kulturbilder aus dem
klassischen Altertume, II.) Pp. 220,
illustr. Leipzig : Seemann. 3 m.

Schubert (R.) Geschichte des Agathokles,
neu untersucht und nach den Quellen
dargestellt. Pp. 210. Breslau :
Koebner. 5 m.

Serbe (contre-amiral). Etudes sur I'his-
toire militaire et maritime des Grecs et
des Romains. Pp. 270. Paris : Baudoin.
18mo. 3 f.

Stoffel (colonel). Histoire de Jules
Cesar: Guerre civile. Pp. 391, 464,
with atlas of 24 plates. Paris : Imp.
nationale. 4to. 100 f.

IV. ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY

Acta Sanctorum Novembris collecta, etc.,
a C. De Smet, G. Van Hoof, et J. De
Backer, S.J. I : quo dies primus,
secundus, et partim tertius continentur.
Pp. 1006. Brussels : Vandenbroek.
Fol. 75 f.

Allard (P.) Les derni^res persecutions
du troisi^me si^cle (Gallus, Valerien,
Aurelien),d'apr^sles documents arch6o-
logiques. Paris : Lecoffre. 6 f.

Brueck (H.) Geschichte der katholischen
Kirche im neunzehnten Jahrhundert.
I : Geschichte der katholischen Kirche
in Deutschland. 1 : Vom Beginne des
neunzehnten Jahrhunderts bis zu den
Concordatsverhandlungen. Pp. 478.
Mainz : Kirchheim. 6 m.

Clementis V regestum ex Vaticanis arche-
typis Leonis XIII pontificis maximi
jussu et munificentia nunc primum
editum, cura et studio monachorum
ordinis s. Benedicti. Annus quintus,
sextus, Septimus (Regestorum vol. LVII,
LVIII, LIX). Pp. 463, 468, 354.
Rome : typ. Vaticana. 4to.

Coussemaker (I. de). Cartulaire de
I'abbaye de Cysoing et de ses d6pen-
dances. Paris : Champion. 20 f.

CoxE (bishop A. Cleveland). Institutes of
christian history. (The Baldwin Lec-
tures, 1886.) Pp. 328. Chicago : Clurg.
12mo. ^1-50.

Cristofori (F.) Le torabe dei papi in
Viterbo e le chiese di s. Maria in Gradi,
di s. Francesco, e di s. Lorenzo. Pp.
470, plates. Siena: s. Bernardino. 5-501.

Fisher (G. P.) History of the christian

church. Pp. 690, maps. London :
Hodder & Stoughton. 12 '.

Gherardi (A.) Nuovi documenti e studi
intorno a Girolamo Savonarola. 2nd
enlarged edition. Pp. 400. Florence :
Sansoni. 16mo. 5 1.

Hagenbach (K. R.) Kirchengeschichte
von der altesten Zeit bis zum neun-
zehnten Jahrhundert, in Vorlesungen.
Ill : Geschichte der Reformation vor-
ziiglich in Deutschland und der Schweiz.
5te Auflage, herausgegeben und mit
einem litterarisch-kritischen Anhang
versehen von F. Nippold. Pp. 728.
Leipzig : Hirzel. 7 m.

Harnack (A.) Lehrbuch der Dogmenge-
schichte. II : Die Entwickelung des
kirchlichen Dogmas, I. Pp. 483. Frei-
burg : Mohr. 9 m.

Haussleiter (J.) Leben und Werke des
Bischofs Primasius von Hadrumetum :
eine Untersuchung. Pp. 55. Erlangen :
Metzer 1*35 m.

Hauthaler (W.) Aus den vaticanischen
Registern : eine Auswahl von Urkunden
und Regesten, vornehmlich zur Ge-
schichte der Erzbischofe von Salzburg
bis zum Jahre 1280. Pp. 86. Vienna :
Gerold.

Hefele (Bischof C. J. von). Concilienge-
schichte, nach den Quellen bearbeitet,
fortgesetzt von J., Cardinal Hergen-
rother. VIII. (Fortsetzung, I.) Pp.
896. Freiburg : Herder. 9-60 m.

Lea (H. C.) A history of the Inquisition
of the middle ages. I. Pp. 583. New
York : Harper. $'d.

1888 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED 401

Merit (abb6). Histoire des premiers temps
de I'Eglise d'apr^s les Actes des Apotres
et les Epitres. Pp. 342, illustr. Tours:
Cattier. 3-50 f.

Meyboom (H. U.) Marcion en de Mar-
cionieten. Pp. 272. Leyden : Engels.
3 fl.

MoxLEON (C. de). L'^glise et le droit
romain : etudes historiques. Paris :
Poussielgue. 12mo. 3 f.

Pfleiderer (0.) Das Urchristenthum,
seine Schriften und Lehren in ge-
schichtlichemZusammenhangbeschrie-
ben. Pp. 891. Berlin : Reimer. 14 m.

Preger (W.) Ueber das Verhaltniss der
Taboriten zu den Waldesiern des vier-
zehnten Jahrhunderts. Pp. 111.
Munich : Franz. 4to. 3-30 m.

Tardif (A.) Histoire des sources du droit
canonique. Pp. 414. Paris : Picard.
8f.

Tozer (H. F.) The church and the
eastern empire. (Epochs of Church
History.) Pp. 208. London : Long-
mans. 2/6.

Villari (P.) La storia di Girolamo
Savonarola e de' suoi tempi, narrata con
I'aiuto di nuovi documents New edition
enlarged. II. Pp.261. Florence: Le
Monnier. 8 1.

Weingarten (H.) Zeittafeln und Ueber-
blicke zur Kirchengeschichte. Dritte
Auflage in durchgangig neuer Gestaltung
und Bearbeitung. Pp. 247. Rudolstadt :
Hartung. 4-50 m.

V. MEDIEVAL HISTOKY

Barkal (A. de). Les chroniques de I'his-
toire de France, 16gendes carlo vingien-
nes. Pp. 236, illustr. Tours : Cattier.
3f.

Bertacchi (C.) Dante geometra : note di
geografia medioevale a proposito della
nuova topocronografia della Divina
Commedia. Pp. 62. Turin : Fornaris-
Marocco. 2 1.

Bertoletti (G.) Illustrazione di un
denaro d'argento inedito di Rodolfo di
Borgogna, re d'ltalia, coniato in Milano
circa il 922-925. Pp. 6, plate. Milan :
Civelli.

BoNDURAND (E.) L'educatiou carolin-
gienne : le Manuel de Dhuoda [843].
Pp. 271, plates. Paris : Picard. 5 f.

EiCKEN (H. von). Geschichte und System
der mittelalterlichen Weltanschauung.
Pp. 822. Stuttgart : Cotta. 12 m.

Gasquet (A.) L'empire greo et les bar-
bares. Pp. 70. Clermont-Ferrand:
Mont-Louis.

Lasch (B.) Das Erwachen und die Bnt-
wickelung der historischen Kritik im
Mittelalter [700- 1300]. Pp. 121. Bres-
lau : Koebner. 2*40 m.

Neumann (C.) Griechische Geschicht-
Bchreiber und Geschichtsquellen im
zwolften Jahrhundert : Studien zu
Anna Comnena, Theodorus Prodromus,
Johannes Cinnamus. Pp. 105. Leip-
zig: Duncker & 'Humblot. 2-40 m.

Trog (H.) Rudolf I und Rudolf II von
Hochburgund : Inaugural-Dissertation.
Pp. 87. Basel : Detloff.

ZosiMi historia nova, ed. L. Mendels-
sohn. Pp. liv, 306. Leipzig : Teubner.
10 m.

VI. MODERN HISTORY

Bettoni-Cazzago (F.) Gli Italiani nella
guerra d'Ungheria [1848-1849]. Pp.
283, portrait & map. Milan : Treves.
16mo. 3 1.

Darimon (A.) Notes pour servir a I'his-
toire de la guerre de 1870. Pp. 304.
Paris : Ollendorff. 12mo. 3-50 f.

DuQUET (A.) Guerre de 1 870 -i 871. I:
Les grandes batailles de Metz [19 juil-
let-18 aout] . Pp. 343, 5 maps. II : Les
derniers jours de I'armee du Rhin [19
aout-29 octobre]. Pp. 361, 2 maps.
Paris : Charpentier. 12mo. 7 f.

England and Napoleon in 1803: being
the despatches of lord Whitworth and
others, now first printed from the ori-
ginals in the Record Office. Edited for
the Royal Historical Society. Pp. 316.
London : Longmans. 15/.

Foucart (P.) Campagne de Prusse [1806]
d'apr^s les archives de la guerre : J6na.
Maps. Paris : Berger-Levrault. 10 f.

Harrisse (H.) Christophe Colomb et
Savone ; Verzellino et ses * Memorie : '
VOL. III. NO. X.

6tudes d'histoire critique et documen-
taire. Paris : Borrani. 5 f .

HusGEN (E.) Chronik der Gegenwart
[1885]. Pp.462. Dusseldorf: Bagel.

Katharina (Konigin), Brief wechsel der,
und des Konigs Jerome von Westphalen,
sowie des Kaisers Napoleon I mit dem
Konig Friedrich von Wiirttemberg.
Ed. by A. von Schlossberger. Ill :
Nachtrag zu Bd. I und II, aus dem
Napoleon'schen Hausarchive. Pp. 214.
Stuttgart : Kohlhammer. 6 m.

KiNGLAKE (A. W.) The invasion of the
Crimea : its origin and an account of its
progress down to the death of Lord
Raglan. VII, VIII. Pp. 770. London :
Blackwood. 28/.

Knox (T. W.) Decisive battles since
Waterloo : the most important military
events [18 15- 1887]. Pp. 482, illustr.
London : Putnam. 10/6.

NisARD (C.) Guillaume du Tillot, un
valet ministre et secretaire d'etat :
Episode de I'histoire de France en
D D

402 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED April

Italie [1749-1771]. Paris : Ollendorff*
12mo. 3-50 f.

NoGUEiRA (M. T. Alves). Der Monchsritter
Nikolaus Durand von Villegaignon :
ein Beitrag zur Kenntniss franzosisch-
brasilianischer Verhaltnisse im sech-
zehnten Jahrhundert. Pp. 148, maps.
Leipzig : Brockhaus. 4 m.

Orient, la guerre d' [1877-1878] : etude
strat^gique et tactique des operations
des armees russe et turque en Europe,
en Asie, et sur les cotes de la mer Noire,
par un tactieien. IV. Pp. 788, maps.
Paris : Baudoin. 12 f.

ScHMEissER (Dr.) Die niederlandischen
Kontingente in der Armee des ersten
Kaiserreiclis. Pp. 15. Liegnitz :
Eeisner. 4to. 1 m.

Stahelin (R.) Briefe aus der Eeforma-
tionszeit, grosstentheils nach Manu-
scripten der Zwingerschen Briefsamm-
lung ver5ffentlicht. Pp. 36. Basel:
Schneider. 4to.

Stoerk (F.) Nouveau recueil general de
traites et autres actes relatifs aux rap-
ports de droit international. Continua-
ation du grand recueil de G. F. de
Martens. 2me serie, XII, 1, 2. Pp.
539. Gottingen : Dietrich. 21 m.

Washburne (E. B.) Recollections of a
Minister to France [1869-1877]. 2 vol.
Pp. 720, illustr. London : S. Low. 36/.

Weber (0.) Die Quadrupel-Allianz vom
Jahre 1718 : ein Beitrag zur Geschichte
der Diplomatic im achtzehnten Jahr-
hundert. Pp. 122. Prague : Tempsky.

VII. FKENCH HISTOEY

Barthelemy (C.) La patrie f ranpaise ;
ses origines, ses grandeurs, et ses vi-
cissitudes. Pp. 441. Paris : Bloud
& Barral. 5 f.

Berty (A.) & Tisserand (L. M.) Topo-
graphic historique du vieux Paris : re-
gion occidentale de l'Universit6. Pp.
665, 26 plates. Paris : Champion. 4to.
50 f.

BoETHius (S. J.) Den franska revolu-
tionen, dess orsaker och inre historia.
I-IIL Pp. 240. Stockholm: Fahl-
crantz. 3 kr.

Brossard (J.) M^moires historiques de la
ville de Bourg, extraits des registres
municipaux de 1 'hotel de ville. V :
[1650 a 1715]. Pp. 302. Bourg-en-
Bresse : Martin-Bottier. 8 f .

€esena (A. de). Les Bourbons de France.
Paris : Bl^riot. 4to. 15 f.

Champagne, La R6forme et la Ligue en :
Documents. I : Lettres conservees
dans les archives municipales de Ch4-
lons-sur-Marne, Reims, &c. [1546-1598],
recueillies par G. Herelle. Paris : Cham-
pion. 10 1.

€lercq (M. & J. de). Recueil des traites
de la France public sous les auspices
du minist^re des affaires 6trangdres.
XV : Supplement [ 1 7 1 3- 1 885] . Paris :
Pedone-Lauriel. 20 f.

€hanson (M.) Les grandes compagnies
en Auvergne au quatorzi^me si^cle :
Seguin de Badefol a Brioude et a Lyon.
Pp. 47. Brioude : Watel & Allezard.

CoNCHARD (V. de). L'assassinat du mare-
chal Brune : episode de la Terreur
blanche. Paris : Perrin. 12mo. 3 f.

Delaborde (comte J.) Charlotte de Bour-
bon, princesse d'Orange. Paris : Fisch-
bacher. 10 f.

Delarbre (J.) La L6gion d'honneur :
histoire, organisation, administration.
Paris : Baudoin. 6 f.

Demarquette (A.) Cartulaire et abbesses
de la Brayelle d'Annai [1196-1504]. I.
Pp. 438, 12 plates. Lille: Lefebvre-
Ducrocq. 12 f.

DucERK (E.) Histoire topographique et
anecdotique des rues de Bayonne. I.
Pp. 360. Bayonne : Lamaignlre. 18mo.
6f.

DussiEux (L.) Etude biographique sur
Sully. Pp. xl, 368. Paris: Lecoffre,
3-50 f.

Engel (A.) & Serrure (R.) Repertoire
des sources imprimees de la numis-
matique franyaise. I. Paris : Leroux.

Farcy (P. de). Abbayes de I'^veche de
Bayeux. I: Cerisy [1030-1791]. Pp.
296, plates. Laval : Moreau. 4to.
12 f.

France, L'ancienne : I'ecole et la science
jusqu'a la renaissance. Pp. 335, 200
illustr. Paris : Firmin-Didot. 4 f.

: le theatre (mysteres, tragedie,

com^die) et la musique (instruments,
ballet, opera) jusqu'en 1789. Pp. 308,
228 illustr. Paris: Firmin-Didot. 4 f.

Francois I", Catalogue des actes de. I :
[1" Janvier 151 5-31 decembre 1530].
Pp. 738. Paris : Imp. nationale 4to.

Gazeau de Vautibault. Les d'Orleans
au tribunal de I'histoire. I : Philippe
d'Orleans, fr^re de Louis XIV, chef de
la maison d'Orleans [1640-1701] ; le
regent, sa vie avant la r6gence. Paris :
J. L6vy. 12mo. 3-50 f.

GiLLARD (A.) Annales de la ville de No-
gent-le-Roi en Beauce. Pp. 82, 6 plates.
Chartres : Gamier. 4 f.

GiRY (A.) Etude sur les origines de la
commune de Saint-Quentin. Paris :
Picard. 4to. 5 f.

Imbert de Saint-Amand. — Les femmes
de Versailles : la cour de Marie-
Antoinette. Illustr. Paris : Dentu.
4to. 20 f.

La duchesse de Berry et la cour de

Louis XVIII. Paris: Dentu. 12mo.
3-50 f.

Isamb.-lrd (E.) Histoire de la revolution
a Pacy-sur-Eure. II. Pp. 364. Pacy-
sur-Eure : Grateau. 16mo. 2 f.

Jesuits.— Factum du proems entre Jean
de Biencourt, sieur de Pontrincourt, et

1888 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED 403

les p^res Biard et Mass^, j6suites, public
avec une introduction par G. Marcel.
Paris : Maisonneuve. 4to. 20 f.

JouBERT (A.) Histoire de Menil et de ses
seigneurs d'apr^s des documents in6dits

. [1040-1886]. Illustr. Paris: Leche-
valier. 5 f.

La Ferte (Papillon), intendant et con-
trdleur de I'argenterie, menus plaisirs,
et affaires de la chambre du roi, Jour-
nal de [1756-1780], public avec une
introduction et des notes par E.Boysse.
Pp. 459. Paris : Ollendorff. 7-50 f .

Ledied (A.) Esquisses militaires de la
guerre de cent ans : La Hire et Xain-
trailles ; les Flavy. Pp. 240, illustr.
Lille : Lefort. 2-50 f.

Lemas (T.) Etudes sur le Cher pendant
la revolution. Paris : Fischbacher.
12mo. 3-50 f.

Metivier (J. de). Chronique du parle-
ment de Bordeaux. II. Pp. 382. Bor-
deaux : Moquet. 20 f .

Napoleon (prince). Napoleon et ses d6-
tracteurs. Pp. 319. Paris : C. L6vy.
18mo. 3-50 f.

NisABD (D.) Considerations sur la revo-
lution fran^aise et sur Napoleon P"".
Paris : C. L6vy. 12mo. 3-50 f.

PoiRiER DE Beauvais (B.) M^moircs int6-
ressants, veridiques, et impartiaux sur
la guerre de la Vendee, dans lesquels
sont relev6es les fausses assertions de
Tureau, g^n^ral r^publicain. Pp. 76.
Niort : Favre.

RiCARD (Mgr.) L'abbe Maury [1746-1791] :
I'abbe Maury avant 1789 ; l'abb6
Maury et Mirabeau. Pp. 300. Paris :
Plon. 12mo. 3-50 f.

RiGAUD (M.) Chronique de la Pucelle,
Jeanne d'Arc : campagne de Paris.
Pp. 19, plate. Paris : Lechevalier. 2 f.

Roland, La Chanson de ; traduction ar-
chaique et rythmic, accompagn6e de
notes explicatives par L. Cledat. (Biblio-
th^que de la Faculte des Lettres de Lyon,
III.) Paris : Leroux. 5 f .

Saint-Cere (J.) & Schlitter (H.) Napo-
leon a Sainte-H6iene : rapports officiels
du baron Sturmer. Paris : Decaux.
12mo. 3-50 f.

Say (L.) Turgot. Paris : Hachette. 12mo.
2 f.

SuGER. — Vie de Louis le Gros, par Suger,
suivie de 1 'Histoire du roi Louis VII,
publiees d'apr^s les manuscrits par
A. Molinier. (Collection de textes pour
servir a I'^tude et a I'enseignement de
I'histoire, IV.) Pp. 1, 196. Paris :
Picard. 5*50 f.

Teule (E.) Etat des juridictions inf6-
rieures du comt6 de Roussillon avant
1870. Paris : Lechevalier. 2-50 f.

Toulouse : Histoire, archeologie monu-
mentale, facult^s, academic, etablisse-
ments municipaux, institutions locales,
&c. Paris : Picard. 10 f.

Trouette (E.) L'ile Bourbon pendant la
p6riode r6volutionnaire [1789- 1803]. I.
Pp. 351. Paris : Challamel. 10 f.

Veuclin (V. E.) La marine militaire
fran<?aise sous le consulat et I'empire :
aventures d'un jeune marin-dessinateur,
Oursel, de Bernay [1801-1813]. Pp.84.
Bernay: Veuclin.

Viel Castel (count H. de), Memoirs
of : a chronicle of the principal events,
political and social, during the reign
of Napoleon III, from 1851 to 1864.
Transl. by C.Bousfield. 2 vol. Pp. 610.
London : Remington. 30/.

ViLLfeLE (comte de). M6moires et corre-
spondance. I. Portrait. Paris : Perrin.
7-50 f.

Zeller (B.) Arques et Ivry ; le si^ge
de Paris par Henri IV [1588- 1590] : ex-
traits des M6moires du due d'Angou-
leme, des lettres missives de Henri IV,
&c. Paris : Hachette. 18mo. 50 c.

Les 6tats de la Ligue ; le roi

national [1593-1594] : Extraits des pro-
c6s-verbaux des 6tats [1593], des regis-
tres journaux de I'Estoile, &c. Illustr.
Paris : Hachette. 18mo. 50 c.

VIII. GEEMAN HISTORY

(Including Austrl^-Hungary)

AssEBURGER Urkundenbuch. Urkunden
und Regesten zur Geschichte des Ge-
schlechts Wolfenbiittel-Asseburg und
seinen Besitzungen. II : Bis zum Jahre
1400. Ed. by J. Graf von Bocholtz-
Asseburg. Pp. 450, tables. Hanover :
Hahn. 12 m.

Baybeuth. — Memoiren der koniglichen
preussischen Prinzessin Friederike
Sophie Wilhelmine, Markgrafin von
Bayreuth, Schwester Friedrichs des
Grossen [1709- 1742]. Pp. 217, 264, pi.
Leipzig: Barsdorf.

Blumcke (0.) Die Handwerksziinfte im
mittelalterlichen Stettin. Pp. 167.
Stettin : Herrcke & Lebeling.

Brosien (H.) Preussische Geschichte.

I : Geschichte der Mark Brandenburg
im Mittelalter. Pp. 260, illustr. Leip-
zig : Freytag. 1 m.

Dortmund. — Die Chroniken der west-
phalischen und niederrheinischen
Stadte. I : Dortmund, Neuss. (Chro-
niken der deutschen Stadte vom vier-
zehnten bis ins sechzehnten Jahrhun-
dert, XX.) Pp. xxxv, 639. Leipzig:
Hirzel. 16 m.

DuMMLER (E.) Geschichte des Ostfran-
kischen Reiches. 2nd ed. II : Lud-
wig der Deutsche vom Koblenzer
Frieden bis zu seinem Tode [860-876].
(Jahrbiicher der deutschen Geschichte.)
Pp. 445. Leipzig : Duncker <fe Hum-
blot. 10 m.

. D D 2

404 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED April

Eedmann (D.) Luther und seine Bezie-
hungen zu Schlesien, insbesondere zu
Breslau. (Schriften des Vereins fiir Ee-
formationsgeschichte, XIX). Pp. 75.
Halle : Niemeyer. 1-20 m.

Eemland. — Monumenta historiae War-
miensis. VI, 2 : Scriptores rerum
Warmiensium, oder Quellenschriften
zur Geschichte Ermlands. Ed. by
C. P. Woelky. Pp. 219. Braunsberg :
Huye. 3 m.

Falckenheinee (W.) Philipp der Gross -
miitige im Bauernkriege, mit urkund-
lichen Beilagen. Pp. 142. Marburg :
Ehvert. 3-60 m.

Feicke (W.) Geschichte der Stadt Biele-
feld und der Grafschaft Eavensberg.
Pp. 338. Bielefeld : Helmich. 5-25 m.

GuNTHEE (S.) Geschichte des mathema-
tischen Unterrichts im deutschen Mit-
telalter bis zum Jahre 1525. (Monu-
menta Germanise pasdagogica, III.) Pp.
408. Berlin : Hoffmann.

Halle. — Die hallischen Schoffenbiicher.
II : [1401-1460]. Ed. by G. Hertel.
(Geschichtsquellen der Provinz Sachsen
und angrenzende Gebiete, XIV, 2.)
Pp. 639. Halle : Hendel. 14 m.

Hallwich (H.) Toplitz : eine deutseh-
bohmische Stadtgeschichte. Pp.471, pi.
Leipzig : Duncker & Humblot.

Haetel (A.) Coin in seinen alten und
neuen Architecturen. I. 10 plates.
Leipzig : Dorn & Merfeld. Fol.

HoLLMANN (S. C.) Die Universitat Got-
tingen im siebenjahrigen Kriege. Pp.
82. Leipzig : Hirzel.

HoEAwiTz (A.) Zur Geschichte des Hu-
manismus in den Alpenlandern. II,
III. Pp. 82. Vienna : Gerold.

HoEN (A.) Culturbilder aus Altpreussen.
Pp. 402. Leipzig : Eeissner.

Hungary.— Codex diplomaticus Hunga-
ricus Andegav^nsis. Edited by E.
Nagy. V: [i347-i352]. Pp. 657.
Budapest : Akademie.

Kohl (D.) Die Politik Kursachsens
wahrend des Interregnums und der
Kaiserwahl [16 12]. Nach archivalischen
Quellen dargestellt. Pp. 75. Halle :
Niemeyer. 2 m.

KoPPEN (F. von). Die Hohenzollern und
das Eeich, von der Griindung des
brandenburgisch-preussischen Staats
bis zur Wiederherstellung des deutschen
Kaisertums. HI. Pp. 640, illustr.
Glogau : Flemming.

Kronks (F. von). Geschichte der Karl
Franzens-Universitat in Graz. Pp. 486.
Graz : Leuschner & Lubensky.

Lampel (J.) Die Landesgrenze von 1254
und das steirische Ennsthal : ein
Beitrag zur Geschichte des oster-
reichischen Zwischenreichs. Pp. 156,
32. Vienna: Gerold.

Lavisse (E.) Essais sur I'Allemagne im-
perial. 12mo. Paris : Hachette. 3-50 f.

Lehmann (M.) Scharnhorst. II : Seit
dem Tilsiter Frieden. Pp. 662. Leip-
zig : Hirzel. 12 m.

LoEENzi (P. de). Beitrage zur Geschichte
samtlicher Pfarreien der Diozese Trier.
2 vol. Pp. 692, 568. Treves : Paulinus-
Druckerei. 8 m.

Luther (Martin). Briefe, bearbeitet und
mit Erlauterungen versehen von E. L.
Enders. II: April 1519-November
1520. Pp. 536. Calw: Vereinsbuch-
handlung. 4*50 m.

Opitz (H. G.) Das Staatsrecht des K6-
nigreichs Sachsen. II. Pp. 289.
Leipzig : Eossberg.

Pyl (T.) Geschichte der Greifswalder
Kirchen und Kloster, nebst einer Ein-
leitung vom Ursprunge der Stadt
Greifswald. 3 vol. Pp. 1527, plates.
Greifswald : Bindewald. 24 m.

Bade (M.) Ulrich von Hutten und Franz
von Sikkingen in ihrem Anteil an der
Eeformation. 12mo. Pp. 76. Barmen :
Klein. 1 m.

Eedlich (0.) Der Eeichstag von Niirn-
berg [1522-1523]. Pp. 149. Leipzig:
Fock. 2-40 m.

Both (F.) Wilibald Pirkheimer : ein Le-
bensbild aus dem Zeitalter des Huma-
nismus und der Eeformation. (Schriften
des Vereins fiir Eeformationsgeschichte,
XXI.) Pp. 82. Halle: Niemeyer.
1-60 m.

Eothenhauslee (K.) Die Abteien und
Stifte der Herzogthums Wiirttemberg
im Zeitalter der Eeformation. Pp. 269.
Stuttgart : Deutsches Volksblatt.

Sachsen-Cobueg-Gotha (Ernst II, Her-
zog von). Aus meinem Leben und aus
meiner Zeit. I. Pp. 616. Berlin :
Hertz. 14 m.

Seydel (M.) Bayerisches Staatsrecht.
III. Pp. 660. Munich : Literar.-artist.
Anstalt.

Stadelmann (E.) Preussens Konige in
ihrer Thatigkeit fiir die Landeskultur.
IV : Friedrich Wilhelm III [i 797-1807].
(Publicationen aus den koniglich preus-
sischen Staatsarchiven, XXX). Pp.333.
Leipzig : Hirzel. 8 m.

Stefpenhagen (E.) Die Entwicklung der
Landrechtsglosse des Sachsenspiegels.
IX : Die Ueberlieferung der Buch'schen
Glosse. Pp. 51. Vienna : Gerold.

Styeia. — Beitrage zur Kunde steierraar-
kischer Geschichtsquellen. XXII. Pp.
120. Graz : Leuschner & Lubensky.

Tettau (W. J. A. von). Erfurts Unter-
werfung unter die mainzische Landes-
hoheit [1648-1664]. Pp. 56. Halle:
Pfeffer. 1 m.

Thim (J.) D^lmagyarorszag onv^delrai
harcza [1848- 1849]. I. Pp. 387. Buda-
pest : Aigner.

VoGT (W.) Die Vorgeschichte des
Bauernkrieges. (Schriften des Vereins
fiir Eeformationsgeschichte, XX.) Pp.
144. Halle : Niemeyer. 2-40 m.

Wandel (G.) Studien und Charakteris-
tiken aus Pommerns altester und
neuester Zeit. Pp. 365. Leipzig : Buch-
handlung des Vereinshauses. 3-50 m.

Wedel (H. von). Beitrage zur alteren

<

1888 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED 405

Geschichte der neumarkischen Kitter-
schaft. II : Das Land Schivelbein
unter der Herrschaft der Herren von
Wedel [1 3 1 9- 1 384]. I : Das Land-
gebiet von Wedego, I. Pp. 90. Leipzig :
Hermann.

Wengen (F. von der). General Vogel von
Falckenstein und der Hannoversche
Feldzug. [1866]. Pp. 76. Gotha :
Perthes. 1-60 ra.

Will (K. P.) Sanct Benno, Bischof von
Meissen. Pp. 112. Dresden : Schmidt.
Im.

Winter (G.) Die kriegsgeschichtliche
Ueberlieferung iiber Friedrich den
Grossen, kritisch gepriift an dem
Beispiel der Kapitulation von Maxen.
(Jastrow'sHistorischeUntersuchungen,
VII.) Pp. 175. Berlin : Gaertner. 5 m.

Wbede (A.) Die Einfiihrung der Refor-
mation im Liineburgischen durch Her-
zog Ernst den Bekenner. 4to. Pp.
227. Gottingen : Dieterich. 8 m.

WiJRTTEMBERG, Illustrirte Geschichte von.
Pp. 787. Stuttgart : Henselmann.
20 m.

IX. HISTOEY OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND

Allen (J. R.) Early Christian symbolism
in Great Britain and Ireland before the

. thirteenth century. (Rhind Lectures
in Archaeology, 1885.) Pp. 440. Lon-
don : Whiting. 15/.

Gasquet (F. a.) Henry VIII and the
English monasteries : an attempt to
illustrate the history of their suppres-
sion. (Catholic Standard Library, I.)

. Pp. 510. Dublin : Hodges. 12/.

Freeman (E. A.) William the Conqueror.
London. Macmillan. 2/6.

Historical Manuscripts Commission.
Tenth report. VI : Collections of the
marquess of Abergavenny and others.
London : Stationery Office. 1/7.

.. ■ Eleventh report. Ill : Southamp-
ton and King's Lynn. IV: Marquess
of Townsend's manuscripts. London :
Stationery Office. 1/8 & 2/6.

HoENiG (F.) Oliver Cromwell. I, 2 :
[1642-1646]. Pp. 306, maps. Berlin :
Luckhardt. 6 m.

Kebbel (T. E.) Beaconsfield. London :
W. H. Allen. 2/6.

Klopp (0.) Der Fall des Hauses Stuart
und die Succession des Hauses Han-
nover in Gross-Britannien und Irland
im Zusammenhange der europaischen
Angelegenheiten von 1 660- 17 14. XIV:
Die.Tahre 1711-1714. Pp.726. Vienna:
Braumiiller. 19 m.

Moberly (G. H.) Life of William of
Wykehara, sometime bishop of Win-
chester and lord high chancellor of
England. With appendices, containing
two Latin manuscripts. Pp. 318.
Winchester : Warren. 7/6.

Ortelius (Abraham). Epistulea (Eccle-
siflB Londino-Batavae archivum. I).
Edited by J. H. Hessels. Pp. Ixxv,
966, with fac-similes. Cambridge :
University Press.

Ramsay (John) of Ochtertyre, Scotland
and Scotsmen in the eighteenth cen-
tury, from the MSS. of. Ed. by A.
AUardyce. 2 vol. Pp. 1120. London :
Blackwood. 31/6.

RicARDo (D.) Letters to Thomas Robert
Malthus [1810-1823]. Ed. by J. Bonar.
Pp. 264. Oxford : Clarendon Press.
10/6.

Rogers (J. E. Thorold). A history of
agriculture and prices in England, from

the year after the Oxford parliament
[1259] to the commencement of the
continental war [1793]. V, VI. Pp.
1620. Oxford : Clarendon Press. 50'.

Sagas, Collection of, and other historical
documents relating to the settlements
and descents of the Northmen on the
British Isles, edited by sir G. W.
Dasent and G. Vigfusson. I : Orkney-
inga Saga and Magnus Saga. II :
Hakonar Saga and a fragment of Mag-
nus Saga. With appendices. London :
Published under the direction of the
master of the rolls. 20/.

Scotland, Calendar of documents rela-
ting to. Edited by J. Bain. Ill: [1307-
1357]. London : Stationery office. 15/.

Register of the privy council of.

VIII: [1607- 1610]. Edited by D.
Masson. London : Stationery office. 15/.

Stephen (L.) Dictionary of national
biography, ed. by. XIV : Damon-
D'Eyncourt. Pp. 452. London : Smith
& Elder. 15/.

Stokes (Margaret). Early Christian art
in Ireland. (South Kensington hand-
books.) Pp. 210, 106 illust. London :
Chapman & Hall. 7/6.

VoRBERG (M.) Oliver Cromwell und die
Stuarts. Pp. 62. Gotha : Perthes. 1 m.

Walsh (R.) Fingal and its churches : an
historical sketch of the foundations
and struggles of the church of Ireland
in part of the county Dublin. Pp. 300.
Dublin: McGee. 6/.

Waurin (John de). Collection of the chro-
nicles and ancient histories of Great
Britain, now called England [1399-
1422]. (Translation of vol. II.) Ed.
and transl. by sir W. Hardy and E. L.
C. P. Hardy. London : Published under
the direction of the master of the rolls.
10/.

Wyon (A. B.) and Wyon (A.) The great
seals of England, arranged and illus-
trated from the earliest times to the
present day, with descriptive and his-
torical notes. London : Stock. 4to.
147/.

York. — Testamenta Eboracensia : a selec-
tion of wills from the registry at York.
V. (Surtees Society's publications,
LXXIX.) Pp. 358. London: Whit-
taker cS: Co. 18/.

406 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED April

X. ITALIAN HISTOKY

Bacchi (A.) Bologna al tempo di Luigi
Galvani nel suo governo civile ed eccle-
siastico, nelle sue istituzioni di scienze,
di arti, e di pubblica beneficenza. Pp.
276. Bologna : Gamberini. 1-50 1.

Balan (P.) Clemente VII e 1' Italia de'
suoi tempi : studio storico. Pp. 217.
Milan : Grhezzi.

Benrath (K.) Geschichte der Keforma-
tion in Venedig. (Schriften des Vereins
fiir Reformationsgechichte, XVIII.)
Pp. 127. Halle : Niemeyer. 2-40 m.

Bologna. — Acta nationis Germanicae
universitatis Bononiensis ex archetypis
tabularii Malvezziani. Ediderunt E.
Friedlaender & C. Malagola. Pp. xxxix,
503, 5 plates. Berlin : Keimer. 4to.
38 m.

Canale (A.) Storia dell' isola di Capri,
dall' eta remotissima sino ai tempi pre-
sent!. Pp. 416. Naples : Festa. 16mo.
2-50 1.

Cantu (C.) Gian Galeazzo Visconti.
Pp.41. Milan: Bortolotti.

Castro (G. de). Milano nel settecento,
giusta le poesie, le caricature, e le altre
testimonianze dei tempi : studio. Pp.
420. Milan : Dumolard. 16mo. 4 1.

Cellini (Benvenuto), The life of. Newly
translated by J. A. Symonds. 2 vol.
Pp. 860, illustr. London : Nimmo. 36/.

Chiuso (T.) La chiesa in Piemonte dal
1797 ai nostri giorni. I. Pp. 360.
Turin: Speirani.

CiviDALE. — Instrumentum pacis inter
serenissimum ducem dominum Vene-
tiarum et magnificam communitatem
Civitatis Austriae [11 Jul. 1419]. Con-
cessio regiminis civitatis Fori Julii
[8 Aug. 1553]. Pp. 16. Cividale:
Fulvio Giovanni.

Claretta (G.) Sulla legazione a Roma
dal 1 7 10 al 1 7 14 del marchese Ercole
di Priero. Pp. 40. Genoa : tip. Sordo-
muti. (From the Giornale ligustico,
XIV.)

Giardelli (C.) Saggio di antichita pub-
bliche siracusane. Pp. 106. Palermo :
tip. dello Statuto. 16mo.

LocAscio (F.) La fallita italica ribellione
del 1848 e la invasione piemontese in
Sicilia nel i860. I. Pp. 64, plate.
Palermo : tip. II Guttemberg.

Malagola (C.) I rettori delle university
dello studio bolognese. Pp. 92.
Bologna : Garagnani.

Mandalari (M.) Pietro Vitali ed un docu-
mento inedito, riguardante la storia di
Roma (secolo XV). Pp. 52. Rome :
Bocca. 4 1.

Marcelling da Civezza (P.) II romano
pontificato nella storia d'ltalia. III.
Pp. 802. Florence : Ricci.

Mauro (M. a.) & Magni (B.) Storia del
parlamento italiano. Nona e decima
legislatura : 1865-7]. IV. 1, 2; V.
Rome : tip. della Camera dei Deputati.

Monza (F.) Cronaca vicentina dell' anno

1590, tratta da una vacchetta per D.

Bortolan. Pp. 26. Vicenza : tip. Com-

merciale.
Natali (E.) II ghetto di Roma. I. Pp.

268. Rome : tip. della Tribuna.
Oliphant (Mrs.) The makers of Venice ;

doges, conquerors, painters, and men of

letters. Pp. 388, illustr. London :

Macmillan. 21/.
Parri (E.) Vittorio Amedeo II ed

Eugenio di Savoia nelle guerre della

successione spagnuola : studio storico

con documenti inediti. Pp. 420.

Milan : Hoepli. 16mo. 5 1.
Perla (R.) Capua Vetere : studio. Pp.

407. S. Maria Capua Vetere :

Schoeffer.
Perugia. — Documenti di storia perugina,

editi da A. Fabretti. I. Pp. 208. Turin :

coi tipi privati dell' editore.
PipiTONE (F.) La Sicilia e la guerra

d' Otranto [1470-1484J. Pp. 64.

Palermo : tip. dello Statuto.
Repeta (M.) Cronaca [1464 -1489]. Pp.

32. Vicenza : Brunello.
Sagredo (A.) Potere legislativo della

repubblica di Venezia : il maggior con-

siglio. Pp. 24. Padua : Prosperini.
Savio (F.) I primi conti di Savoia : ri-

cerche storiche. Pp. 90. Turin :

Bocca.
SiMONSFELD (H.) Dcr Fondaco dei

Tedeschi in Venedig und die deutsch-

venetianischen Handelsbeziehungen.

2 vol. Pp. 492, 396. Stuttgart : Cotta.

20 m.
SiRACUsA (G. B.) Relazioni fra il regno

di Napoli e la Sicilia durante il regno

di Roberto : contribute alia storia del

regno di Roberto d'Angio, con nuovi

documenti. Pp. xliv, 147. Palermo;

tip. dello Statuto. 4to. 6 1.
Tadini (0.) I marinari italiani nelle

Spagne. Pp. 43. Rome : Forzani.
Taiani (D.) Cenni monografici e storici

suUa citta di Vietri sul Mare in pro-

vincia di Salerno. Pp. 86. Salerno :

lovane.
ToNiNi (C.) Rimini dal 1500 al 1800.

VI, 1. Pp. xxxix, 948. Rimini : Danesi

gi^ Albertini.
Tuscany. — Vita di Cosimo III, sesto

granduca di Toscana ; Vita del prin-

cipe Francesco Maria, gia cardinale di

santa chiesa; Vita del gran principe

Ferdinando di Toscana. Pp. 96.

Florence : Stianti. 16mo. 3 1.
Venice. — Miscellanea pubbiicata dalla

reale deputazione veneta di storia patria.

IV, V. Pp. 335, & liii, 308, maps.

Venice : Visentini. 4to.
Zanelli (A.) La sfida di Francesco

Sforza air esercito veneto [novembre

1452]. Pp. 18. Brescia: Unione-,

tipografica. 1 1.

1888 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED 407

XI. HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS

Alberdingk Thijm (P. p. M.) Geschichte
der Wohlthatigkeitsanstalten in Belgien
von Karl dem Grossen bis zum sech-
zehnten Jahrhundert. Pp. 207.
Freiburg : Herder. 4 m.

BioGRAPHiE nationale publiee par I'aca-
demie royale de Belgique. IX, 3.
Brussels : Bruylant-Cristophe.

Booms (P. G.) Het eerste boek van
Neerlands krijgsgeschiedenis : de Bata-
vieren, Caninefaten, en Friezen onder
en tegen Kome. Pp. 250. The Hague :
Cleef. 2-40 fl.

De Potter (F.) Geschiedenis van de
gemeenten der Provincie Oost-Vlaan-
deren. Ill : Gent van den oudsten
tijd tot heden, IV. Pp. 618, plates.
Ghent : Annoot-Braeckmann. 5 fl.

De Bidder (A.) Les Pays-Bas pendant
le r^gne de Philippe-le-Beau et de
Charles-Quint d'apr^s les relations des
ambassadeurs v6n6tiens. Pp. 44.
Ghent : Leliaert, Siffer, & Cie. (From
the ' Magasin litt^raire et scientifique.')
75 c.

DuYL (C. F. von). Overzicht der bescha-
vingsgeschiedenis van het Neder-
landsche volk. Pp. 408. Groningen :
Wolters. 2-25 fl.

Feys (E.) & Nelis (professor). Les car-
tulaires de la pr6v6te de Saint-Martin,
a Ypres, pr6c6d6s d'une esquisse his-
torique sur la pr6v6t6. II. (Complete
with glossary. Pp. 1092.) Bruges :
Plancke. 4to.

Goens (E. M. van), Brieven aan, en

onuitgegevene Stukken hem betreffende.
II. (Werken van het Historisch Ge-
nootschap, gevestigd te Utrecht.
Nieuwe serie, XLIII.) Pp. 362.
Utrecht : Kemink.

Hagemans (G.) Vie domestique d'un sei-
gneur chatelain du moyen 4ge, d'apr^s
des documents originaux in6dits. Pp.
154. Antwerp : J. Plasky. 3 f .

HoGENDORP (g6n6ral Dirk van), comte
de I'empire, M6moires du. Publics
par son petit-fils, M. le comte C. D. A.
van Hogendorp. Pp. 416. The Hague :
Nijhofl". 3-80 fl.

Hogendorp (G. K. van). Brieven en
gedenkschriften, edited by H. von
Hogendorp. IV. Pp. 422. The
Hague : Nijhoff. 4-25 fl.

Nameche (Mgr.) Le r^gne de Philippe
II et la liberte religieuse dans les
Pays-Bas au seizi^me si^cle. VIII. Pp.
476. Louvain : Fonteyn. 4 f.

Cours d'histoire nationale. V :

Periode espagnole. XX. Pp. 418.
Louvain : Fonteyn. 4 f.

Nameche (A. J.) Les Van Artevelde et
leur 6poque. Pp. 253. Louvain :
Fonteyn. 2 f.

NuiJENS (W. J. F.) Geschiedenis der
kerkelijke en politieke geschillen in de
republiek der Zeven Vereenigde Pro-
vincien voornamelijk gedurende het
twaalfjarige bestand. II. Pp. 350.
Amsterdam : Van Langenhuysen.
2-77ifl.

XII. SLAVONIAN AND LITHUANIAN HISTORY

(Together with Roumania)

Adamy (H.) Die schlesischen Ortsnamen,
ihre Entstehung und Bedeutung. Pp.
76. Breslau : Priebratsch. 2 m.

BiENEMANN (F.) Die Statthalterschafts-
zeit in Liv- und Estland [1783-1796] :
ein Capitel aus der Regentenpraxis Ka-
tharinas II. Pp. 471. Leipzig :
Duncker & Humblot.

Ddnin (W.) Rumania, Bosfor, Balkan
und Dunaj [1855-1878]. Pp. 273.
Lemberg : Filler.

Poland. — Diaria comitiorum PolonisB a.
1587. (Scriptores rerum Polonicarum.
Ed. collegium historicum academias
literarum Cracoviensis. XI.) Pp. 269.
Cracow : Friedlein.

Rambaud (A.) History of Russia from the

earliest times to 1882. Edited and en-
larged by N. H. Dole. 3 vol. Pp.
1230. London: Low. 21/.

Vacarescu (T. C.) Rumaniens Antheil
am Kriege der Jahre 1877 und 1878.
Aus dem Rumanischem von M. Krem-
nitz. Pp. 257, maps. Leipzig :
Brockhaus. 7 m.

WiERZBowsKi (T.) Vincent Laureo, 6v6que
de Mondovi, nonce apostolique en Po-
logne [1574-1578] et ses d6peches in6-
dites au cardinal de Come. Pp. 756.
Warsaw : Berger.

Xknopol (A. D.) Etudes historiques sur
le peuple roumain. Paris : Leroux.
12mo. 4 f.

XIII. HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL

Felipe II, Correspondencia de, con sus
embajadores en la corte de Inglaterra
[1 558-1 584]. III. (Coleccion de docu-
mentos in6ditos para la historia de
Espana, XC.) Pp. 571. Madrid:
Murillo. 4to. 13 pes.

Gardin du Boisdulier (A.) Alphonse
XII et son r^gne. Pp. 155. Rennes :
Cailli^re. 2-50 f.

Granvelle, Correspondance du cardinal
de, publi6e par C. Piot. VI. (Col-
lection de chroniques beiges in6dites

408 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED April

publi6es par ordre du gouvernement.)
Pp. xlviii, 651. Brussels : Hayez.

Graux (C.) L'universite de Salamanque.
Pp. 84. Paris : Dupret. 12mo. 1 f .

Lafuente (M.) Historia general de
Espaiia desde los tiempos primitivos
hasta la muerte de Fernando VII, con-
tinued by J. Valera, A. Borrego, and A.
Pirala. I. Pp. cxix, 259. Barcelona :
Montaner & Simon. 4to. 6 pes.

KOMA DU BOCAGE (C.) & GoYRI (N.) ES"

tudios de historia patria : Origem do
contado de Portugal. Pp. 57. Lisbon :
Typographia da Academia Eeal das
Sciencias. 4to.

Sales y Ferre (M.) Estudios, arqueo-
logicos y historicos. Pp. 205. Madrid :
Eivadeneyra. 2-50 pes.

ViLLAR Y Marcias (M.) Historia de
Salamanca. 3 vol. Pp. 538, 646,
480. Salamanca: Hernandez. 4to.
20 pes.

XIV. SWISS HISTOEY

Blumer (J. J.) Handbuch des schwei-
zerischen Bundesstaatsrechtes. II.
Pp. 648. Basel : Benno Schwabe.
16 f.

BiJTLER (P.) & Kruger (E.) Friedrich
VII, der letzte Graf von Toggenburg ;
Die Grafen von Wendenberg. (Mit-
theilungen zur vaterlandischen Ge-
schichte des historischen Vereins in St.
Gallen, XXII.) Pp. 399, 153, plates.
St. Gallen : Huber. 14-60 f.

Chronica provincise helveticae ordinis
sancti patris nostri Francisci Capu-
cinorum ex annalibus ejusdem pro-
vincise manuscriptis excerpta. Pp.

791.
Fol.

Solothurn : Burkard & Frolicher.

Frey (A.) Die helvetische Armee im
Jalire 1799 und ihr Generalstabschef
Gaudenz von Salis-Seewis. Pp. 97.
Ziirich : Schulthess. 2 f.

Knabe (C.) Publikationen des Altertums-
Vereins zu Torgau. I : Das Amt Torgau.
Volkszahl von Torgau [1505-1535].
Pp. 37. Torgau : Jacob. 1-50 f.

EiTTER (K.) Die Politik Ziirichs in der
zweiten Halfte des vierzehnten Jahr-
hunderts : ein Beitrag zur Entstehungs-
geschichte der schweizerischen Eidge-
nossenschaft. Pp. 104. Ziirich : Hohr.

XV. HISTOEY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMEEICA
(Including Canada and Mexico)

Cartier (J.) Documents nouveaux
recueillis par F. Joiion des Longrais.
Paris : Picard. 12mo. 10 f.

KiNGSFORD (W.) The history of Canada.
I: [1608-1682]. Pp. 488. London:
Trubner. 15/.

Lopez de Gomara (F.) Conquista de
M6jico. I, Pp. 282. Barcelona:
Cortezo. 4to. 2-50 pes.

TowNSEND (Virginia F.) Life of Washing-
ton. Pp. 267, illustr. New York:
Worthington Co. 12mo.

Warfield (E.) The Kentucky resolution

of 1798. Pp.204. New York: Putnam.
12mo. ^1-25.

Whitelock (W.) The life and times of
John Jay, secretary of foreign affairs
under the confederation, and first chief
justice of the United States ; with a
sketch of public events from the open-
ing of the revolution to the election of
Jefferson. Pp. 370. New York. 12nio.
9/.

W1N8OR (J.) The manuscript sources of
American history. Pp. 15. New York :
Appleton. 4to.

I

1888

409

Contents of Periodical Publications

I. FRANCE

Revue Historique, xxxvi. 1, 2. January-
March — P. MoNCEAux : The great tem-
ple of the Puy-de-D&me, concluded
[chiefly dealing with Gaulish Lug-wor-
ship], two articles M. Philippson :

Studies in the history of Mary Stuurt.
II : The depositions [relative to the
murder of Darnley, pointing out their
inconsistencies and contradictions].

G. Fagniez : Pire Joseph and

Richelieu ; the antecedents of the
breach with Austria [1632- 1635], two

articles. R. de Maulde : Marie of

Cleves, duchess of Orleans, mother of

Louis XII [and Louis's early life].

H. prints a letter of Frangois de la
Noue [favouring the view that he was
not instrumental in Henry IV's conver-
sion]. Baron nu Casse : The diary

and cm-respondence of queen Catherine

of Westfalia. L. Savinhiac : Spain

and the Mexican expedition, with a
letter of marshal Prim [6 April 1862].

Bevuedes Questions Historiques, xliii. 1.
Abbe 0. Delakc : The pontificate of
Alexander II [i Oct. io6i-21 April,

1073] Abbe E. Vacandaed : Saint

Bernard and the schism of Anacleiu^

II in France [11 30- 1 1 34]. A. Lecoy

DE LA Marche : Louis XI and the
succession to Provence [tracing the

stages in the king's policy] L.

SciouT : The directory and the Jiouse of
Savoy [down to the loss of Turin by

the republicans in 1799] L. Leces-

TRE prints an unpublished memoir of
Richelieti against Cinq-Mars [probably
written in November 1641].

Bibliotheque de I'Ecole des Chartes, xlviii.
5. — A. Brutails prints the bull of Sil-
vester II for the see of Urgel [May looi ;
Jaff6, ' Eeg. Pont.' 3918, ed. Lowenfeldj
from the original [which was supposed

to be lost]. L. Delisle describes a

missal and pontifical at Bayeux [for-
merly belonging to Etienne de Loypeau,
bishop of LuQon, 1 388-1407, and con-
taining entries in the calendar relative
to the church of St. Hilary at Poitiers].

C. V. Langlois : Rouleaux d' arrets

de la cour du roi au treizi^mc siicle,
second article [the present series, 1277-
1288, relating to Aquitaine, and taken
from originals in the English Record

Ofl&ce], H. BoucHOT describes a

portrait of Charles VIII ^not Louis

XIII] and Anne of Britany in the
Biblioth^que Nationale.^=:6. — H. Mo-
RANViLLE : Guillaume du Breuil and
Robert of Artois [printing the auto-
graph memoir of the former containing

his defence.] H. Omont prints a

list of manuscripts borrowed from the
library of St. Mark at Venice [1545-

1559] A. MoLiNiER announces his

discovery in the Mazarin library of the
manuscript of the Chronicle of St.
Denys, hitherto known only from a

transcript by Du Chesne. Tivo letters

of Louis VII to the commune of Rheims
[c. 1 1 39] and ons of Alexander III to
that of Laon [1179] are given from
more correct texts than those previously
printed.

Revue d'Histoire Diplomatique, ii. 1. —
H. Stein : A diplomatic impostor of
the seventeenth century [David Palache,
a pretended envoy of the emperor of
Morocco, and his negotiations with

Louis XIII] Comte Waliszewski :

The policy of France in eastern Europe
[1 734-1 77 1, treating the relations of
France with Poland ; largely a criticism
of the Polish portion of the due de

Broglie's ' Le Secret du Roi '] R. de

Maulde : The dukes of Orleans in
Lombardy before Louis XII [1387-
146 1]. - A. Geffroy prints letters of
count Axel Fersen to lady Elizabeth
Foster, afterwards duchess of Devon-
shire [1793-1810]. H.de Grammont:

List of the consuls and envoys of

France at Algiers [1564-1829]. A.

DE Serpa-Pimentel : Don Pedro I and
Portugal [containing corrections of the
article of the comte de Barral, entitled
* Two Marriages of the House of Bra-
ganza,' published in this review in

April 1887]. Westrin : Note on the

collection of the correspondence of Axel
Oxenstierna [now being prepared for
publication in Sweden].

Annales de I'Ecole Libre des Sciences
Politiques, ill. 1.— January — E.Beaus-
sire: The attributions of the State.
L. Delavaud : The colonial policy of
Germany, concluded [a detailed account
of recent German annexations in Africa,
and the negotiations with Great Britain

respecting them]. M. Ostrogobski :

The organisation of political parties in
the United States Ta ^ sketch of the

410 CONTENTS OF PERIODICAL PUBLICATIONS April

development of the system of party
conventions, tickets, and caucuses,
down to the presidency of Jackson].
E. Meyer : The French protectorate in
Tunis [dealing chiefly vnth. the financial

results of the protectorate]. G.

Lefevre-Pontalis : The mission of the
marquis d'Egnilles in Scotland [1745-
1746], third and concluding paper
[giving an account of the movements
of prince Charles from Jan. 17, 1745, to
the battle of Culloden].

Bulletin Critique. — November 15 — P.
PisANi: Les journaux frangais dans
les provinces illyriennes pendant la
pSriode imperiale.

Bulletin de la Societe de I'Histoire du
Protestantisms Fran9ais, xxxvi. 12. —
December. — C. Read : The grand-
daughter of Agrippa d'Aubignd in
legend and history [Madame de Main-
tenon and the revocation of the edict

of Nantes] continued. N. W. prints

two letters from a catholic hand, illus-
trating the political and religious stateof
affairs in France in October 1 564 [with
some remarks on Kervyn de Letten-
hove's ' Les Huguenots et les Gueux '].

E. Arxaud : The fourth religious

war in Le Velay [1572-1574].==
xxxvi. 1, 2. — January, February —
A. Bernus : Antoine de Chandieu [i 534-
1591], from his unpublished diary, two
articles. C. Reai) : Madame de Main-
tenon, concluded [deciding that her
responsibility in the revocation of the
edict of Nantes was mainly passive,
owing to her inability or disinclination

to interfere], two articles. N. W.

prints a document of 1680, reckoning
the pi'otestant population of France in

the previoiis year at 1,700,000.

A. Lefranc : Studies on Calvin's youth
and the reformation at Noyon, from

unpublished papers, two articles.

N. W. prints a letter from the widow of
Bapin Tlwiras, the historian, to a refu-
gee at Boston in New England [1728].

Le Correspondant.— JVorewi6CT- 10— H.
Forneron : La socidtA frangaise sous
le rdgne de NapoUon F>', concluded.
January 10 — Marquis Costa de Beau-
regard : La jeunesse du roi Charles-
Albert.

Journal Asiatique. — September — H. Sau-
vaire : Matiriaux pour servir a Vhis-
toire de la numismatique et de la mitro-
logie musulmanes ; complement.

Melanges d'Arch^ologie et d'Histoire de
PJ^cole rran9ai8e de Rome, 1887, 3, 4. —
Abb6 Duchesne : Notes sur la topo-
graphic de Rome au moyen age ; les

titres presbyteraux et les diaconies.

R. Cagnat : Note sur le prcefectus urbi
qu'on appelle a tort ^^onius Catullinus,
et sur le proconsul d'Afrique du m&me
nam. — L. Cadier : Biilles originales
du treizi&me si^cle conserv^es dans les ar-
chives de Navarre. S. Gsell : Etude

sur le rdle p)olitique du sinat romain a
V^poque dc Trajan.

Nouvelle Revue. — November 15, Decem-
ber 15 — Tatistcheff : Paul F^ et
Bonaparte d'apr^s des documents in6-

dits ; continued. January 15 — E.

Masseras : Les finances des Etats- Unis
[1861-1887].

Nouvelle Revue Historique du Droit.—
September — A. Esmein : La chose ju-
g^e dans le droit de la monarchie
franque. — E. Beaudouin : La partici-
pation des Jwmmes libres au jugement
dans le droit franc, et les rachimbourgs.

November. — Fustel de Coulanges :

Reply to this.

La Revolution Francaise. — November —
A. Debidour : Le general Grangeret.

C. L. Chassin : La petition des

doniicilies et le parlement en 1 789.
December. — E. Charavay : Les sinateurs
du consulat et de Vempire ayant fait

partie des assemblies republicaines.

P. Gaffarel : L' opposition ripublicaine
sous le cojisiilat.

Revue Celtique. — October — H. d'Arbois
DE JuBAiNViLLE : Du tttrif de la com-
position pour meurtre e7i Irlande et
dans la loi saliquc.

Revue Critique d'Histoire et de Littera-
ture. -December 12 — A. Sorel : The
conquest of Algeria [on Rousset's work].
==19 — H. D. DE Grammont : On the
sanie.==2() — T. de L. : Hilffer's * Der

heilige Bernard von Clairvaux.' A.

Chuquet : Zeissbei'g's ' Quelle7i zur
Geschichte der Politik Oesterreichs '
[i793-i794].^=:January 9 — C. Pfis-
TER : Langlois' ' Philippe III le Hardi.'
— C. J. : EUonore d'Olbreuze, du^hesse
de Zell.-^=16 <& February 20— A. Chu-
quet : The battles of Metz [1870].=
January 23 — C. J. : Mclchior Grimm.
February 13 — C. J. : Tegner on tJw
conquerors of Normandy [expounding
his view of their Danish, not Nor-
wegian, origin].

Revue des Deux Mondes. — November 1 —
G. RoTHAN : L'Allemagne, le roi de
Prusse, et les complications orientales
pendant la guerre de Crimic Ad-
miral Jurien de la Graviere : Les

Mros du Grand- Port. 1 5 — Due de

Broglie : La scconde lutte de Frede-
ric II et de Marie-TMrise : Campagne
de Frederic en Saxe et prise de Dresde.

Admiral Jurien de la Graviere:

L' expedition du Tage.=:^=December 1
— Due DE Broglie : Laseconde Uttte de
Frederic II et de Marie-Therese ; Der-

niers incidents et fin de la lutte. A.

Rambaud : Le diic de Richelieu en Rus-
sie et e7i France.==15 — E. Gebhabt :
Les Borgia ; les d6buts d'Alexandre VI.
January 1 — G. Rothan : Sebastopol
et Napoleon III au lendemain de la
guerre de Crim6e.=15— H. Taine :
Formation dc la France contemporaine ;
passage de la republique a I'empire.

Revue d'Economie Politique.— iV^w^^mfter
— G. Platon : Le droit de proprieU dans
la societe framj^ie et en Germanie.

Revue de Qiio^di^\i\e.— Nov ember- Janu-

1888 CONTENTS OF PERIODICAL PUBLICATIONS 411

ary — P. Foncin : La formation terri-
toriale des principaux itats civilises,
three articles.

Bevue Internationale de TEnseignement.
— November, December— li. Liard : Les
universiUs de France en 1789.

Eevue des Etudes Juives.— October— L.
Lazard : Les revenus tir6s des Juifs en
France dans le domaine royal au trei-

zUme siicle. I. Loeb : Expulsion

des Juifs de Salins et de Bracon

[1374].
Kevue Maritime et Coloniale. — November

— Desclozeaux : Premier etablissement

des Frangais en Alg4rie [1664]. — ■■ —

December — A. Doneaud du Plan :

Campagne de Rio-de-Janeiro en 171 1;

journal histonque.
Eevue du Monde Catholique. — November

— J. A. Petit : Marie Stuart, concluded.
December — Comte de Eiancey et

Kastoul : L^assembUe constituante et

V6glise.
Revue du Monde li^tixi.— November —

F. DoRiA : Les cortds poriugaises et

Vind^pendayice du Brdsil [1820-1823].
December— M. Formont : Victoria
Colonna, marquise de Pescaire.

Revue de la Revolution.— iVbvewfter-
December — H. Taine : La Provence en
1790 et 1 791, continued.=Dcce7n6er
— Ouverture des 6tats gineraux en 1789.

Instructions secretes donnees par

Vempereur Paul F'' au conseiller
Kalitschcff [December i8oo].=z=-
January — La terreur dans les diparte-
menis du Nord et du Pas -de- Calais,.

concluded F. Combes : Malesherbes

et de S^ze devant la convention. G.

BoRD : Bonaparte et Louis XVIII,
leurs relations.

Stances et Travaux de I'Academie des
Sciences Morales et Politlques. —
Jantiary—A. Cheruel : Bole politique
de la princesse Palatine, Anne de Gon-

zague, pendant la Fronde. H.

DoNioL : Documents in4dits sur le rap-
prochement de Louis XVIavec Frederic

II. A. LucHAiRE : Les milices coin-

munales et la royauti capMienne.

II. GERMANY AND AUSTRIA

Sybel's Historische Zeitschrift, lis. 1.
Munich. — M. Lenz : Criticism of
Sezyma RaSin [accepting his accuracy
in details of time and place, and ex-
amining his general trustworthiness in
regard to the later history of Wallen-

stein], first article. H. von Holst :

The constitutional law of the United
States in the light of the English par-
liamentary system [discussing the fun-
damental distinctions between the two

constitutions] L. Mangold: Survey

of the historical literature of Hungary

in 1885 M. L. prints a letter of H.

C. von Winter feldt [20 Oct. 1749], and
one of Gneisenau asking leave to retire
[14 Jan. 1808], Keport of the Prus-
sian minister at Dresden on Metter-
nich's views as to the Neuchdtel ques-
tion [21 Oct. 1856].

Historisches Jahrbuch der Gorres-Gesell-
schaft, ix. 1. Munich.— J. B. Seiden-
berger : The conflicts of the Mentz
guilds against the spiritualty and the
great families in the fifteenth century.

S. Ehses : The papal decree in the

divorce suit of Henry VIII [stating
that Campeggio's despatch of October
1528, of which only part has been
hitherto known, mentioning that he
had the famous disputed bull with him
in England,- and had shown it to the
king and Wolsey, exists in the Vatican].

K. Bitter von Hofler : Memoir of

Alfred voti Reumont. B. von

Scherer reviews works on church and

state in Italy H. Grauert : The

bull ' Unam sanctam ' [on Berchtold's
treatise].

Maurenbrecher's Historisches Taschen-
buch, 6th Series, vii. Leipzig. -J.
von Pflugk-Harttung : The ministry
of Linden in Wiirttemberg E. Bode-

MANN : The earlier life of the electress

Sophia of Hanover [down to 1680]

A. Kleinschjuidt : The wanderings of
Gustavus IV Adolphus of Sweden

[1810-1813]. J.Asbach: TheRoman

empire and constitution down to the

elevation of Vespasian E. Noel-

DECHEN : Tertullian and the emperors.

E. Bitterling : Priesthood among

the heathen Germans. H. Haupt :

Hussite propaganda in Germany [with

two documents 1426- 1427] W.

Maurenbrecher : The council of Trent
regarded as the foundation of the
modern catholic dogmatic system.
Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft fiir altere
Deutsche Geschichtskunde, xiii. 2.
Hanover.— W. Wattenbach replies ta
0. Lorenz^s criticism of Waitz^s man-
agement of the edition of the ' Monu-

menta Germanics Historica.'' G.

Waitz : Report on the progress of the

' Monumenta,' drawn up in 1884

S. Herzberg-Frankel describes the
necrologies of the dioceses of Salzburg

and Passau. Gabriel Meyer prints

a letter of Amalarius, archbishop of
Treves, ' de tempore consecrationis et
ieiunii,' from an Einsiedeln manuscript.
J. VON Pflugk-Harttung : Criti-
cisms on Bcniizo, Lambert, and Berthold
[notes : (1) on the diction of Gregory
VH; (2) on the Saxon war of 1075;

(3) on ' Parthenopolis,' possibly Par-
tenheim, unless the reading is wrong ;

(4) on the proceedings of Henry IV at
Tribur; (5) on the administration of
the sacrament at Canossa ; (6) on

Lambert of Hersfeld as a writer]

E. DiJMMLER prints letters and poems of
the ninth century from a Vossian
manuscript at Leyden [with introduc-
tion and notes] ; also short satirical

412 CONTENTS OF PERIODICAL PUBLICATIONS April

verses added in the twelfth and thir-
teenth centuries [reflecting on the
morals of France, especially of Chartres,

Orleans, Paris, and Sens]. W.

GuNDLACH describes the series of
' EpistolcB AustrasiccB ' in preparation
for the • Monumenta Germanire ' [with

EegestaJ. Ludwig Schmidt : Keply

to Vogeler on the relation between
Paulus Diaconus and the ' Origo Gentis
Langobardoruni. '

K. B. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu
Miincheii : Sitzungsberichte der philos.-
philol. und hist. Classe. 1887. II. 3.—
Mauker : The supposed existence of the
office of declarer of the law in Denmark
[arguing that it is unproved and im-
probable, and that the office of the
' lahmen ' or ' lagemanni ' in England
is unconnected with it, and further dis-
tinguishing the ' lagemanni ' of the
Leges Edwardi, xxxviii, § 2, from the
persons bearing that name in Domesday
Book].

Treitschke & Delbriick's Preussisclie Jahr-
biicher, Ixi. 2. Berlin. — February—
Dr. ScHMARSow : The relief in the Bar-
gello at Florence representing an im-
perial coronation [variously interpreted
as that of Charles the Great, Lewis the
Bavarian, and Charles IV. The writer
sees in it a work of the fifteenth century
of no historical significance, and takes
the emperor to be Charles the Great]

3. March — W. Lang : Julius

Holder and the policy of Wilrttemberg
since 1848. — C. Bornhak : The libera-
tion of the peasants, and the lordship
of the soil in Prussia [down to 1872].

Denifle & Ehrle's Archiv fiir Litteratur-
und Kirchengeschiclite des Mittelalters,
iii. 3, 4. Berlin.— F. Ehrle : The life
and works of Peter Johannis Olivi
[containing new materials for his bio-
graphy and for the treatment of his writ-
ings in the later stages of the Spiritual
controversy, a detailed list of the works,
and a series of extracts from them
bearing on the main points in dispute] ;
appended are (1) Olivi's address to the
sons of Charles II of Naples, and (2) a
comparison of the text of the Sachsen-
hausen appeal of Lewis the Bavarian
[22 April 1324] with the passages in
Olivi from which they are borrowed.

The same : The Spirituals and

their relation to the Franciscan order
and to the Fraticelli [examining the
division in the order, and tracing the
history of the several sections among

the Spirituals], first article H.

Denifle : Diplomatic notes on papal
documents and registers of the thir-

teenth and fourteenth centuries

The same : The Sentences of Hugh of St.
Victor [criticism of Haur6au] ; Master
John of Dambach [with documents] ;
The chronicle of friar Peter de Areniis
and pop<' Luna fBenedict XIII].

Dove & Fricdberg's Zeitschrift fiir Kir-
chenrecht xxii. 2. Freiburg.— L.

Weiland : Tlie donation of Constantine,
continued [maintaining its Roman
origin, but dating it not earlier than
the last years of the reign of Charles
the Great, and probably between 813
and 840].

Archiv fiir Oesterreichische Geschichte,
Ixx. Vienna.— A. F. Piubram : Tlie
despatches of the imperial ambassador,
Franz von Lisola [1655-1660J, edited,
with an introduction, notes, and an
index [176 Latin despatches written
during Lisola' s missions at the courts
of Sweden and Brandenburg, and prin-
cipally concerned with the affairs of
Poland].

Mittheilungen des Instituts fiir Oester-
reichische Geschichtsforschung, ix. 1.
Innsbruck.— H. Bresslau : On the use of
papyrus and parchment in the papal
chancery down to the middle of the
eleventh century [the writer's doubt as
to the existence of the privilege of Sil-
vester II for Urgel is resolved by the
notice in the ' Bibl. de I'Ecole des Char-

tes,' xlviii. 5 (see above)] F. Wick-

HOFF : The meaning of ' monasterium '
in Agnellus' ' Lives of the bishops of
Ravenita ' [arguing that the word has
its ordinary sense, and does not indi-
cate, as is generally believed, sanctuaries

or chapels built over graves] F.

Zimmermann : The route of the Germ,an

immigrants into Transylvania S.

Steinherz : Clmrles IV and the Aus-
trian privileges [forged by Budolf IV],

with documents A. Eiegl : Woode?i

calendars of the middle ages and the

renaissance,with. five plates 0. Ked-

LiCH : The siege of Kuf stein [1504],
with four letters of Maximilian and

others K. Kopl : On Wallenstein's

commissariat ordinances. E. Muhl-

BACHER prints two diplomas of diaries
the Fat [22 Nov. 886] and Zwentibold

[3 Oct. 898] L. VON Heinemann : On

the scheme attributed to Henry VI by
Giraldus Cambrensis for secularising

church benefices E. Winkelmann :

On the introduction of the penalty of
death for heresy [1224, maintaining
that archbishop Albrecht of Magde-
burg had no hand in the edict]. ==
Ergan zungsband, ii 2 — D. On-
ciUL : On tJie Roumanian controversy
[holding with Pic the continuity of the
Koman population, but admitting also

an immigration from the south]

W. SicKEL : The Merovingian popular
assembly [dealing with various ques-
tions of election, legislation, adminis-
tration, etc., and the supposed share
taken in them by the assembly of the
folk] A. VON Jaksch : On the bio-
graphy of Sophia, daughter of king
Beta II of Hungary, with eleven letters
[1146-1156]. — K. LoHMEYER prints
two parallel texts of the emperor Fre-
derick IPs golden bull for Prussia and
Kulmerland [March 1226], with com-
mentary. K. Schalk : The secular

1888 CONTENTS OF PERIODICAL PUBLICATIONS 413

estates of lower Austria in the fifteenth
century and their specific forms of
property. J. Ficker: On the con-
nexion between Gothic- Spanish and

Norwegian-Icelandic laiu T., Eit-

ter VON SiCKEL, K. Uhrlitz, & A. Fanta :
Excursus on the diplomas of tJie Ottos.

C. CiPOLLA : NotcB historicce Se-

nenses, printing brief notices [1141-
1285].

Theologische Quartalschrift, Ixx. 1. Tu-
bingen.— K. Weyman : On the recently
discovered ' S. Silvice Aquitance Pere-
grinatio ad loca sancta ' [in the latter

part of the fourth century]. Prof.

Uhrig : On the cultus of the qiiatuor-
decim auxiliatores [tracing its affinity
to non-Christian artistic representations
and popular beliefs, and its growth in
the medieval Latin church].

Theologische Stadien und Kritiken, 1888,

2. Leipzig. — G. Kosch : Astarte and
the Virgin Mary [seeking to show that
a ' syncretistic ' association of ideas in-
vested the latter with characteristics
derived from the Syrian Aphrodite].

Zeitschrift fiir Katholische Theologie, xi.
4. Innsbruck. — F. Ehrle : On the
beginnings of the Franciscan order
[notes and criticisms on K. Miiller's
work].=xii. 1.— J, Niemuller, S.J. :
Matthias Flacius und der Flacianische
Geist in der protestantischen Kirchen-
historie. F. Ehrle : On the manu-
scripts of the ' Speculum vitce sancti
Francisci et sociorum.'

Hilgenfeld's Zeitschrift fiir wissenschaft-
liche Theologie, xxxi. 1. Leipzig. —
F. GoRRES : The religious policy of the
Emperor Constantius I [treated as an
effective preparation for the work of
his son].

III. GKEAT BEITAIN AND lEELAND

Archaeological Journal, No. 176.— E. A.

Freeman : Valentia Segellaunorum.

G. E. Fox : The Roman villa at Ched-

worth, Gloucestershire W. H.

St. John Hope : On the Prcetnonstraten-
sian abbey of St. Mary at Almvick.
H. M. ScARTH : Britain a province of
the Roman empire as treated in Momm-
sen's History W. Thompson Wat-
kin : The Roman forces in Britain ;
supplementary notes.

Church Quarterly Review, No. 50. Janu-
ary.— The Italian renaissance and the
Roman catholic reaction [chiefly on

Symonds and Lilly]. The Codex

Amiatimis [describing the discovery of

its Northumbrian origin]. Ingram's

'History of the Union' [hostile criti-
cism].

Dublin Review. 3rd Series. No. 37.—
January — Kev. T. E. Bridgett : The
rood of Boxley [exposing current fic-
tions about it, and maintaining that
there was no imposture in the matter].

J. R. Gasquet : The ' Teaching of

the twelve Apostles ' [from Funk's

edition]. Rev. C. C. Grant: St.

Patricio's birthplace [arguing for Kil-
patrick, against father Malone].

Edinburgh Review, No. 341. January

— Memoirs of the princess de Ligne.

The tithe question [with an historical

sketch]. Jackson's ' Dahnatia and

the Quamero ' [chiefly architectural].

Political clubs [in England, from

their origin to the present day]

Kinglake's ' Invasion of the Crimea,'

vii. viii Ballantyne's ' Life of

Carteret ' [judging Carteret as ' better
fitted for a diplomatist than a respon-
sible minister '].

Nineteenth Century, No. 131. January
— GoLDwiN Smith : American states-
men.=^=Febrtiary — Sir H. Elliot :
The death of Abdul Aziz and of Turkish
reform [iS'j6].^=February-March —
E. J. Phelps : The constitution of the
United States, two papers.^=Marcfe
— J. Morley : French revolutionary
models.

Quarterly Review, No. 331. January —
The Roman catholics in England [with

statistics]. Lord Carteret [chiefly

concerned with his foreign policy].

Scottish Review, No. 21. January—
G. Burnett : Scotland in times past.

The earliest Scottish coronations

[those of Dalriada].

IV. HOLLAND AND BELGIUM

Bijdragen voor Vaderlandsche Geschie-
denis en Oudheidkunde, 3rd ser. iv. 2.
— R, Fruin: On the 'jaargeding' in
Holland atid Zeeland in the later
middle ages [dealing with the term
within which claim must be made good
to invalidate possession, and the pro-
cedure in such cases]. P. van

Meurs : The monastery at Doornspijk,

and The foundation of Elburg. M.

S. Pols : On the spuriousness of a
charter of count Dirk V of Holland

[1083]. R. Fruin: Ccmtributioyis to

the history of king Louis Bonaparte.
S. MuLLER : The Utrecht episcopal

archives [from the thirteenth century
downwards].
Messager des Sciences Historiques de
Belgique, 1887, 3, 4.— P. Claeys :
History of the Glide souveraine et
chevaliire des escrimeurs, or Chef-con-
fr&rie de Saint-Michel at Ghent, con-
tinued ; two articles G. Crutzen ;

A contemporary memoir on the question
of the corporations in the Loto Countries
at tJie end of tlie last century ; two

articles. V. Vander Haeghen prints

documents from the city archives re-
lating to the Jesuits in Gh.ent, con-
tinued [1591-1599] A.deVlaminck:

414 CONTENTS OF PERIODICAL PUBLICATIONS April

On the territory of the Aduatuci, con-
tinued; two articles P. Bergmans

prints an order of the directory [24
Messidor, an IV] 'prohibiting the use of

' monsieur ' in place of ' citoyenJ' F.

Van den Bemden : Notes on the topo-

graphy of Ghenty with documentary
illustrations from the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries, and three plates.

' Chou est li conduis le Seingneur

dalost ' [a thirteenth-century list of
tolls and dues in Alost].

V. ITALY

Archivio Storico Italiano, 4th ser. xx. 3.

Florence. — V. La Mantia : Notes and
documents on the customs of the cities
of Sicily, continued from vol. xiv., and
concluded [dealing with Vizzini, Ter-
ranova, Castiglione, Paterno, Polizzi,
Castronovo, Casteltermini, Greek-
Albanian colonies, Calatafimi, Augusta,

and Monte S. Giugliano]. G. Sforza :

Episodes in the history of Borne in the
eighteenth century from the despatches
of the agent from the city of Lucca at
the papal court, concluded [i 739-1 741,

1757-1758, 1769-1793. 1799-1800]

G. Stocchi : The first conquest of
Britain by the Romans, concluded.

Ei vista Storica Italiana, iv. 4. Turin. —
G. Paolucci : The idea of Arnold of
Brescia in the reform of Rome [chiefly
biographical].

ArcMvio Storico Lombardo, xiv. 4. Milan.
—A. Medin prints poems on the death

of Jacopo Piccinino L. Beltrami :

The Milanese bombards at Genoa

[1464], with documents A. G.

Spinelli describes a manuscript at
Eome containing tnaterials for the
political and literary history of Milan

at the end of the fifteenth century.

P. Ghinzoni: Plays at Milan in the

fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.

E. M. reviews MalagoWs ' Rettori delta
Universitd dello Studio Bolognese*
[with documentary illustrations].

Archivio Storico per le Province Napole-
tane, xii. 4. — N. Barone prints notices
bearing on the official history of La-
dislas of Durazzo, continued [1392-
1393]. — M. Schipa: History of tlie
Lombard principality of Salerno;
appendix of documents [841-1072]
calendared or printed in full, verses,
&c V. Simoncelli : O71 the pre-
sentation called ' calciarium ' in land

conveyances in the middle ages.- -B.

Capasso : On Angevin registers in the
Neapolitan archives falsely believed to

be lost, with a list. Description of

charters [1206-1211] formerly belong-
ing to the family of Fuseo, continued
[Nos. Ixi.-lxxxv.].

Archivio della B. Societa di Storia Patria,

X. 3, 4. — C. Calisse : The prefects Di
Vico [a history of the family] continued
[1 366-1435] with appendix of 253
documents calendared or printed at
length [1 156-1435, the materials from
the date of the return of the papacy to
Rome being specially abundant and

minute] -B. Fontana prints new

documents from the Vatican relative to

Vittoria Colonna [1525- 1544]. C.

CoRvisiERi : The Roman triumph of
Eleanor of Aragon, duchess of Ferrara
[June 1473], with illustrative docu-
ments.

Archivio Storico Siciliano. New Series,
xii. 2, 3.— A. ScHiRo : The ancietit
castle of Calatamauro A. Pelle-
grini : Greek ceramic inscriptions
found on Mount Eryx and in its neigh-
bourhood [with a catalogue of 851

specimens, and two plates]. G.

CosENTiNo: Notaries in Sicily [an
account of their legal position, import-
ance, and office at different times, with
illustrative documents and extracts].

R. Starrabba calendars the notarial

minutes of Adamo di Citella [1298-
1299], continued.

Archivio Veneto, xxxiv. 1. — V. Marchesi :
The relations betioeen the Venetian re-
public and Portugal [i 522-1797], con-
cluded. L. FiNCATi : The Venetian

navy [i 470- 1474] G. Saccardo :

The ancient church of St. Theodore at

Venice. V. Joppi prints a diary

written in the German camp during
the ivar of the league of Cambray
[18 Nov. 1512 to 21 Feb. 1514;
with a brief notice in May 15 16],

first part [to 19 May 15 13]. G.

GiURiATO : Venetian memorials in

Roma7i monuments, continued. C.

CiPOLLA : Statutes of the country of
Verona [twelfth and thirteenth cen-
turies], continued A. Tessier gives

a list of printers at Venice [1469-1500].

B. C. prints a license from the

bisJwp and count of Feltre to a Jew to
take a second wife in order to obtain

offspring [4 March 1578] E. Nar-

Ducci : Materials for Venetian history
from manuscript collections in France,
concluded [with index].

VI. EUSSIA

(Communicated by W. R. Morfill)
The Antiquary (Starina). December, Janu- centuries [continued] .=:-Dcccm6er —

ary, February— M. Kolchin : SoDie V. Semevski : The guestion of the

account of the prisoners confined in emancipation of the serfs in the first

the fortress of the Solovetzki monas- }half of tlie nineteenth century [with

tery from the sixteenth to the nineteenth special reference to the publications of

1888 CONTENTS OF PERIODICAL PUBLICATIONS 415

Haxthausen and Herzen]. P. An-

DBEEV : Russian America, 1862- 1863
[an account of an exploring expedition
on the report of there being gold mines
in the district, but the results were

unsatisfactory] N. Kolmakov :

Count Victor Panin, tninister of jus-
tice [continued ; anecdotes concerning

him]. The emperor Paul and his

times, from the papers of a Courla^id
nobleman [continued ; full of curious
details] .z=Jam^tr2/, February -Re-
collections of the famine in the north
of Russia in 1868 [in the govern-
ment of Archangel : the anonymous
writer was the head of a monastery].

Memoirs of Prascovia Annenkova

[wife of a Dekabrist, a Frenchwoman
by origin, she followed her fiancd to
Siberia, and was married to him there :
a noble story of womanly devotion, which
ought to be translated]. The regi-
ments of Rustchuk in 1877-1878 [a
contribution to the history of the last
Eusso-Turkish war] . == January —
TJie 8th {20th) September 1862, from
the recollections of a contemporary [an
account of the visit of the emperor
Alexander II to Novgorod, where a
monument was erected in commemora-
ration of the thousandth anniversary
of the existence of Eussia as a nation].

Russia and Finland, an historical

sketch, 1721 — 1809 — 1887 [an account
of the relations of Finland to Eussia,
from the annexation of the districts of
Vyborg and Kexholm in 1721 to the
present time.]==February -N. Schil-
DER : Russia in her relations with Eu-
rope during the reign of the emperor
Alexander I, 1806-1815 [details of the

treaty of Tilsit, &c.]. The Editor

(M. Semevski) : TJie tenth anniversary
of tlie treaty of Sail Stephano
[a bitter article recapitulating the
losses inflicted on the Slavs by the

mutilation of this treaty]. V. Da-

BizHA : San Steplmno and Constanti-
nople in 1878 [interesting personal re-
collections, descriptions of scenes at
Constantinople, among the Bulgarians,
&e. ; the writer shows a good knowledge
of ethnology in dealing with the various

races of Turkey]. D. Shubin-Poz-

DEEV : Sergius Zarudni [obituary no-
tice of one of the most valuable agents
in carrying out the reforms of Alex-
ander III.

Istoricheski Viestnik (The Historical
Messenger). December 1887.— S. Ta-
TisTCHEV : The emperor Nicholas and
the July monarchy in France [con-
cluded] A. Antonov : .-1 qu/irter of

a century ago ; recollections of a landed
proprietor in the steppes [continued, giv-
ing details of the emancipation of the

serfs] V. Vasiliev: The adventures

of a book [making the Eussian censor-
ship, as it was some time ago, very ridi-
culous] T. Uspexski : The tnarriage

of the tsar Ivan III loitli Sophia
Palceologa [a review of the important
article by father Pierling, which ap-
peared, based upon newly discovered
documents, in the 'Eevue des Ques-
tions Historiques '] K. Chanishev:

Russian embassy to Kashgar in the
year 1875 [Skobelev and others were
sent by general Kaufmann in 1875 to
Yakoub-bey, who had made himself
master of Kashgar ] V. Z. : A lite-
rary walk by the banks of tJie Thames
[the writer shows familiarity with many
eminent names in English literature].

: January, February, 1888 — A.

Yakovleva : Recollections of a former
lady-in-waiting [to the wife of the
emperor Alexander II, court gossip in a
style with which we are very familiar in
this country] .=zLJam^r?/— A. Gala-
KHov : Recollections of journalistic work
with M. Katkov in tlie years 1839- 1840.

A. TiTov : Paul KonusJikevich,

metropolitan of Tobolsk and Siberia
[1 705 -1 770, resisted the empress
Catherine when she confiscated the

property of the monasteries] A

record of the past [an account of a
visit paid by the empress Elizabeth to
Cronstadt, written by the grand-duke
Peter, afterwards Peter III, when a
boy of fifteen. Not many papers in
the handwriting of this unfortunate man
have come down. The document is pre-
served in the state archives]. ==
February — S. Tatistchev : The emperor
Nicholas and the Prussian court [an
account of his betrothal and marriage
with the princess Charlotte, sister of the

emperor William]. A. Titov : The

Spaso-Yakovlevski monastery at Rostov
[founded by James, bishop of Eostov,
at the end of the fourteenth century.
An interesting contribution to Eussian
ecclesiastical history].

VII. SPAIN

Boletin de la Real Academia de la
Hlstoria, xi. 5. November — E. Beee
describes the discovery in the archives
of Leon of a palimpsest of one of the
original copies of the Roman code pub-
lished bji order of Alaric II [506]

Roman inscriptions from Cordova and

Augustobriga Notice of manuscript

of Bernardo de Brihuega, written for
Alfonso X, formerly belonging to the

library of the college of S. Bartolome.
E. Beer : Charters and other docu-
ments relating to La Guardia [1210-
1496. One of these documents, belong-
ing to the year 12 13, gives interesting
details as to the lord's rents. Others
describe exemptions granted to the
chapter of Toledo; disputes between
parochial clergy and chapter ; letters of
protection granted by the crown to Jews ;

416 CONTENTS OF PERIODICAL PUBLICATIONS April

&c.]. 6. December — Jewish epi-
taphs from Toledo. Roman inscrip-
tions fro^n Alcolarin (province of Cace-

res), Madrid, Leon, Ecija, Merida.

Two bulls of Celestine III, not pub-
lished in Jaff6. M. de Pang describes

the examination of the remains of
Dona Sancha ayid Pedro II at the

monastery of Sijena. M. Danvila

prints documents relating to the cortes
of 1649-165 1 [giving information as to
the money grants and the methods of
raising them, the sale of offices, the
conditions imposed upon the crown,
the contribution of the clergy, and the
petitions of the members of the cortes

for places and pensions] F. Fita

contributes the text of the edict com-
manding the expulsion of the Jews [31
March 1492], and other documents

relating to the position of the Jews
[1 479- 1 492].

Revista deCiencias Historicas, 1887,4. —
Sanpere y Miquel : Vindicacion de

Andobales y Mandonio. J. Segura :

Docitmentos para las costumbres de
Cataluna durante la edad media, con-
tinued. J. CoROLEu : Coleccion de

documentos catalanos histdricos y hasta
hoy in^ditos.

Revista de Espana. — August 10 — A.
Benitez de Lugo : Fray Diego de
Chaves, confesor de Felipe II ; con-
tinued.^=:9cto6er — J. Valera : His-
toria de la civilisacion ib6rica.'-^= Ja-
nuary— E. EoMERo Barros : Corisidera-
ciones historicas acerca de las antiguus
basilicas de San Vicente y de San
Acisclo, antes de la ereccion de la
Mezquita-Aljama de Cordoba.

VIII. SWITZEKLAND

Anzeiger fiir Schweizerische Geschichte,
1887, 1-3. Bern.— G. Meyer von
Knonau : On the' Planctus beati Galli.'

■ T. von Liebenau : The counts of

Baldern, with reply The Same :

On the great Sempacherlied, and reply
by P. Vaucher.— G. Tobler prints
two Tagsatzungsabschiede relating to
the time of the old Zilrich luar [1446,
1448] T. von Liebenau : The intro-
duction of the reformation at Brugg,
with a documentary narrative [c. 1533].

The Same : Joseph Amberg, lan-

dammann of Schwyz G. Tobler

prints a document describing the origin
of the rebellion in the Oberland [1528].
T. von Liebenau : The French ambas-
sador Le Fevre de Caumartin and
schultheiss Fleckenstein, with docu-
ments [1646]. W. Gisi : The origin

of the house of Rheinfelden [an elabo-
rate historical and genealogical inves-
tigation]. G. VON Wyss : King Henry

IPs journey from Italy to Germany
[1004, probably by way of the Lukma-

nier pass] L. von Borch : Changes

in the position of the freeman. A.

Bernoulli : On new discussions about

Winkelried J. G. Mayer prints

Siuiss entries from a papal taxbook of
the second half of the fifteenth century.

T. VON Liebenau : Mofitenach's

German translation of the Mayenthal
statutes.
Bibliotheque TJniverselle at Revue Suisse.
Geneva,. — July -November — F. Decrue :
La cour de France et la sociiU au

seiziime si^cle, concluded December

— L. Leger : Les preynieres ambassades
russes a V Granger.

IX. UNITED STATES OF AMEBIC A

Atlantic Monthly. — January—^. G. W.
Benjamin : Unpublished letters of
Franklin to Strahan [1744 -1783].

Century, xxxv. 2-4. — J. G. Nicolay &
J. Hay : Abraham Lincoln [in these
three numbers the story is brought
down to 1 April iS6i].^=February —
General W. T. Sherman : The strategy
of the war of the rebellion.

Johns Hopkins University Studies in
Historical and Political Science, v. 11.
Baltimore. — H. B. Adams : Seminary
libraries in Germany and America [a
sketch of the arrangements for promot-
ing original historical study].

Magazine of American History. —Dc-
cember — k. W. Clason : Stephen A.

Douglas and the freesoilers. C. H.

Peck : Aaron Burr, a study ; con-
cluded. Document on the same.

January — W. Dickinson : Samuel
Carpenter the elder [1649-1714] lieu-
tenant-governor of Pennsylvania.

Gerleral M. J. Wright prints general
Andreiu Jackson's report on the battle

of Tohopeka or Horseshoe [18 14].

Alice D. Le Plongeon : The discovery

of Yucatan.: February — Martha J.

Lamb : George Washingtori, with letters
[1758-1793] supplied by W. H. Smith
and T. A. Emmet.

Magazine of Western History, vii. 2-4.
Mary D. Steele : A friend of Mrs.
Ann Hutchinson. Seelye A. Wil-
son : The making of the great west. —
F. W. Putnam : The ancient Ohio
mounds.

Overland Monthly, xi. 62. February—
D'nv}/ of Azariah Suiith in California
L 1 847- 1 848].

I

The English

Historical Review

NO. XL— JULY 1888

The Suitors of the County Court

WHO were the suitors at the county court ? The generally accepted
answer is, all the freeholders of the county. But as regards
the thirteenth century there seems to be a great deal of evidence that
this was not so. The opinion which our documents favour is much
rather this : that suit to the county court was not an incident of
freehold tenure, but had become a burden on specific lands ; and
that when the number of freeholders was increased by subinfeuda-
tion, the number of suitors was not thereby increased. This vill
or this manor or this tract of land which belongs to A, owes suit to
the county court ; A enfeoffs B, C, and D with pieces of land ; the
whole vill, manor, or tract still owes the accustomed suit, but it
owes no more ; by whom this suit shall be done is a matter that A, B,
C, and D settle among themselves by the terms of the feoffments.
In this respect the burden of suit of court is very like the burden
of scutage ; the amount of scutage is not increased by the creation
of new sub-tenancies, but the ultimate incidence of scutage can be
settled by feoffor and feoffee.

The Hundred Kolls of 1279 supply a large stock of illustrations,
a few of which shall be given. In Cambridgeshire the greater part
of the vill of Bottisham is held of the earl of Gloucester by the
priors of Anglesea and Tunbridge; but there are two tenants of
the earl's there who do suit to the hundred and county courts for
the whole township : Domimis Simon de Mora tenet unam virgatam
terre de eodem Comite etfacit sectam ad comitatum et hundredum pro
Comite et pro tota villata ; Martin son of Eustace holds two virgates
on the same terms.* The abbot of Eamsey has a manor at Bur-
well in the same county ; the jurors do not know that he does any

* Rotuli Hundredonim, ii. 488.
VOL. Ill, — NO. XI. E E

418 THE SUITORS OF THE COUNTY COURT July

service for it except two suits to every county court; facit duas
sectas comitatus Cantehrigie de comitatu ifi comitatum. But these
two suits are actually done for him by two tenants ; J. A. holds
a hide and does one suit to the county and to the hundred from
month to month for the abbot ; B. B. holds ninety acres and does
one suit to the county and to the hundred for the abbot. '^ In
Croxton in the same county there are two manors ; the lord of
one' does two-thirds of one suit {duas partes unius secte) to the
hundred and county ; the remaining one-third is done by a freehold
tenant of the other manor .^ The suit is thus split into fractions ;
at Yaxley a tenant owes a half-suit to the county court and an
entire suit to the lord's court {dimidiam sectam, sectam integram).'^ At
Isleham again the suit has been partitioned ; for half the year it
is done by H. H., for the other half of the year by two tenants of his.^
Indeed in these rolls it is a quite common thing to find some one
of the freehold tenants marked out as doing the suit for the manor
or the vill ; ^ this is the service or part of the service whereby he
' defends ' his land against the lord {defendit duas virgatas terrce
faciendo sectam ad comitatum Huntingdonie et ad hundredum de
Normancros pro dicto domino J In Oxfordshire the jurors have a
technical name for such a tenant ; he is the attornatus feoffatus.
At Shiiford the abbot of Eynsham has a manor for which he must
<3ome twice a year to the hundred court, and he owes suit from three
weeks to three weeks by (per) William Freeman his enfeoffed
attorney and his only freehold tenant.® The prior of Deerhurst
€wes one single suit {debet unicam sectam) to the county of Oxford
for his manor of Taynton, and this is done for him by J. S. his
attorney enfeoffed for this purpose in ancient times {attornatum
suum ad hoc antiquitus feoffatum).^ Many of the Oxfordshire
landowners owe suit to the county court but twice a year.

In the monastic cartularies we find the same thing. Thus, at
Hemingford, according to the Eamsey Cartulary, *° Simon Geoffrey'^
son holds two virgates for which he ' defends ' the township at the
county and hundred, and when the justices in eyre come round he
must appear as reeve {erit loco prepositi). At Ellington, John
John's son holds a hide for which he does suit to every third county
court ; ^^ at Holywell, Aspelon of Holywell does the suit to the
county and hundred,^^ at Broughton it has been done by Nicholas
Freeman.^^ We can trace John of Ellington from the cartulary to
the hundred roll, and still find him doing his * one-third part of
one suit ' to county and hundred.^'* Turning to the Gloucester
Cartulary, we find a charter of feoffment whereby the feoffee is

2 i2.il. ii. 499. 8 ^.H. ii. 508, 509. * T^.iT. ii. 640.

-, 6 E.H. ii. 504. « E.g, R.IL ii. 434, 559, 627^8-9. ' B.H. ii. 659.

^8 B.H. ii. 701. » B.H. ii. 733, another case on p. 743. '» i. 382.

" i. 491. *^ i. 29G. " i. 333. '* B.H. ii. 656.

i

1888 THE SUITORS OF THE COUNTY COURT 419

bound to acquit the vill from suit to all courts of the hundred, or of
the county or of justices in eyre, and all other suits which pertain
to the said vill.^-^ At Clifford, E. E. and another freeholder pay no
rent, but are bound to do the lord's suit to the county and hundred ;
and if by their default the lord be distrained, they must indemnify
him.^^ At Northleach is a freeholder who in respect of his land owes
suit for the lord to the county court of Gloucestershire and to all the
hundred courts of Cirencester, and must remain before the justices
in eyre during the whole of their session.'^ A particularly clear case
occurs on the Eamsey manor of Cranfield in Bedfordshire : there
are four virgates which pay no rent because they defend the whole
township from suit to the hundred and county courts — they are
virgates quce sequuntur comitatum et hundredam pro tola villata ;
and this is an ancient arrangement, the result of some vetus
feoffamentum.^^

All this seems inconsistent with the notion that every freeholder as
such owes suit to the county court. The quantum of suit due from the
whole county is regarded as having been once for all fixed at some
remote time. Very usually a vill is the unit which owes a full suit.
In that case the lord of the vill, if the vill is owned by one lord, is
primarily liable to do the suit or get the suit done : usually he has
stipulated that it shall be done for him by one of his feoffees — the
feoffee, let us say, of a particular virgate. Then as regards the
feoffor that virgate is burdened with the suit, and the burden will
lie on that virgate into whosesoever hands it may come.

Keally when one looks at the Hundred KoUs it is quite impossible
to suppose that every freeholder did suit to the county. There
are too many freeholders for that. On many manors, it is true,
there were hardly any freeholders ; this is true in particular of the
manors belonging to the religious houses ; such houses were as a rule
very chary of creating freehold tenancies ; they kept but two or three
freeholders, one of whom had often been enfeoffed for the special
purpose of doing the suit due from the whole manor or township.
But on the estates of lay lords there were often many small free-
holders. Thus at Bottisham the earl of Gloucester seems to have
over forty freeholders. Are they bound to go to the county court
month by month ? No, two of them do the suit for the whole vill.^^
The pleniis comitatus was not a very large assembly.

As regards suit to the hundred court we have some yet clearer
information. The view taken by the jurors from whose verdicts the
Hundred EoUs were compiled, very distinctly was that suit was a
burden upon particular tenements, and that the subdivision of those
tenements by the process of subinfeudation ought not to increase
the number of suitors. They complain that the earl of Surrey, who

'*i. 386. 'Mii. 49. 'Mii. 180.

'» Gart. Rams. i. 438, 439. , '^ R.H. ii. 488.-

K E 2

420 THE SUITORS OF THE COUNTY COURT July

owns the hundred court of Gallow, has not observed this rule^
There was, for instance, a tenement in South Creake containing
100 acres ; it owed a single suit ; it has been divided into forty
tenements, and forty suits are exacted. Many other examples are
given.^^ A similar complaint goes up from the hundred of Humble-
yard.^^ So, again, when the tenement becomes divisible among
coheiresses, the number of suitors should not be increased; the
burden of the suit should lie on the share of the eldest sister. That
this rule has been infringed is matter of complaint in the hundred
of North Erpingham.22 So in the Bingham wapentake of Not-
tinghamshire there are but twelve tenements which owe suit ; their
holders have been enfeoffed for the purpose, and there ought to be
no other suitors.^^ The wapentake of Kushcliffe in the same county
has but six suitors, each owes suit in respect of a particular tract of
land.24

How could this somewhat capricious distribution of the burden,,
to which the Hundred KoUs bear witness, have been effected ? By
way of answer to this question we may suppose — this can be but an
hypothesis, for evidence fails us — that when Henry I revived and
enforced the duty of attending the local courts, that duty was con-
ceived as being incumbent on all freeholders, or rather (and the ex-
ception is important) on all freeholders who or whose overlords
had no chartered or prescriptive immunity; but that it was also
conceived as being, like the taxes of the time, a burden on the land
held by those freeholders, so that when the land held by one of them
was split up by subinfeudation or partition among heiresses, the
number of suits due was not increased. Some such supposition
seems to be warranted by the * Leges Henrici Primi,' which after Dr.
Liebermann's researches we may ascribe to Henry I's reign. All the
terrarum domini are bound to attend ; but if any lord attends by
himself or his steward, he thereby acquits his whole demesne.^^
This last passage may very well mean that if he bestows part of his
demesne on a feoffee, a single suit will acquit them both. That
during the thirteenth century the number of freeholders increased
rapidly, there can be no doubt ; but an increase in the number of
freeholders did not mean an increase in the number of suits due to
the county court.

Of course it may be that on special occasions, in particular to-
meet the justices in eyre, all the freeholders were bound to attend
the county court. But it is possible to doubt even this. The words
in the writ of summons directing all freeholders to come may well
have been understood to mean all freeholders who owed suit. An
examination of the amercements for non-attendance and the * essoins
of the general summons ' found on the eyre rolls might throw some^

«» B.H. i. 455. 21 2j.^. I ^rjrj^ 22 j^^^ ^ 498.

^ R.H. ii. 318. '^* R.H. ii. 28. " Leg. Hen. Prim. c. 7.

i

r

1888 THE SUITORS OF THE COUNTY COURT 421

light upon this problem ; to a superficial glance they do not seem
nearly adequate to support the received opinion. But at any rate
it seems plain that the ordinary form of the county court, the plenus
comitatus which heard cases and delivered judgments, was not an
assembly of all freeholders, but an assembly of those persons who
by means of proprietary arrangements between lords and tenants
had become bound to do that fixed quantum of suit to which the
county court was entitled. It was not an assembly of the king's
tenants in chief, though probably the persons primarily liable were
in many or most cases the tenants in chief. On the contrary, the
j)erson who does the suit, and who is bound by tenure to do the suit,
is sometimes a small socager holding a single virgate. But though
it was not an assembly of tenants in chief, it was not an assembly
of all freeholders.

It is impossible to speak of this matter without perceiving that
there is a big question as to ' the county franchise ' in the near
background. That question we need not now attack ; but before it
is solved we ought to have a clear opinion as to who were the
persons bound to do suit at the county court, and it is here humbly
submitted that the received opinion as to this obligation does not
harmonise with the evidence. Of course, it is conceivable by us
that though all freeholders were not bound to attend the court, still
all had a right to attend. But would such a right have been con-
ceivable by a man of the thirteenth century ? If we asked him as
to the existence of such a right, might he not reply by asking us
whether those modern Englishmen who are not bound to pay
income tax, enjoy the right of paying it if they please ? The right
to do what nobody wants to do can hardly be said to exist. It would
have been very dangerous for any one to attend the county court
unless he was bound to go there, for he would have been creating
evidence of a duty to attend ; solebat facere sectam, sed modo sub-
trahit se — this would have been the neighbours' opinion as to the
conduct of an occasional attendant. We may some day have to
•confess that the original * county franchise ' (if we may use that term
to describe what those who had it would have regarded as the very
negation of a * franchise '), so far from being settled by the simple
rule that all freeholders have votes, was really distributed through
.^n intricate network of private charters and prescriptive liabilities.

F. W. Maitland.

422 July:

The IVest'Saxon Conquest of Surrey

A COMMON error has crept into many histories of England, that
Surrey formed with Sussex the kingdom of the South-Saxons.
Associated with Sussex it certainly was sometimes for adminis-
trative purposes, and also with Kent and Essex — for instance,
JEthelstan, son or brother of ^thelwulf, was underking of all four
counties; but a South- Saxon conquest originally Surrey could
not have been. Neither the Anglo-Saxon chronicle, nor Bede, nor
Henry of Huntingdon, nor, so far as I am aware, any authority of
any kind, affirms it, and many reasons exist against it. Ecclesias-
tically of course Surrey was West- Saxon, in the diocese of Win-
chester, not in the South- Saxon diocese of Selsey. Surrey waa
christian when Sussex was heathen, if we may trust the authenticity
of the charter given by Frithwald, suh regulus of Surrey, to Chertsey
abbey a.d. 675. He describes himself in that charter as dependent
upon the king of the Mercians ; and the name Surrey, the southern
kingdom, or, as Camden probably wrongly explains it, the land south
of the river, was certainly not a name given by people in Sussex^
but by dwellers to the north of the Thames.

Moreover geographical considerations make an original conr
nexion of Surrey and Sussex almost impossible. Within the long
horseshoe of chalk hills which run westward from Dover through
Kent and Surrey into Hampshire, and then sweeping round run
back through Sussex along the coast to Beachy Head, lies the
Weald. The gault and greensand which border the chalk were
always inhabited — the Hastings sands in the middle of the Weald
have a few old settlements upon them — but the Wealden clay, com*
posing the main part of this area, was formerly not inhabited at
all. Celtic scholars tell us that the Silva Anderida which grew
here means the uninhabited wood. Certainly at the time of the
Domesday Survey the Andredesleah, as it had become, was almost
uninhabited. In Surrey only two manors are named in the Survey
down in the Weald ; these stand close by a Eoman road which ran
through the wood from the coast to London. In Sussex the manors
are in the same way confined to the chalk and the sand next to it,
with the exception of a few scattered on the Hastings beds in West

4

1888 WEST^SAXON CONQUEST OF SURREY 423

Sussex. In Kent the case is practically the same J This damp,
tangled, uninhabited forest, in some places thirty miles broad, was
a natural boundary to the south for Surrey, and to the north for
Sussex. Two or perhaps three Eoman roads led through it, of
which one remains partially in use ; but the thickets would be as
uninviting for English settlers as useful for Welsh refugees, who
according to Henry of Huntingdon did use their recesses as a
stronghold against the South- Saxons when besieging Anderida.
Moreover, the whole story in Bede of the conversion of the South-
Saxons presupposes that they were almost entirely a coast people,^
and that Surrey, which was already christian, was not part of their
kingdom.

The present boundary of Surrey and Sussex looks very like a
line drawn roughly east and west through a forest belonging to
neither, but into which both had begun to encroach. It was un-
necessary so long as a wide uninhabited mark separated the two
peoples.

To the east there is no natural boundary between Kent and
Surrey, except the woods reaching from the Thames valley south-
ward over the hills by Norwood, Forest Hill, and Selhurst. To
the north the Thames is a geographical boundary only, and the
people who held London and the northern bank must have prevailed
in north Surrey, so long as London bridge and the tete de pont at
Southwark existed. When the Jutes of Kent slew four thousand
Britons at Crayford in a.d. 457, and when the Britons forsaking
Kent fled in terror to London ,3 that city can hardly have been the
prize of the victory. The story implies that it remained British,
for how long we cannot tell. It emerges again from darkness
in A.D. 604 as an East-Saxon town in dependence upon Kent.
But no one knows when the East-Saxons took it. With its Boman
forts on both sides of the river, and the walls of the fourth century
about its suburbs, protected too by the estuaries of the Thames
and Lea, and by forests to the north and east, it may have resisted
for a long time. While it resisted, the hold of the Briton upon
Surrey would not be entirely gone. That the boundary of Kent
and Surrey should lie where it does, drawn from north to south,
from the Thames to the Weald a little east of London, would seem
to show that the Jutes were cautious in pushing settlements forward
with their flank uncovered. Perhaps the formerly extensive Eoman
remains near Woodcote Warren described by Camden and Aubrey,
Walworth, Wallington and Walton- on- the-hill (near which last are

' Memoirs of the Geological Survey/ of England, <£c. : The Weald. W. Topley,
1875. Notes on the Domesday Surveys of Sussex and Surrey, by F. A. Sawyer and
the present writer respectively. Read before the Domesday Celebration Committee,
1886.

•^ Hist. Eccl. iv. 13. » A.-S. Chron. 457.

424 WEST-SAXON CONQUEST OF SURREY July

Eoman remains), and Woldirigham, in Domesday Walling eliam,
may be the seats of the Welsh of Surrey. It is noticeable that
London has never been taken from the south, so far as history tells
us. It has often been attacked, but has only fallen to enemies
from the north. ^ In this case, therefore, in all probability the un-
recorded fall of London was a victory for the East- Saxons, not for
the Kentishmen. If so it almost certainly did not happen till after
Ercenwine had united the tribes of the East- Saxons into a kingdom
in A.D. 526. Eoger of Wendover has a story of a Welsh victory over
the Saxons at Verulamium in a.d. 512. Sigebert of Gemblours
places a similar battle in a.d. 466. Geoffrey of Monmouth also
relates it, but cannot of course be considered an authority nor fixed
to any date. The battle may be a solitary exception in the other-
wise unknown story of the conquest of the north bank of the
Thames. The East- Saxons may well have been in Verulamium
before they won London, sweeping round Epping and the Middlesex
forests.

But this repulse, if it ever happened, was certainly temporary.
Under the year a.d. 586, Eoger of Wendover speaks of the general
flight of the Welsh westward, and at about the same time, hac
tempestate, he places the ruin of the church of St. Alban. Con-
struing this last date freely, it would agree pretty well with the
dates of the subsequent history of iEthelbert and Ceawlin, of which
hereafter. It is by no means necessary to suppose a regular siege
and sack of London. A city whose importance, apart from its two
forts and its bridge, depended upon commerce and the presence of
rich provincials or Eomans living there for pleasure, must have
been fatally injured, first by the withdrawal of the Eoman soldiers
and officials, secondly by the annihilation of commerce following
the anarchy of Britain, Gaul, and the Channel. There is no reason
why London should have been an exception to the general rule of
decaying population in the empire, even before these calamities.
When they had been oppressing it for a hundred years, it may
well have resulted that the Welsh population had almost dis-
appeared from London before the East- Saxons came in. There is
some evidence from the remains in the city that London was prac-
tically deserted for a time. Be that as it may, London seems to
have remained Welsh a little while, and the dependent districts on
either bank of the Thames would remain Welsh with it. When it,
or its site, became East- Saxon, the way of the East- Saxon into
Surrey was open ; but another enemy was now to be found there.

■• Tyler's and Cade's men were admitted into the city from the south. The latter,
after retiring voluntarily, was unable to force an entrance again. Such different
assailants as the Conqueror and Sir Thomas Wyatt alike found it expedient to ap-
proach London from the north of the Thames, the latter after unsuccessfully attack-
ing from the south.

1888 WEST-SAXON CONQUEST OF SURREY 425

"To the west of what was afterwards Surrey, lay the vigorous and
-expansive West- Saxons.

Southampton Water no doubt acted as an open mouth through
^hich came crowds of settlers who gradually expanded west and
north, and presently eastward too, when they had turned the western
end of the great Wealden forest, and could push along its northern
border. Dr. Guest, in his brilliant and well-known paper read
before the Archaeological Institute at Salisbury in 1849, traced the
boundary of the first great West- Saxon conquest in detail, from the
sea north to Oxfordshire, then south-east to the neighbourhood of
Chertsey, on the Thames in Surrey, where Englefield and Engle-
moor on the west confront Wealageaty Wealahic6, and the Shirepool
in the east. The last three survive in the charter of Chertsey
abbey dated in a.d. 675. The Eoman station Ad Pontes seems to
have been at Staines just across the river, and perhaps Walton-on-
Thames and the great camp on St. George's Hill, between the Wey
and the Mole, maybe further marks of the Welsh frontier. Dr.
Guest did not trace the frontier further in detail, but was content
to say that it ran south, and then east, and then, north to the
Thames near London, enclosing about the modern county of Surrey
as Welsh territory.

I think it possible, however, to follow the line more minutely
southward on the west side of the Wey valley, then eastward across
the upper Wey, above Guildford, to near Dorking, then south into
the forests of the Weald, where further boundaries were needless.
The line is the more likely because it follows roughly a geological
-division which has its influence on the desirability or the contrary
•of the land for habitation.

No action of a West- Saxon king is recorded in Surrey till a.d.
568. The first invaders came probably as settlers, backwoods-
men as they would be called in America, seeking land, and deal-
ing roughly, no doubt, with the natives whom they encountered,
though they probably would not find very many of these on the
barren Bagshot sands of west Surrey. In front of them, reaching
from its junction with the Thames to the gap in the chalkdowns at
Guildford, lay the Wey, in a marshy, alluvial, wooded bottom. The
local names on the lower part of it still record the woods about
its course. It would form a natural obstacle to the advance of
the settlers. Living in a cleared and drained country, we under-
estimate the importance of such boundaries. A journey on foot,
however, in winter, or in a wet summer, across country in the Wey
valley even now would be sufficient to show why our ancestors may
have declined to face it until they had gathered force enough to
make sure of a permanent conquest on the other side.

Along this line and continued eastward along the greerisand
iormation, on the edge of the chalk, are a collection of places named

426 WEST-SAXON CONQUEST OF SURREY July

from the gods of heathendom, without parallel, I believe, in England.
These mark the ancient frontier, and are interspersed with" names-
more distinctly bearing upon them the mark of border places.^

First, in one of the side valleys of the Wey we find Sherewater, ^

then Egley, perhaps the lea of JEgel the hero archer ; then Frylane
farm, from F^^ea or Fngedaeg, whose lea appears twice on boun-
daries in the * Codex Diplomaticus,' in charters of the dates of a.d.
805 and a.d. 850, and whose tree is a boundary mark in another
of A.D. 959 ; then comes Whitemoor ; then, on the slopes of the
Hog's Back, Wanborough. Woden was the Hermes or Zsvs spKSios
of our fathers. His name appears again and again on the West-
Saxon boundaries in Gloucestershire and Wiltshire, and Wodnes-
heorg, as here, Woddes-geat, Wodnes-dene, and Wudan-aersc appear as
boundary marks in charters of a.d. 825, 939, 940 respectively.
There is also a Woden Hill on the Englemoor west of Chertsey.
Two miles and a quarter south-eastward, on the other side of the
Hog's Back, is Polsted. Four miles south-east by east from Foisted
is Wonersh, a Wudan-aersc I suppose. Behind the line are Tewsley
and Thursley. Two miles to the north north-east are the Merrow
downs, in Domesday Meretve, equivalent to the Maerweg, now Mere-
way, in a charter of Edred's of a.d. 953, and meaning the March-
way, The way in question is the Pilgrims' Way, probably an old
British road, that runs over the downs here. Three miles south-
eastward is Shiere, then Wotton, Wode-tone in Domesday. On the
chalk to the north is Polsden ; but south from Wotton nearly in a
straight line are three Friday Streets, the last right down in the
clay, on the present Sussex border. The pecuHarity of this last
line of names eastward from Wonersh to Wotton, and then south to
Friday Street in Ockley, is that they mark off the broad strip of
gault and greensand which here edges the Weald, and which is at
once drier and more healthy than the clay, and better watered and
less bleak than the chalk. Here with the Welsh over the chalk
hills to the north of them, and with the forest to the south and
east, the first scattered bands of West- Saxons appear to have found
a home. Here their descendants talk West- Saxon still; while
northwards about Epsom, whether from original settlement or
subsequent infection, the East- Saxon dialect of London painfully
prevails, and is naturally advancing with the advance of railways.
It is hard to fix the distinctions in spelling, but the ear will easily
detect the difference between the common speech of Hampshire,

* Most of the Old English pantheon are here : Woden, Thunor, Tiw, Frea, Pol, and
^gel. There is a smaller but similar cluster in Hertfordshire, near the ancient boun-
dary noticed by Salmon, History of Hertfordshire, p. 8 : Thunderfield, Thundridge,
Wade's mill, Wade's farm, Poles, Thorley, and Walton. These may have been upon
the opposite boundary of the Welsh territory around London. For a full discussion
of the names of the gods and heroes I must refer to the chapter on ' Heathendom ' in
Kemble's Saxons in England.

1888 WEST-SAXON CONQUEST OF SURREY 427

west Sussex, and west Surrey on the one hand, and that of London
and north-east Surrey on the other. The distinctive tone of Kent,
with the Jutish features and Kentish customs, is different again
from both.

One local suffix, shot, as in Aldershot and Cowshot, is nearly
peculiar to this West- Saxon part of Surrey ; there are few if any in
the north and east of the county. In Hampshire and Berkshire
there are plenty.

Not only, however, did the West- Saxons probably spread beyond
the narrow fringe of the county they first occupied ; political events
gave them also the rule of the whole of Surrey.

iEthelbert succeeded to the kingdom of Kent, with its dependent
or allied East-Saxons, in a.d. 560 or 565. Whatever date be
accepted, he must have been a boy, a fact which by itself testifies to
the superior civilisation and stability of the Kentish kingdom over
the rest of the English. This condition, or according to William
of Malmesbury a claim to suzerainty founded on his descent,^
stirred ^thelbert to an invasion of the territories of his neighbours.
As the West- Saxons had not yet conquered Bedford and Aylesbury,
with their district, from the Welsh, they can only have marched
with iEthelbert or his allies in Surrey. We may, I think, with some
probability refer the final occupation of London and the Thames
valley by the East- Saxons to just before this time. As soon as that
happened, the small remaining * buffer ' of Welsh territory between
the two conquering powers was destroyed. It left the settlers from
Essex and Kent free to enter into Surrey, and brought about an
inevitable collision between the ambitious iEthelbert and the equally
ambitous Ceawlin, the greatest conqueror among the early kings of
the West-Saxons. Considering what is recorded of the career of
Ceawlin, it does not seem certain that iEthelbert was simply an
aggressor, as William of Malmesbury describes him. Henry of
Huntingdon, though he says that iEthelbert invaded the borders
of the West- Saxons, says that the war arose variis causis compel-
lentihiis ; ^ the chief cause, no doubt, being that Essex and Kent on
the one hand, and Wessex on the other, wished to expand into Surrey,
and that there was not room for both. The chronicle leaves the
cause of the war open, ^thelwerd says that Ceawlin and Cutha
civile commoverunt helium contra jEthelhyrhtum, making them the
aggressors. Whatever were the precise moving causes, the result
is certain, that a West- Saxon victory brought the whole of Surrey
into the power of Ceawlin, and confined iEthelbert to Kent, the
East- Saxons to the northern bank of the Thames.

iEthelbert's army was defeated, and two Kentish ealdormen,

* Pro antiquitate familicB primas partes sibi vindicantem. — W. Malm. de. gestis
regum Angl. lib. i. cap. 2.

' Henry of Huntingdon, Hist. lib. ii.

428 WEST-SAXON CONQUEST OF SURREY July

Oslac and Cnebba, were slain at WipandunCy according to Henry,
^vho gives the names of the leaders. The battle was at Wibhandune
according to the chronicle ; at Vuhhandime according to -^thelwerd,
who follows the chronicle generally.

Modern writers have generally placed it at Wimbledon. At
Wimbledon there is still a large circular earthwork of late years
called Caesar's camp, though certainly neither Caius Julius nor any
of his successors built a camp of such a shape. It used to be called
the Rounds. Camden says that it was called Benshury, and he con-
nects it with Cnebba, the slain Kentish ealdorman. In a charter
of King Eadgar's of a.d. 967 occurs the name Wimhedounyngemerke
with Benanhenve next it on a boundary. Here we have, no doubt,
Wimbledon and Bensbury. But the possible connexion of Cnebba
with Benanherwe seems to me the only ground for connecting
Wimbledon with this battle. No doubt the position is a good one
for checking the advance of an enemy from the south-west upon
London. The distinguished military authority who wrote the
'.Battle of Dorking' made the last stand of the English army take
place on practically this ground. But Ceawlin was not marching
upon London ; there is no reason to suppose that he took it or tried
to take it. He was more probably defending his own territory
against iEthelbert. The old spellings of Wimbledon, such as
Wimhedounyngemerke as above, Wwibaldon, Wymhalton, and so
on, are not very suggestive of Wibba's or Wippa's dun. A local
Surrey antiquary, seeing this, suggested that the fight was at
Worplesdon near Guildford, within the West- Saxon boundary which
I have tried to trace above. No doubt it is a more likely place,
considering the concurrent testimony of the later authorities that
the Kentish king was the invader. In Domesday, Worplesdon is
Werpesdune ; the local pronunciation is more like Wibsdon or Wubs-
don, and Wipley farm and Wipley wood close by it may preserve
an older form of the name. Still there is no positive testimony in
its favour. There is, however, one positive point against Wimbledon,
and in favour of some place further west. All the authorities
mention the driving back of iEthelberht as far as Kent. The
chronicle says that Ceawlin and Cutha ' drove him into Kent.'
JEthelwerd says, Mthelbyrhtum . . . superatumpersecuti sunt usque in
Kent ; Henry of Huntingdon, usque ad Kent fugaverunt ; William
of Malmesbury, ad suafugavit. Surely the inference follows that
the battle was in West- Saxon territory, and that the retreat of
^thelbert was for some distance. Had he been beaten at Wimble-
don, a retreat of under seven miles would have brought him to
Kent, as the boundary now stands. If it were not as at present, it
would probably be further west, and nearer the scene of battle.
This repulse is not of a decided enough nature surely to justify the
language used.

1888 WEST-SAXON CONQUEST OF SURREY 429

I incline to believe that the battle was neither at Wimbledon nor
at Worplesdon, but upon the heaths north of Chobham in west
Surrey, near the present line of the South-Western Kailway be-
tween Staines and Wokingham, on the Koman road which goes
from Staines to Winchester, and which crosses Easthampstead
plain under the name of the Devil's Highway. Here was, though
I do not know of its present existence, a place called Wipsedone.

In the charter which purports to have been granted to Chertsey
abbey by Frithwald, suh regulus of Surrey, a.d. 675, appear the
boundaries of the manors held by the abbey at Chertsey, Thorpe,
Egham, and Chobham. The appearance as a boundary mark of
the hedge of ' Giffreus de la Croix ' marks the later origin of at
least this edition of the charter, which is printed in both Kemble's
* Codex Diplomaticus ' and Dugdale's * Monasticon,' but it does not
vitiate the authenticity of the names. The land clearly corresponds
to the possessions of Chertsey abbey recorded in .Domesday. The
boundary of the land at Chobham commences north of that village,
and is traced first eastward, then southward, and so on. It is to
be followed through existing names, by the Bourne brook, Wapshots,
Mimbridge, and up the western boundary by Cowshot, Cowmoor,
and the Standing Stone, on Mainstone Hill, till it comes to Wipse^
done, and thence along the street to the starting place, a big tree,
which was the common point where the various manors joined.
Assuming the extant version of the charter to be as late as the
crusades, as we must from the appearance in it of Giffreus de la
Croix, we can imagine the change taking place in the genitive case
of Wibba or Wippa, which would turn Wipandune into Wipsedone.
From the words of the charter the place is clearly on the Eoman
road. The operations of armies depend upon roads, the more so
when the country is uncleared ; for armies need transport, even
though they be those of semibarbarians, and a knowledge of the
ways of communication is necessary for an understanding of all
early English warfare. If this was the place of battle, it would
seem that ^Ethelbert had marched by the chief road which led out
of his dominions or dependencies, by the lost Emleybridge, over the
Mole or Emlyn, and by Weybridge, on to the road which led
directly to Winchester, his adversaries' capital city. Entrench-
ments near King's Hill, close by the railway, may be the site of
Ceawlin's camp. Defeated here, ^thelbert would be driven back
for five-and-twenty miles before reaching Kent, a retreat which
seems much more like the tisque ad Kent of Henry of Huntingdon
than the six miles and a half to be traversed from Wimbledon.

As a result of the battle, Surrey as a whole passed into the
hands of the West- Saxons, and remained theirs during the subse-
quent recovery of strength by ^thelbert. This would seem to show
that in much of it the Welsh can only have been quite recently

430 WEST^SAXON CONQUEST OF SURREY July

conquered or expelled, leaving room for West- Saxon settlement.
Had a Kentish population been there, they would hardly have been
separated from Kent during the succeeding bretwaldadom of
iEthelbert. The less marked individuality of the East-Saxons in
northern Surrey would be more easily overpowered by the con-
querors.®

Immediately following their victory over the Kentish men and
East- Saxons, came the West-Saxon conquest of the Welsh of Ayles-
bury and Bedford, securing to them a firm position across the
upper Thames. One more attempt of the East-Saxons was made
io break out westward, when the sons of Sebert, relapsed to
heathenism, went against the West- Saxons, and were slain with
their army, as a punishment, Bede says, for their apostasy. More
probably they marched north of the Thames. Surrey at all events
from the fight at Wipandune became and remained, with the excep-
tion of a brief Mercian over lordship, a part of the West- Saxon
.kingdom, as subsequently of the West-Saxon bishopric.

H. E. Malden.

* Perhaps the few parishes in north-east Surrey peculiar of the see of Canterbury
may be the Kentish settlements within the border.

1888 431

Hrotsvitha of Gandersheim

IN the search for ancient manuscripts which was carried on with
so much activity during the fifteenth century, few scholars were
more energetic than was the German, Conrad Celtes, surnamed
Protucius- — a poet of great reputation in his day, and a humanist of
high standing among his fellows. This remarkable man spent
many years of his life in wandering through Germany and other
•countries of Europe, visiting the various universities, instructing,
or receiving instruction from, the professors, and collecting materials
for the great historical work which he did not live to prepare.

It was during one of these literary expeditions that he dis-
covered in the Benedictine convent of St. Emmeram, Katisbon, a
codex containing some Latin verses of the tenth century. Surprise
at this discovery was increased when, on reading the title-page, he
found the name of a German nun. In the preface to the edition
of the works thus secured, subsequently brought out by him, he
himself thus makes reference to the event : —

Cum itaque nuper . . . peregre profectus fuissem, forteque in coeno-
bium ordinis sancti Benedicti concessissem, reperi vetustissimum, littera
ferme Gothica et mulieris manu conscriptum codicem, sub titulo et in-
scriptione virginis et monialis Germanas, gente Saxonica, quo contine-
bantur ea quae in fronte et indice bujus voluminis continentur. Incredi-
bile dictu, quanto stupore et gaudio correptus fuerim, dum mulierem
Germanam post sexcentos annos (tot enim ab Oddone primo in nostram
usque sBtatem fluxere) Latina oratione et versu loquentem legissem.

The manuscript in question contained six dramas and a collec-
tion of poems, and bore the name of Hrotsvitha, a Saxon nun of
the tenth century. The discovery must have been made as early
as 1492 or 1493; but it was not until 1501 that it was made
known beyond the circle of Celtes' immediate friends. He then
brought out at Nuremberg a careful folio edition of the contents
of his treasure, under the title of * Opera Hrotsvite illustris virginis
et monialis germane, gente saxonica orte, nuper a Conrade Celte
inventa.' This volume contained six woodcuts and an ornamental
title page, which have been attributed to Albrecht Diirer. -

Six comedies and a collection of Latin verses by a nun, of .the

432 HROTSVITHA OF GANDERSHEIM Juljr

tenth century ! No wonder that Celtes should confess to having
been astonished when the manuscript came into his hands. That
one of Hrotsvitha's sex should have had the qualifications, the
opportunity, and the desire to devote herself to intellectual pursuits
in the iron age in which she lived, may w^ell have seemed incredible ;
but still greater cause for surprise was there in the character of the
work in which her genius had sought expression. Indeed, so im-
probable has it appeared to some that the plays in question could
ever have been written during the period and by the hand to which
Celtes assigned them, that a theory has been set on foot that they
were not Hrotsvitha's work at all, but were the joint productions
of the editor himself and some of his friends. In fact, the authen-
ticity of the works, and even the existence of the author, have been
called into question, and the whole of the manuscript has been re-
ferred, not to a nun of the tenth century, but to a learned society of
the sixteenth.

This question of authenticity was first raised by Prof. Aschbach
in his * Eoswitha und Conrad Celtes ' (second ed., Vienna, 1868), in
which will be found a somewhat elaborate statement of the alleged
difficulties in the way of regarding the manuscript as genuine. In
cases of this kind the prima facie assumption must always be held
to be in favour of the accepted interpretation ; and bearing this in
mind, few readers are likely to find Aschbach 's reasonings at all con-
clusive.^ At most he has done no more than suggest that possibly
the works bearing Hrotsvitha's name maybe a forgery; he has
certainly not shown that they are so; still less that they are the
productions of Celtes and his friends. The whole treatise is too
fanciful to have much weight, and, while it. contains suggestions
of a reasonable character, advances no positive argument to which
any importance can be attached. It is no concern of ours to prove
a negative ; but it is easy to show that, on the most general grounds,
it is impossible to admit the correctness of the theory as here
stated. We are introduced to the most elaborate arrangements for
secrecy, to the most astute precautions taken by the collaborators
to prevent detection, to the best laid and most cleverly managed
plots to impose upon the learned world. Passing over the intrinsic
absurdity of admitting that a secret shared by so many as Aschbach
supposes to have had a hand in the work could ever have been
long kept, we may well inquire for what object the forgery was under-
taken, and what purpose it was intended to subserve. Aschbach's
explanation gives us a motive which does not seem by any means

' It cannot be denied, however, that, like most works of destructive criticism,
Aschbach's treatise made numerous proselytes when it first appeared. Qu6rard goes
80 far as to say that the author a prouvi que les poesies attributes a la religieuse de
Gandersheim ont m f orgies par Conrad Celtes et par divers membres de la SociiU
Ehinane. {Supercheries Littiraires, 1870, ii. 313.)

1888 HROTSVITHA OF GANDERSHEIM 433

strong enough to account for all the years of labour, secrecy, and
unremitting care of which he speaks. According to his state-
ment, it would appear that Celtes was annoyed because the Italian
humanists had spoken disparagingly of German culture ; and that,
moreover, he had been angered because his own Latin correspon-
dence with the nun, Charitas Pirkheimer, had been interrupted by
the lady's spiritual supervisors. Thus, we are told, Celtes had a
double reason for the task which he took in hand. In the first
place, by bringing out works written in good Latin and with pure
taste, as the productions of a German nun of the tenth century,
he would lower the intellectual pride of the Italians, and support
the honour of his own land ; while, in the second place, by showing
the zealous clerics who had put a stop to his correspondence with
Charitas, that five centuries earlier a nun had written Latin, and
devoted herself to literature, he would reprove them for their un-
called-for interference. The alleged double reason is surely too
slight to explain so cumbrous and extensive a work ; the means
used are out of all proportion to the end in view. Nor is Aschbach
much happier in his other general criticisms, however much acumen
he may display in dealing with minor details. Admittedly there is
much to surprise us in these poems and plays when regarded as
the work of a woman in the time of the Ottos. But to say that
*the spirit which breathes through these works is throughout a
masculine one ' (der Geist der diese Werke durchweht, durchgehends
ein mdn7ilicherist) f is surely to make an assumption entirely un-
warranted by facts. If a woman's hand is not clearly perceptible
in such a play as 'Abraham,' it maybe doubted whether internal
evidence can ever be anything better than a blind guide. As for
the items of evidence derived from odd passages in the letters
between Celtes and his friends, one can only say that, though
they might do well enough to corroborate arguments otherwise
firmly based, they are not of themselves — even accepting Aschbach's
interpretation of them — strong enough to sustain the weight of proof.
On what ground are we bound to receive the critic's facile appor-
tionment of the various parts of the work among the different friends
of Celtes (pp. 36-45) ? On what ground are we forced to accept
his unsupported assertion that many of the letters dealing too out-
spokenly with the forgery matter were undoubtedly destroyed
(p. 32) ? Such evident plays of fancy can hardly do more than call
attention to the insecure foundations on which his grand edifice is
raised.

I would not be understood to say that the contents of the
codex do not yield matter for surprise. The comparative purity of
the Latin is doubtless remarkable ; and there is something remark-
able, too, in the use of the dramatic form. But it must be remem-
bered that both these points, if difficulties in the way of accepting

VOL. III. — NO. XI. F F

434 HROTSVITHA OF GANDERSHEIM July

the manuscript as the work of Hrotsvitha, are also difficulties in the
way of regarding it as the production of Celtes. Indeed, the forgery
theory is not consistent with itself. By the hypothesis, Celtes was
an extremely clever forger : he possessed, as Aschbach puts it, ' a
remarkable talent for imitating in a masterly way ancient and
medieval versification ' (ein ausgezeichnetes Talent, antike und viittel-
alterliche Versmaasse meisterhaft naclizuahmen,^ p. 36). But how
came it, then, that in forging a manuscript of the tenth century
he wilfully employed language which Aschbach pronounces so de-
cidedly to belong to the fifteenth century ? that he knowingly
adopted a form which Aschbach says would never have been used
by Hrotsvitha ? and that he exhibits constantly a knowledge of the
classics and a general culture, which, if we are to credit Aschbach,
it is so unlikely that Hrotsvitha could have possessed ? It would
have been easy for one with his ausgezeichnetes Talent to avoid
these inconsistencies, and one would think that to avoid them
would have been his first aim. Surely there is something unsatis-
factory in a theory which represents Celtes as being so clever that
he could pass his own work off as other people's, and so careful
that he took infinite pains to prevent the secret of manufacture
from leaking out ; and yet as being at the same time so obtuse or
so heedless, that in form, language, and style he left such an open-
ing for criticism. Especially in venturing upon dramatic com-
position does Celtes seem to have run a great and totally needless
. risk of detection ; for everything which, according to Aschbach, he
desired to gain by the forgery, he could have gained equally well by
confining his experiments to the less dangerous forms of legendary
and historic poems. Supposing, then, we acknowledge that there
is difficulty in the way of admitting these writings to be the works
of a nun of the tenth century, still the questions which I would
put are : whether, in getting over that difficulty by assigning them
to a forger, we do not in fact create other difficulties far more
insuperable? whether the proposed explanation does not itself
stand sadly in need of explanation ? and whether it does not seem
more natural and more simple to account for all the peculiarities of
thought and language by reference to the unique character of Hrots-
vitha's genius than by pronouncing them oversights of a forger who
was, ex concesso, at once so learned that he could, and so careful
that he would, have made it his first business to guard against
them ? The idiosyncrasies observable in these writings, from the
very fact that they do not seem to belong to the tenth century, would
have been certain to be avoided by any one ambitious of successfully
forging a tenth- century document.

As things stand, therefore, we need not hesitate to declare
Aschbach' s charge 'not proven.' As Kopke says, Bleiht filr die
Jlypothese keine irgend tvie haltbare Grundlage ilbrig, sie zerfliesst icie

1888 HROTSVITHA OF GANDERSHEIM 435

^ein Nebelhild. So long as Hrotsvitha is not attacked by any stronger
arguments than these thus far advanced, we may continue to regard
her as an historical personage, and the author of the dramas and
poems which have come down to us under her name.^

That personal curiosity, however, which is so active in these
days, can unfortunately, in the present case, be but very scantily
gratified. Of Hrotsvitha the woman we know but little, and that
little is derived entirely from what she has seen fit to tell us of her-
self in her own writings. For us to-day, and probably for all future
time, her poems and plays remain, and will remain, almost the only
tokens of her existence ; her personality has faded for ever from
men's memories, and any attempt at its reconstruction must be made
by means of a species of guess-work which, however fascinating, is
never satisfactory, and rarely safe. We do not know who Hrots-
vitha was, to what family she belonged, whence she came, at what
time she entered the nunnery in which the greater part of her life
was passed, or by what series of causes she was led to take the veil.
The details of her early life are absolutely unknown to us ; there is
no direct evidence concerning the dates of her birth, consecration,
and death.^ Hence, when we turn from the Latin plays and poems

2 I have in the above paragraphs purposely confined myself to arguments of the
most general kind, and such as would strike any one in reading Aschbach's treatise.
Since writing them, I have looked through Kopke's detailed criticism of Asch-
bach's position {Hrotsuit von Gander sheim in the second volume of his Ottonische
Studien, Berlin, 1869). This criticism would leave, I should think, few doubts in the
mind of any unbiased reader. Kopke meets his antagonist on his own ground of verbal
■criticism, and shows that there is nothing in Hrotsvitha's works, either in language or
in style, which tells against the supposition that they belong to the tenth century, but
that, on the contrary, there is much in them altogether at variance with the language
and style of Celtes and his associates. He also, among other matters of detail, points
out that there is no historical evidence for the existence or destruction of the alleged
genuine legend-book, which, according to Aschbach, Celtes took away from the monas-
tery and replaced by his own forged codex ; that this substitution requires actual
proof ; that Bodo von Clus at Gandersheim, between 1520 and 1540, made use of a
manuscript of the Primordia, which, according to his statement, was six hundred
years old, and which would hardly have got there if the codex was a forgery ; and that
it is absurd to suppose that a number of literary men could ever have united upon a
literary freak of this kind, and one and all retained the secret. I do not wish to lay
any undue emphasis upon it, but the fact should nevertheless be borne in mind, that
men like Pertz, Barack, Bendixen, Magnin, and others, have used the codex without
detecting any signs of its spuriousness, and that historians like Giesebrecht accept it
as genuine. Since this article has been in print there has come into my hands a
recent Dutch contribution to Hrotsvitha literature, De Tooneelarheid eener Non uit de
tiende eeuw, by M. A. Perk. In this little volume the case against Aschbach is
given with considerable force on pp. 190-7.

3 Almost every writer who has mentioned Hrotsvitha has had his own method of
writing her. name. Besides the form here adopted, we find Hrosvite, Hroswitha,
Hroswithe, Khotswitha, Roswitha, and Eoswit. Dr. Forstemann, in his Altdeutsches
Namenhuch (i. 741), gives a list of eighteen variations of the word occurring in
ancient chronicles and other documents. Even this long list is not complete (see
Die Werke der Hrotsvitha, herausg. von K. A. Barack (1858), Einleitung, p. ii). The
meaning of this name has also been a subject for dispute. J. Chr. Gottsched {Nothiger

F F 2

436 HROTSVITHA OF GANDERSHEIM July

which bear her name to the human existence which Hes behind
them, we find ourselves in a region of uncertainty where all our
knowledge is scarcely more than the piecing together of various
inferences and conjectures.

Evidence furnished by her work, however, does to some extent
aid us in guessing what sort of a woman Hrotsvitha must have
been, and in assigning to her approximately her proper place in
history. We cannot suppose that one who could write the comedies
of * Abraham,' * Dulcitius,' and ' Callimachus ' could have retired into
solitude before she had seen a good deal of life. There is so much
more knowledge of the world in these plays, so much more real
human feeling than any mere servile imitation of an ancient
author could account for, so much genuine passion amidst all the
strange monkish thought and speculation, that we can hardly help'
concluding that ere she became a nun Hrotsvitha had learned
something of the great outer world to which she presently bade
farewell, and had even perhaps gone through some of those ex-
periences of love and renunciation upon which she dwelt with such
strange persistency in her legends and plays.'* From the general
character of her writings, moreover, as well as from the position
which we know she occupied at Gandersheim, it seems safe to infer
that she belonged to some noble Saxon family.-^

Suppositions of this kind may perhaps be somewhat too imagina-
tive to commend themselves to a practical mind, but the evidence
concerning the period during which Hrotsvitha lived and wrote is
fortunately of a more satisfactory character, although here too>

Vorrath zur Geschichte der deutschen dram. Dichtkunst, Bd. ii. 13) translated it into
' White Kose ; ' while M. F. Seidel saw in the initial H an abbreviation of Helena, and
turned the whole word into Helena a Kossow. But both these conjectures are over-
thrown by her own interpretation of the word as meaning clamor validus— Ego-
clamor validics Gander sheimensis. See Grimm, Latein. Gedichte des X. und XI. Jh..
p. ix.

* The general character of Hrotsvitha's plays, their knowledge of the world, and
their freedom of expression, have by Scherr been made the bases of implications not
much to her credit. Der Zweck Roswitha's, he writes, bei Ahfassung Hirer seeks
kleinen Dramen . . . war also ein moralisch-ascetischer, wie er einer Nonne geziemte.
Allein es will uns bedilnken, dass wir ihrer Nonnenhaftigkeit kaum zu nalie treten,.
wenn wir vermuthen, dass sie, bevor sie Hire Komodien schrieb, sich niclit nur in
Terenz, sondern auch in der Liebe umgesehen haben milsse. {Gescliichte deutscher
Cultur und Sitte, 85.)

* A great deal of very wild speculation has been indulged in on the question of
Hrotsvitha's family antecedents. Some writers have attached her to the Saxon royal
house ; others have made her, without the slightest show of reason, a Grecian prin-
cess ; while an Englishman, Laurent Humphrey, has claimed her for his own country-
woman. The statement in the text seems to include all that can be said to be more
than mere fancy. As Barack says ; Das Einzige, was wir mit einiger Bestimmtheit
liber die Herkunft Hrotsvitha's sagen konnen, ist, dass sie aus saclisischem und ziuar
vornehmem Geschlechte stammte (pp. cit. p. v). As Schurzfleisch says in the preface
to his edition of her works, Vetustissimum apud Gandam monasterium hand facile
virginesj guam cultu principali et summo loco natas, recipiebat.

1888 HROTSVITHA OF GANDERSHEIM 437

conjecture has to play a part. In her historical poem, ' Carmen
die Primordiis Coenobii Gandersheimensis/ she tells us that she
entered the world a long while after the death of Otto (the father
of Henry the Saxon), which occurred in 912, while in the preface
^o her legends she speaks of herself as being a little older than the
abbess of Gandersheim, Gerberge II. This Gerberge was the
daughter of Henry, duke of Bavaria (the brother of Otto the
Great), who was married in 938, and since she became abbess in
959 we cannot well place the date of her birth later than 940.
It follows, therefore, that Hrotsvitha must have been born some-
where between 912 and 940, and, judging from the expressions of
which she makes use, nearer the latter date than the former.^
Hence we shall not be far wrong in roughly assigning 930
.3,s the year of her birth. By a similar process of inferential
reasoning we are led to conclude that Hrotsvitha saw the end of the
tenth century. She could not have died until 968, since the frag-
ment * Panegyris Oddonum ' contains references to events of that
year ; while as she speaks of this poem in another of her works, it
was evidently not the last production of her pen. As it now stands
the panegyric ends with the death of Otto I, but the plural form,
Oddonum, points to the fact that we possess only the commencement
of the poem.^ There is a second dedication addressed to Otto II,
^nd this probably formed the proem to the portion dealing with
the doings of this prince. In the ' Chronica Episcoporum Hildes-
heimensium ' ^ we read of Hrotsvitha as puella Saxonica . . . qua
sex comoedias sacras ad imitationem Terentii scripsitf et trium Impera-
torum Ottonum res gestas omnes. From this it would appear that
Hrotsvitha actually finished her panegyric, in which case she must
have been alive in the year of Otto Ill's death. At least, it would
peem to be fairly probable that Hrotsvitha lived into the early years
of the eleventh century, and we shall be pretty safe in referring
her dramatic writings to the latter half of the tenth.

It is a generally expressed opinion that it was during this period
.that the intellectual darkness of the middle ages reached its deepest.
At this time, it is said, the social dissolution, which had gone on so
rapidly after the fall of the Koman empire, had become almost
complete, while the last remnants of classic culture had been swept
away in the general wreck of society. The old era had closed
amid confusion and strife ; the new era had not yet opened. The
last impulse of antique civilisation had died away ; the first thrill
of new life had not yet passed through the chaotic masses of society.
Hence historians have done their utmost to depict the tenth century

« Carmen de prim, coenobii Gandersheimensis, vv. 529-34.

^ Cf. Casimir Oudin, Cominent. de Script. Eccles. ii. 506. Gudin fixes the date of
•Hrotsvitha's death as 1001.

" In Leibnitz, Scriptores Brunvicensia illustrantes, torn, ii, 787.

438 HROTSVITHA OF GANDERSHEIM July

as a period of total and absolute barbarity, lawless, dissolute, igno-
rant ; and the conception almost invariably formed of it is that,
to use the words of M. Patin, it was the century le j:>/«s illettre du
moyen dge.^

But with whatever show of justice such an expression may be
applied to Europe, taken as a whole, it is too sweeping to be
accepted without some reservation. In Germany, for instance,,
the tenth century was far from being the age of unrelieved bar-
barism which some have been anxious to make it appear. ^^ Under
the Ottos a fresh impulse was given to imperialism and to litera-
ture, which, spreading together during the reign of Charles the
Great, had together declined after his death; and along with a
partial re-establishment of the empire there went also a revival of
the work of civilisation, to which the great Frank had set his hand.

The condition of Germany at this time was, indeed, in many
respects singularly favourable to a movement of intellectual activity.
The long and bloody wars between the Franks and the Saxons had
lost the edge of their bitterness, and the German crown was firmly
fixed upon the heads of the Saxon dukes. For the first time Ger-
many had reached a condition approaching to national unity,,
while the Hungarians, who during the foregoing century had
devastated large portions of the country, ceased their inroads, and,
in common with the heathen hordes of the north, bowed before the
German sword. At the same time, through its connexion with
Italy and Greece, the court of the Ottos was brought into direct-
contact with whatever remains of classic culture still existed in
those countries. At the prayer of Adelaide, widow of Lothar,,
Otto I marched into Italy in 951, released Adelaide, married her,,
and on his entrance into Pavia was crowned king of the Lombards.
His brother, Bruno, archbishop of Cologne, brought artists and
learned men from Constantinople ; while his son, Otto II, married a
Greek, Theophano, and surrounded himself with Greek philosophers.
Thus standing in direct contact with all that was left of the great
culture-kingdoms of the past — realising a national unity hitherto
unknown, enjoying comparative peace along its borders, and ruled
over by a house which, following the example of Charles the Great,
sought to found an intellectual as well as a military empire — Ger*
many became not only the strongest, but also the most enlightened
state in Europe.

' Journal des Savants, October 1846.

'" Manhatdas zehnte Jahrhundert vor anderen ein Zeitalter der Barbarei genannU
und allerdings bezeichnet die Anfange desselben ein tiefer Verfall alles dessen, was die
Karolingische Zeit filr Kunst wnd Wissenschaft geleistet hatte. Aber sclwn uin die
Mitte des Jahrhunderts nehmen wir in den deutschen Ldndernneue Keitne dcr Bildung
wahr, und eigentlich erst aus ihnen entwickelte sich eine Kultur, die tiefer in unsere
nordischen Gegenden eindrang und dort heimisch wurde. — Giesebreoht, Geschichte der-
deutschen Kaiserzcit, Bd. I. (1873), 329, 330.

1888 HROTSVITHA OF GANDEESHEIM 439

At the court of the Ottos philosophy flourished, and opportunity
was given for the cultivation of poetry and art. But of course the
greatest intellectual activity was exhibited in the retirement of the
cloisters. The conditions of the time naturally drove the studiously
inclined to seek refuge in these places of comparative quietude and
safety ; and many doubtless took the monastic vow more from a
love of learning than from any particular fondness for an ascetic
life. Among the most remarkable of the religious establishments
of Germany during this time was the abbey of Gandersheim, or
Gandesheim, belonging to the order of St. Benedict — an institution
which played a distinguished part in the literary history of the
middle ages.

This abbey was founded in 852 by Liudolf, a descendant of
the celebrated Widukind.^^ The foundation was undertaken by
Liudolf at the request of his wife Oda, whose mother, Aeda, as
she was praying in the early morning, had, in a vision, seen
John the Baptist, who had prophesied to her that her descen-
dants would found a retreat for holy virgins.^^ The building was
commenced at Brunshusen, or Brunshausen ; but in 857 the site
was changed. Two years later Liudolf died, but the work went
on notwithstanding, and reached completion in 881. Shortly after
her husband's death, Oda herself retired into this retreat, and
here she lived, according to Hrotsvitha, to the age of 107. Three
of her daughters — Hathumod, Gerberge, and Christina — succes-
sively filled the post of abbess. After these came Hrotsvitha,^*
Liudgarda, and Windelgardis ; and then the second Gerberge, the
daughter of Henry, duke of Bavaria, under whose rule flourished
our poetess.

It was in this oasis in the desert, and during the period of real,
though of course of very limited, intellectual activity which I have
endeavoured to sketch, that Hrotsvitha produced the works to which
it is now time to turn. Those works consist of (1) metrical legends,
(2) dramas, and (3) historic poems or epics. I shall first say a few
words concerning the first and last of these classes, and then pass
on to the dramas, to which, on account of their great literary
interest, I desire to devote my chief attention.

'* A. D. J. 852 . . . Luidolftts dux Saxonie cum sua conitige Oda- Boniatn peciit, et
ab apostolico reliquias sanctorum presuluni Anastasii et Innocentii inpetratas detulity
et in honore eorum, monasterium et cenobium, virginum, ante quatuor annos in Brunestes-
huse inchoatum, in Gandersheim antiquiori loco construxit. — Annalista Saxo, in Pertz,
Mo7i. Ger. Hist. torn. viii. 576.

'2 The story is told in detail by Hrotsvitha in her Carmen de primordiis cosnobii
Gander sheimiensis, vv. 38-72. See also Leuckfeld, Antiquitates Gander sheimenses.

'3 Who has been sometimes confounded with her more famous namesake. It is
this confusion of names which has caused some writers to put our Hrotsvitha back
into the ninth century. The abbess died in 902, 926, or 927 — the date is variously
given in the chronicles.

440 HROTSVITHA OF GANDERSHEIM July

The legends represent the earliest portion of Hrotsvitha's work,^''
and consist of eight separate pieces. They are as follows : —

1. Historia nativitatis laudahilisque conversationis Intactce Dei
Genitricis. This is founded upon the apocryphal gospel of St.
James, the brother of Jesus.

2. Historia ascensionis Domini, based upon the narrative trans-
lated from the Greek by John the Bishop, and made up of materials
derived from the gospels, canonical and apocryphal.

3. Passio Sancti Gongolfi martyris, which deals with the legend
now found in the Bollandist Acta Sanctorum (May, tom. ii. 641).

4. Passio Sancti Pelagii, based upon an adventure related to
Hrotsvitha by an eye-witness of the event. ^^ Hrotsvitha's own version
is. included in the Acta Sanctorum under date 26 June.

5. Lapsus et conversio Theophili Vicedomini, which is founded
upon a legend very popular during the middle ages, and which is
given in the Acta Sanctorum (Feb. tom. i. 486),

6. Conversio cujusdam juvenis desperati per S. Basilium epi-
scopum ; another legend in which the same motive is reproduced.

7. Passio Sancti Dionysii, in which, following Hilduin, Hrotsvitha
has mixed up Diogenes the Areopagite with Dionysius the first
bishop of Paris ; ^^ and

8. Passio Sanctce Agnetis, which deals with the martyrdom of
St. Agnes, as related by St. Ambrose {Acta Sanctorum, January,
tom. ii. 715).

In subject-matter these legends differ but little from the general
monkish literature of the middle ages. Signs and wonders, pagan
cruelty and christian constancy, miracles and sudden conversions :
these constitute the general texture of them all. They are written
in leonine hexameters, or elegiac verse, and in point of literary
merit, if they hardly deserve all the praise which Loher has be-
stowed upon them, certainly demand more than the curt note
with which they are dismissed by Hallam.'^ With much that is
formless, dry, and wearisome, there are occasional passages of
considerable descriptive power : as, for example, that in the legend
of Dionysius, relating the events which took place after the
saint's death. Executed on the summit of a hill, the decapitated
martyr rises from the ground, takes his head in his hand, and with

'* She thus refers to them in the preface to her comedies : Quia, dum pi-oprii vili-
tatem laboris in aliis mecB inscienticB opuscuUs heroico ligatavi strophico, in hoc drama-
tica junctam serie colo, &c.

" See her own statement in the few explanatory lines afi&xed to the book of legends,
and headed Explicit liber p>rimus, incipit liber secundus, drmnatica serie contextus.

'* For some account of this confusion, see Fleury, Histoirc eccUsiastique, tom. x.
334-7.

*' ' She [Hrotsvitha] wrote, in the tenth century, sacred comedies in imitation of
Terence, which I have not seen, and other poetry, which I saw many years since, and
thought very indifferent.' — Introduction to the Literature of Europe, 1854, vol. i. p. 10,
note. Hallam calls Hrotsvitha * abbess of Gandersheim.'

1888 HROTSVITHA OF GANDERSHEIM 441

it walks down the hill- side to a spot two miles distant where he
wishes to be buried. Grotesque as the incident may seem to our
latter-day taste, the verses in which it is described are wanting
neither in vividness nor in power.

The two legends of greatest interest to-day, however, are num-
bers five and six in the above list, the Lapsus et conversio Theo-
phili, and the Conversio cujusdam juvenis. In these a compact
with the devil forms the leading idea. In the former it is ambition,
in the latter love, which drives the wretched sinners into their
dreadful crime ; but, apart from this variation in motive, the legends
in matter and treatment are very much alike. Theophilus was a
native of Antioch, about whose date there is some dispute, but who
probably lived during the sixth century. Raised when very young
by his uncle the bishop to the position of archdeacon of the church
at Antioch, and subsequently removed after his uncle's death, he
was eaten up with rage and ambition, and sold himself to the devil,
employing a Jewish wizard to carry out the negotiation. Upon his
denial of Christ and the Virgin, Satan helped him once more into
the desired office. Before long, however, he grew weary of his ill-
gotten post, became miserable in spite of all his power and influence,
/and, struck with remorse, appealed to the Virgin — the great resource
of medieval sinners — to intercede in his behalf. She did so; and
by means of her advocacy his sin was forgiven, and by her help he
recovered the deed of contract which he had given to the devil :

Post haec e somno consurrexit mane summo,
Invenit positam supra sua pectora chartam.

The other legend ^® tells us how a young servant of Proterius fell
desperately in love with his master's daughter — a girl of surpassing
beauty, whom her father had destined to a life of chastity. In the
madness of passion he sold himself to the devil, by whose aid he
succeeded in getting his love reciprocated by the girl. Influenced
by Satanic charms, she married him, greatly to the grief of her
family ; but it was not long before she discovered her mistake. She
found that her husband did not dare enter a church (there is some
confusion here, for where were they married?), and this gave her
a suspicion of the truth. Seizing him by the hand, she led him to
St. Basil, who exorcised him, and took him to the church. Here
the devil appeared to carry him away. Satan not unnaturally
complained of the part which St. Basil was taking in the matter ;
for, having the deed in his possession, he held that of right the

'" The choice of subject in these two legends may be perhaps accounted for on
remembering the miracle attributed to the abbess Hrotsvitha, who was reputed to
have obtained from the devil a deed of compact given to him by a youth. Hence stories
•dealing with similar incidents would have special significance for the inmates of Gan-
dersheim. See Leuckfeld, Antiquitutes Gandersheimenses, 217, 218.

442 HROTSVITHA OF GANDERSHEIM July

young man belonged to him. But St. Basil drove the devil from
the temple, and then raised his voice in prayer ; when lo ! —

Nee mora, de summo cecidit scriptura dolosa,
Ante pedes sancti, nee non pastoris amandi.

These legends are interesting, as containing the first literary
expression of ideas which afterwards grew to such enormous pro-
portions, and filled so large a place in literature — especially in the
literature of Hrotsvitha's own country. In her version of these
stories the motive of prime importance is of course the conver-
sion ; in each case the devil loses his bargain, the sins are forgiven,
the sinner is saved. Later outgrowing embodiments of the idea,
handed over the wretched man — Faust, as he then became — entirely
to the power of Satan, who, at the expiration of a given time, was
allowed, as in Marlowe's ' Faustus,' to make good his claim upon
the sinner's soul — a change which was perhaps in large measm-e due
to the gradual popularisation of the story, and its consequent filtra-
tion through the minds of the ignorant and debased. Not till Goethe
took up the subject was the idea of ultimate reconciliation reinstated
as a final cause.

The legends were the first outpourings of Hrotsvitha's poetic
spirit ; the historic poems, on the other hand, belong to her latest
period. They consist of a fragment entitled * Panegyris sive his-
toria Oddonum ' (which, as we now possess it, contains only the
portion dealing with Otto I — Carmen de Gestis Oddonis I Tmperatoris) ;
the * Carmen de Primordiis Coenobii Gandersheimensis,' and two
small pieces which, though included in the codex, were not repro-
duced by Celtes, and were printed for the first time, I believe, by
Barack in his edition of Hrotsvitha's works. The * Carmen de
Gestis Oddonis ' and the ' Carmen de Primordiis Coenobii Ganders-
heimensis ' are chronicles of great value in the literary, social, and
monastic history of the middle ages, and are both included in Pertz's
* Monumenta Germanise Historica,' tom. vi.

The largest, and in many respects the most interesting, portion
of Hrotsvitha's works, however, is that which contains her dramas,
or comedies, as they are generally called. These are six in num-
ber, and are entitled ' Gallicanus,' * Dulcitius,' ' Callimachus,' * Abra-
ham,' * Paphnutius,' and * Sapientia.' It will be impossible for me
to treat each of these in detail, and I must therefore confine myself
to a few general remarks on their most striking characteristics, and
to a brief analysis of two of the number. These will be ' Dulcitius *
and ' Abraham,' which I choose, the former on account of its curious
characteristics, the latter for its intrinsic merits.

Placing on one side all considerations of their ethical signifi-
cance, and for the time being regarding only their literary form, we
notice, in the first place, that these plays belong to the history of

1888 HROTSVITHA OF GANDERSHEIM 44a

the ancient, rather than to that of the modern, drama. Hrotsvitha.
was an imitator, not an originator; she was the last of the old
dramatists, and not the first of the new.^^ Confessedly going back
to classic example, and taking Terence as her model, Hrotsvitha
seems to have stood entirely outside the gentle but marked eccle-
siastical current which was even then setting towards the production
of what became the religious drama of later times. Within the
church the liturgical mystery was beginning to take shape ; little
by little the mass was being dramatised ; the religious mystery was
in process of formation. From the church, as we know, came the
spirit and the impulse which, after many centuries, gave to modern
Europe its drama; and while Hrotsvitha was writing her Latin
comedies in the seclusion of Gandersheim, the natural and spon-
taneous evolution was everywhere going on around her. She
herself, however, must in no way be connected with the popular
movement, nor must we look for any signs of influence exercised
by her upon the liturgical drama then in course of generation.
Her place is not in the history of the popular drama; as the
acknowledged pupil of Terence, she belongs, from a literary point-
of view, wholly to the classic world. As might be anticipated from
this fact, the artistic character of her work is enormously in advance
of the crude efforts towards a liturgical drama which were then
being made. Hrotsvitha had a model before her, and her path was
plain ; those who were simply yielding to the tendencies of the
time had to rely on their own resources. A single instance will
make the difference clear. The well-known dialogue, *Les Vierges
Sages et les Vierges Folles,' ^o probably belongs to the tenth century
or a little later ; and we have only to compare this production with
the plays of Hrotsvitha to realise how little she had in common
with the religious drama of her time.

In two important particulars, however, Hrotsvitha departed
from classic precedent. In the first place, she entirely disregarded
the law of unities exemplified in her model, and sacrificed every-
thing in the way of dramatic arrangement to the exigencies of
plot. Between scene and scene we pass from one spot to another
with a rapidity which is almost bewildering, and the reader has

'» A good deal of misconception has arisen from not keeping this distinction well
in view. Thus, speaking of these plays, Aschbach writes : Wenn sie echt waren, die
Anf&nge der dramatischen Dichtkunst in Deutschland um ein halbes Jahrtausend
friiher gesetzt werden milssten, als gegenwartig angenommen wird. (Roswitlia und C.
Celtes, 15.) As a matter of fact, Hrotsvitha had no connexion whatever with the be-
ginnings of dramatic art in Germany. Those beginnings must be sought for, not in the
dry exercises of grammarians, not in the literary imitations of the cloister, but in th^
growing offices of the christian church. This is true not of Germany alone, but of
the whole of Europe. See E. du Meril, Origines latines du ThMtre moderne ; Ancona,
Sacre Eappresentazioni ; also Keidt, Das geistliche Schauspiel des Mittelalters in
Deutschland.

2» For which see E. de Coussemaker, Drames Uturgiqties du Moycn Age.

444 • HROTSVITHA OF GANDERSHEIM July

constantly to be on his guard to keep up with the unexpected
changes of time and place. Thus, at the end of the seventh
scene of 'Abraham,' we find the hermit saying to Maria, *Let
us hasten back' — back, that is, to the desert where he lives.
Maria agrees. * How quickly we have overcome the difficulties of
this long journey ! ' says Abraham, in the next sentence ; and the
startled reader suddenly awakes to the fact that the pilgrims have
a-eached their destination. In the second place, Hrotsvitha admitted
into her dramas a combination of the pathetic and the jocular, of
the tragic and the comic, to which her prototype offered no parallel.
Scenes of the most striking unlikeness are placed side by side ; as
in *Dulcitius,' where the association of the intensest agonies of
martyrdom with the broadest play of love-maddened folly is almost
Shakespearean in boldness of conception, however much it may fall
short of the Shakespearean in execution.

In spite of her classic tendencies, therefore, to Hrotsvitha may
be said to belong whatever honour there may be in having struck
out two of the distinguishing peculiarities of the romantic drama.
We must not, however, give her too much credit for this. That
she did so is due rather to her lack of boldness than, as might at
£rst sight appear, to her great originality ; for the adoption of the
unclassical methods of dramatic construction to which I refer arose
almost inevitably from her manner and conditions of work. In
fact, Hrotsvitha in writing her plays did what the English dramatists
six centuries later did with so much success. She dramatised
legends as they dramatised stories, but so far from treating her
materials with the freedom which they employed, she in every case
followed her original with rigid fidelity. She made no effort to re-
construct her story according to any method of art, to so arrange
its various parts that there should be a due succession of scenes,
and that the incidents should succeed each other with something
like dramatic propriety. All that she sought to do was to turn the
story just as she found it into dramatic form, adding little, taking
little away, and in some cases making use of the very words of the
legend. Hence necessarily she departed from the system of unities,
and hence also she admitted a combination of tragic and comic
elements for which her formal models furnished no precedent.

But it is on the literary side alone that Hrotsvitha belongs to
the classic school. The spirit and essence of her work belong
entirely to the middle ages ; for beneath the rigid garb of a dead
language beats the warm heart of the new era. Everything in her
plays that is not formal but essential, everything that is original
and individual, belongs wholly to the christianised Germany of the
tenth century. Everywhere we can trace the influence of the
atmosphere in which she lived ; every thought and every motive is
coloured by the spiritual conditions of her time. The keynote of

d

1888 HROTSVITHA OF GANDERSHEIM 445^

all her works is the conflict of Christianity with paganism ; and it
is worthy of remark that in Hrotsvitha's hands Christianity is
throughout represented by the purity and gentleness of women,
while paganism is embodied in what she describes as ' the vigour
of men ' {virile rohur). The clash of these adverse systems, there-
fore, means to her simply the clash of chastity and passion. Indeed,
the whole end and object of her comedies, as she herself has declared,
is the exhibition of female virtue in conflict with and victorious
over the rude desires of the opposite sex. In the preface to her
plays she has stated this with unmistakable distinctness, and has
told us that her endeavour was, according to the power of her
feeble genius, to celebrate the victories of chastity and the triumphs
of women's weakness over men's strength. Such was her didactic
aim, and that aim was always kept in view. Primarily, therefore,
Hrotsvitha was a moralist, and her art was only a vehicle for the
conveyance of her dogma. In this respect, as one of her critics
has pointed out, she was essentially a German. She aimed at
truth rather than at beauty ; she wrote, not to satisfy any aesthetic
cravings, but to impart lessons which would prove useful in the
conduct of life. Hence we may perhaps understand that her
method of weaving together the most varied and ill- suiting mate-
rials had its root in something deeper than mere servility of imita-
tion. Had her object been artistic perfection, she would never have
admitted much that now finds a place in her work. But her
object was not artistic perfection but moral truth ; and hence every
element which added to the fidelity of her picture and the force of
her lesson was admitted without hesitation or doubt.

This ethical tendency in her work led Hrotsvitha frequently into
regions in which we might have supposed that one of her sex and
profession would hardly have felt at home. Writing to deprecate
the passions of human nature, she nevertheless gives those pas-
sions a large place in her writings, and, while insisting upon their
subjection, enters into them with a minuteness which sometimes
becomes a little alarming. It is true, as I have said, that she
writes, not as a poet, but as a moralist ; that she does not deal
with passion for passion's sake ; and that her heightened pictures
of temptation are only intended to enhance the effect of the subse-
quent victory. Throughout the many scenes in her works which
we of the present day should pronounce extremely dangerous, this
didactic element remains clear and prominent : we feel and know
that we are being preached at. But it is very questionable whether
in writings of this kind the ethical doctrines are ever of sufficient
value to excuse the form in which they have to be presented. The
model of supersensuous chastity set up for our admiration and imita-
tion demands for its proper setting the occasional depicting of the
opposite quality, and, under such conditions, it is almost inevitable

446 HROTSVITHA OF GANDERSHEIM July

that the dh^ect influence of the lesson should be less operative than
the indirect influence of the parable by which the lesson is to be
taught. Moreover, for a professed moralist, Hrotsvitha touches
passion with somewhat too delicate a hand, and allows a little too
much of the woman's nature to peep out through the ascetic's
garb. There is certainly a startling rashness in this young nun,
who turns aside from no company and hesitates before no scene.
Yet with all this, be it said, there is no disfiguring coarseness :
the incidents may be given with extraordinary directness of expres-
sion, the dialogue may be astoundingly plain and unvarnished, yet
somehow Hrotsvitha never becomes impure. From the common
taint of lubricity she was saved by the clear, simple, naive innocence
that runs through all her plays. The very boldness with which this
secluded maiden handles the most dangerous themes seems in itself
to furnish her best defence, and in studying the pictures of this
sdchsische Heldenmddchen mit der kindlich reinen andachtsvollen
Seele,'^^ we may be often startled but never shocked.

Hrotsvitha, as we have seen, took the plots of her plays from
•ecclesiastical legends, and followed these so closely as even here
and there to incorporate whole sentences without verbal change.
As a consequence, her comedies are merely dramatic sketches —
stories thrown into dialogue form and exhibiting no effort at elabo-
ration in either plot or character. It is true that, as a rule, she
greatly improves upon her text ; breathing into many of the inci-
dents an amount of dramatic spirit for which we look in vain in the
prosy narrative of the original. Yet many of the faults of the
latter are reproduced in her plays ; and particularly the fault of
treating human nature as something uniformly rigid and angular.
In this respect, her works are typical of the whole mass of dogmatic
literature ; in which human character is dealt with in exactly the
same way as the human frame was dealt with by monkish artists.
In the designs of the old illuminators, in the stained-glass windows
in our cathedrals to-day, we have figures of men and women which
it would be impossible ever to get into action. They are fixed there
in attitudes which, conventional though they may be, do well enough
for the particular scene in which they are engaged, and for the
special emotion which they are intended to embody ; but to fit them
for any other scene, to make them express any other emotion, one
would have to take them to pieces limb by limb, and limb by limb
put them together again. Monkish literature, and a great deal of
literature that is not monkish, is marred by a similar stiffness of
treatment ; and from this fault Hrotsvitha is not free. Like many
far more celebrated writers of fiction and drama, she seems entirely
unable to grasp the natural plasticity of human nature. She is

^^ Franz Loher, Hrotsvitha und ihre Zeit (in Wissenschaftliche Vortrdge geJialten zu
MUnchen im Winter 1858).

1888 HROTSVITHA OF GANDERSHEIM 447

able to realise and exhibit, often justly, and sometimes with re-
markable success, the psychologicar state of a given character under
a certain set of conditions ; to catch the natural language of passion,
and to lay bare the emotive springs from which a particular course
of conduct arises. But she fails entirely to grasp character, not as
a fixture, but as a growth — not as a thing which is settled once and
for all, but as something which is for ever changing day after day
and year after year. It is here that Hrotsvitha is found wanting.
That she had considerable knowledge of the human heart, her
comedies bear ample proof ; indeed there are delicate shades of
thought and expression which surprise us when we meet with
them in their strange setting; for we do not look for psycho-
logy in monkish literature. Again and again the sharp shock
between love and duty is brought out with touching distinctness ;
again and again the author asks us to stand by and witness the
old combat between the high aspiration of the spirit and the low
desires of the flesh. In more than one of these scenes Hrotsvitha
has shown no small dramatic insight and power. But the charac-
ters of men and women, though they may be tested by sudden
crises and emergencies, are fashioned and built up by the passing
and almost unheeded occurrences of daily life : we are prepared
for great events by the discipline of small. Hrotsvitha did not
understand this. Characters well presented in detached crises
fail from lack of continuity, and outrage all known laws of human
nature either by a too great consistency with themselves, or by a too
sudden departure from the fundamental principles of their lives.
Thus, on the one hand, we have men and women passing through
life unmodified by their environments ; while, on the other hand,
we are shown violent changes preceded by no adequate motives,
and rapid conversions, which are evidently produced only by the
moral necessities of the story. Throughout we can see Hrotsvitha's
inability to realise human nature as something which is necessarily
for ever changing, yet only changing in conformity with undevia-
iiing law.

But had Hrotsvitha conceived human nature in this more
scientific way, it is easy to see that her method of dealing with it
must have remained substantially the same. The most important
element in all her plays is the supernatural ; and the constant
presence of the supernatural inevitably puts the strict development
of the natural quite out of the question. To Hrotsvitha and to
her contemporaries in Christendom, the whole of creation existed
in a kind of holy twilight. This world stood in tangible relation-
ship with the world beyond, and the action of superhuman agents,
untrammelled by the conditions to which merely human agents
are subject, formed a constantly disturbing factor in men's lives.
Wonder and miracle were everywhere. The divine presence, un-

448

HROTSVITHA OF GANDERSHEIM

July

realised as yet in manifestations of law and order, made itself felt
continually in aberrations from the normal course of things, while
the power of prayer over physical phenomena had never been
suggested as matter for doubt. Regarding all life from the point
of view thus implied, Hrotsvitha could not possibly be true to the
facts of human nature as we understand it. It may be said„
indeed, that we err in dealing with it as totally unrelated to super-
sensuous influences. I do not discuss this point ; but, be that as
it may, Hrotsvitha clearly failed upon the other side. With the
shadow of a divine powder for ever hanging over her Active world,
her men and women could not act out their characters in accord-
ance with psychological laws and the tendencies of their being. At
any moment the deus ex machina might intervene, cut off cause
from effect, and, by a sudden and unforeseen change in the bases of
their natures, alter the whole course of their lives. While men
were conceived as little more than passive agents in the hands of
an almighty and despotic power, there was little chance for any
poet to work out a consistent human character, or to exhibit the
growth of the nature of a man by his conflicts with the conditions
of his life. It is indeed to these causes that we may mainly refer
all the most undramatic traits of Hrotsvitha' s work. Throughout
there is a lack of movement, throughout an absence of human
interest. It is only when, under stress of unwonted excitement,
she casts off her doctrinal restraint, that the movement and the
interest are really to be found; and unfortunately it must be
admitted that she does this only too seldom.

It is curious to observe that the comedies of Hrotsvitha contain
in themselves the germs of nearly every species of dramatic writing
which has since grown into popularity. In * Gallicanus ' we have
an heroic play, much in the fashion (for instance) of * Titus Andro-
nicus ; ' in * Dulcitius ' a rollicking farce, with fun of a purely
animal kind; in * Callimachus,' a love drama, having many points
of striking resemblance to * Eomeo and Juliet ; ' ^^ in * Abraham '
and * Paphnutius,' two dramas of sentiment, forerunners of those
plays with a purpose with which later days have made us so
familiar ; while in ' Sapientia ' we are presented with a record of
unrelieved suffering, which belongs to the region of tragedy pure
and simple. Let us now turn to one of these, ' Dulcitius,' for
some practical exemplification of the preceding general remarks.

* In Dulcitius,' says the German editor, Bendixen, * we have
a sacred burlesque {heilige Burleske) . . . without its parallel in
literature {die in der Literature Hires Gleichen sucht),' ^^ The sub-
ject of the piece is taken from the * Acta trium Sororum,' a legend

22 For which see Cohn's Shakespeare in Germany, pp. ii, iii.
^ Quoted by Klein {Geschichte des Draina's, iii. 704). Bendixen's German transla-
tion of Hrotsvitha's plays I have not seen.

1888 HROTSVITHA OF GANDERSHEIM 449

widely known during the middle ages in both the Greek and the
Latin churches ; and the story is given in the Bollandist collection
under date 3 April (April, torn. i. 245-50). Hrotsvitha, according
to her wont, has followed the legend very closely; but she has
strengthened the comic side, and has given to this a prominence
which it did not possess in the original narrative. Thus the name
* Dulcitius ' does not seem altogether a misnomer, although the three
sisters are really the central figures of the play.

The story is very simple. It consists only of the martyrdom
of three young women, Agape, Chionie, and Irene, and of the
ludicrous misadventures which befall Dulcitius, the governor, in his
attempt to take advantage of their defenceless condition. The first
scene ^* is in the palace of the Eoman emperor Diocletian. The
three sisters, who are of course of the most striking personal
beauty, are brought before him at his command, and to them he
announces his gracious intention of marrying them forthwith to
the three principal officers of his palace — a mark of imperial
favour which might well have turned the heads of young ladies of
less constitutional steadiness. But, as it soon appears, there is a
difficulty in the way of carrying out the proposed arrangement.
The three young women are christians ; and when Diocletian in-
forms them that in view of his intention they will have to deny
Christ and sacrifice to the pagan gods. Agape, the eldest, answers
without hesitation for herself and her companions that this is im-
possible : nothing will ever induce them to accept his conditions.
Diocletian, a true type of orthodoxy in all ages, calls her crazy for
having abandoned the ancient faith and taken up with the new-
fangled superstitions of Christianity. When Agape warns him
that he blasphemes in speaking thus, he answers with the inevitable
answer of power ; he orders her to be at once taken from his pre-
sence; and as, addressing himself to the second of the sisters,
Chionie, he meets with no better success, he soon sends her after
her sister. Irene, the youngest of the three, a mere child as we
may imagine, though we have no specific information to this effect,
though left alone, stands her ground with unflinching firmness,
and when the emperor threatens her with punishment for her obsti-
nacy, replies that they seek nothing more earnestly than to be lace-
rated with tortures for the love of Christ. Finding them thus un-
manageable, Diocletian abandons the marriage scheme, and orders
the girls to be loaded with chains and thrown into prison, there to
await further examination by the governor Dulcitius.

The next scene introduces us to the audience-chamber of Dulci-
tius, before whom the three sisters are brought by the guards.

^* It should be remarked that there is no division of scenes in the codex. For
convenience, I have adopted that made by Magnin in his edition of Hrotsvitha's
dramatic works.

VOL. III. — NO. XI. G G

450 HROTSVITHA OF GANDERSHEIM July

Papce! exclaims the governor, the moment his eyes fall upon
them ; qiiam pulchrcs, qnam venustcE, quam egregim puelhdce / . . »
Captus sum illarum specie. From this unguarded remark we learn
at once the beauty of the girls and the general character of Dulci-
tius, and the keynote of his subsequent conduct is struck. He
burns to induce the charming prisoners to share his passion, and
does not hesitate to impart his desire to the soldiers standing
around him. But the soldiers give him no encouragement ; the
girls are christians, they tell him, and in their estimation he is
likely to have his trouble for his pains. But Dulcitius is too deeply
moved to give up his enterprise without making a trial. Fair words
go a long way with women, he thinks, and if fair words do not
succeed he will threaten them with torture. Without subjecting them
to any further examination, therefore, he orders the soldiers to take
the young women away, and to shut them, not in the dungeon, but
in an inner chamber, just beyond that in which the kitchen utensils
are kept — quo a me S(spiiiscule possint visitari — that he may visit
them the more frequently.

In the third scene it is already night, and we find some of the
soldiers leading the governor through the outer kitchen towards the
chamber where the girls are confined. Manifestly he is there with
no good design. Standing outside, he and his companions hear the
prisoners singing hymns to pass away the long and lonely hours.
*Wait outside with your torches,' says Dulcitius to the soldiers,
* while I go in and enjoy their much- desired embraces.' The guard
then files out into the passage while the governor makes for the
inner door.

The scene now changes to the interior of the chamber in which
the girls are singing. * What noise is that ? ' cries Agape suddenly ;
and they pause to listen. * It is the wretched Dulcitius,' replies
Irene at length. * Then God protect us ! ' says Chionie, realising
only too fully the character of the danger to which they are now
exposed. As they listen, wondering what will happen next, their
ears are greeted by a strange sound, like that caused by the bang-
ing of saucepans, cauldrons, and frying-pans. Irene goes to the
door, and, applying her eye to the crack, peeps into the outer
chamber. * Look, look ! ' she exclaims, taking in the situation at a
glance ; * the foolish fellow {stultus) has lost his senses. He fancies
that he is embracing us, while he is only pressing the saucepans
tenderly against his bosom, and kissing the cauldrons again and
again. Look at his face, his hands, his clothing ; he is already
as black as an Ethiopian.' * Yes,' replies Agape, * it is well that he
should appear thus in body, whose mind is possessed of the devil '
(Decet lit talis appareat corpus, qiialis a diaholo possidetur in mente).'^-^

" This simile comes from the Acta, where the sentence runs : Talis coepit in vestibus
et in facie esse, qualis a diabolo possidebatur in mente. {Acta Sanctorum, April, i. 248.)

1888 HROTSVITHA OF GANDERSHEIM 451

It is a sharp contrast, when one comes to think of it, which is
presented to us in this remarkable scene. The moment that the
lascivious tyrant is on the point of fulfilling his design, reason for-
sakes him, and in the frenzy of madness he proceeds to caress and
fondle the first objects on which he can lay his hands. Meanwhile
three pure-minded girls, watching him from the inner chamber,
make merry over his wild freaks, knowing yet all the time that they
are in the power of their enemies, and may at any moment be con-
demned to torture and cruel death. One can hardly fail to realise
that here we have a situation of weird and singular power.

His passion, as he supposes, gratified, Dulcitius returns to his
soldiers; but they, beholding his blackened face and torn clothing,
mistake him for the devil, and take flight. In vain Dulcitius calls
to them to stop ; in terror they put forth every effort to make good
their escape, leaving the hapless governor to find his way as best
he can to the palace, where he intends — somewhat unseasonahly, it
would seem, considering it is now the middle of the night — to com-
plain to the emperor of the insults he has received.

But fresh troubles are in store for him. The doorkeepers of the
palace, altogether failing to recognise the governor in the * frightful
and disgusting monster ' who seeks admission, drive him off in the
most summary manner, paying no heed to his petitions or threats.
All this time, it must be remembered, Dulcitius himself, remaining
under the spell of madness, believes himself to be still clean and
well dressed ; and the behaviour of all whom he meets therefore
naturally puzzles him. 'He did not know what had happened to
him,' says the legend in the Acta, Clauserat enim diabolus oculos
ejus, ut non poterat seipsum attendere— the devil had closed his eyes,
so that he did not realise his own condition. Mystified beyond
measure he at last decides, like a wise man, to go straight home to
his wife. But she, in the meantime, has been warned of what has
happened, and now comes rushing towards him with dishevelled
hair, the whole household following her in tears. On her arrival,
Dulcitius begins to realise how matters stand. * Yes, I see it all,'
he says. 'I have been made the laughing-stock of those girls.'
And in his anger he orders the soldiers to expose them naked in
the market-place.

Of course the soldiers do their best to obey the governor's com-
mands, and, equally of course, supernatural power comes in to pre-
vent them from doing so. The girls' raiment clings to them like
their skins, and the soldiers are bound to give up the attempt.^
They hasten to tell Dulcitius of their failure, but they find him fast

2« A. somewhat similar incident occurs in Hrotsvitha's metrical legend, Passio
SajictcB Agnetis. Here, as soon as the saint's clothing is removed, her hair suddenly
^rows to such a thickness and length that it covers the whole of her body like a
veil.

^ o G 2

452 HROTSVITHA OF GANDERSHEIM July

asleep on his seat of judgment, and all their efforts to arouse him
are unsuccessful. This is the last that we see or hear of the man
who gives his name to the play, and who thus makes an unsatis-
factory exit. What afterwards becomes of him we are not told ; and
with no sufficient reason, so far as can be seen, we are now intro-
duced to one Sisinnius, to whom, hearing of what has transpired,
Diocletian entrusts the further examination of the three girls.

The burlesque portion of the play finishes here ; what remains
is simply a legend of martjTdom, hardly more interesting or novel
than the innumerable similar episodes of which the 'Acta Sanc-
torum ' are full. Taking the two elder sisters first, Sisinnius does
his utmost to induce them to sacrifice to the gods, but, of course,
without the slightest effect. ' We will never sacrifice to demons,*
says Agape. To this Sisinnius has only one answer — * Sacrifice or
die.' The girls boldly choose the latter alternative, and are thrown
alive into the flames. Here again the divine power steps in, for, to
the astonishment of the soldiers, the martyrs perish without having
their bodies or their clothing singed by the flames, and without
apparently suffering any of the torments of a death by fire. After
this Irene is brought forth, and Sisinnius tries to frighten her by
reference to her sisters' fate, adding, when he finds that this does
not shake her, that if she remain obstinate, her sentence will be,
not immediate death, but slow torture, varied, renewed, and in-
creased every day. * The more intensely I suffer here,' answered
the girl, 'the more gloriously I shall be exalted hereafter.' One
last threat — the threat of that 'nameless evil which passeth taunt
and blow' — is now resorted to. If she persist in her untoward
course, Sisinnius says, he will have her taken to a place of infamy
— corpus tuum turpiter coinquinari. But even before this Irene
does not quail. Her reply is simple : Melius est ut corpus qui-
buscumque injuriis maculetur, quam anima idolis polluatur. More-
over, unless the will consent, there can be no sin (nee dicitur reatus
nisi quod consentit animus) ; and that which, done willingly, brings
its punishment, suffered of necessity, receives a reward (Voluptas
parit poenam, necessitas autem coronam) .^^

Finding that words are vain, Sisinnius proceeds to put his-
threats to the test. He orders the soldiers at once to carry her to
the place named. The brief dialogue which follows gives a good
idea of the rapidity of Hrotsvitha's conversations :

Irene. They will not take me.

Sisinnius. Who will stop them ?

Irene. He who by his providence governs the world.

Sisinnius. We will see about that.

•^ These fine sentences are taken from the Acta, where they read : Voluptas enim
liahet pceiiani, et iiecessiias parat coronam. Inquinamenta enim quihus anima non
consentit, non suscepit reatus. (April, i. 249.)

1888 HROTSVITHA OF GANDERSHEIM 453

Irene. And sooner than you suppose.

Sisinnius. Soldiers, heed not these false predictions of blasphemy.
Soldiers, They do not frighten us. We will do our best to fulfil your
commands.

But, in spite of their bold language, the soldiers soon come run-
ning back to Sisinnius, who naturally wants to know what has
become of the prisoner. Their story does not take long to tell.
As they were leading Irene to the place specified, two unknown
youths in shining costume, and with countenances of impressive
grandeur, had overtaken them, and had announced that they had
been sent by Sisinnius to take Irene to the top of the mountain
near at hand. Finding it impossible to keep up with the youths,
who had started off with the girl between them, the soldiers had
in all haste returned to Sisinnius, who now, guessing what had
happened, springs on horseback, and rides off to see for himself
what can be done.

This brings us to the last scene. We are shown Sisinnius
riding round and round the base of the mountain vainly trying to
ascend, while the soldiers become convinced that they are all the
playthings of the most extraordinary enchantments. Presently
Irene appears above, and one of the soldiers, drawing out his bow,
shoots her where she stands. ' Blush, 0 unhappy Sisinnius,' cries
the dying girl, 'blush to see yourself shamefully beaten, being
unable by force and arms to overcome a feeble virgin ! ' 'I care
little for shame,' answers Sisinnius, ' now that I know you will die.'
Die ? Yes, that is exactly what she most desires. ' For thy cruelty,'
she says, addressing him, * thou wilt be damned in Tartarus, while
I, on the contrary, will receive the martyr's palm, and, crowned
with the crown of virginity, will enter the celestial bridal-couch
(thalamus) of the Eternal King, to whom be honour and glory
throughout the ages.'

Thus ends the play, and a strange jumble it certainly is. That
which strikes one most in reading it is its total want of unity of
purpose. The various portions of the plot are hung together by
the thinnest possible thread, and there is hardly any concatenation
of events. The two principal elements — the martyrdom of the
girls, and the misadventures of Dulcitius — have only an artificial
connexion, while the farce of the play does not work essentially
into the tragedy, and terminates abruptly, leading to no result
more important than that of leaving the governor sound asleep
upon his judgment-seat. Moreover, the scenes embracing the
martyrdom are marred by the conventional stiffness and lack of
human realisation of suffering which are noticeable throughout
the whole of monkish literature ; for, while we cannot but give a
tribute of praise to the courage of Irene in face of her own troubles,
iier total want of sympathy with those of her sisters — for she does

454 HROTSVITHA OF GANDERSHEIM July

not by word or sign exhibit the smallest sorrow at their deaths —
removes her once and for all from the circle of om- affection. We
may perhaps admire, but we certainly cannot love her.

This absence of genuine human sympathy is a fault which is
far less noticeable in * Abraham,' which is justly considered the
best of Hrotsvitha's works. It contains several scenes of real
beauty ; its emotion is natural and effective ; and its characterisa-
tion is on the whole decidedly good. The strange mysticism of
Ephrem, the thoughtlessness of Maria before her fall, and her
overpowering remorse when she is rescued and brought home, and
the tender solicitude of Abraham, are all admirably depicted. In
none of her plays has Hrotsvitha so transformed the materials,
which she took as the foundation of her work ; on none of them
has she so distinctly left the impress of her womanly nature.

Abraham is an old hermit living in the desert with his niece
Maria, whose parents, dying while she was a child, have left their
daughter to his care. The play opens naturally with a scene between
Abraham and his friend Ephrem, also a dweller in the wilderness,
and a man much given to the study of mystic lore. Their convert
sation has fallen upon Maria ; and her guardian relates how it is
that she has been entrusted to him, and how anxious he is that she,
a beautiful and fascinating girl, should be brought up to a religious
life. Having been thus prepared with some information concerning ,
her, we are now introduced to the heroine of the drama. The two
friends exhort her to chastity and right living ; and Ephrem, in his
mystical way, begs her, ' by the mystery of her name,' never to
fall away among the inferior creatures of the earth, among those,^
that is, who follow only their animal instincts, and care nothing for
the higher life. To all this Maria apparently pays no great heed ;
her half-impatient replies enabling us to realise that she is in
imperfect sympathy with her well-intentioned friends ; until Ephrem
draws a glowing picture of the purely sensuous heaven to which
entrance was only to be gained by self-denial and mortification in
the present life. It is then that Maria's animal nature is touched.

* I will despise earthly good and renounce myself,' she says. Why ?

* That I may be admitted into the joy of such felicity.' It is easy
enough to see that the inner nature can be little influenced by such
a determination to set aside sensual gratification now, that a fuller
enjoyment of such gratification may be obtained hereafter. How-
ever, Maria's answer seems to satisfy the friends. Giving her his
blessing, Ephrem departs ; and Abraham builds a little dwelling
close to his hermitage, in which he purposes to shut Maria away
from temptation, and through the windows of which he will teach
her the lessons of the divine law.

But all such precautions are vain. The girl falls. In the disguise
of a monk, a tempter visits her; she yields to his solicitations,,

I

1888 HROTSVITHA OF GANDERSHEIM 455

escapes from the hermitage, and throws herself upon the world.
Almost heartbroken at the occurrence, Abraham goes to his friend,
and in very pathetic words tells him of what has happened.
Ephrem does his utmost to comfort him, and from a dream which
Abraham relates, argues that the wanderer shall yet return to the
fold. But in the meantime what is to be done ? What measures
are to be taken for her rescue ? Abraham does not know whither
the girl has gone ; but he has a friend who will willingly search
through country and town till he finds her retreat. Once dis-
cover where she is, and then Abraham will disguise himself as
a young lover, and sally forth upon his errand of mercy. This
scheme is elaborated by the two friends ; and then Abraham
departs, while Ephrem promises to aid the enterprise with his
prayers.

A long period now elapses. In the next scene we find Abraham
despairing of his friend's success, since nothing has been heard of
him since his departure. But now at last he puts in an appearance,
and Abraham learns that the object of the journey has been gained.
The friend — he is nameless— has seen Maria. Where ? Alas 1
Abraham's worst fears are realised. She has taken up her abode
in domo cnjusdam lenonis . . . qui tenello amore illam colit; nee
frustra : nam omni die non modicd illi pecunia ah ejus amatoribus
adducitur, Abraham does not linger long after receiving this in-
formation. Wasting no time in unproductive sorrow, he procures
a military habit, a hat to hide his tonsure, a horse, and some gold
to defray the expenses of the journey, and starts off at once in
quest of his niece.

The next scene presents to us Abraham in his disguise bargain-
ing for a lodging at the inn where Maria has her abode. He gives
the host money that he may arrange that * the lovely girl,' of whose
beauty he has heard so much, shall sit at the same table as himself.
The innkeeper expresses astonishment that so aged a man should
be enamoured of a young woman ; but Abraham sets his mind at
rest with a phrase, the delicate double meaning of which is ex-
tremely touching. ' It is certain that I have come here expressly
to see her.'

At length uncle and niece are brought together. To see the
girl, whom he had trained in the solitude of his hermitage, flaunting
about in her ill-gotten finery, gives the old hermit such a shock
that for a moment he can hardly control his feelings. But knowing
how much depends upon his playing his part well, he forces back
his tears, and does his utmost to hide his sorrow beneath the mask
of a feigned gaiety. When supper is over, they retire to the bed-
chamber. The moment for disclosure has now arrived. Only
pausing to make certain of their safety from interruption, Abraham
throws off the large hat, which presumably he must have kept on

456 HROTSVITHA OF GANDERSHEIM July

during the meal, and reveals to the astonished girl the features of
her uncle, guardian, and friend.

Then follows a scene which is undoubtedly the finest in all
Hrotsvitha's works, and in which the language of nature speaks out
unmistakably.

Abraham. 0, my daughter of adoption ! 0, half of my soul ! Maria,
see in me the old man who nourished you with a father's tenderness, and
betrothed you to the only son of the celestial king.

Maria. Ah me ! it is my father and my master Abraham who speaks.

Abraham. What has happened to thee, my daughter?

Maria. A great trouble.

Abraham. Who has deceived thee ? who has seduced thee ?

Maria. He who led our fathers astray.

Abraham. Where is the holy life which thou didst lead in the earth ?

Maria. Lost, altogether lost.

Abraham. Where is thy virgin purity ? where is thy chastity ?

Maria. Lost.

Abraham. If thou dost not re-enter the way of holiness, what reward
canst thou expect from thy fasts, and thy vigils, and thy prayers, when,
fallen from the height of heaven, thou hast plunged thyself into the depth
of hell?

Maria. Alas I ■■ • •

Abraham. Why didst thou despise me ? why didst thou abandon me ?
Why didst thou not tell me of thy fall ? Helped by my friend Ephrem,
I would have worked out for thee a complete redemption.

Maria. When I had fallen into sin, I dared not, soiled as I was, to
approach your holiness.

Abraham. Who yet has been free from sin save only the Virgin's son ?

Maria. None.

Abraham. It is human to sin, it is only devilish to remain in our sins.
He must not be blamed who suddenly falls into error, but he who makes
no immediate effort to rise again.
' Maria. Oh, unhappy me !

Abraham. Why art thou cast down ? Why dost thou lie thus motion-
less upon the ground ? Arise, Maria, and hear what I am going to say.

Long and gently does the old man talk to the erring girl, who
now, brought face to face with her former life, seems crushed by
the weight of sin, and loses all hope of the divine pardon. At
length, after many soothing words of comfort and consolation, he
persuades her to fly with him from the city and its temptations
back into the wilderness, back to the scenes of childhood, and to
things belonging to her innocent life. The money she has gained
by sin must be renounced with sin ; not even must she give it to
the church or to the poor, since (how applicable is the lesson even
now !) the produce of iniquity will never be an acceptable offering to
God. Casting, therefore, all these hated things aside, she throws
herself upon her guardian's protection, and without delay they

1888 HROTSVITHA OF GANDERSHEIM 457

start off on their journey home. Once more in the desert, Maria
sets herself to the tremendous task of redeeming the past ; and we
leave her with the belief that her efforts will not prove vain.

A few words in conclusion must be devoted to a very interesting
question in connexion with Hrotsvitha and her writings.

Were these plays ever performed ? It is not easy to give an
answer. Those who are most entitled to speak upon the matter
differ very widely in their conclusions ; while the absence of any
positive testimony on either side renders the discussion little more
than a battle of assumptions. Upon the whole, I am inclined to
think it extremely improbable that public performances of the kind
referred to by M. Charles Magnin ^^ were ever given ; it is possible
that, as Prof. Ward supposes, the plays were * recited by the nuns
on stated occasions ; ' ^^ but upon the whole it is most likely that
they were never represented at all. It must be remembered that
Hrotsvitha distinctly states her object in writing to have been to imi-
tate and replace a poet whom so many read; and this would seem
to furnish a strong argument in favour of the supposition that her
plays were intended for private study only. Whichever way the
question is answered, however, I think I have shown that Hrotsvitha
had little influence upon the development of the drama in modern
Europe, and that consequently the matter at issue, however in-
teresting on its own merits, is less important from the point of
view of dramatic history than might at first glance be supposed.
The Nun of Gander sheim formed no connecting link between the
old drama and the new; and, judging her merely by her influence
upon subsequent generations, she merits less attention than many
who fell far short of her in literary talent. But none the less is she
for her own sake an interesting and attractive figure, and none the
less will the reader find ample material for study and thought in
the pages of her works, and more especially of her plays.

William Henry Hudson.

2' Bevtce des Deux Mondes, xx. 442, 443. ThSdtre de Hrotsvitha, p. vi.
* Ward's English Dramatic Literature, i. 2,

458 July

The Early Life of Thomas Wolsey

JUST below Ipswich, the Gipping, from which the town takes part,
of its name, or Orwell as it is sometimes called, after having
rolled through more than half its course in insignificant obscurity,
rapidly broadens and deepens, and thence sweeps magnificently on
till, narrowing a little and mingling its waters with those of the
Stour, it disappears in the North Sea. Strangely similar to this was
the career of the greatest son of Ipswich, Thomas Wolsey. Of the
first forty years of his life we know comparatively little, though they
form almost two-thirds of his earthly existence. Then, to appear-
ance quite suddenly, the stream of his life and fortune swiftly
gains in breadth and depth, and flows on expanding its glassy
surface to the golden sun of favour, sounding * all the depths and
shoals of honour,' till, with contracted course, at last it vanishes in
the great sea of time. Owing precisely to its obscurity, the early
period has a strong attraction for the student of history.

Wolsey's father, and Wolsey himself so long as he used his own
surname, wrote it Wulcy. Originally it seems to have been a
diminutive form of Wulf, and to have been spelt Wulfsi, si being the
diminutive particle.^ The lupine derivation was still remembered
in Wolsey's day, for Skelton speaks of the ' wolfs head ' gaping,
above the crown, and puns in Latin upon the name mariB lujms;
while Tyndale girds at * this wily wolf and raging sea.' In early
English times the name seems to have been a comparatively
common one. All who owned it were clearly descended from the
Teutonic people who, a thousand years before Wolsey's era, swarmed
over to England from the mouths of the Weser and Elbe, and went
to form the North-folk and South-folk.

It was amongst those latter folk that there grew up the port of
Ipswich. In the reign of Elizabeth it is spoken of as * a place of
considerable trade, very populous, adorned with fourteen churches
and with large handsome houses,' ^ and, from all that can be learned,
that description was equally applicable in Wolsey's time. In fact,

* Robert Ferguson, The Teutonic Name- System, 71.
2 Gough's Camden's Britannia, ii. 75.

1888 THE EARLY LIFE OF THOMAS WOLSEY 45^

Suffolk was one of the wealthy eastern counties, having been, with
Norfolk, from a very early date, * the great and well-known centre
of textile industry in England.' ^ Hence, without doubt, arose
the trade and wealth of Ipswich.

There during the reign of Edward IV, if not earlier, lived Eobert
Wolsey and Joan his wife, the parents of the future cardinal. Ac-
cording to tradition they resided * in St. Nicholas street, on the left
hand going down, at the left corner of a little avenue leading to the
churchyard ' of the church of St. Nicholas.^ The spot thus indi-
cated is still easily identifiable, though it is now occupied by a
wholly modern brick house. The commonly received opinion m
that Eobert Wolsey was by trade a butcher. But the opinion restS;
on no proved foundation. The assertion was made and was never
denied, that is all. It first appears in Skelton's * Speak, Parrot ! '
published about 1521, and was repeated by him in his * Why come
ye not to Court ? ' It is found in a ballad to which Mr. Furnivall,
gives the date of 1522 or 1523,'^ again in Koy's ' Bead me and be-
not wroth,' and, as a matter of course, in Hall and Vergil. On the
other hand Sebastian Giustinian, for four years Venetian ambassador
to England, in his report made to the senate in 1519 simply says^
Wolsey was ' of low origin,' a statement repeated in other words by
a successor of Giustinian's.^

Towards the end of 1515 a petition was presented to Henry VIII
by Wolsey's nephew in which Wolsey's father is spoken of as

* Eobert Wulcy, late of Sternfield by Farnham.' ^ Sternfield is an
agricultural village in Suffolk about twenty- four miles from Ipswich.
The words of the petition prove Eobert Wolsey to have lived there,
probably in the earlier portion of his life, a probability further
strengthened by another statement in this same petition, namely
that a daughter of his married a man from Sibton, which lies six
miles from Sternfield. If Eobert Wolsey was a native of Sternfield,
his occupation was almost certainly agricultural. The next point
in the case is a very interesting one. Grove, who issued the first
volume of his * Life and Times of Cardinal Wolsey ' in 1742, made
two journeys to Ipswich in quest of information respecting Wolsey's
father, and he sums up all he was able to learn in these words r

* In fine, upon a new and strict inquiry, several gentlemen in Suffolk
are of opinion that Wolsey's father was in truth a reputable grazier
in the town of Ipswich, and not a butcher poor and as many have
asserted.' ^ This is all the more valuable since Grove was totally
ignorant of the petition above quoted. If we keep in mind thai

^ Kogers, Hist, of Prices, i. 569 and iv. 18, 19.

* Gough's Camden's Brit, additions, ii. 75. Gough wrote in 1789.

* Ballads from MSS. i. 133. See also a sketch of Wolsey's life in Pocock, ii. 89..

* Brown, Venetian Calendars, ii. p. 560, iv. p. 300.

^ Brewer, Calendars of State Papers of Henry VIII. ii. 1368.
« Singer's Cavendish, i. 4, note 2 ; Grove, i. 9. ,

460 THE EARLY LIFE OF THOMAS WOLSEY July

wool was England's chief export, and that Suffolk was one of the
two great textile manufacturing counties of England itself, we shall
£nd strong cause to doubt the popular version of Eobert Wolsey's
vocation. If he was a grazier, it is not difficult to imagine how he
came to be termed a butcher. Both trades dealt with sheep and
cattle, and it was easy for the heat and passion of the day to turn
grazier into butcher, either by mistake or with the intention of
making a point against the all-powerful favourite.

The well-known words of Cavendish are that Wolsey was ' an
honest poor man's son.' Of course * poor ' is an entirely relative
word. Doubtless, Eobert Wolsey was poor when his circumstances
are compared with the height of splendour to which his son rose,
but in poverty he certainly was not. He was connected with moneyed
people, as is indicated by a privy seal of 21 Feb. 1510, by which
Edmund Daundy of Ipswich was authorised to found a chantry in
St. Lawrence's there to pray for the souls of, among others, his
wife, Wolsey, and * of Eobert Wolsye and Joan his wife, father and
mother of the said Thomas Wolsy.' ^ This is proof that the Wolsey s
were related to the Daundy s in some way or other. Daundy was
a prominent rich and munificent freeman of Ipswich, who had been
a member for the town.*^ He had several daughters, who all mar-
ried well,'^ while his son William took to wife a daughter of Thomas
Alford, another opulent and landed citizen of Ipswich.^^ To be con-
nected with wealthy folk is in itself some presumption of affluence ;
and so we find it in this case. Gough, after describing the tradi-
tional residence of Eobert Wolsey, previously quoted, adds : ' Other
houses his property run up to Creighton the printer's ' — run up, that
is, from the house inhabited by Eobert, which the * other ' demon-
strates to have belonged to himself. The whole of this property is
referred to in Eobert's will as his ' lands and tenements in the parish
of St. Nicholas in Ipswich aforesaid.' Nor was that all, for the
same document specifies also * free and bond lands in the parish
of St. [Mary] Stoke,' lying opposite Ipswich on the other side
of the Orwell.'^ All this conclusively proves that Eobert, so far
from being in poverty, actually belonged to the better class of
merchants.

Eobert and Joan had, to our knowledge, three sons ^* and a
daughter. Of the sons Thomas would appear to have been the
eldest. The date to which hitherto, on the authority of Fiddes, his

» Brewer, i. 897. '" Beauties of England and Wales, xiv. 257.

" Suff. Traveller for 1764, p. 37, quoted in Gent. Mag. for 1807, p. 1203, note. The
issue of one of them was wife to Lord Keeper Nicholas Bacon— his first, I should say.

'2 John Wodderspoon, Memorials of Ipswich, 236, 348-50.

'» Singer's Cavendish, i. 244, 245, copied from Fiddes. Robert directs his body to
be buried at Newmarket, an injunction the execution of which would cost a sum not
likely to be incurred by one of slender fortune.

'* Brown, ii. p. 560. Cp. also Brewer, iv. p. 2767 and Nos. 6182, 6343.

1888 THE EARLY LIFE OF THOMAS WOLSEY 461

birth has been assigned is March 1471. This date supports or con-
firms Cavendish's story of Wolsey washing fifty-nine poor men's
feet on Maundy Thursday, 1530, an occasion on which it was cus-
tomary for the ablutionist to wash one person for every year of his
age. Yet explicit as these statements seem, contemporary evidence
is against them. Kichard Kidderminster, abbot of Winchcombe, a
personal and evidently intimate friend of Wolsey' s, in a letter to
Wolsey of date 26 Aug. 1514, speaks of Wolsey having * attained
the archiepiscopal dignity not being yet forty.' ^^ The Venetian
Giustinian, reporting in 1519, says, * he is about forty-six years old,'
while in the report of another Venetian, dated 1521, he is said to be
* from forty-five to fifty years old.' *^ The agreement between these
statements is sufficiently close, and their trustworthiness is un-
impeachable. They all point to Wolsey's birth year being three or
four years later than the accepted one. If ' not yet forty ' in 1514,
then he was born after 1474 ; if * about forty-six ' in 1519, then he
was born about 1473 ; if ' from forty-five to fifty ' in 1521, then he
was born any year between and including 1471 and 1476.

It is possible some one of the Wolsey kindred gave Thomas his
name ; but, irrespective of that, Kobert and Joan as good church
folk well knew the name as that not only of the apostolic saint, but
of the still more celebrated martyr saint of Canterbury, who had
made the name famous, popular, and English. However it came
about, Thomas the child was called ; and that fact gave ground in
after days for invidious comparisons between * Thomas of Canter-
bury ' and * Thomas cardinal,' '^ so microscopic has the abuse of
Wolsey been.

Of Wolsey's youth only one fitful gleam remains. He * being
but a child,' says Cavendish, ' was very apt to learning.' ^® Ipswich
had a grammar school, and thither doubtless Thomas went and
began a course of education of which Latin, inculcated by vocal
iteration, formed the very head and front, accompanied by constru-
ing both in English and French. His aptitude and the progress he
made at length fitted him to proceed to college. The studies for
bachelorhood extended over four years, and Wolsey took that degree
at fifteen, consequently he must have entered college at not later
than eleven or twelve years of age. Cavendish is not certain whether
his college expenses were paid by * his parents or his good friends and
masters.' Even though Kobert Wolsey's will implied, as has been
said,'^ that he left only as much as would maintain his widow, that is
not inconsistent with his having paid his son's college expenses. But

>* Brewer, i. 5355. '« Brown, ii. p. 660, iii. 232.

'^ Tyndale, Practice of Prelates.

'» Sed ingenio ac studio superata parentum expectatione, etiam tincttis lib&ralibus
disciplinis evasit, says the sketch in Pocock.
" Foss, Judges of England, vol. v.

462 THE EARLY LIFE OF THOMAS WOLSEY July

Wood suggests a middle way when he speaks of Wolsey's parents
<ind other good friends.^^ Who the ' good friends and masters ' were
nowhere appears, nor can they be even guessed at. The sum they
had to provide for the seven years' study necessary for the degree
of master of arts would amount to about 338Z. present money.^'
This important matter having been seen to, Wolsey's guides decided
that he should go to Oxford and enter at St. Mary Magdalen
College, the rich foundation of Wainfleet, not yet forty years old.
When Wolsey first saw it, Magdalen College differed greatly from
the venerable building * embowered in verdure ' pictured by the
modern historian. The foundation stone of the present building
had only been laid as recently as 5 May 1473, and the first or
larger quadrangle was completed probably in 1479. Masons were,
in all likelihood, at work when Wolsey arrived to commence his
academical career.

The course of study for master of arts extended over seven years,
and was made up of the tririals, or grammar, rhetoric, and logic ; and
the quatrivials, or arithmetic, music, astronomy, and geometry;
along with natural and moral philosophy, and metaphysics. Of
these subjects the first five were combined into a course of four
years' study for the degree of bachelor.^^ Cavendish reports that
Wolsey told him he had taken that degree at fifteen, * which was a
rare thing and seldom seen,' and won him the honourable nickname
of ' the boy-bachelor.' ^^ Then followed the three years' course for
master, with the practical examination at the end of it termed
inception, which consisted of a series of lectures, readings, and
disputations carried on during the remainder of the year of gradua-
tion and that succeeding. Through all this Wolsey passed with
80 much credit and distinction that he was rewarded with one of
the forty fellowships of his college.

The whole course of training was scholastic. It was intended to
strengthen the mind, as athletics strengthen the body, hence the
first place given to disputation. Wolsey ever remained a brilliant
and ready disputant, not free from that intellectual ferocity such
qualities are apt to breed. It has been said ''^'* he was deeply versed
in the subtleties of Aquinas, and it is very likely. Born under the
rising sun of the Eenaissance, Wolsey was untouched by it. He
belonged emphatically, both by sympathy and training, to the old
school, not the ' new learning.' His attainments were agreeable to

^ AthencB Oxonienses, ed. 1721, i. col. 666.

21 Anstey, Munimenta Academica, pref . xcix, c. This sum is reached by computing
Mr. Anstey' s estimate at twelve times the present value of money.

22 Much light is thrown on the kind of life Wolsey must have led and the training
he underwent at Oxford, in Mr. Anstey's interesting preface, Mun. Acad. i. Ixxi-lxxxvi.

23 Jeremy Bentham was bachelor at fifteen.

2^ Herbert in Kennet, ii. 149. ' Totus Thoraisticus,' says Vergil, p. 1604, ed.
1603.

1888 THE EARLY LIFE OF THOMAS WOLSEY 463

the collegiate heads, for he received a further hoiiour and a further
testimony to his abilities in being, as Cavendish records, ' appointed
for his learning to be schoolmaster there ; ' that is, without doubt,
at * the common grammar school at the college of St. Mary Magda-
len,' ^^ founded in 1456.

Schoolmastering, however, did not interfere with the continua-
tion of his studies. It was usual after taking M.A. to enter the
law faculty, but Wolsey turned to divinity. Still scholasticism
ruled and disputation stood first, as is shown in Tyndale's caustic
words: *And then, when they be admitted to study divinity,
because the Scripture is locked up with such false expositions and
with false principles of natural philosophy that they cannot enter
in, they go about the outside and dispute all their lives about words
and vain opinions, pertaining as much unto the healing of a
man's heel as health of his soul.' ^^ Here also as a matter of course
Wolsey was swift to learn, and the unfriendly Vergil is compelled to
say of him, albeit grudgingly, that he was *not unlearned in
divinity.' But, from whatever cause or conjunction of causes, the
study of divinity was not prosecuted with the same eagerness for
graduation as the arts course had been, and many years elapsed
before he took a degree.

The interval, however, was full of moving incidents. In the
autumn of 1496 Kobert Wolsey died. On the last day of Septem-
ber he made the will which has been of so much use in this inves-
tigation. After bequeathing his soul * to Almighty God, our Lady
Saint Mary, and all the company of heaven,' and two small sums
to the church of St. Nicholas, the document proceeds: *Item, I
will that if Thomas my son be a priest within a year next after my
decease, then I will that he sing for me and my friends by the space
of a year, and he for to have for his salary 10 mark ; and if the said
Thomas my son be not a priest, then I will that another honest
priest sing for me and my friends the term aforesaid, and he to
have the salary of 10 mark,' or 601. present money. ^^ Joan is left
sole legatee; and she, 'Thomas my son,' and one Thomas Cady, are
appointed executors, with power ' to give and to sell ' all not be-
queathed *as they shall think best to please Almighty God and
profit for my soul.' ^^ Kobert Wolsey died some day between the
last of September and October 11.^^

The terms of the bequest to Wolsey may possibly imply that he

2* Turner, Records of the City of Oxford, 197. *« Practice of Prelates.

2^ For the value of the mark see Brewer, iii. 1479, 1480.

28 Sharon Turner {Hist, of Eng. i. 122, note 10) says of this provision : ' This
was one of the ways of the testator bequeathing what he meant to go to the church.'
We have seen Foss's remark that the will implies that only as much was left as
would maintain the widow. If what Turner says be true, I should not think much
was left unbequeathed, and still less so if Foss's comment was the fact.

29 The will as in Singer has ' xxxi day of the month of September.'

464 THE EARLY LIFE OF THOMAS WOLSEY July

had some hesitation about taking orders. Perhaps he felt that the
church was not his born calling, as in truth it never was. Perhaps
he had thoughts of keeping to the pedagogic line of life and culti-
vating his university connexion. At the very least the terms of
bequest point clearly to delay if not hesitation. Whether or not the
60L was earned by Wolsey we cannot tell.

In 1498 Wolsey was bursar or treasurer of his coUege.^^ The
famous Magdalen tower, which had been begun in 1492, was
finished in this year of Wolsey's bursarship.^^ Fiddes mentions
charges accusing him of applying the college funds to the building
of the tower without proper warrant, and even of using violence to
procure the money. But beyond these allegations themselves there
is not a shadow of proof that Wolsey had anything whatever to do
with the erection of the tower. They are probably only another
testimony to the pertinacity with which Wolsey has been defamed.

The next notable incident in Wolsey's career was his invitation
to spend a Christmas holiday with the marquis of Dorset. In the
course of his schoolmastering at Oxford he had become teacher to
three of the marquis's fifteen children, ^^ most probably the three
youngest surviving sons. Wolsey, we can well believe, was a suc-
cessful teacher; and consequently the marquis observed that his
boys were * right well employed in learning for their ' age. ' It
pleased the said marquess against a Christmas season to send as
well for the schoolmaster as for his children, home to his house, for
their recreation in that pleasant and honourable feast.' That in-
vitation must have been for the Christmas of 1499, the first in any
way certain date in Wolsey's biography.

The Christmas recess began on 17 Dec.,^^ and at an early day
thereafter Wolsey and his three pupils set out in all likelihood for
Bradgate Park, the family seat of Dorset, about seven miles west
of Leicester. This mansion, the birthplace of Lady Jane Grey, is
now a gaunt fire-blacked ruin, situated in a solitary confined little
valley, through which a brooklet wends its devious way. But
doubtless it then shone with seasonable cheer for the three lads and
their teacher. Doubtless, too, Wolsey went determined to exert his
considerable powers of fascination, and resolved to make himself
agreeable to the utmost. At any rate, the visit was not unproduc-
tive. When his school work began again on 14 Jan., Wolsey returned
to Oxford with the knowledge that he was at length to leave its
academic shades. Dorset was so much taken with him * that he.

«> Ath. Ox. i. col. 666. ed. 1721.

'' Hist, and Antiq. ed. Gutch, iii. 350.

32 Cavendish, 5. A Venetian report says of Wolsey : * He on various occasions
took service as pedagogue in the families of great personages.' (Brown, iv. 674, p. 300
and note.) There is no trace of his having done so, but the averment may have its
foundation in other ' great personages ' having done what Dorset did.

3' Mun. Acad. ii. 447.

1888 THE EARLY LIFE OF THOMAS WOLSEY 465

having a benefice in his gift, being at that time void, gave the same
to the schoolmaster in reward for his dihgence, at his departing
after Christmas upon his return to the university.' That benefice
was the Hving of Lymington, Somerset, in the diocese of Bath and
Wells.

The straggling village of Lymington lies a mile and a half east
of the decayed town of Ilchester, famous as the place near which
Koger Bacon was born, and in which he was partly educated. The
country around is thickly wooded, and Lymington, situated in a
broad valley surrounded by hills, is delightfully buried among trees
filled with large- eyed starlings. The church, dedicated to St. Mary
and probably erected in the thirteenth century, is a perfectly plain
country church, eighty-seven feet long by twenty-four broad in the
nave, with a stone vault ; two blind arches, indicating transepts,
are built into the walls separating the nave from the chancel,
and a tower rises at the west end. On the north side of the nave
is a chantry chapel, dedicated to St. Leonard, and occupied by
four sepulchral effigies of the Gurneys, lords of the manor of
Lymington under the Edwards.^ The population is wholly agri-
cultural, and then, doubtless, they ploughed and sowed and reaped
and drove their black pigs out and in just as they do now.

Cavendish then proceeds : ' And having the presentation thereof,,
he [Wolsey] repaired to the ordinary for his institution and induc-
tion ; then, being fully furnished of all necessary instruments at
the ordinary's hands, he made speed without any further delay to
the said benefice to take thereof possession.' The ' speed ' was not
very great, if the time Cavendish fixes for the gift be correct, for
the induction did not take place till October 1500.^^ So, when
folk were brewing their ale, and the trees round Lymington were
dry and russet, Wolsey quitted the busy life of the intellectual
collegiate city, and sat down amidst the bucolic shades of Somerset.

The quiet tenor of his life there was rudely broken in upon one
day in 1501, and previous to September, by an incident which is-
one of the best remembered, though, as it is usually told, one of
the most fallacious, in all Wolsey's biography, and that is saying
a good deal. The account given by Cavendish runs thus : ' Sir
Amias Paulet, knight dwelling in the country thereabout [at Hinton
St. George, ten miles or so south-west of Lymington], took an

3* The estate afterwards passed through Maud Gurney to the Bonvilles, one of
whom, William, wedded Catherine, daughter of Richard Neville, earl of Salisbury. It
is their initials, W and C entwined by a knot, with quarterings above, that are carved
on the ends of the oak choir pews in Lymington church, and are set down in gazetteers
and elsewhere as Wolsey's cipher — in CoUinson's Hist, of Somersetshire, iii. 219, for
instance. Much useful information connected with Lymington will be found in a
private publication, Ilchester Almshouse Deeds, edited by the Rev. W. Buckler.

3» The 10th, says Fiddes, 5, note. Drake, Eboracum, 449, note i, quoting like Fiddes
from Bishop Oliver King's register, reads 4th. Which is right ?

VOL, III. NO. XI. H H

466 THE EARLY LIFE OF THOMAS WOLSEY July

occasion of displeasure against him, upon what ground I know not ;
but, sir, by your leave he was so bold to set the schoolmaster by
the feet [i.e. put him in the stocks] during his pleasure.' Caven-
dish did not know the cause of Paulet's treatment, but later writers
have been better informed. Sir Koger Wilbraham, master of
requests to Queen Elizabeth, declares Wolsey to have been taken
in fornication,^ while Sir John Harington affirms Wolsey to have
got into a drunken brawl at a local fair.^^ On the other hand,
Thomas Storer, in his metrical ' Life and Death of Thomas Wolsey,*
published in 1599, just about the time Wilbraham jotted down his
note, places Wolsey in the right when he puts into his mouth the
words, * Wronged by a knight for no desert of mine.' ^^ Proof that
Storer states the truth is found in the circumstances surrounding
the reprisal Wolsey made, which all point to unmerited treatment.

* The which,' continues the gentleman usher, * was afterwards
neither forgotten nor forgiven. For, when the schoolmaster
mounted the dignity to be chancellor of England, he was not
oblivious of the old displeasure ministered unto him by Master
Paulet, but sent for him and, after many sharp and heinous words,
enjoined him to attend upon the [privy] council until he were by
them dismissed, and not to depart without licence upon an urgent
pain and forfeiture.' The result of which order was that Paulet
' continued within the Middle Temple the space of five or six years,
or more.' Cavendish is borne out by two facts. Wolsey became
chancellor in December 1515. From that time till August 1523,
Paulet's name disappears from the State Papers, though previously
to it the name is one of frequent occurrence ; and in 1521 he was
treasurer of the Middle Temple .^^

Now, after Wolsey became lord chancellor he was everywhere and
by every one lauded for his justice. His reproof and punishment
of Paulet was not a thing done in a corner. Is it, then, likely
that he should publicly and needlessly throw open to public scandal
a blot in his own life — a blot known to few, and by them doubtless
long since forgotten? It is in every way incredible. It fits in
better with the real Wolsey' s character and with probability to
suppose that he took advantage of his position to read Paulet, even
at fourteen years' distance, and men like him, a lesson against the
unjust and arbitrary use of their little brief authority.

During these retributive years the disgraced knight lodged,

"^ Commonplace Book in Notes and Queries, 1 ser. iv. 213.

3^ A Brief View of the State of the Church of England, ed. 1653, p. 184. Lord
Campbell in his Chief Justices of England, i. 160-4, makes some supplementary-
statements supported by no authority or reference other than an * it is said.' He
has other stories regarding Wolsey and Fitzjames, which, however, are sufficiently
refuted by Foss, Judges of England, v. 174-7.

»« P. 16, original ed.

^ Dugdale, Origines Juridiciales, 221.

1888 THE EARLY LIFE OF THOMAS WOLSEY 467

Cavendish tells us, * in the gatehouse next the street ' (Fleet Street),
which he rebuilt * very sumptuously, garnishing the same on the
outside thereof with cardinal's hats and arms, badges and cog-
nisances of the cardinal, with divers other devices,^" in so glorious
a sort that he thought thereby to have appeased his [Wolsey's] old
unkind displeasure.' Building was a thing Sir Amias knew some-
thing about, for he had built extensively at Hinton St. George ; but
if he really thought to flatter Wolsey into forgiveness, he probably
failed. But pardoned at last he was, and saw Wolsey in his grave
eight years. The gatehouse with his work was burnt down in the
fire of*1666.''^

Shortly after his induction to Lymington, Wolsey applied for a
dispensation to hold two incompatible benefices and receive their
revenues. Pluralities were technically illegal, and the granting of
dispensations to hold them brought money to the ever needy papal
treasury. The desired authority came to Wolsey dated 3 Nov.'*^
Ere it arrived, however, he had received a disappointing blow
in the death of the marquis of Dorset on 20 Sept. 1501.'*^
* After whose death,' Cavendish goes on, W^olsey, ' perceiving
himself also to be destitute of his singular good lord, thought not
to be long unprovided of some other succour or staff to defend him
from all such harms as he had lately sustained.' Whatever his
precise reasons may have been for seeking a new patron, Wolsey
succeeded in gaining a very high one. Henry Dean, archbishop
of Canterbury, appointed him one of his chaplains. But the post
was held only a short time. Dean was about seventy, and had
led an arduous life. On 17 July 1502 he resigned the Great Seal,
and on 15 Feb. next year he died. He had laid aside 500L
(6,000Z.) for a magnificent funeral, respecting every portion and
stage of which he left minute directions in his will. The executors
gave the management of the funeral to two of the late archbishop's
chaplains, Thomas Wolsey and Eichard Gardiner.'*'^ There can be
httle doubt which of the two played the more prominent part, even
though the order of the names did not indicate it. And here
Wolsey tried his * 'prentice hand ' on a kind of work to which
he put the crowning touch in the splendours of the Field of the
Cloth of Gold. When on 24 Feb. Dean's body was entombed
in Canterbury Cathedral, Wolsey was once more adrift and without
a patron.''^

^0 See Dugdale, Orig. Jur. 188. " Gent. Mag. liv. pt. i. 544, 545.

*- Rymer, xii. 783. " Dugdale, Baronage, ii. 720.

** Extracted by Mr. Bathurst Dean in Arch. Jour, xviii. 261 et seq. and quoted
by Hook, Abps. of Cant. v. 523.

" If Mr. Gairdner's note {Letters and Papers dc. i. 162, notes) as to handwriting
and his date be correct, and if the interlineations be contemporary, there can be no hesi-
tation in placing the commencement of Wolsey's chaplaincy with Dean at the end of
1501.

HH 2

468 THE EARLY LIFE OF THOMAS WOLSEY July

He was not long, however, in finding another, in the person
of the knight Sir Eichard Nanfan/^ It is not improbable that
Wolsey was recommended to Nanfan by Sir Eeginald Bray, Dean's-
chief executor ; for both Bray and Nanfan were in high favour with
Henry VII, and therefore probably well known to, if not even
intimate with, each other. Nanfan was old, and doubtless in need
of an active, intelligent assistant. He had received many marks of
his master's estimation, of which the last was the deputy-lieu-
tenantship of Calais, conferred not later than 1493.^^ There he
resided, and thither Wolsey must have gone, most likely in 1503.'^^
Made the staple in 1399 for the principal English exports of wool,,
hid^s, lead, and tin,^^ Calais had become a thriving business town,
somewhat out of keeping with its garrison of 800 men.^^

* This knight he served,' continues Cavendish, ' and behaved
him so discreetly and justly that he obtained the especial favour of
his said master; insomuch that, for his wit [understanding, intelli-
gence], gravity and just behaviour, he committed all the charge of
his office unto his chaplain.' This account bears its truth on the
face of it for all who know the real Wolsey, not the caricature of
him still too common in the popular fancy. Nanfan was old, but
he soon found he could trust this ready, clever, pleasant, but
thoroughly business chaplain of his. On his part Wolsey here at
length put his hand to state affairs, towards which the bent of his
genius distinctly tended. In such circumstances it is not in the
least likely that he should ask Nanfan's permission to resign.^^
Two negotiations Nanfan transacted in which Wolsey doubtless
performed a part. In February 1505 he was empowered along
with Hugh Conway, treasurer of Calais, to conclude an alliance
with George, duke of Saxony ; and, two months later, he and four
others received money due to Henry by the French king, Lewis
XII.^2 These form the last mention discoverable of Nanfan in
active service. It was probably shortly afterwards that he ' was, in
consideration of his great age, discharged of his chargeable room
[office] and returned into England, intending to live more at quiet,'
after the bustles and turmoils of a long and active life. Ere thus
retiring, the knight executed yet one more negotiation, the most
successful and momentous, perhaps, done in all his long life.
* Through his instant labour and especial favour,' Wolsey found

*^ Some Lives of Wolsey call him * John,' Cavendish's among them.

" Kym. xii. 526. There is no trace of his ever being treasurer, as Cavendish and
J. G. Nichols {Chron. of Cal. pref. xl, Camd. Soc.) suppose. For notices of Nanfan
see Nash, Hist, of Wofco.siersliire, i. 84, 85 ; Stevenson, Materials &c. i. 549 ; Kym.
xii. 301-3, 485 ; Gairdner, Memorials of Henry VII, p. 157, 328 sqq. ; Brewer, i. 528,
827.

■" Quite certainly, if recommended by Bray, who died 5 Aug. 1503.

<» Macpherson, i. 610. '*" Ital. Bel. p. 45, Camd. Soc.

^' Drake, Ehor. p. 449. ^^ Rym. xiii. 114, 116.

1888 THE EARLY LIFE OF THOMAS WOLSEY 469

himself at the age of thirty or over chaplain to Henry VII. Sir
Eichard's high place in Henry's favour gives this story credibility.
Without doubt, also, that favour stood Wolsey in good stead. It
is possible even that Henry may have recollected Bray speaking
favourably of one Wolsey, who had proved very useful on the occa-
sion of Dean's funeral. Nanfan's gratitude to, and interest in, his
•chaplain could not have taken a shape more favourable to one
possessing W^olsey's genius.

It was 1505 or 1506 when Wolsey entered the royal service.
He had * set one foot in the court,' ^^ and it remained to be seen
what use he would make of it. As his whole daily duty * he
attended and said mass before his grace in his privy closet.' That
done, the day was all his own. Wolsey when his bare duty was
over * spent not the day forth in vain idleness.' Well may we
•credit the gentleman usher, for all his life through Wolsey was a
hard and indefatigable worker. He had * a just occasion to be in
the present sight of the king daily,' says Cavendish simply, but
with an unconsciously telling touch of true wit. He did not, how-
ever, rest satisfied with that, for he * gave his attendance upon
those whom he thought to bear most rule in the council and to be
most in favour with the king,' and these were Richard Fox, bishop
of Winchester, and Sir Thomas Lovell, knight, treasurer of the
household. Honours and rewards had been heaped upon these
two men in profusion, and they were foremost in the council
because first in royal esteem. With the invincibility of true genius
Wolsey won their approval. In Cavendish's quaint words : * These
ancient and grave counsellors in process of time after often resort,
perceived this chaplain to have a very fine wit [understanding,
intelligence], and what wisdom was in his head, thought him a
meet and an apt person to be preferred to witty affairs.' It is
worthy of note here that Wolsey maintained those friendships thus
early won till, full of years and not so very long before himself.
Fox and Lovell passed from the land of the living. It has been
often repeated that Fox became disgusted with Wolsey, left the
court on account of him, and, before going, warned Henry against
him. The story is entirely fabulous, and in every particular wholly
untrue. On the contrary, their relations with each other are,
perhaps, on the whole, the most beautiful episode in all Wolsey's
life.

It must have been during this period of chaplaincy under
Henry VII, as nearly as can be guessed, that Wolsey formed a
friendship with another man, Thomas, Lord Darcy of Templehurst.
Darcy was much older than Wolsey, and a privy councillor. In

*3 Grove, i. 298. *For many times had he used to say, "If he could but set one
foot in the court he did not doubt but to obtain anything he could wish for." ' I have
met this nowhere except in Grove.

470 THE EARLY LIFE OF THOMAS WOLSEY July

1514 he wrote Wolsey a letter, part of which gives a curious
momentary glance into Wolsey's life. * Sir,' he says, * when I was
in my chief room and office within the court, ye and I were bed-
fellows, and each of us brake our minds to other in all our
affrays [affairs] and every [each] of us was determined and promised
to do [the] other pleasure if it should lie in either of us at any
time.' ^^ Nor did Darcy afterwards fail, as this letter itself shows,
to remind Wolsey of the mutual undertaking ; though, unfortu-
nately for Darcy's hopes, he was nothing but a soldier.

While Wolsey was thus winning his way into court favour, other
things did not stand still with him. In 1506 he was presented to
the rectory of Eedgrave, county Suffolk and diocese of Norwich, by
the patron, the abbot of Bury St. Edmunds,^-^ we know not how
obtained, and thus the dispensation of 1501 became useful. The
year following he was called upon to act as one of the executors of
his late master Nanfan,^^ who probably died in that year ; a proof
how entirely he had gained the old knight's confidence and friend*
ship.

In that same year 1507 is usually placed Wolsey's first direct
entry into diplomatic life. The story of the mission rests entirely
on Cavendish's authority, and is vouched for by him in these
explicit words : ' I received it of his own mouth and report after
his fall lying at that time in the great park of Eichmond, I being
there attending upon him ; taking an occasion upon divers com-
munications to tell me this journey with all the circumstances.*
The embassy, Cavendish declares, was to the Emperor Maximilian,
and the histories and biographies, on the strength of some words
of Bacon, have stated that it related to the proposed marriage of
Henry VII and Maximilian's daughter Margaret. * This matter,'
says Bacon, * had been in speech between the two kings [Henry and
Maximilian's son Philip, king of Castille in right of his wife] at
their meeting [January-March 1506] ; but was soon after resumed,
and thereon was employed for his first piece the king's then chap-
lain and after the great prelate Thomas Wolsey.' ^^

This alleged mission cannot be proved, but it cannot be dis-
proved; for if there is not a scrap of documentary evidence in
support of it, nothing we know in any way militates against it.
Nevertheless it is impossible to reject a story so distinctly vouched
for. Wolsey must have had a first mission, and it is in every way
probable that so striking a story coming from Wolsey's own lips
would impress itself on Cavendish's memory with intensified effect*
The speed with which Wolsey performed the mission — rather more
than three days, or about eighty hours — is just the kind of feat one

" Brewer,,!. 4652. " Fiddes, p. 10.

^« Gairdner, Letters dc. ii. 380, app. C.

" History of Henry VII, ed. Spedding, 234.

1888 THE EARLY LIFE OF THOMAS WOLSEY 471

can believe an ambitious man like Wolsey would execute in order
to make his mark. On the whole, nothing is left us but to accept
the story as it stands. The date and object of the mission, how-
ever, are not in Cavendish, and can be put to the test. The two
questions hang upon each other.

The match between Henry and Margaret had been proposed at
least in 1505,-^^ and a treaty of marriage had been concluded on
6 March 1506.'^ But Margaret had objected, and correspondence
had ensued regarding it.^^ Now, Wolsey's first mission which can
be authenticated by documentary evidence was to James IV of
Scotland, and happened in March 1508. Consequently, if his
actual first mission was to the emperor, it must have occurred
before that date, and therefore, most probably, in 1507. There
exists a ' Brief Summary of what was said to the ambassador whom
the king sent to the emperor,' ^^ which both the Spanish and
English editors agree in placing hypothetically in 1507. It speaks
of Maximilian's willingness to see the marriage effectuated, and
Margaret's disinclination. Had it to do with Wolsey's first mis-
sion? It should be mentioned that the English editor, Mr.
Gairdner, assumes Bacon's words to refer to a later mission of
Wolsey's, which took place in October 1508.^^ g^^ ]^q^ could
Bacon speak of October 1508 as ' soon after ' March 1506 ? We
can get no nearer certainty on the two questions than these inter-
rogations. The general result, however, is to support the likeli-
hood of the current assumptions as to the date and object of the
mission related by Cavendish, and also to confirm in some slight
degree the gentleman usher's story.

The first embassy Wolsey performed, of which any documentary
proof remains, took place, as just said, in the spring of 1508, when
he was sent to Henry's son-in-law James IV. The direct and sole
documentary evidence lies in the fragmentary draft of an English
despatch from Wolsey to Henry hastily and rapidly written, and
full of elisions. This fragment, though it has been easily accessible
to the public since 1797, when it was printed in the appendix to
John Pinkerton's * History of Scotland,' ^^ has been as good as lost
by the simple fact that Pinkerton ascribed it to Dr. West, who liy^
years later went on an embassy very similar to Wolsey's. That
mistake was corrected in 1861 by Mr. Gairdner in the preface to
his ' Letters and Papers illustrative of the reigns of Eichard III and
Henry VII.' This or a similar mission seems to be referred to in some
of the lines of a manuscript poem written in the style of a pro^

** Bergenroth, Spanish Calendars, i. 439. Hall, 498, says Max proposed it in
1503.

^9 Bergenroth, i. 455, 474. •» lb. i. 475, 483, 490, 491.

«' lb. i. 560, and Gairdner, Letters dc. i. 323.

«* Gairdner, Memorials <&c. pref. lix, note 1.

«» ii. 445-50. It contains some erroneous readings.

472 THE EARLY LIFE OF THOMAS WOLSEY July

phecy of Wolsey's rise, and presented to him on New Year's day
1529.64

James had two causes of complaint against his father-in-law.
Henry had arrested the earl of Arran and his illegitimate brother
Sir Patrick Hamilton while they were passing through England on
their way from France ; and he had failed to deliver up two of the
murderers of James's warden, Sir Kobert Ker. The English king
had reason for conciliating James, as he well knew that at that
very time the French, in order to disturb the peaceful relations
between Scotland and England, were striving to induce James to
renew the old league between France and Scotland. In these
somewhat critical circumstances Wolsey was sent to justify his
master, and pacify the Scottish monarch and keep him true to the
treaties with England. The envoy reached Edinburgh on 28 Mar.
but not till 2 April was he able to obtain an interview with James,
who took that way of evincing his displeasure. From that day till
the 10th Wolsey had daily audience of the king, but made so little
way in his business that, when he did at last write his master a des-
patch, whose fragmentary draft is all left us concerning the em-
bassy, he did not know * what report might or should be made.'
He saw *how lightly in words of no importance he [James]
sticketh,' and that all turned upon the surrender of Arran and
Hamilton, which he would fain have, * howbeit he is so headstrong
he in no wise will be seen outwardly to desire the same.' James
told him, he says, that * there was never man worse welcome in
Scotland than I, forasmuch as they think I am come for to let
[hinder] the renewal of the league ' with France, and, on the whole,
gave Wolsey to understand that the ' favourable delivery ' of Arran
was the very thing that would prevent the renewal. The fragment
ends abruptly, but it clearly proves the masterly grasp and precision
with which Wolsey seized the actuating motives of the Scottish
king. The unpublished * Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer of
Scotland ' contain two payments undoubtedly connected with
Wolsey. ' Item. Given to Master Wilsith, the English clerk that
was here, by the king's command, Ix unicorns, some 54L' (185Z.) ;
and * Item. Paid for his expenses in the town 41Z. 14s. 7d,' (142Z.) ^^
It was usual for envoys to receive a gift of money.

In the interval between the two earliest documentarily authenti-
cated missions, Wolsey applied for and received an extension of the

«< It occurs in Royall MSS. 12 A. Ixii, and the words referred to are quoted by
Mr. Gairdner in his preface.

" I am indebted for these two hitherto unknown facts in Wolsey's biography to
Mr. Thomas Dickson, editor of the first published volume of the Accounts. It had not
occurred to Mr. Dickson that they referred to Wolsey until I expressed to him my
belief that they did so. The modern equivalents I give of the sums are founded upon
information also supplied by Mr. Dickson, who states that at the time of James's
marriage Scotch money was to English as 3| to 1.

1888 THE EARLY LIFE OF THOMAS WOLSEY 473

dispensation of 1501. It was dated 31 July 1508, and empowered
him to hold another incompatible living in addition to the rectory
of Lymington and the vicarage of Lydd in the diocese of Canter-
bury and county Kent.^^ The vicarage belonged to the Cistercian
abbey of Tintern, Monmouthshire ; but how Wolsey came to obtain
it is a fact not now likely to come to light any more than the date
of his collation.

Our next distinct view of Wolsey is in the following October on
the occasion of another embassy, this time certainly connected with
Maximilian and fully substantiated. Some expressions, however,
in the instructions he then received clearly point to the fact that he
had performed a similar mission on a previous recent occasion. ^^ The
date of that mission it is impossible to specify with certainty. On
"23 Aug. Henry had sent a confidential messenger to Matthew Lang
or Lanch, bishop of Gurk,^^ chief minister to Maximilian. Was
Wolsey that confidential messenger ? Anyhow it seems sure that
Wolsey executed a mission of which no trace is left. Counting it and
the one related by Cavendish, the embassy of October 1508 will be
Wolsey's fourth.

What we know of this mission is contained in the brown burnt
fragments of some original papers, seven in number, which, as
deciphered and printed, occupy twenty-seven closely printed royal
octavo pages, and this in spite of the mutilation they underwent by
the fire in the Cottonian Library, where they once lay. Fortunately
they are of no great importance ; of none at all, in fact, except in
so far as they have to do with Wolsey. The matters to which they
relate were mere passing incidents in the endless and shifting un-
productive diplomacy of that age. The matches they refer to —
those of Henry and Margaret, and of the future Charles V and
Princess Mary of England, afterwards wife of Lewis XII, and of
Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolk — never took effect. But the nego-
tiation served to train Wolsey for his great future.

The first of the papers is Henry's instructions, written in Latin.
Of this Wolsey made a digest in the shape of a draft of articles, also
in Latin. The answers to these, likewise Latin, form a rough draft
which, were it complete, would be a curious sample of the ease with
which Wolsey did his work. He wrote for an exacting master, and

«« Kym. xiii. 217. For Lydd see Hasted, Hist, of Kent, viii. 437, and Dugdale
Monasiicon, v. 265. As a matter of course Wolsey's name is attached to the church,
All Saints, by tradition, which asserts that he built the tower. See Notes and Queries,
6th ser. ii. 148, v. 413, 414.

^^ Idem capellanus dicit quod post reditum suum in Angliam, cum sacrcB regice
majestatieaomniaperordinemretulissetqucBA.[Gmk]sibideclaravit. . . . Quainter
dictum A. et eundem capellanum communicata fuerunt. . . . Idcirco arbitratur regia
majestas guod dictus capcllanus eundem A.inea re dare non intellexerit. Gairdner,
Letters dc. i. 426, 429, app. B. Have these words any reference to Cavendish's
etory?

•^ Gairdner, Letters dc. i. 367.

474 THE EARLY LIFE OF THOMAS WOLSEY July

he spared no pains. The repHes to all the more important articles
are written out twice : there are changes in expression and arrange-
ment, and the second version is shorter, but of course the general
meaning remains the same. The other four papers are composed
of two draft letters from Wolsey to the king, a long despatch
of Wolsey's, and lastly a despatch from Henry — all three in
Enghsh.

Wolsey * came to the presence of ' Gurk at Mechlin on Wed-
nesday, 4 Oct. Gurk already held benefices in England,^^ and Henry
offered him others along with a yearly pension of 1,000 nobles
(4,000Z.) to further the two marriages. In answer, Gurk professed
to serve Henry almost in the very words of Spenser, * all for love
and nothing for reward.' ^^ But Wolsey rapidly took in the charac-
teristics of the Flemish court. ' There is here,' he observes, ' so
much inconstancy, mutability, and little regard of promises and
causes, that in their appointments there is little trust or surety ; for
things surely determined to be done one day are changed and altered
the next.' And further on : * There is none here that regardeth or
heedeth their master's honour, but only their own particular profit
and advantage.' ^^ The Flemish court took its complexion from
Maximilian himself. Flighty and unstable, he could be bought with
a price : what wonder if his servants followed his example ? All who
know anything of his history will own the truth of Wolsey's insight.
Henry's last letter to Wolsey — for one, at least, is lost — concludes
thus : * Finally, for your good devoir in ascertaining us as well of
the premisses as also of the order and manner of that [undecipher-
able] court, of the causes of the retardation of their ambassade
[embassy], and of such communication as the legate there had with
you, we can you right good thank.'

Such pleasant words are easily said and go a great way. Henry^
though exacting, seems to have been a gracious, kindly, and con-
siderate master. His statesmen served him with an energy, con-
stancy, and perseverance which duty or payment alone could not
have called forth. These words are above all important as proving
that Wolsey could satisfy and had entirely pleased a severe master
like Henry VII. But even without them we could have inferred the
satisfaction he gave from the promotions he soon after received.
On 2 Feb. 1509, Wolsey was collated to the deanery of Lincoln, and
six days later he received the prebend of Welton Brinkhall in the
same cathedral.'^^ The new dean delayed his installation in person

"» Gairdner, Letters dx. i. 367 ; Brayley and Britton, Hist, of Surrey, i. 257, 261.
'0 Non inserviet A. pro promotionibus ecclesiasticis aut spe alicujus muncris sed
plus pro amore. Cp. Faerie Queen, b. ii. c. 8, v. 2.
'' Gairdner, Letters dx. i. 442, 449.
" Cav. 15, Hardy's Le Neve, ii. 34 ; Le Neve,ii. 228. Fiddes, 17, note d, says Feb. 20,

1888 THE EARLY LIFE OF THOMAS WOLSEY 475

for over two years, but was in the meantime installed by proxy on
25 March.^3 It was probably as holder of this office that he shortly
after appeared as a witness in a dispute which had arisen between
the vicar of High or Chipping Wycombe and his parishioners. When
he did so is not exactly known, but Bishop William Smith's decision
in the case was given on 18 May.'^''

A month ere that decision was given, Wolsey's royal master had
received a summons, in grand old Dorian phrase, to join the great
majority. And with that event Wolsey's early life ends. As
errors are still made regarding the smaller preferments that fell to
him after that time, I shall throw these appointments with their
dates into a summary and final paragraph.

Wolsey still continued royal chaplain.*^^ On 3 May, just three
months after receiving it, he exchanged the prebend of Welton
Brinkhall for that of Stow Magna in the same cathedral,^*^ and
before 2 July, Lymington had been resigned."^^ The 3rd of No-
vember brought him the * grant in augmentation of royal alms ' ^*
that gave him the office and title by which he was chiefly known for
the next four years. In June 1510, he at last became bachelor of
divinity, ^^ and on the fifth of the following month he was appointed
prebendary of Hereford, while 27 Nov. saw Henry present him
to the rectory of Great Torrington, Devon, in the diocese of Exeter. ®°
The registrarship of the most noble order of the Garter was con-
ferred on him some time in Henry's second regnal year, that is
between 22 April 1510 and 21 April 1511.*^ He became canon
and prebendary of the chapel royal, Windsor, on 17 Feb.
1511 ; ^2 and on 21 Aug. he at last found time to be installed
dean of Lincoln in person.^^ In the new year 1512, 16 Jan.,®'*
Cardinal Bainbridge bestowed on him the prebend of Bugthorpe in

1508. The year is a miscalculation owing to the regnal year probably. Hearne the anti-
quary makes a curious statement in his Diary in the Bodleian, printed in Bliss, Beliq.
Hearn. 2nd ed. i. 310 : ' The first preferment Cardinal Wolsey had was a postmaster's
place between York and Edinburgh. Mr. Bagford had this out of an old council book.'
See N. and Q. 1 ser. xii. 303, and Gent. Mag. cciii. 420.

^^ Ath. Ox. sub Wolsey ; Fiddes,17. ' And after ' receiving the deanery, Cavendish
says, Wolsey ' was promoted by the king to be his almoner.' Storer falls into the
same error, an error Fiddes discovered, p. 17, note /.

^* Ealph Churton, Lives of Smyth and Sutton, 257, 258.

^* In the grant of the parsonage, 9 Oct. 1509, he is called 'king's chaplain.*
Brewer, i. 555, in Eym. xiii.

^« Le Neve, ii. 214. " Wood, Fasti Ox, ed. 1721, i. col. 15.

'8 Brewer, i. 644, in Eym. xiii. 267.

'9 Fiddes, 17 ; Wood, Fasti Ox. i. col. 15.

** Le Neve, i. 525 ; Brewer, i. 1359. See regarding Torrington Cooper, Lad]/
Marg. 42, quoting Eisdon, Chorograph. Descrip. of Devon, p. 272.
. 8' Ath. Ox. i. col. 667 ; Fiddes, p. 20, note h.

82 Brewer, i. 1506, in Eym. xiii. 293. »» Ath. Ox. i. col. 667; Fiddes, 17.

8* Le Neve, iii. 179 ; Fiddes, p. 20. Wood, Ath. Ox. i. col. 667, says 31st.

476 THE EARLY LIFE OF THOMAS WOLSEY July

his cathedral of York ; and nine months later Fox and the earl of
Shrewsbury presented him to the deanery of St. Stephen's, West-
minster.^^ On 3 Dec. Wolsey resigned the deanery of Hereford,
an office it is not known when he received; and also about the
same time the prebend of Hereford.^^ On 19 Feb. 1513 he
entered upon another deanery, that of York; and was admitted
two days later.^^ The late dean, James Harrington, had died
intestate, and the chapter granted his successor administration of
his goods.^^ By the law of England, unwilled ecclesiastical property
lapsed to the crown,^^ and thus the grant of the chapter was pro-
bably in reality a grant from Henry. Five months after, Wolsey
was collated precentor of St. Paul's.^^ With the following year
came Wolsey' s first great substantial preferment, when Henry ap-
pointed him to succeed William Smith, one of the founders of
Brasenose, who died on 2 Jan. 1514, having been bishop of
Lincoln since 1495.^^ The papal bulls confirming the royal will
are dated 6 and 7 Feb. ,^2 and by them Wolsey became the
thirtieth bishop of Lincoln from the renowned Kemigius. The
see was worth S961. 18s. Id. a year, or 10,764Z. modern money;
and the papal tax of annates or firstfruits upon it amounted to
7,000 ducats, or 17,496Z. present money .^^ Wolsey received the
temporalities on 4 March, and on the 26th he was consecrated
by Warham.^'* It is a fact worthy of notice that, though Wolsey
has been accused of display, yet he never, in spite of the many
episcopates to which he was preferred, underwent the grand cere-
mony of enthronement. Upon this appointment followed his re-
signation of the prebend of Windsor, the precentorship of St.
Paul's, the rectory of Great Torrington, and, finally, of the deanery

8^ * He was admitted and instituted by John [Islip] abbot of Westminster. This
appears by an entry in the register or lease books of the church of Westminster.'
Letter sent to and quoted by Grove, vol. iv. pref. iv. See also Brewer, i. 4747,
5607.

*^ Le Neve, i. 477, 525. The successor in the prebend was appointed 27 Jan. 1513.

«^ Ath. Ox. i. col. 667 ; Le Neve, iii. 126.

«» Drake, Ebor. 564, 565. «» Brown, iii. 193. "» Le Neve, ii. 350.

" Grove, ii. 216, says Smith left Wolsey ' several valuable household goods and
effects ' — as his manner is without any reference, and I have met with no other notice
of such a gift. In the 30th article of Wolsey's indictment he is charged with having
' the more part of the goods of Dr. Smith, bishop of London,' and others, ' contrary
to their wills, and to law and justice.' Not unlikely things did take place of such a
nature as gave ground for this trumpery charge.

»» Brewer, i. 4722, 4723, in Rym. xiii. 390, 392.

»» The Romish Horseleech, Lond. 1674, p. 17. When Henry retaxed the bishoprics,
Lincoln was lowered to 828Z. 4s. 9^£Z. (Bacon, Liher Regis, p. 393.) I count the ducat
at 4s. 2d., the value laid on it in one of Wolsey's calculations. The ordinary gold
ducat was 4s. 6i., but its real value varied with the rate of exchange. The crown
was roughly its equivalent, and in 1513 that coin was only equal to 4s. Brewer, ii.
1461, i. 4511.

»* Brewer, i. 4854, in Rym. xiii. 894 ; Le Neve, ii. 21.

1888 THE EARLY LIFE OF THOMAS WOLSEY All

of York,^^ in which last he was succeeded by John Young, master
of the rolls.9« T. W. Cameron.

»5 Brewer, i. 4856 ; Le Neve, ii. 350 (he says, * 1515 '—should it not be 1514 ?) ;
Brewer, i. 4942 ; Le Neve, iii. 126. Howard ( Wolsey the Cardinal, p. 94) says that on
1 April 1514, Wolsey vacated the church of Burwell, diocese of Norwich ; but for this,
or Wolsey ever having held Burwell at all, I can find no authority, and poor Howard
is anything but trustworthy.

^« Knight, Eras. Camb. 1726, p. 174, is the originator of the charge that Young • was
no favourite of Cardinal Wolsey,' a charge founded on a misconception of some words
referring to him in a letter of Wolsey's to Fox in September 1511. See Brewer, i.
3443, in Fiddes, coll. 8. I should like here to express my utter surprise at the tone
and manner in which Wolsey is everywhere spoken of by Mr. Arber in his reprint
of Eoy's Read me and he not wroth.

478 July

The Great Condd

THE Due d'Aumale in the recent volumes of his important work,
* Histoire des Princes de Conde,' has treated his subject with
a fulness which may deter some from venturing on a work that
contains much of value and interest. A volume of almost seven
hundred pages is occupied by an account of three years of the life
of the ' Great Conde.' Unquestionably they were important years;
in them the prince won the early victories which still make his
name famous ; but we doubt whether most readers will not think
that their events could have been more vividly portrayed in less
space. Our author has still before him forty-one years of the life
of his hero, twenty of which were almost as full of important and
stirring incident as those which have been described. Either the
historical canvas must be greatly curtailed in its proportions, or
the most ardent reader will feel some trepidation as he considers
the size of the work before him.

The Due d'Aumale has carried on his investigations with
thorough and painstaking accuracy. He has had the advantage
of exploring the archives of the Conde family, and he has availed
himself of material that had not before been used by historical stu-
dents. Though these records contain much that is of interest, they
do not change the facts of Conde's character and career as gathered
from contemporary memoirs and from the manuscripts and docu-
ments of the National Library and the government offices.

That character was a curious and an interesting one, and one
of which hazy and inaccurate views are held after the lapse of two
centuries. The prince dazzled his generation by a sudden blaze of
victory and glory. He was always the hero of Kocroi and Lens
for his contemporaries, and such he has remained to posterity.
The glamour of youthful success has cast its halo over a life many
years of which were marked by turbulence, treason, and failure, and
all of which was characterised by a violent ambition and an absorb-
ing selfishness. The Due d'Aumale finds in Conde's career little
to criticise. He has, indeed, thus far dealt only with that portion
of it which was most useful to his country and most honourable
to himself. But one may fairly infer that the judgment which

1888 THE GREAT CONDE 479

Conde's last historian will pronounce upon him will be a favour-
able one.

It is natural that biographers should look with friendly eyes
on those whose lives they portray. The Due d'Aumale writes after
careful study, and with fairness combined with learning, and yet
we cannot agree with him in the estimate he has formed. Conde's
character was, indeed, so curious and so composite, that two men
who would not differ as to a fact in his career, might yet entertain
very different opinions concerning him. It cannot be said of him,
in the favourite phrase of apologetic criticism, that his virtues were
his own and his vices those of his age. His good as well as his
bad qualities were those of the class to which he belonged, exagge-
rated in a nature of unusual force, and he exhibited in strong relief
the weaknesses and the faults that successively characterised the
French nobility during a period of half a century. When Conde
was young, Kichelieu was engaged in his endeavour to render the
nobility submissive to the crown. The relics of feudal power still
remained ; the traditions of barons who held only from God and
their sword were still remembered ; great nobles often exercised an
almost independent power in the provinces which they governed ;
ambitious leaders led their adherents in revolt against the crown
on small pretext and with much impunity. France was, indeed,
far from the condition in which Louis XI found it ; but it was also
far from the condition in which Louis XIV left it. The young
Oonde became a representative of the opposition to new political
traditions. He chafed at restraint, he incited rebellion, he allied
himself with the enemies of his country. When Conde was old,
the power of the throne had become supreme. No great French
nobleman thought of leading a revolt against Louis XIV in his
maturity, any more than any English nobleman meditated re-
hellion against George IV. The nobility looked to the king as the
only source of favour ; they watched their hope of advancement in
his smile, and that smile was obtained by profound deference and
by unbounded adulation. The old Conde yielded to none in the
devotion with which he flung himself at his master's feet, and closed
Ms eyes to everything but that august and awe-inspiring counte-
nance.

He was so important a figure in his day, and his course throws
such curious light on the era in which he lived, that some account
of his career may not be without interest to English readers. His
ancestors illustrated many of the qualities, both good and bad, which
were to be intensified in the most famous member of the family.
His grandfather and great-grandfather possessed not only gallantry
but military skill. They made the name of Conde one of the most
popular, as well as one of the most illustrious, in France. But his
father had sadly shrunk from the dimensions of his heroic fore-

480 THE GREAT CONDE July

fathers. He was turbulent and unsuccessful in youth, and servile
and prosperous in age. But he never showed even ordinary skill
as a general ; he never exhibited any qualities which ennobled his life
or endeared his memory. The family had become famous by their
services in the Huguenot cause, but they abandoned their creed.
The third prince was bred a catholic, and he showed himself a
narrow zealot against the religion for which his father had borne
arms and his grandfather had died. In forsaking the reformed
faith, the Condes followed the example of most of the great families
which had once professed it. Henry IV abjured his faith for a
crown, and his followers deserted it for dignities and the favour of
the court. In the middle of the sixteenth century the Huguenots
counted among their members a large proportion of the most illus-
trious of the French nobility. In the middle of the seventeenth
century they could hardly boast an adherent whose rank entitled
him to keep a dovecot or to follow the hounds.

Louis of Bourbon, who was to be known to his contemporaries
as the Great Conde, and who still receives that appellation from
enthusiastic historians, was born in September 1621, and was the
son of Henry, third prince of Conde, and of that beautiful Charlotte
of Montmorenci who so bewitched Henry IV. The father was not
an elevated or an estimable character, but he took care that his son
received a liberal and thorough education. In this he was more
fortunate than most of the young noblemen of his day. They
entered the army when mere boys; many bore arms and com-
manded companies or regiments when from thirteen to sixteen
years of age. Such a course left no time for letters, and if a gentle-
man could ride well, dance well, and fight well, it mattered little
whether he could construe a page of Tacitus or spell a sentence of
French.

But the duke of Enghien, as he was called, received a training
w^hich was thorough and judicious. For six years he attended the
Jesuit college of Sainte-Marie at Bourges. The distinctions of rank
were not wholly disregarded even at school, and the young prince
was separated from his companions by a gilded balustrade. This
did not, however, secure him immunity from the tasks imposed on
other students; he showed his progress in literature by writing to
his father Latin letters, which are still preserved in the archives of
the Conde family, and which are creditable if not Ciceronian.

His studies were afterwards turned in directions that were to
be of more practical service in his career than declensions and
terminations. He was thoroughly drilled in all the detail of the
art of war. Napoleon boasted that there was nothing pertaining
to warfare with which he was not familiar, from commanding an
army to making a gun. Conde also was a master of all branches
of the profession in which he was to become famous. It was to

I

1888 THE GREAT CONDE 481

this minute knowledge of all that pertained to the composition, the
equipment, and the management of an army, that he owed his
marvellous readiness to seize the opportunities which the fluctua-
tions of battle afford. Every detail was present to his mind,
every minute advantage that could result from the use of arms or
the position of men ; and he moved his forces with a rapidity and
precision which is not always found in soldiers who have a better
mastery of the great principles of military strategy.

Kesponsibilities were soon imposed on a young man whose rank
gave him prominence, and whose intellectual qualities developed
with unusual precocity. When only seventeen he acted as governor
of Burgundy during his father's absence, and he showed himself
equal to the responsibilities of an important and a difficult position.
The paternal authority was exercised in those days to a degree
which is now extinct. When the duke was over eighteen, and
filling one of the most important positions under the crown, we
find his father keeping a preceptor with him, who regulated with
strictness his private life, curtailed his expenses, and even prescribed
his dress. * Madam has sent a suit to the duke and promises him
another, and this will be enough for the summer,' writes the careful
superintendent to the thrifty father. Enghien submitted without
question to a supervision which would be endured by few young
men at this day. Two years later he served as a volunteer in the
army, and took part in the siege of Arras. He showed the courage
in battle which he always possessed, but he had no opportunity for
acquiring any special distinction.

In the meantime, his father planned an alliance for him which
should insure his favour at court. The marquis of Breze had
married a sister of Kichelieu. He belonged to an ancient family^
though one neither wealthy nor powerful, and after his marriage
he obtained the baton of marshal. An alliance with his daughter
would receive the approval of the cardinal ; the prince of Conde
was an obsequious courtier, and he asked the hand of Mademoiselle
de Breze for his son. ' The confession of all,' he wrote the minister,.
* declares you the greatest and most pious of cardinals, the most
prudent of counsellors, the wisest and most just of men, and these
reasons, and not your favour or fortune, have made me desire your
niece.' Eichelieu would not have been disturbed even, if he had
suspected that favour and fortune had inclined the prince to seek
his niece for the young duke. The heir of the prince of Conde
might look for a wife not only in a princely, but in a royal family,
and that he should ask for the niece of the minister was a proof
that he wielded the power of kings if he did not have their rank.
But to the duke of Enghien this alliance was distasteful. The
daughter of a marshal, and the niece of the cardinal who controlled
the destinies of France, was not wholly unworthy to marry the

VOL. III. — NO. XI. I I

482 • THE GREAT CONDE July

future prince of Conde, but so he regarded her. Nor did the bride's
attractions atone for her lack of rank. She was but twelve years
old ; she was very small, and not very pretty. But his father was
resolved upon the marriage, and the duke was willing to acquiesce,
in the hope that it would secure for him the command of an army,
and give him an opportunity to gratify his ambition. He was not
the man to throw away his future on a question of sentiment, and
the power of the uncle reconciled him to the plainness of the
bride.

They were married in 1641 at the Palais Cardinal with great
splendour. * Mirame ' was represented with applause, and Eichelieu
derived, perhaps, as much pleasure from the gratification of his
literary vanity as from the marriage of his niece to a prince of the
blood. The bride, very sensibly, was sent to school. Many French
girls of rank were less educated than most factory girls are now,
and the duchess of Enghien found reading and writing difficult
undertakings. The instruction which she subsequently received
did not enable her to overcome the embarrassments of spelling. It
is true that at this period the orthography^ of most women, and
many men, was free and eccentric, but that of the duchess was
specially erratic. She met with more serious troubles than those
which arose from her ignorance. Her husband regarded her with
indifference, and his marriage with aversion. He hoped to secure
from it the favour of Eichelieu while he lived, but the cardinal's
health was so infirm that it was unlikely that he should live long.
Enghien seems to have cherished the hope that when the minister
died he could obtain a divorce from the bride who brought him
power, and seek a bride who would bring him money, and he was
willing to have the marriage remain one of form. But he had to
deal with a man even more resolute than himself, and he was soon
compelled to abandon any thoughts of discarding his wife.^

The duke was subjected to other trials in the cardinal's family.
He was willing to yield precedence to Eichelieu, but he protested
against according the same honour to his brother, the cardinal of
Lyons. Conde promised that his son should yield, but the son
failed to comply. The great minister was not the man to overlook
any slight upon his family. We are told that he cursed and swore
about the duke's behaviour, until the attendants listened in holy
horror. But he did not content himself with oaths. He took
Enghien in hand with such vigour, that he yielded with humility
if not with good grace.

His docility had its reward. He received some military employ-

' The prince of Cond6 complained that his daughter-in-law did not rise until
noon, that she did not dine until three, nor sup until ten. Such hours seemed late
to a generation that were up by daylight and dined at twelve, but they do not to us
indicate dissipated modes of life.

1888 THE GREAT CONDt 483

ment, and in the spring of 1643 he was appointed commander of
the army in the Netherlands. Kicheheu had died a few months
before, but Enghien continued in favour under Mazarin. He was
in his twenty-second year when he was put in command of the
most important army in the field, at a most critical period.
Louis XIII died on May 14. The Spanish hoped that with an
infant of five as king of France, and with a Spanish princess as
regent, they could regain what they had lost in long years of un-
successful warfare, and their army under the command of Don
Francisco de Mello advanced to the siege of Eocroi. The place
could be saved only by a pitched battle, and a bold general might
hesitate to risk one. If Enghien' s army was defeated, the Spanish
could march to Paris almost without resistance, and in the unsettled
condition of France such an invasion might have the most serious
results. The Marshal de FHopital had been sent with the young
commander to curb his ardour and counsel his inexperience, and
he now advised against giving battle. But Enghien adopted the
views of bolder lieutenants, and decided to attack the enemy.^
There can be no doubt that he acted wisely. The Spanish were
superior in numbers, but that superiority would soon have been
increased ; to abandon Eocroi to its fate would have had a moral
effect almost as disastrous as to suffer defeat ; there was no alter-
native but to take the risk of a battle, and trust to genius and
valour to render it a victory.

On 18 May 1643 the French entered the plain which lay before
Eocroi. They had to march through a narrow defile, where a small
body of men could have checked the advance of an army. But the
Spanish allowed them to pass through undisturbed. Such remiss-
ness may be charged either to the negligence of Spanish indolence
or the absurdity of Spanish pride. The deadly torpor that had
spread over Spain did not spare her army, and her generals were
often as apathetic in the field as her statesmen were in the council
chamber. Another element in the Spanish character hastened the
downfall of the empire of Charles V, and that was a rigid and
abnormal pride that rendered the Spaniards unfit for practical work
in a practical world. Don Francisco was ready for a battle, and
confident of success. He may have felt that it was unworthy of a
Castilian to attack his enemies while cramped in a defile, and that
it would be more honourable to meet and defeat them on equal
terms.

At all events, the French soon entered the plain, and the duke
wished to begin the attack at once. He was hindered, however, by
the rashness of one of his lieutenants, who afforded Mello a second
opportunity to gain a victory. But Enghien was fortunate in having

2 The legend that Enghien heard of the death of Louis XIII, and concealed it
irom his generals until after the battle, is purely fabulous.

I I 2

484 , THE GREAT CONDE July

opponents whose minds worked more slowly than his own. He re-
called his troops, reformed his line, and averted the danger.

By three on the morning of May 19 the battle was raging. It
resulted in a victory for the young commander, and a victory won
by a brilliant and unexpected movement on the rear of the enemy,
by which he changed the doubtful fortunes of the day into a dazzling
success. Six thousand Spanish veterans composed the centre of
Mello's army, and this formidable body was annihilated by the
French. Their overthrow excited surprise through Europe. Though
the fortunes of Spain had long been declining, yet the prestige of a
century of victory under Charles and Alva and Parma still attached
to the compact masses of the Spanish infantry. But the successors
of the victors at Pavia and Saint-Quentin and Lepanto were now
overcome by the brilliant tactics of a French general and the dash-
ing bravery of French cavalry. The Spanish phalanx had, indeed,
stiffened into rigidity, and they met their fate with a certain pathetic
stolidity at the hands of more nimble and quick-witted foes.
It was discovered that the forces of war had changed, as when
Koman legions first yielded to German barbarians. But few of the
veterans escaped from the field of battle. The French asked of a
Castilian captain who had been taken prisoner, the number of men
in his regiment. * Count the dead,' was his grim reply.

Though the results of the battle of Eocroi were important, the
numbers engaged were not large. The French had only about
twenty-two thousand men, and the Spanish about twenty- six thou-
sand. The arrangements of the commissariat were imperfect ; both
France and her enemies were poor, and the soldiers were paid with
irregularity when they were paid at all. It was impossible to main-
tain a force of any considerable size in the field. Nations that have
only doubled in population since the middle of the seventeenth cen-
tury, now have armies ten times as large as then. When Louvois
perfected the art of providing for large bodies of men, Louis XIV
was enabled so to increase his armies that France alone was almost
a match for the rest of Europe.

The duke of Enghien was at once enveloped in a blaze of glory.
At twenty-two he had won a great battle against superior forces and
experienced commanders, and the victory was due to successful
manoeuvres conceived in the heat of conflict and executed with
daring and skill. The faint voice of criticism was, indeed, heard
even in the freshness of his fame. The credit of the flank move-
ment, which decided the battle, was by some attributed to Gassion,
whose conception, it was claimed, Enghien had carried into effect.
The Due d'Aumale does not notice this rumour. He gives to his
own hero all the glory of the day, and in this he is j)robably right.
Though Gassion was a skilful and experienced general, and Enghien
but a novice in war, the characteristic of the latter' s genius was his

1888 THE GREAT CONDE 485

quick perception of the changes of the battlefield, and his skill in
seizing his opportunity amid the turmoil of the fight. He was in-
ferior to Turenne as a strategist ; he can claim the credit of no
great campaign, but he had a marvellous talent for the manipula-
tion of men when the cannon were roaring and the bullets flying.
And this skill came from intuition more than from experience. His
first battle was his greatest one. His famous victories were all won
before he was thirty. The favourite of fortune at twenty-five was
at thirty-five an indifferently successful general, and a broken-down
man when little over fifty.

The young commander soon showed the impatience of control,
and the unwillingness to sacrifice his own caprice or selfish desires,
which largely impaired his usefulness to his country and tarnished
the fame of his achievements. Turenne was the ideal of the faith-
ful and patriotic soldier. He was content to remain with his troops
in fair weather and in foul ; he had no desire to return to Paris
after a successful campaign, that he might sun himself in popular
applause, or advance his favour at court. But Conde wearied of
the privations of the field, and after winning a brilliant victory he
was eager to receive the incense of praise and the more substantial
rewards which he claimed for his achievements.

It should be said in his justification, that he only followed the
advice which he received from a selfish and scheming father. ' If
you have not received a government with a solid establishment,' the
prince wrote his son in August, * you are ruined for ever. Your
reputation and your services speak for you, and to delay too much
is to lose everything.' ^ ' Come when you think proper,' he writes
again, * and with the resolution to receive a solid recompense.' * I
expect to see you soon. Without this, I foresee that your affairs
will go amiss, and your services will be little recognised.' ^

Such counsels were not unheeded, and Enghien demanded per-
mission to go to Paris. He was reluctantly given a leave of absence
for eight days ; he went and stayed as long as he saw fit.^ He felt
that he had numerous grounds for complaint. His temper was im-
perious ; his demands were exacting, and he was irritated when any
of them failed to receive a prompt response. * If the queen does not
grant me this,' he writes in July, speaking of some promotion he
had asked for a friend, ' I believe I have no more business with the
army. I am giving myself in vain all the fatigues which I suffer,
if I can hope for no reward from them.' ^

3 Cond6 to Enghien, 13 Aug. 1643.

* Cond6 to Enghien, Aug. 14. Id. Aug. 24.

* 3rd carnet of Mazarin. The Due d'Aumale claims that Enghien cannot be
blamed for his return to Paris, and that his conduct did not delay the expedition to
Germany. I think the ofl&cial correspondence does not sustain his position, and that
Mazarin's criticisms in his 8th carnet on Enghien's conduct are just.

« Enghien to Cond6, 29 July 1643.

486 THE GREAT CONDB July

In the next year the duke commanded the army in Germany at
the bloody series of battles at Freiburg. The Bavarians were
stationed on a mountain, and in a position that seemed impregnable.
But Enghien believed that nothing could resist the fury of his
assault, and he resolved to overcome the difficulties of nature as
well as the resistance of the enemy. After eight days of intermit-
tent combat the Bavarians retreated. Napoleon has declared that
the attack on the lines at Freiburg was contrary to the principles of
military art. The news of the series of murderous engagements
was received at Paris with little enthusiasm, and yet the results
were important. The Bavarian army could offer no more resistance
to the French, and they captured with ease a number of important
positions along the Ehine and in the Palatinate.

Enghien was again sent to Germany to retrieve the disaster
which Turenne had sustained at Mariendal. It must have been
distasteful to the latter to yield the command to his younger rival,
but he served under him with a skill and courage which went far
towards insuring the doubtful victory that was gained. The Bava-
rian and imj)erial army under Mercy was entrenched on the heights
at Allerheim, near Nordlingen, in a position of formidable strength.
After an obstinate encounter, Mercy's death allowed the French to
gain a victory where they probably would have suffered a defeat if
he had lived. But it was dearly bought; their loss was greater
than that of the enemy, and no important results followed the battle.
It was only a bloody and a barren success. Enghien's critics at
Paris said with some truth that it would have been more fitting
to sing a De Profundis over the dead than a Te Deum o\ei the
victory.

In 1646 his father died, and the duke of Enghien became the
prince of Conde. He was by far the most powerful nobleman in
France. His father's avarice had resulted in the accumulation of
a great fortune. The young prince was governor of some of the
most important provinces in the kingdom. He had an illustrious
name, enormous wealth, and devoted followers. Kichelieu had done
much, but he had not accomplished the entire overthrow of the tur-
bulent power of the nobility. Mazarin followed the traditions of
his predecessor; and the influence of the young prince of Conde,
strengthened by the fame of brilliant victories, and rendered dan-
gerous by an unbounded ambition and an overbearing will, excited
the apprehension of the minister. Conde was indeed a dangerous
opponent, but the narrowness of his character rendered him less
formidable. His ambition was purely a selfish one ; he was eager
for power ; he w^as greedy for money ; he was impatient of restraint.
Whether the things that he desired were of large importance or small
importance, whether he demanded a government for himself or a
position as gentleman usher for a friend, he was equally resolved

1888 THE GREAT CONDE 487

that his wish should be heeded, and equally irritated at whoever
thwarted his ambition or crossed his caprice.

Thus far the relations of Conde and Mazarin had been those
of a studied and even an excessive courtesy. The cardinal pro-
tested that he wished nothing better than to be the prince's
chaplain, his man of affairs with the queen. ' I pray you to be-
lieve,' wrote Conde to him, * that of all the persons who love you,
there is none who does so more sincerely than I.' In truth, the
two men disliked each other from the first, and their animosity
steadily increased. They were different in character ; they repre-
sented different political principles. The cardinal was wily, yielding,
and insincere ; the prince was haughty, overbearing, and abusive.
But Mazarin was by far the abler man of the two ; he was a great
statesman and an astute politician, while Conde was a poor politi-
cian and no statesman. The cardinal, supported by his sagacity
and the favour of the queen, was victorious in his contest with the
prince, who had the vast resources of the house of Conde and the
assistance of most of the great nobles. It was fortunate for France
that such should have been the result. After a rule of eighteen
years, Mazarin left her the chief power in Europe, with her territory
extended, her armies triumphant, and her influence felt from the
Atlantic to the Baltic. Had Conde gained control of the govern-
ment, France under Louis XIV would have been a far less im-
portant factor in European politics.

In 1646, Conde added to his reputation by the capture of
Dunkirk; but in the next year, for the first time, he tasted the
bitterness of defeat. He went to Catalonia, where he met with
little success, and endeavoured in vain to capture the city of Lerida.
It was claimed that Mazarin had sent him thither with the expecta-
tion that his efforts would be unsuccessful, and that failure would
tarnish the laurels of the young general. The prince did not allow
himself to be drawn into another expedition which, if more alluring,
was still more hazardous. The Neapolitans had revolted against
Spain, and Mazarin suggested that they might choose Conde for
their king.'^ But he appreciated how brief his tenure of the throne
of Naples would probably be, and he left such enterprises to the
chimerical ambition of the duke of Guise.

He soon had an opportunity to render valuable assistance to
his own country, and in the summer of 1648 he won the last of the
great victories which have rendered his name illustrious. The situa-
tion of France was again critical, and it appeared to be possible
that the advantages she had gained in the long war against Spain
and the empire might be entirely lost. The negotiations at
Miinster and Osnabriick, which had been languidly carried on for
years, at last seemed to be approaching their end in a treaty that

' Lettres de Mazarin, 2530.

488 THE GREAT C0ND:E July

would be important to all Europe, and honourable and beneficial
to France. But the internal dissensions of that country bade fair
to stimulate her enemies and paralyse her armies. The Spanish,
under the command of the Archduke Leopold, laid siege to Lens
and captured it. Conde resolved to check their progress by a
pitched battle. It was conducted with skill worthy of the hero
of Eocroi. He lured the enemy from their position on the hills,
and in an hour he had won a great victory. Three thousand of
the Spanish army were killed, and five thousand ingloriously laid
down their arms. The news of the battle strengthened the hands
of the French and Swedish ambassadors, and the victor of Lens
may fairly claim that he had no unimportant share in the treaty of
Westphalia, which was signed two months later. But with this
victory, skilfully won, opportune in time, important in result, that
portion of the career of the prince of Conde which was glorious to
himself and useful to his country comes to an end. We have now to
trace his course under different circumstances, in which he gained
no fame for himself, and did much harm to France. The j)rince
returned to Paris to take part in the intrigues and revolts of the
Fronde, which were now beginning. Hatred of Mazarin was one
of the factors which bound together the parliament and the people
of Paris in their opposition to the government, and with this feeling
Conde was in complete sympathy. He had no wish, he said, to
see over his head that blackguard from Sicily, and though he pro-
fessed loyalty to the regent, the support was precarious which he
rendered to an administration whose chief he abhorred.

The first disturbances of the Fronde were quieted by an edict
which would have been of importance had any of its provisions
been enforced. It provided for reduced taxation ; it increased
the independence of the judicial bodies. Years before the Habeas
Corpus Act was passed in England, it was declared that only for a
brief period could a French subject be deprived of his liberty
without judicial inquiry. But the government had no thought of
keeping the promises it made, and most of those who clamoured
for them cared little for their observance. The time is past in
which historians believed the Fronde to be a struggle undertaken
by patriotic men for the preservation of popular rights and the
restraints of the excessive power of the crown. It was, in truth,
an injudicious contest from the first, and it soon became a move-
ment controlled solely for selfish ends, led by unscrupulous men
and unprincipled women, in which the provinces of France were
devastated, and the armies of France crippled, that some greedy
nobleman might obtain a government, or some dissolute woman be
free to live with her lovers. It is unfortunate for Conde's reputa-
tion that he took no part in the Fronde in its earlier phases, when it
had some claim to be considered as a popular movement prosecuted

1888 THE GREAT GONDII 489

for patriotic ends, and became its leader when it was only a struggle
for pensions and power.

In the spring of 1649, for the first time during the troubles of
the Fronde, armed forces were arrayed against the government.
Though Conde's brother and sister took part with the insurgents,
the prince himself remained faithful to the regent. The hostilities
resulted in nothing more serious than a few skirmishes, and in
March terms were made with the ambitious noblemen and turbu-
lent judges who had stirred up this petty rebellion.

Conde's conduct made him unpopular among the people of
Paris. It was not only that he commanded the forces of the king,
but his troops had indulged in cruelties which their general took
no pains to restrain. The country about Paris was devastated as
if an army of German mercenaries had marched over it. Houses
had been burned, fields laid waste, and women outraged. One of
the causes that left the French nobility helpless and powerless
when the revolution came, was that it had shown no sympathy with
the mass of the people. It had been indifferent to their prosperity,
it had viewed their sufferings with unconcern, and in this respect
Conde was the representative of the order to which he belonged.

The prince succeeded, however, in irritating many of his own
class by a measure which w^as specially distasteful to their vanity.
The- decline of the independent authority of the nobles in France
had been accompanied by an increased eagerness for the petty
privileges of rank and precedence. As is often the case with a
nobility that is losing actual power, they became the more solici-
tous for such dignities as are proclaimed by a garter king-of-arms.
The vanity of rank succeeded to the ambition of power. When
they had lost their influence as lords of the land, they were strenu-
ous about their position as courtiers of the king. At Conde's
request, the privilege of sitting in the queen's presence was bestowed
upon two ladies who were not entitled to it. Excited by such a
grievance, an assembly of nobles met at Paris and banded them-
selves together in solemn union against the bestowal of court
dignities on those who could not claim them in the strict order of
their rank. Whoever deserted the body on such an issue was
declared by its formal resolution to be a man without faith or
honour, and no gentleman.^

But while Conde gained no popular support, he was apparently
still more indifferent about preserving the favour of the govern-
ment. His father had been a turbulent man when young, and a
greedy man when old. The son was both ; and his desires were
not bounded by a narrow avarice, but could be satisfied by a position
in the state second only to that of the king. He asked for every-
thing, and it is quite probable that in his hour of need Mazarin
8 Aff, Etr. France, t. 867.

490

THE GREAT CONDJE

July

had promised much more than he was now ready to fulfil. It was
the cardinal's character to feed all men liberally with promises,
and he was chary when it came to the time of performance.

But the cardinal felt that Conde's support was necessary to
the government, and terms were at last made which were satis-
factory even to the prince. Mazarin signed a written agreement
by which he promised, in the name of the regent, that no appoint-
ment of importance should be made, and no resolution of weight
should be adopted, unless Conde was first consulted. He even
agreed that his own nieces should not marry without the prince's
approval. Such an instrument as this would never have been
signed by Kichelieu. He would not have set his hand to so
humiliating a paper, even though he had known it would be inope-
rative. Mazarin was pliant in adversity, and bent like a reed
to the wind. But he was as tenacious as his predecessor in the
resolve that his own authority should be supreme, and from the
moment of making this surrender he was plotting with subtlety,
and with a profound insight into the men by whom he was sur-
rounded, for a fitting time to undo it.

He soon found his opportunity when he had to deal with a man
who so easily nade enemies and so wantonly offended friends as
the prince of Conde. *I think only to serve him in every way,'
wrote Mazarin, ' with a resignation without example, that, having
everything as he desires, he may assist in restoring the royal
authority.' ^ But in truth he was collecting the vials of wrath
which Conde was preparing to be poured upon his own head. The
prince made himself odious to the regent and odious to the fron-
deurs. He insulted the one and attacked the other. His sister
told him that he would soon find himself without a friend in France,
and her prophecy was nearly fulfilled. The leaders of the opposi-
tion were willing to join with Mazarin against the man who had
become the common enemy of all ; and reinforced by such allies,
the minister felt himself strong enough to shake off a dependence
that was irksome. In January 1650, Conde, his brother the prince
of Conti, and his brother-in-law the duke of Longueville, were all
arrested and confined at Vincennes, with the approval of the fro?i-
deurs and the acclamations of the populace. Conde was only
twenty-nine when, after his career of prosperity and glory, he
found himself a prisoner of state. Eichelieu had not feared to
behead the duke of Montmorenci, the chief of the French nobility,
and he might not have hesitated even at a prince of the blood. His
successor was not a vindictive nor a bloody man. He spared the
lives of his antagonists, but he would have been quite content to
leave the prince of Conde to meditate long in captivity on the
vicissitudes of fortune.

' Carnet xiii. cited in France under Richelieu and Mazarin.

1888 THE GREAT CONDE 491

Such, however, was not to be the course of events. No sooner
was Conde in prison by the co-operation of the frondeurs, than
they began to lay plots to get him out again. The province of
Guienne, of which he was governor, took up arms in his behalf.
In other parts of France his followers excited risings of more or
less importance. Some of the ladies who played so active a part
in the troubled politics of the period formed combinations, and
planned marriage alliances, which should accomplish the overthrow
of Mazarin and the liberation of Conde. The women of his own
family were earnest in such endeavours. His wife, who had re-
ceived little attention from him in the days of his prosperity,
laboured for him in the hour of adversity with the courage of a
man and the zeal of a woman. His sister, the beautiful duchess
of Longueville, was a still more valuable ally. She lured her
admirers into rebellion, and while Eochefoucauld was raising troops
in Poitou, even the loyal Turenne was induced to join the enemies
of his country, and to command Spanish troops in the invasion of
France. The record of the Fronde is, indeed, little more than a
chronicle of scandal. Conde himself vibrated between war and
peace, as a beautiful and corrupt mistress was inclined^ ,pr disin-
clined to accept Mazarin's bribes. Eetz and Eochefoucauld^Beaufort
and Nemours, combined their intrigues of policy with intrigues of
gallantry, and the position of the duchesses of Longueville and
Chevreuse and Montbazon and their compeers rested on their
unconcern for morality as much as upon their talent for politics.

The coalitions that were formed proved too strong for Mazarin.
In February 1651 he fled from Paris, and the release of the
princes was one of the measures that accompanied his overthrow.
After a year's imprisonment, Conde found himself so situated that
he might have become almost an autocrat. His unfitness for
poUtical life was shown by the rapidity with which he lost the
advantages of his position. In less than a year, Mazarin was
again in France, the chief adviser of the crown, while Conde was
in open and unsuccessful rebellion. Not only had the prince no
aptitude for dealing with his fellows, but his character was so
imperious that he was impatient of any relations with them, except
as the dictator of their conduct. It was galling to him to feel that
his release from imprisonment had laid him under obligations to
those who had effected it. He was ungrateful from set purpose
and necessity of nature ; while he would accept the service of an
inferior, and gladly reward it, he could not bring himself to fulfil
the obligations which were claimed of him as of right.

Nor was he more conciliatory in his conduct with the regent.
She granted him much that he asked, but this did not lessen his
resentment because she did not grant all. By the next September
Conde had left Paris, and raised the .standard of rebellion in

492

THE GREAT CONDE

July

Guienne. It may be said in mitigation of his offence, that he
hesitated before taking the final step. His sister and many of his
followers urged him on, and he at last consented. He seems to
have known his own inexorable nature sufficiently well to feel that
when he took up arms they would not be laid down as speedily as
with most of the vacillating heroes of the Fronde. He truthfully
said of himself, that when his sword was drawn from the scabbard,
it would not easily return there. But his rebellion was without
provocation or excuse. He plunged provinces into the miseries of
civil war, and weakened the armies of France, when engaged in
war against Spain, from the very caprice of ill humour. No baron
of the twelfth century more lightly summoned his retainers, and
indulged in the luxury of rebellion or private war, than this prince
of the blood in the middle of the seventeenth century.

Conde's military talents did not avail him when he commanded
ill-disciplined bodies of men engaged in a guerilla warfare. After
some months of campaigning in the south of France with little
success, he returned to Paris. That city was in an anomalous
condition of semi-rebellion. The citizens were not content to
submit to the authority of Mazarin, and not willing to throw in
their lot w^ith those who were in revolt against the government.
But the desire for peace and order was constantly increasing, and
it was with reluctance that the authorities allowed Conde to enter
the city. Before he did so, he had his first opportunity for meeting
his great rival at the head of a hostile army. Turenne was the
general-in-chief of the king's forces. Conde attacked a portion of
the royal army, and easily defeated it ; but when Turenne came to
the relief, the prince was unwilling to risk an encounter with such
an adversary, who had moreover the advantage in position, and
perhaps in force. Napoleon says that if Conde had acted with
more boldness he might have defeated the royal army piece-
meal. A lack of audacity was certainly not the prince's fault in
his earlier career, but he was not again to exhibit such feats of
splendid and successful daring as had marked his youth. He
was for years to command inferior armies with indifferent support,
and it is hard to say whether his military talents had in any
degree failed. It is certain that he ceased to be a successful
general.

He was still less successful in dealing with the caprices of a city
like Paris. Even then a large and dangerous element was found
in the capital, which was already becoming the centre of the poli-
tical life of France. Among this class the prince gained a turbu-
lent support. Bribes and inflammatory discourses excited their
zeal and stimulated their ardour. But the merchants and trades-
people were tired of disturbance, and sighed only for prosperity and
peace. Their leaders had long wearied of playing at rebellion. It

1888 THE GREAT CONDE 49S

is not by judges and aldermen that a revolution can be sustained.
The subtle talents of a man like Cardinal Eetz might lead the
citizens to adopt a policy he had marked out, but no man was less
fitted than Conde for such delicate negotiations. He held in scorn
the caution, the worldly prudence of the bourgeoisie, their love of
quiet and tranquillity. When he met with a stubborn resistance
from those whom he despised, he began to regard them with ani-
mosity as well as contempt. He had no taste for persuasion, but
was ready for intimidation.

The populace, stimulated by Conde's soldiers, attacked a meeting
of magistrates and officials at the hotel de ville. Volleys of
musketry were poured into the windows, and the mob set fire to
the building. Its unhappy inmates had to choose between being
shot without and burned within. In such a dilemma, most of
them devoted themselves to confessing their sins to the priests who
were in attendance. Science did not then furnish the appliances
which enabled a mob two centuries later, actuated by the same
mad impulse for murder and devastation which so often appears
in French history, to complete the destruction of this venerable
and beautiful building. It withstood the efforts of the assailants,
and its inmates were rescued. But almost thirty of them had
been killed or injured, and it was justly believed that though
Conde had not instigated this brutal massacre, he viewed it with
unconcern if not with approval. He was w^eary of the procras-
tination of the judges and city officials, and thought that to roast
a few of them might quicken their activity.

Such a measure excited horror instead of gaining support.
Nominally, indeed, the prince exercised absolute authority in the
city ; but he had sown sedition to reap disaster. The forces of the
insurgents melted away ; they found themselves without money and
without popular support. In October, Conde led away the troops
that still remained under his command, and Louis XIV and his
mother entered Paris amid tumultuous applause. Most of the
leaders of the Fronde submitted to the royal authority ; some had
already made their peace and been received into favour. But
Conde would not yield unless his ambition and his demands could
be gratified ; he was resolved to do all the injury in his power to
the fatherland. He soon had no army of his own left, but he
joined the Spanish, and for seven years he served under Spanish
colours against his countrymen. There was a desperate vigour in
the man, an intensity of hatred, which made him prefer to lead the
life of a traitor rather than submit to those whom he hated. He
had, indeed, suggested that if sufficient advantages could be secured
for himself and his friends, he was willing to return to his
allegiance. No man ever pursued his own ends with more single-
ness of purpose, and his insurrections were instigated by no object

494 THE GREAT CONDt July

except to obtain the gratification of his own desires. But Mazarin
wished no more alliances with Conde. He felt that he could hold
his position without the prince's support ; and he would make no
terms with one whom he declared to be greedy, fierce, and false.^^

The province of Guienne continued for some time in insurrec-
tion, and Conde with persistence and adulation besought Crom-
well to come to its assistance. But the cool judgment of the Pro-
tector had read the character of the prince. He received his
compliments with indifference, and declined to interest himself in
the fortunes of a man whose ability he valued little and whose
constancy he altogether distrusted. Conde w^as now a Spanish
general, but he gained few laurels in the service of Spain. The
sluggishness and obstinacy of those with whom he had to act, and
the poor condition of the armies which he had to command,
counted for much in his lack of success. But the difficulties of his
position were increased by the faults of his character. He had
bitter quarrels with his associates about precedence. He was dis-
contented with the Spanish, and they were discontented with him.

The detail of the campaigns in which he took part possesses no
special interest. He served creditably, but he accomplished nothing
of sufficient importance to affect materially the progress of the
war. At the disastrous battle of the Dunes he commanded one
wing of the Spanish army, and did what he could to counteract the
effects of the rashness and bad generalship of Don John. He told
the duke of Gloucester before the fight began that he would soon
see how a battle was lost, and his prophecy was fulfilled.

In 1659 the war between France and Spain, which had in turn
raged and smouldered during twenty-four years, was ended by the
peace of the Pyrenees. Conde had at last wearied of the life of
an outcast, and he now sought to make his peace with the king,
against whom he had so long been in rebellion. He still hoped to
receive great emoluments as a rew^ard for his submission, and the
Spanish ambassador pressed his claims with a stubbornness that
showed more zeal for the punctilios of honour than regard for the
interests of Spain. Mazarin was exceedingly obdurate to these
demands. He was far from being an implacable man. There were
not many whom he either hated or loved ; but Conde had been so
bitter an enemy and so stubborn a rebel, that Mazarin view^ed him
with an animosity such as he felt towards few. Still the persis-
tence of the Spanish gained something for their ally, and it was at
last agreed that he should receive the government of Burgundy.

Conde returned to France, and his long career of insubordina-
tion was ended. He ceased to be a rebel only to become a courtier.
He wrote to Mazarin protesting that he was his faithful servant,

'» Mazarin to Teilier, 19 Sept. 1652. MSS. of the Biblioth^que Nationale.

1888 THE GREAT CONDE 495

and asking for his friendship. ^^ He became, indeed, the most
obsequious and deferential of courtiers. Such his father had been
when three years of imprisonment had tamed his youthful turbu-
lence, and such the son now became. His nature was a fiercer one,
and it had taken longer to subdue it ; but when the process was
completed, the results in both cases were much the same. His
fame rests on the achievements of his early years ; still the indomi-
table pride of his manhood, the harshness and bitterness of his
character, the depth of his malevolence towards those he hated, his
stubborn persistence, even in a bad cause, may excite our respect
if they do not gain our approbation. But when Conde appears as
a tamed rebel, a fawning condottiere, observant of ministers and
obsequious to the king, he ceases to arouse our interest.

Such was the life that for many years he led. Louis was slow
to pardon those who had rebelled against his authority. It was not
until 1668 that Conde was again called into the service of his
country. He received his restoration to favour with protestations
sufficiently deferential to please his royal master. * Do me the
honour to believe,' he wrote the king, ' that I would gladly sacrifice
my estate and my life for your glory and the preservation of your
person, which is a thousand times dearer to me than all else in the
world.' ^^ The prince had been slow in learning the language of adu-
lation, but when he acquired it he was a master in its use. He
commanded the army sent to attack Franche-Comte. The province
was almost defenceless, and it was conquered in less than a month.
The peace of Aix-la-Chapelle soon followed, and Conde was left to
enjoy his fresh laurels and his new favour.

Four years later Louis began the war with Holland in which
he hoped to blot out the petty republic that had dared to check the
plans of a great king. Conde commanded under him the army of
invasion, and on June 12 he raade the famous passage of the
Ehine. This feat of arms has been praised and sung as all the
exploits of Louis XIV were praised and sung. Like most of them,
it has been talked of much more than it deserved. Napoleon
declared it a military operation of the fourth order, and few will
presume to question his authority. It does not impress the non-
professional mind as an achievement worthy of perpetual fame.
Some French cavalry crossed the river, and the Hollanders im-
mediately ran away.

Conde continued in command of the army in Flanders, but he
gained no more great victories. The fresh vigour of his mind seems
to have departed when he became the submissive servant of the
king. His military conduct in these years deserves, indeed, honour-
able mention when it is contrasted with that of such generals as
Villeroi and Lauzun, who helped to involve in disaster the latter

» Conde to Mazarin, 24 Dec. 1659. " Cond6 to the king, 20 Dec. 1667.

496 THE GREAT CONDE July

part of the reign of Louis XIV. But the well-disciplined genius of
Turenne attained results which formed a strong contrast with the
small achievements of Conde's campaigns. The prince was not
above jealousy of his rival, and he curried favour with Louvois, and
even with Louis, by tacitly joining in the reproaches of the marshal,
whose victories as a general could not make his employers forget
his defects as a courtier. ' I am waiting here,' Conde writes, ' for
news of the troops which it shall please M. de Turenne to send.
His majesty will make on this such reflections as please him. I
content myself with telling him the truth of the matter, and being
always ready to do what he orders me.' ^^

That was exactly what Turenne would not do. He felt that he
could direct his armies in the field better than a minister in Paris ;
he disobeyed orders, and aggravated the disobedience by carrying
out his plans with success. A general who was obediently defeated
pleased Louis and Louvois quite as well as one who was disobe-
diently victorious. Content with defeating the enemy, Turenne
wasted little time in sending accounts of his successes; and he
irritated the authorities still more by the scanty information he
gave them of his plans and his progress. Had he lived in our day,
he would have reported his battles by postcards.

In 1674 Conde commanded a large army in the Low Countries,
and important results were expected from such a force under such
a leader, but the prince seemed strangely irresolute. Uncertain
what place to besiege, he finally besieged none at all. He wrote
Louvois : * I wish it had pleased his majesty to let me know.for which
place he had the most inclination, and that you would inform me
what you think had best be done.' At last he attacked the
Hollanders under the prince of Orange at Seneffe. The engage-
ment began with no thought of a general ]mttle ; but excited by his
success with the rearguard, Conde led his troops against the
enemy as recklessly as he had done at Freiburg or Allerheim. A
desperate encounter followed, and though the French held the field
of battle, they suffered a great loss ; seven thousand men were killed
and wounded, and the campaign in Holland was almost barren of
substantial advantage.

This bloody, indecisive, and profitless victory was the last battle
of the prince of Conde. He was only fifty-three, but his health was
broken, gout and other infirmities racked him, and his mind as
well as his body had prematurely lost its vigour. In the next year
Turenne was killed, in the very zenith of his glory and the fulness
of his genius. Conde was sent to command the army in Germany
which was thus deprived of its great leader ; he undertook the task
with reluctance, and contented himself with checking the advance
of the imperial forces.

'» Cond6 to Louvois, 12 Nov. 1672.

I

1888 THE GREAT CONDE 497

It was his last appearance as a general. He lived for eleven
years longer, but his active career was ended. He spent the
remainder of his life in the enjoyment of society, and in the
patronage of literature, for which he had a cultured and discrimi-
nating taste. Though he had lost the art of war, he did not lose
the art of flattery. He declared that his own achievements were
unworthy of record ; all histories but those of Louis XIV would be
superfluous. He was eager to marry his grandson to one of the
king's bastard daughters. He followed also the example of so many
of his impious and dissolute companions of the Fronde, and after
years of rebellion against divine as well as human laws, he at last
made his peace with both. He edified his contemporaries with a
contrition which, though late, was yet in sufiicient season to be-
efficacious, and he died in the odour of sanctity.

Such was the prince of Conde. As we subject his career to the
analysis of historical accuracy, as the glamour that was once thrown
over his name is dispelled, and his character is studied as his own
words and acts have portrayed it, he will hold a lower position than
has sometimes been accorded him in the annals of the country
which he both helped and harmed. If he aided in winning Alsace
for France, to his disloyalty she owes it that Catalonia is now a
part of Spain. If he won brilliant victories in youth, his mature
years show no great successes to claim the attention of posterity.
As a soldier he yields to Turenne, and except as a soldier there was
little in Conde to excite our approbation. His turbulence when
young made him a fair type of the French nobleman in the earlier
part of the century ; his obsequiousness when old made him a fair
type of the French nobleman in the latter part of the century ; in
his greediness, selfishness, and want of principle, he resembled the
mass of the nobility at both periods. He played an important part
in his day, and he will hold in the history of France a great but a
tarnished name.

James Breck Perkins.

VOL. III. — NO. XI. K K

498 July

Notes and Documents

NORTHMEN IN THE ISLE OF MAN.

On the Kirk-Michael cross in the Isle of Man there occurs in an old
Norse inscription written in runes the name Athisl, which is only
found once elsewhere in northern authorities, in 'Ynglinga-tal,' a
ninth century Norwegian poem on the kings of the Yngling family,
in the stanza upon King Athisl of Upsala, who lived probably in the
fourth century. The origin of the name would be a riddle but for
the Old English epic Beowulf, where this king is mentioned, and his
name given as Ead-gisl, a form which should appear in Old Norse
as Au^gisl, which indeed is actually found five or six times in
Icelandic sagas.

It is impossible that the Norwegian Theodolf, King Harold Fair-
hair's panegyrist, the composer of * Ynglinga-tal,' should have used
the form Athisl.

This cross in the Isle of Man gives the clue to the riddle. Here
is a notice of a flesh and blood Northman Athisl (of the twelfth
century probably) who was married to a lady of a Celtic name,
* Mal-Muru,' as may be learnt from the same inscription. The
form Athisl is therefore that used by Northmen in the Western
Isles (as they used to call the British archipelago).

But how did this half-foreign Western form creep into a poem
composed in Norway in the ninth century, so as to be found in it
when it was first written down in Iceland at the beginning of the
twelfth century by Are Thorgilsson the historian? There seems
only one answer : the poem must have reached Are through the
Western Isles from men of Man or the Southern Scottish Isles,
Sudreys [Sodor], or from Icelanders who learnt it from them. We
know that Sudrey-men were often * winter-sitters ' in Iceland, pass-
ing the long winter with the Icelandic gentry at their houses, while
there are continual records of Icelanders of rank and intelligence
wintering abroad in the Orkneys and other parts of the British
Isles.

The poem cannot have reached Iceland at a very early date,
for a little time is needed to account for the abrasion and grinding
down of the name from Au^-gisl to Athisl among the Northmen

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 499

settled in Great Britain.' There is no evidence that the poem was
known in Iceland before Are's days, and it is probable that either
he or one of his friends secured it just about the time when, after
an oral life of some two hundred years, it would naturally have
perished.^ As it is, the version Are has saved for us is not quite
perfect ; a certain number of lines — about one-tenth of the whole —
are missing. Of any remembrance of it in Norway after the tenth
century, there is not the faintest trace.

The Danish monk of Lund, Saxo, writing about 1210, uses the
form Athislus, and knows the legends about the old king ; but we
know from other evidence (some of which was brought forward in
a former number of this Eeview) that he drew many of the traditions
and poems he latinised and paraphrased from the Western Isles,
where much tradition survived that had perished in the home
countries of Scandinavia.

Further, there is actual proof of a close connexion between the
Isle of Man itself and Iceland in Are's lifetime. In 1110, Thorodd,
an Icelandic yeoman, woodwright and builder of timber churches,
was engaged upon the cathedral of Holar. The story goes that
while he worked he used to listen to the lessons of the boys who
were being trained as clerks in the cathedral school, and in that
way first acquired a taste for grammar. But whether this pretty
tale be true or not, certain it is that he became a ' master in that
art,' and there exists a treatise written by him in the vernacular on
the spelling of his own tongue, which proves his keen observation of
the phonesis of the language and great practical skill in devising a
proper means of recording the same. Among the sentences which
he uses as examples (drawn from mythology, history, old saws, and
the like) is the following, intended to show the difference between
long and short 6 and oS :

Uel lika Goj>roe|)e g6d rcSj^e.

Which being englished runs :

Well likes Godfrey good oars.

Godrod, of which the older form is Godfred, is an ancient royal
name ; but which of the kings that bore it is meant ? The most
famous, perhaps, was the Godofredus of the Frankish annalists, the
antagonist of Charles the Great, the heathen warrior whose ravages

' The change of auth into athy unknown to Old Norse, is, perchance owing to analogy
with Celtic names such as Athacan, also found on the Manx crosses.

2 In the saga of Egil, composed about 1240, and in a part of it concerning Brunan-
burh which is as unhistorical as the account given by the pseudo-Ingolf himself, there
appears an earl of the Western Isles named Athisl. The association of the name with
Great Britain (like the continual association of the name Gaut in the sagas with South
Scandinavia) shows that as late as the thirteenth century the name was looked on as
foreign to Iceland and proper to the Western Isles. -

K K 2

500 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS July

have left memories in several of the French chansons de geste ; but
save in * Ynglinga-tal ' (which records nothing but his tragic death
by treason in Stifla-sound), a Norwegian poem that, as we have
seen, only reached Iceland in Thorodd's own day, there is no trace
of any remembrance of him in the Scandinavian colonies. Nor
would the ninth and tenth century immigrants to Iceland, who came
mostly from the western and northern coasts of the British Isles,,
have been so likely to care about a conqueror whose chief exploits
were performed on the south coasts of the North Sea. Nor did
the name Godrod ever obtain in Iceland. Thorodd's Godrod can
hardly be Eginhard's Godofredus.

But there was a Godfrey, a contemporary of Thorodd, whose
memory is still revered in the Isle of Man (as is Alfred's with us),
the Godradus of the Eushen Abbey chronicle, the Godfrey Crowan
of the Irish annalists, the Orry of Manx song and story. He was
a famous sea-king, and from his island home, that lay between the
four kingdoms of Great Britain, had led his galleys to conquest and
plunder many a year. No marvel if the lord of a land of sailors,
whose lives and fortunes depended on the swiftness of their clipper-
built galleys, * loved good oars.' Stories of King Godrod, his galleys,
his forays, his generosity, bravery, and wisdom, would serve as
entertainment many a winter night in Man when Icelanders were
present, and in Iceland w^hen Manxmen were guests. A century
later, Icelanders knew of the Manx sea-king Keginald (in later form
'Kanald,' and in earlier ' Begin- wald '), who, like Chariovistus and
Harold Fairhair, could boast that for three years running he had
never sat under a sooty roof -tree.

It is Godfrey the Manx king, we can hardly doubt, that Thorodd
is speaking about, and he deserved the mention well, tradition
giving him to this day the chief place among all those that have
ever held rule in the Isle of Man. When the day comes that
we are able to set up a statue to such a man, which shall not
be an object of ridicule to all beholders, King Orry should stand
looking forth over the haven and the sea, as he stood many a time
in his life watching the galleys speed in and out, for he loved a good
oar.

It is probable that the six sheaddings into which the Isle of
Man is divided point to an assessment of the land for a fleet, such
as obtained in other lands where the Northmen dwelt, and such as
in 1008 was adopted (in consonance with Alfred's earlier unfulfilled
desire) ^ by the English king .Ethelraed for defence against them/
the northern word * scegS ' (galley) being used in the entry of the
O.E. chronicle MS. E. which records the fact. The Manx word being

' This appears from the English authorities.

* For the words * scipe-socne ' and ' scyp-fylleth,' a division made up of three
hundreds, see Steenstrup, Danelag, pp. 154-163.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 501

equivalent to ' sceg'S-Jjing ' (ship division), it is the analogue to the
English * scyp-fylle^ ' and the ' scip-sogn ' of the Norwegian lands.

It might be even possible, did we but know how many men or
how many galleys each sheadding was required to furnish, to estimate
the population of Man under her northern kings. The word seems
to show that it was not one ship, but a division of ships, that was
required from each sheadding. If we suppose that each was com-
posed of three galleys of fifty men, of full age for fighting, it would
give a population of about five thousand, which is a most likely figure.

GUDBRAND ViGFUSSON.
THE GREAT CARUCAGE OF 1198.

The importance of this levy and of the new assessment it involved
has long been fully recognised. The bishop of Chester describes it
as an event of * great importance,' and as ' the landmark of the
^progress which the representative principle expressed by the jury
had as yet attained in the matter of taxation. ' ^ Miss Nor gate
.similarly speaks of it as * a measure of great constitutional impor-
tance.' 2 Our one authority on the subject is that of Hoveden, and
his careful account of it is doubtless familiar from the fact of its
.being printed in extenso in Dr. Stubbs's * Select Charters.'

1 have never been quite able to understand on what ground
Dr. Stubbs wrote, * It is not known whether the survey was
really carried out.' ^ For Hoveden distinctly tells us that it was.'*
Perhaps, however, the non-existence of any reports from the com-
missioners led to this conclusion, for, as we read in Miss Norgate's
work,-5 * Unluckily the commissioners' report is lost, and there is not
even any proof that it was ever presented.' Having recently noted
the existence of some scattered fragments of these reports, I wrote
-to inquire of the bishop of Chester whether he was aware of their
existence. He has been so good as to inform me in reply that he
was * certainly not aware of the existence of any fragments of the
survey of 1198.' I therefore communicate the fact, with his
approval, to the pages of the English Historical Keview.

It is one of the curiosities of historical research that these frag-
jnents have been in type for more than eighty years. They are
taken from the true * Testa de Nevill,' and are printed in that
strange medley of returns which has been published under its name
(1807). The fact that they must have been at least twice tran-
scribed— from the original returns into the * Testa de Nevill,' and
thence into the ' Liber Feodorum' — accounts for their being in their

» Cmst. Hist. i. 509, 586. Cf. E. Hoveden, iv. p. xciv.

2 The Angevin Kings, ii. 352. ^ Cmst. Hist. i. 511.

* Misit idem rex per singulos comitatus AnglicB unum clericum et unum militem,
^qui , . . fecerunt venire coram se, &q. iv. 46.

* ii. 354.

502 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS July

present shape somewhat, though very sHghtly, corrupt. It is un-
fortunate that they refer to only one department of the survey —
that of the tenures by sorjeanty. They are sufficient, however, to
establish the fact that the survey was duly made. That these reports
alone have been preserved in the * Testa ' is due to their special use,,
for purposes of reference, to the exchequer.

The words in which Hoveden describes this portion of the
survey are these : Sergenterice vero domini regis, quae non erant de
feodis militum, excipiebantur, sed tamen imhreviahantur et numerus
carucatarum terrce et valentice terrarum et nomina servientiiim ; et
omnes servientes illi summonehantur esse apnd Lundonias in octavis
clausi Pentecostes, audituri et facturi prceceptum domini regis. ^ It
will be found that this statement is borne out by the returns with
such literal exactness that Hoveden must clearly have been writing
from his own official knowledge. The bishop of Chester, in his
edition of Hoveden, has, by a slight misapprehension, rendered this
passage, in a marginal note, * The collectors summoned to London
for 31 May.' He thence infers that * the day fixed for the return
of the new valuation was 31 May.' ^ But those who were thus
summoned, as Miss Norgate perceives, were not the collectors, but
the king's Serjeants, nor are we told on what day the new returns
were to be due. The coram nobis of the collectors' letter {vide infra)
is clearly, it wall be seen, coram nobis ; the u, as often, being taken
for n. There is nothing to show that the collectors themselves
were due in London at the same time, but rather the contrary.

The three fragments I have here collected related to the coun-
ties of Yorkshire, Herefordshire, Warwickshire, and Leicestershire.
They are selected as the best specimens. I have respaced and
punctuated the text to make its meaning clearer, and have also (on
the model of * Select Charters ') extended the abbreviations, but
have enclosed in square brackets such extensions as could possibly
be questioned.

* De Testa de Nevill.

* Excellentissimo domino suo H[uberto] dei gratia Cantuarensi
archiepiscopo, tocius Anglie primati, devoti sui P. [Eoald ?] prior de
Giseburna et R[eginaldus] Arundel precentor ® Ebor' et Rogerus de
Badvent vicecomes Ebor' et Willelmus de Perci et Eadulfus Bolebec
et Galfridus Baard et Galfridus de Welles et Robertus de Mayton
salutem et tam debitum quam devotum per omnia famulatum.
Noverit excellencia vestra quod nos itinerantes in Nort[hri]thing
ad ponenda tallagia super wainagia carucarum juxta mandatum
vestrum, variis negotiis detentos in Richemundesira et Aveland, non
potuisse venire ad wapen[tagium] de Pykeringa ante diem Veneris
proxima post festum sancte Trinitatis. Ideo servientes domini

" iv. 47. ' P. xcv. 8 Died 1201. Fasti makes him flourish circ. 120G.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 503

Eegis tenentes de domino Eege per serjantiam non potuerunt coram
nobis (sic) comparers apud Lund[oniam] ad diem a nobis (sic) eis
statutum, scilicet in octabis clause pentecostes. Et quia absque
presencia eorum de Valencia terrarum suarum et de numero
car[ucatarum?] certificari non potuimus, eis diem prefiximus esse
coram nobis (sic) apud Lund[oniam] die dominica proxima ante
festum sancti Barnabe apostoli.

* Alanus Boye tenet in Lokinton per serjantiam foreste, prout
didicimus per sacr amentum militum patrie et hominum ejusdem
ville, iij carucatas terre valencie car' xxx sol. Et, ut dicitur, ita
appreciatum est tempore Henrici Regis senioris.

' Alanus filius Galfridi tenet in Kintborp' per serjantiam foreste
iij car[ucatas] valencie car' xxx sol.

* Alanus Malekake tenet in Pikering per serjantiam ij bovatas
valencie car' x sol.

'Wido Venator tenet in Aslakeby ij carucatas per servicium
aptandi unum limerpum] valencie car' xx sol.'

* Nomina militum et libere tenendum qui interfuerunt ubi terra
Thome de Waukeriham quam tenet de serjantia in Geveldal, et
Johannis la Poer quam tenet in Watlinton et in Jaru' et in
Barneby, et Roberti de Geveldal quam tenet in eadem : — Willelmus
filius Radulfi, Willelmus de Perci, Eogerus de Mundevill', Eichardus
de Bru'nun, Ernisius de Melteby, Willelmus de Militon, Willelmus
filius Hugonis de Melteby.

* Isti dicunt in veredictis suis quod terra Johannis le Poer quam
tenet in serjantia archerie apud Wap'liton et apud Jaru' et apud
Barneby valet annuatim xii li., scilicet due carucate terre et dimidia
in Waplington et due carucate et dimidia in Jaru' et vj bovate in
Barneby.

* Item dicunt quod terra Thome de Waukeriam, scilicet iij
carucate terre in Gaveldal in dominico de serjantia arbalist[erie],
valet annuatim xxiiij sol. et non amplius, unde nequit aponere
bovatam ad firmam nisi per xii den. per annum, et 1 carucata terre
et dimidia in libero servicio unde nichil accip[it] nisi forinsecum
servicium quando serjantia domini Eegis incidit.

* item dicunt quod terra Eoberti de Geveldal, scilicet iij carucate
terre et vj bovate quas habet in dominico, valet annuatim xxx sol.
per serjantiam arbalpsterie] et non amplius, unde nequit apponere
bovatam nisi per xij den. per annum, et vj bovate in libero servicio
unde nichil accippt] nisi forinsecum servicium quando serjantia
domini Eegis incidit.'

* De Testa de Nevill.

* Domino ac venerabili suo H[uberto] Dei gracia Cantuarensi
archiepiscopo tocius Anglie primati vicecomes Hereford et socii ejus.

504 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS July

assignati ad taillagium faciendum de car[ucatis] in Herefordsir
salutem et fidele servicium. Juxta mandatum vestrum, domine,
de serjantiis de Herefordsir a secundum formam a sanctitate vestra
prescriptam diligenter inquisivimus. Et de singulis serjantiis hoc
est veredictum.

* In manerio domini Kegis de Mauwurthin Simon de Wystanest
tenet in serjantia sua iiij**™ partem unius carucate, et valet per
annum x sol., per faciendum sum[monitiones] et ferendum thesaurum
Eegis. Facit servitium suum.

'In eodem manerio Paganus Avenel in serjantia sua iiij*^
partem j carucatse, et valet per annum dimidiam marcam per idem
servicium.

* In eodem manerio Willelmus Falconarius v^*^™^ partem unius
carucatse, et valet per annum vj sol.

* In eodem manerio Hugo Caperun v^*^""^ partem unius carucatse,
et valet per annum v. sol.

* In Akes Eogerus de Haia tenet de serjantia sua dimidiam
carucatam, et valet per annum x solidos, per summonitiones facien-
dum.

* Stanford Simon tenet in serjantia viij*^ unius carucatse, et
valet per annum iiij sol.

* In eodem manerio Bernardus Picet iiij*^™ partem unius caru-
catse, et valet per annum viiij sol.

* In Kynges[tona] Henricus le Frunceys et Eogerus de Haya
tenent duas partes unius carucatse in serjantia sua, unde pars
Henrici valet per annum iij sol. et pars Eogeri v sol.'

* Serjantie domini Regis in Warr[icsira] in Testa de NevilL

* Hugo de Loges tenet, per forestariam de Canoe, in Cestreton
waig[nagium] j car[uce] in dominico j in villenagio et val[ent] iiij
marcas per annum.

* Idem Hugo in Sowe waig[nagium] dimidie caruce [et] val[et]
xiij sol. et j d.

* Idem Hugo Eadewey waig' di' car' et valet x sol. per annum.

* Gilbertus Cook tenet de serjantia predicti Hugonis in Greneby
waig' i car' et valet xx sol.

* Henricus de Morton tenet de eodem in Morton waig' i car' et
valet XX sol. per annum.

* Eogerus de Benetleg tenet de eodem [in Suckeb'ge] waig'
tercie partis j car' et valet dimidiam marcam .

*Eadulfus filius Wigei tenet per Marescanciam in Leminton
waig' di' car et valet xx sol.

* Idem tenet in Turlaveston waig' j car' et valet xxx sol. per
annum.

* Idem tenet in Wilibi waig' j car et di' et valet xxx sol. per
annum.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 505

' Idem tenet in Shreveleg waig' j car' in dominico, unde moniales
■de Wrokeshal tenent dimidiam car' in libera elemosina, et in eodem
villa waig' j car' in villenagio et valet per totum v marcas et dimi-
diam. Et idem Henricus dicit quod fecit inde servicium suum
domino Kegi annuatim.

'Willelmus Cocus^ tenet, ut ipse dicit, xx solidatas terre in
Staunton per serjantiam coquine.'

* Serjantie domini Regis in Leyc[estresira] in eadem Testa,

*In Houton et Wymundewald Willelmus de Gor' tenet de
serjantia hostiarpe] Domini Kegis waig' iij car' et di'. Et due
domine sunt dotate de terra ilia, scilicet Emma de Jor' et Alicia
de Bert, et valet terra ilia xx sol. Et terra quam Willelmus de Jor'
tenet qui est in custodia Petri de Alakeston valet xxiiij sol.

* Et David de Scheftinton tenet in Scheftinton et in Merdefeld
waignag[ium] iiij car' et i virg[atam]. Et valet terra ilia Ij sol. Et
debet esse nuncius domini Eegis.'

The first point to be noticed in these returns is their close ac-
cordance with Hoveden. The chronicler tells us that the com-
misioners super singula carucarum icannagia ponebant, &c. The
commissioners describe themselves as appointed ad ponenda talla-
()ia super tvainagia carucarum. Hoveden again, while thus speaking
of the carucarum ivannagia as the units of assessment on which
the levy was to be raised, tells us that in the case of the Serjeants
the commissioners were to enter their carucatce. We accordingly
find in almost all these fragments that the term carucatce is used
save in the one I have placed third, where the local commissioners,
fortunately for us, employ the same term as they had done for the
rest of the survey. This also establishes the identity of the two.
The three points concerning the serjeanties which, Hoveden says,
were to be entered, were : (1) numerus carucatarum terrce, (2) valen-
ti(B terrarum, (3) nomina servientium. These are precisely the par-
ticulars entered in these returns, and they enable us to detect by
their occurrence the other fragments preserved either in the printed
* Testa ' or haply in manuscript. The allusion to the sworn
inquest should also be tested and compared with the similar entries
in another fragment (p. 22 «).

The glimpse here afforded us of the commissioners itinerant in
Yorkshire is as welcome as that of their Domesday predecessors
itinerant like them in Worcestershire more than a century before.^^
They here write to the primate to explain that as they could not

» Can this have been the Willelmus cognomento Coctis, serviens Bicardi regis
AnglicB, who distinguished himself in October of this year by the capture of a French
detachment ? (B. Hoveden, iv. 78.)

'• Heming's Cartulary.

506

NOTES AND DOCUMENTS

July

reach Pickering wapentake till 27 May, the local ' Serjeants,' whosa
presence was necessary at their inquest, could not be in London on
31 May, but would be there on the following Sunday (7 June).

The question I am now going to ask is this : Was this levy a.
' carucage ' at all ? I have adopted as my title ' The great carucage,'
because universally it is so described. In asking this question^
therefore, I am at variance with all historians, from the bishop of
Chester downwards.

By no contemporary writer do I find it so styled. Hoveden
speaks of it as an * aid ' or ' tallage ; ' *^ the commissioners themselves^
as a ' tallage ; ' the crown, as I shall explain below, as an * aid.'
And yet there is no fact seemingly better established than that the
levies of 1194 and 1198 were each a * carucage,' and were the
earliest occasions on which that term was used. ' The carucage of
Eichard,' writes the bishop of Chester, * is but the danegeld under a
new name, and of larger and more profitable assessment.' '^ He else-
where observes that the danegeld was * reproduced under the title
of carucage by the ministers of Eichard I.,' ^^ and that * the lan-
guage of Hoveden leads to the conclusion that in form it was an
innovation.' ^'^ Gneist, while confusing carucata with carucagiumy
dutifully follows in the wake. And Miss Nor gate writes of the levy
of 1194 that * the " carucage," as the new land tax came to be
called, . . . was in reality an old impost revived under a new
name.' ^^ Can they be all mistaken ?

As to 1194, the term ' carucage ' is found neither in Hoveden ^^
nor in Newburgh.'^ In the pipe rolls it is entered as an auxilmin
carrucatarum terrce, and as hydagium quod exigehatur per Angliam
ad auxiliwn redemptionis Domini Regis .^^ And if we pass on to
the third instance, that of 1200, we find Hoveden employing the
very same formula as in 1198.'^ Nay, even when we come to the
great charter itself, we find mention of ' scutage ' and * aid,' but
none of * carucage.' ^^ If it were merely a matter of name, and
if the terms * hidage ' or ' carucage ' ^^ were indifferently used, the
point would be of little or no consequence. But whereas under
Eichard I, as under all his predecessors, the levy was made upon

" Quinque solidos de auxilio. . . . De hoc tallagio excipiebantur, dc.

'2 Select Charters, p. 28. is Const. Hist. i. 381.

1* Preface to R. Hoveden, iv. p. Ixxxvii. '* ii. 329.

'* Constituit sibi dari de unaquaque carucata terrce totius Anglice duos solidosy.
quod ab antiquis nominatur Teviantale (iii. 242).

" Tributum minus usitatum universo regno indixit, a singulis scilicet carucatis
terrce indifferenter geminatum solidum exigens (ii. 416).

'^ Rot. Pip. 6 Ric. I. Compare, for the use of hida and carrucata, Hoveden's.
expression, de unaquaque carrucata terre sive hyda totius Anglic.

"* Cepit de unaquaque carucata totius Anglice tres solidos de auxilio (iv. 167).

-" Tallage is found in the articles of the barons.

'■^' Preface to E. Hoveden, iv. p. Ixxxiv.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 507

the plough land {carucata), we find it raised under Henry III not
from the land, but on the plough team {earned). And it is then
that canieagium comes into use.^^

I, therefore, look on the * aid ' of 1198, and on that of 1194, as
a mere revival, under the same name, of the * aids ' of the previous
reign, although the ' aid ' had for some years fallen into desuetude.^^
The levy of 1194 was made at the old-established rate ; and so also was
that of 1198, though in this case an extra levy of three shillings was
superimposed.^^ As to the view that ' the language of Hoveden leads
to the conclusion that in form it was an innovation,' I would venture
respectfully to express my surprise that, as a Yorkshireman editing a
Yorkshireman, the bishop of Chester should have omitted to remind
us that Hoveden's comment betrays his origin. The levy, writes
the chronicler, revived in 1198, ab antiquis nominatur Temantale,
Turn to the * Laws of Edward the Confessor,' and read of the frank-
pledge how all Englishmen knew it by the name oi fritliborg , except
the men of Yorkshire, who called it tenmannetale. But though it
would seem that, under Henry II, the temmentale, in Eichmondshire,
paid annually 4s. Id. on its 14 carucates,^'^ it need scarcely be said
that such a payment had nothing in common with the levy of which
Hoveden was writing, but was the customary payment for view of
frankpledge found in the rest of England. ^^

The term ' tallage ' applied to such a levy is somewhat strange,
for we usually connect it with payments from lands or towns in
demesne.^^ It is doubtless used in the feudal sense of the tax which
fell upon those (taillables) who did not hold by military service.

But the special survey which accompanied the * aid ' of 1198
has yet to be dealt with. The bishop of Chester writes of this
levy : * This was the danegeld revived in a new and much more
stringent form ; and in order to carry out the plan, a new survey

22 The levy of 1220 was ordered to be made de singulis carucis or de qualihet caruca
(Select Charters, p. 343). M. Paris thus describes it : Accepit etiam tailagium per
Angliam de singulis carucis duos solidos. But four years later (1224) we find him
speaking of a carucagium, de qualihet caruca duo solidi argenti. The receipts in
Oxfordshire, by hundreds and by parishes, from the ' carucage ' (eo nomine) of 1228
will be found in the Testa de Nevill (pp. 131-3). In it the 'carucate ' and * bovate ' na
longer appear, but only the plough team (caruca).

2' Newburgh's tributum minus usitatum.

2* Primo duos solidos, etpostea tres solidos (E. Hoveden, iv.46). I follow Dr. Stubbs's
rendering of the text, though it might almost mean that the amount of the levy was
originally fixed at two shillings, and was subsequently altered. In that case, however,
we should expect a disjunctive (sed).

2* See Gale's Richmond, p. 22 (quoted Const. Hist. i. 88).

2fi I would venture to make another addition to Dr. Stubbs's almost exhaustive
introduction to Hoveden's works. A family bearing his name is brought into con-
nexion with the bishop of Durham (Hugh de Puiset) by an entry in the Testa
recording how the bishop had granted a perpetual lease of a carucate of land which
had escheated to him at Kirby to William ' de Hoved[en] ' (p. 395 a).

-^ ' That [impost] which fell upon the towns and demesne lands of the crown is
known as the tallage.' (Const. Hist. i. 583.)

508

NOTES AND DOCUMENTS

July

on the principle of Domesday was requisite. Even from this the
justiciar did not shrink.' ^^

The accepted view certainly is, that the object of the survey was
to substitute for an obsolete and privileged assessment a new and
rigidly uniform record, much as, according to Ordericus Vitalis,
Eanulf Flambard had attempted to do in the days of William Eufus.^^
But how far do the returns confirm this hypothesis ? I shall
examine for the purpose the last of the three fragments I have
printed, because, from its use of the phrase wannagia carucarum,
we are able to identify it beyond question as a part of the new
assessment.

Now the first six manors on this return can all be identified in
Domesday. They lay in Warwickshire,^^ and were then (1086) held
(together with two others) by 'Eicardus Forestarius,' who appears
at first sight to be an ordinary tenant, but who held, as we learn
from the list of tenants, by serjeanty.^^ Now this man's real name
(pace those who object to the use of surnames at the time) was
Eichard Cheven, and the office he held was that of forester of
Cannock Chase. His heir and representative, Hugh de Loges, held
by the same tenure in 1198, though two of the eight manors had
then disappeared. The fact is there had been a little misfortune
in the family. One of the holders of the serjeanty had been
hanged, and had suffered forfeiture ; and when his lands were re-
stored to his heirs two of the manors may have remained in the
hands of the crown. But restricting ourselves to the six manors,
we find them assessed in Domesday at 8J hides and as containing
18 ploughlands (Terra xviii carucis). But the commissioners of
1198 return them as containing no more than 5 J wannagia caru-
cariim (plough lands) .^^ How is it possible to account for this
discrepancy ?

So far from the survey resulting in a * more stringent ' assess-
ment, we here find the Domesday valuation (i.e. the units of assess-
ment) higher by more than 50 per cent, than that of 1198. So
with the values. The aggregate * valets ' of the six manors are
reckoned in Domesday as 6Z. 10s. T.E.E., and as 13Z. 15s. in 1086.
Yet in 1198 their aggregate valencie are returned as 61. 3s. Id.
From the subsequent surveys of these manors it is clear that this

28 Const Hist. i. 510.

^^ ' A still more important innovation was the determination that every hundred
acres should be regarded as a carucate. . . . The substitution of a uniform for a vari-
able carucate was a great advantage to the exchequer.' (Preface to B. Hoveden,
iv. pp. xcii, xciii.)

^ i. 244 b.

" Bicardics forestarius et alii taini et servientes regis (i. 238). The two terms are
here brought into juxtaposition, but in several other cases the taini are clearly
• Serjeants.'

*^ I agree with Dr. Stubbs that loannagium is ' properly the extent of land worked
by the plough,' because in this survey it is equivalent to the carucata.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 509'

new assessment was quite preposterously low. But I can only
leave so surprising a fact as one which I cannot explain.

When the ' Serjeants,' in accordance with their summons, came
up to London, what instructions did they receive ? To answer thi&
question we must glance at their ambiguous position. Occupying,
as they did, an intermediate place between those who held by mili-
tary service and those who did not, they were not strictly within
the scope of the taxes which affected either .^^ They were, therefore,
placed on a separate footing, and (as the Cistercians had done in
1194) they paid a special commutation {finis) as their contribution
to the levy. And its amount was decided by individual composition.
This explains the entry in the agenda of the justices itinerant in
the following autumn :

' De serjentariis domini regis, quis eas haheat, et per quern, et qui
finem non fecerint ad auxilium [sic] domini regis, et qui fecerunt, et
finis capiatur.'' ^^

Luckily we have, at least in one case, the composition actually
offered by a Serjeant on this occasion. It is preserved in one of the
largest of these fragments, the return of the serjeanties in Shrop-
shire and Staffordshire. At the head of the list is the king's,
forester, who offers for the seven holdings of which his serjeanty is
composed the sum of two pounds {offert domino Regi III marcas),
which is spoken of as ^ finis. ^^ But three other cases are found in
a return for Berks and Oxon (p. 119 a), which may, I think, be
claimed for 1198. This return has a special value as recording
which of the Serjeants presented themselves either in person or by
attorney (essoign).

In another quarter, however, we obtain evidence on the point,
and learn how the justices itinerant carried out the above instruc-
tions. For the * Eotuli Curiae Kegis ' we have the complement to
the commissioners' survey. Thus, of the Middlesex inquest there
is preserved this solitary entry : Willelmus filius Ote tenet in
Lilleston, in servientia, unam carucatam terre que valet XL sol, per
servicium servandi signa R. monete, et facit servicium suum per totum
annum. The correlative of this entry is found on the rolls belong-
ing to the * Placita Corone ' of 10 Kic. I : Willelmus filius Othonis
tenet XL solidatas terre de sergenteria de cuneis in London' et non
finivit.^^

^ A curious instance of their status is afforded by the case of Radulf us filius
Wigei which occurs in one of my fragments. If we turn to his carta in 1166 {Liber
Niger, i.l7S), which is entered under Oxfordshire, and then collate it with the Testa
under Warwickshire, we find that Henry I had (apparently) converted the tenure of his
father, Wigan the marshal {tenuit per servitiwm Marescalcice su^), from serjeanty into
military service, while Henry II reconverted it into tenure by serjeanty.

=»* R. Hoveden, iv. 62.

** In fine prcedicti Roberti.

^ Printed edition, p. 216. Compare two cases in Essex on pp. 202, 203, and one
in Hertfordshire on p. 162.

510 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS July

It is possible, I believe, to pick out in the ' Testa ' every frag-
ment of this survey that it contains ; but the lists teem with pitfalls.
That which appears to be a single list is frequently composed of two
or even more different returns, made at different times. In the
aggregate, however, the fragments of the survey of 1198 attain
respectable dimensions, and are peculiarly welcome as inspiring
the hope that others may yet be detected among the hoards in Fetter
Lane. J. H. Kound.

TWO DECLAEATIONS OF GAKNET KELATING TO THE GUNPOWDER PLOT.

The two declarations now printed were copied some years ago, with
the kind permission of Lord Salisbury, from the Hatfield MSS.,
and were used by me in the second edition of my history. As they
throw light upon some hitherto obscure points, they are, in my
opinion, worth printing in extenso. Samuel K. Gardiner.

Gametes Declaration ^ 9 March 1606.^

' Eight Honorable my very good LL% — I must needs acknow-
ledge that I have dealt very reservedly with y^ LL^ in the case of
the late powder action for 2 respects ; first, for the saving as much
as might lye in me, of the credit of my owne person, my profession
and religion ; secondly, because I had great reason to perswade
myself, that no man living (one onely excepted) could touch me
therein, or any way suspect me so much as to have been privy of
the same. But wheras I both see that there is such a settled
conceit to the contrary of me that the disclosing of the naked
truth will rather turne to my advantage then disadvantage, and
for that I see myself as it were oppressed tanta nuhe testium, that y*"
LL* have just cause upon so many presumptions never to geve me
over untill I acknowledge the truth ; especially I being falsly
charged expressely to have discovered myself herin to M'' Hall,^ by
a witnesse of great honesty, though herein in deed deceaved, for he
misunderstood me. For this cause and for full satisfaction of your
LL^ and his Majesty, I here sincerely sett down how I have carried
myself.

* About the beginning of Trinity Terme last M*" Catesby asked
me whether, in case it were lawfull to kill a person or persons, it
were necessary to regard the innocents which were present lest
they also should perish withall. I answered that in all just warres
it is practised and held lawfull to beate downe houses and walles
and castells, notwithstanding innocents were in daunger, so that
such battery were necessary for the obtaining of the victory, and
that the multitude of innocents, or the harme which might insew

' Hatfield MSS. ex. 30. ^ i^^^ Greenway.

I

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 511

by their death were not such that it did counter vaile the gaine and
commodity of the victory : and, in truth, I never imagined any
thing of the King's Ma*^ nor of any particuler, and thought it at
the first but as it were an idle question, till I saw him, when we had
done make solemn protestation that he would never be knowen to
have asked me any such question so long as he lived.

* After this I began to muse with myself what this should meane,
and fearing lest he should intend the death of some great persons,
and by seeking to draw them togither inwrapp not only innocents
but frends and necessary persons for the Commonwealth, I thought
I would take fitte occasion to admonish him that upon my speech
he should not runne headlong to so great a mischief ; which I did
after at the house in Essex, when he came with my Lord Mont-
-eagle and Francis Tresham. For walking in the gallery with him
alone, my Lord standing afarre of, I tould him that upon that
question lately asked, I had mused much with my self and wished
him to looke what he did, if he intended any thing, that he must
first looke to the lawfulnes of the act itself, and then he must not
have so little regard of innocents that he spare not frends and ne-
cessary persons for a Commonwealth, and tould him what charge
we had of all quietnes, and to procure the like in others ; though
of this point we had more conference at our next meeting, as I
will say hereafter. 0, saith he, lett me alone for that, for do you
not see how I seek to enter into new familiarity with this Lord ;
which made me imagin that something he intended amongst the
nobility.

*I was at that time to write to Eome, and as before I had
written to infourme the Pope of the state of Cath^ and upon occasion
of the little tumult in Wales desyred that the Pope would expressly
prohibite all commotions ; so now I thought it were good to take
information of them how things stood with Cath% the more to con-
fir me the Pope in that course which verely he desyred. I asked
what they 3 thought of the force of Cath% whether they were able
to make their part good by armes against the King ; my L. Mont-
eagle answered, if ever they were, they are able now, and then
udded the reason. The King (saith he) is so odious to all sorts. I
said this was but a conditionall proposition ; I must have a direct
answer, for I would write to the Pope a certainty. They answered
negatively. Why, then, said I, you see how some do wrong the
Jesuits, saying that they hinder Cath^ from helping themselves, and
how it importeth us all to be quiett, and so we must and wilbe.
Then, said I, what if Watson's plotte had taken effect, or the like
herafter should, would it be for the good of Catholick religion ?
M'' Tresham answered, it was very uncertain ; for then either
Northumberland or the Howards would beare the sway, and what
•courses they would take, is uncertain. So I concluded that I would

512 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS July

write to the Pope that neither by strength nor stratagems we could
be relieved, but with patience and intercession of Princes. When I
say I wrote to the Pope, I meane to my immediate Super'' who
should infourme him, for I never wrote to himself.

' The cause of my L. Monteagles coming to me was for to have
my help in procuring a Coronelship, in Fl% but he would not have
it knowen yet, till his visite was ended in Mich^^ Terme. I said,,
when it pleased his LLp to use me I was ready.

* Presently after this meeting I receaved a very ernest letter
from our generall Fa. Claudius Aquaviva, one for myself, and an-
other for M"" Blackwell, where he saith that he writeth ex mandato
ParpcB, that we were expressly commaunded by his Holines to hinder
by all possible meanes all conspiracies of Cath^ ; that he was not,
neither would be, unmindfull of us, and if (which God forbidd) any
tumult should be raised it would not onely be prejudiciall to the
persons of Cath% and the wholle Catholick cause; but it would
somewhat diminish the great desyre and care he had for to do us
good; and in particuler he wrote to me that, besides all this, it
would greatly impaire the credit and good estimation of our society ;
for men would hardly be perswaded, but that the Jesuits were
either consenting or at least privy to any such action. The effect
of this letter was presently published by M*" Blackwell.

* I forgotte a conclusion of our conference with my Lord Mont-
eagle, for M'' Tresham said, we must expect the end of the Parlia-
ment, and see what lawes are made against Cath^ and then seeke for
help of forain Princes. Noe (said I) assure yourselves they will do
nothing. "What (saith my L. Monteagle) will not the Spaniards
help us ; it is a shame. Then, said I, you see we must all have
patience. Soone after this came M"" Catesby again, as he was
seldome long from us ; for the great affection he boare the gentil-
woman with whom I lived, and unto me, and we also thought that
of purpose he did absent himself from London for some debts ; but
it seemeth it was not so. I shewed him my letter from Kome, and
admonished him of the Pope's pleasure. I doubted he had some
device in his head : whatsoever it was, being against the Pope's
will, it would not prosper. He said that what he meant to do, if
the Pope knew, he would not hinder, for the generall good of our
Country. But I being ernest with him and inculcating the Popes
prohibition who, amongst other reasons of his prohibition did adde
this quia expresse Jioc Papa nonvult et prohihet, he tould me he was
not bound to take knowledge by me of the Pope's will. I said in-
deed my owne creditt was but little, but our Generall whose letter
I had read unto him was a man everywhere respected for his wise-
dome and vertewe. So I desyred him that before he attempted
anything he would acquaint the Pope. He said he would not for
all the world make his particuler project knowen to him, for feare

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 5ia

of discovery. I wisshed him at the last in generall to informe him
how things stood here by some lay gentleman. This I did of pur-
pose to have the Pope say as much to him that should go, as he
had said to us, which would be a most effectuall way of preventing
all attempts. In fine, he promised me he would do nothing before
the Pope was informed in generall by such a messenger. I myself
propounded Sir Edward Bainham, who was already determined to
go into Fla% but that I would not be the authour of his going farther
then Flanders, for that the Pope would not take well that we should
busy ourselves in sending messingers. Sir Edmund came to me. I
desyred him to go to the Nuntio in FP and infourme him how things
went, but not in my name. As for his journey to Eome, I tooke
no knowledge, nor knew of any intention he had, but according to
my desire to infourme how things stood, to the purpose afore-
said ; neither did I undertake to send any letter to Eome for him,
and what they did with him after my going to the Well,^ which was
after Bartilmewtide, I know not.

* These 2 meetings (I take it) was soone after Midsomer.

* M"" Catesby both times offered to tell me his plotte, the first
time he said he had not leave, but would gett leave ; the second he
had gotten leave, but I refused to know, considering the prohibition
I had, neither did hear any other of the conspiratours and as*
reveale it unto me, and that of Q. EHz^ time was a meere fiction
to use my name for his advantage, and withall to save me harme-
lesse, if it should come forth, because he knew I had a perdon [?] *
for all cases past before the King, included within the tenour
of the per den. Moreover untill this very instant (excepting such as
lately I have acquainted with this my confession) I assure myself
that all that I have conversed withall, would take it upon their con-
sciences that I was never acquainted in particuler with the action
of the powder, except him of whom now I begin to speak.

* For within few dayes came home to me M"" Tesimond alias
Greenwell,^ and walking with me in my chamber, seemed much per-
plexed; he said he had a thing in his mind w*'^ he would faine
tell me, but that he was bound to silence and it was about some
devise of M"" Catesby. I said that, in truth I had an inkling of
some matter intended by him, and that he was desyrous to ac-
quaint me, but that I refused to heare him, in respect of the pro-
hibition we had from Eome, and of the daunger of the matter
at home, and so we walked long togither as it were in a ballance,
whether he should tell or I geve him the hearing. At last, I tould
him that if he heard the matter out of confession, he might tell it
me with safe conscience, because M'' Catesby had offred to tell
me himself, and so it might be presumed that it should not be an

3 St. Winifred's well. * Something has been omitted here.

* It looks more like ' perdd.' ^ Alias Greenway.

VOL. III. — NO. XI. ' L L

514 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS July

injury to him, or breach of promise. As for myself, I desyred to
know, so that he would never be knowen to M^ Catesby or others
that he had tould me and herof afterward I gave him also a
speciall charge. He said that, in regard of his promise of secresy,
he being not master of other mens secrets he would not tell it me,
but by way of confession, for to have my direction ; but because it
was too tedious to relate so long a discourse in confession kneeling,
if I would take it as in confession, \valking, and after take his con-
fession kneeling either then or at any other time, he would tell me ;
and so discovered unto me all the matter as it is publickly knowen
abroade, save that onely it seemeth the first motion made overtly
came by Percy, who having bene sent into Scotland to his Ma* by
the Cath^ to sew for toleration and affirming here that the King
had geven his Princely word to that effect, and seeing the same
here not perfourmed was very much discontented, and broke his
mind to M"" Catesby saying he would kill the King. But M''
Catesby having (as it seemeth) other greater projects in his head
saied ' No Tom, thou shalt not adventure to small purpose, but if
thou wilt be a traitour, thou shalt be to some great advantage,' or
some such like words, and that he was thinking of a most sure way
which he should soone know. Thus the matter being opened unto
me, I was amazed, and said it was a most horrible thing, never
heard of the like ; besides that I thought it in itself unlawfull to
attempt any violence against the state, or the King, and that the
Pope also had forbidden any stii-ring ; and in the Parliament House,
the Queene most regarded of the Pope, and all Christian Princes,
the Prince himself, and perhapps his brother, a number of ladies,
and many perhapps Catholics, all the nobility with their eldest
sonnes, many either Cath^ or affected that way ; so that I could no
way like of it, and charged him to hinder it if he could, for he knew
well enough what strict prohibition we had. He said that, in
truth, he had disclaimed it ; and protested that he did not approve
it, and that he would do what lay in him to disswade it. How he
performed it after I have not heard but by the report of Bates his
confession, which may chaunce to be of small account, both for the
desyre he might have of his life, and of the breach of the secret of
confession, for the penitent in matter of waight is bound to secresy
as well as the Confessour.

*He affirmed to me to be privy to that action not aboVe 8,
Catesby, Tho. Winter, Percy, Faux, (who he tould me went over at
Ester to acquaint Owen, w^*" I never imagined before, nor thought
any such resolution to be in Faux) the 2 Wrights I think he named,
but not Bates, nor Rob. Winter, nor Graunt, nor S"" Evered Digby.
He said Percy, after the action would carry the Duke^ in his
arms, and so ride downe post into Worcestershyre, and that they

' The Duke of York, afterwards Charles I.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 515

should have the start of all w'^^' might pur sew them, if the Duke
were in the Parliament House, then they would surprise the Lady
Elizabeth, and proclaim her. Of any Protectour, it seemeth they
thought not, untill the noble men came togither w^^ should be left
alive ; and although Catesby had a desygn to save all noble men
whom he did respect, yet he was of mind that rather then in any
sort the secret should be discovered, he would not spare his owne
Sonne if he were there.

' So we parted, yet with this compact, that if ever I should be
called in question for being accessory unto such a horrible action,
'either by the Pope, or by my superiours beyond, or by the State
here, I would have liberty to utter all that passed in this conference,
w^^ he gave me.

' Now I remained in the greatest perplexity that ever I was in
my life, and could not sleepe anights, so that when I saw him next,
I telling him so much, he said he was sory he had ever tould me.

' Every day after I did offer up all my devotions and masses
that God of his mercy and infinite providence would dispose all for
the best, and find the best meanes w*'^ were pleasing unto him to
prevent so great a mischief, and, if it were his holy will and plea-
sure, ordaine some sweeter means for the good of Cath^ in our
country, and this [and] no other was the end of all my exhortations
and prayers.

* After Bartilmewtide, I went towards the Well, for the house in
Essex is perniciouse about that time, though we might have had it
till Michelmas, and we feared Whitewebbs was discovered, and
durst not remaine there past one night or two ; and I went also the
journey for my health, to shake of businis about London for a time,
as my superiors from Kome commaunded. As I ceassed not to
commend the matter daily to God, so did I not omitte to write con-
tinually to Eome, for to gett a prohibition under censures of all
attempts ; for I had much pleased the Pope with infourming that I
was sure there could be no generall tumult in the Eealme, but we
could and would hinder, but that I feared some particuler desperate
courses which could not be prevented but by censures. I had once
answer that the Pope did think that his generall prohibition
would serve, yet did I expect still farther proceding ; and that hope,
and M^ Catesbies promise of doing nothing untill S*" Edmund had
bene with the Pope, made me think that either nothing would be
done, or not before the end of the Parliament ; before what time we
should surely heare, as undoubtedly we should if Bainham had
gone to Eome so soone as I imagined. But when we were even
coming up towards London againe, I heard by the gentilwoman
my ostesse that some wives should aske where we would be till the
brut were past, that is till the beginning of the Parliament ; wher-
upon I gathered that all was resolvd ; and not daring to go to White

X L 2

516 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS July

Webbs, and being disapointed of 2 houses which we would have
taken about London, because they were unfitte for our purpose,
we were glad to seek to sojourne in the countrey for a while till we
could gett a house about London, and so accepted the offer of Sir
Evered to be his tenants at Coughton, being also indifferent to have
sojourned with him at his owne house ; but it was too little, and I
perceaved also an intention in him to draw us to that country, for
their owne projects, which I could well imagin, but was not in
particuler acquainted withall ; though I perceaved by their familia-
rity and proceedings that S'' Evered was drawne in also.

' ^ [We heard in the country that Mr. Catesby had had in our
absence great meetings at Whitewebbs, greevous to the gentil-
woman his cousin who said, it would make the house more notict,
and why did we absent ourselves, but to have it out of suspetion.]

* Mr. Catesby and he promised to come to us at Allhalowtide,
but they broake, and I assuredly (if they had come) had entred into
the matter with Mr. Catesby, and perhapps might have hindered all.
Other meanes of hinder ance I could not devise, as I w^ould have
desyred; but it pleased God of his goodnes to hinder it in so
straunge a maner. If in any sort my prayers worked any thing I
am glad, I am sure there wanted no good desire.

* Thus you see, my very Honourable LL^ the very depth of my
knowledge and proceeding in this horrible matter ; and, as you see,
I am not so hainously guilty as was thought ; so I beseech your
Honours, as also his Majesty principally, to geve the mildest censure
of me that may be, and wherein I have either exceeded or failed,
I crave niost humbly per don.

* As for my life, I esteeme it in the Kings hands already, and I
also most voluntarily offer it to his Majesty, either to be taken
away at his pleasure ; or to be reserved wholly to his service in any
thing, which may stand with my religion, and dewty to God, whom
I am assured his M*^ preferreth before him self. And wheras it
hath pleased Almighty God so miraculously to preserve his Majesty,
his royall Qweene, and most hopefull issue, from so horrible a
perill, I humbly beseech your IP to be suiters to his Highnes for
the former calme of all Cath^ Dicat Angela jpercutientiy cesset jam
maniis tua. Lett him putt up his sword a little after he hath done
justice upon the principall. Isti qui oves sunt quid fecerunt ?
The daunger is (thanks be to Almighty God) already past, his
Majesty is in more security then ever, all conspirers do see what
care God hath over Princes. Tutissimum munimentum (saith Seneca)
est amor et henevolentia civium. Quid enim optahiUus est quod ut
omnes optent te diu vivere ? Which as all good Cath^ do now already
wish, so will they more effectually pray for, if they may not feare

* The portion between brackets is in the margin.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 517

the faults of a few desperate heads, and so I humbly take my leave ;
From the Tower, this 3 of March

* Y** LL^ humble servant in our Saviour

* HENRY GARNETT.'
Endorsed : ' 9 March 1605.

' Declaracion of Henry Garnet superiour of the Jesuits
in England all of his owne hand.'

[The following in Salisbury's hand.]

* This was forbydden by the K. to be given in evidence.'

Further Declaration of H. Garnet.^

* Wheras y"" Honours have signified unto me by a letter to M'*
Lieutenant that his Ma*y thinketh my former declaration too drye,
and requireth to be better informed in some points, These shall
be to lett y"" LLp' understand that if I omitted any thing in my
former, it was either for forgetfulnes, or for desyre of brevity in
points which I thought not materiall, and the same brevity was
•commended unto me by M*" Lieutenant.

' I will now, therfore, satisfy y'' LLp^ and his M*^ with all
sincerity ; for having dealt plainly in the principal, I see no cause
in the world in these particulers to hault.

' To the first ; that which I wrote of the first breach a farre of,
•of M** Catesby with me was very trew, the place was a chamber
which I had in Tames street, whither he came unto me, and finding
me aloane, moved the matter just as I sett it downe ; neither ever did
I enter farther with him then as I wrote, but rather cutt of all
occasions (after I knew the project) of any discoursing with him of
it, therby to save my self harmeles both with the State here, and
with my Superiors at Eome ; to whom I knew this thing would be
infinitely displeasing, in so much as, at my second conference with
M'' Greenwell, I said, Good Lord, if this matter go forward, the
Pope will send me to the gallies, for he will assuredly think I was
privy to it. The time was (as I remember) the Saturday or Sonday
after the Octaves of Corpus X*\

' To the second, I never heard of any such thing intended in the
Queen's time, nor was ever any such question moved to me ; and that
this is trew 3 reasons will make great presumptions. First for that
from my first acquaintance with M"* Catesby untill the Queene's death,
there was the other plote on foote continually expected ; secondly
for that M"" Catesby thought this plotte of the powder action un-
imaginable to any ; which he could not, if it had bene spoken of so
lately. Finally, I think at that time, after my acquaintance with
him, there was no Parliament.

* To the third, I know no more particulers of the nobility that
should have bene saved then before I wrote, save that M'" Green-

9 Hatfield MSS. ex. 35-.

518 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS July;

well tould me that he perceaved M'" Catesby much afflicted for
my L. of Eutland, whom he dearly affected, but it seemed then
he was contented to lett him go. Some devises also he had of
wounding or disabling the Erie of Arundell to be that day at the
Parliament ; of no other nobleman I heard, onely this M'' Greenwell
said, that M'' Catesby could not find in his hart to go to see the
Lady Darby or the Lady Straunge at their houses, though he
loved them above all others, because it pitied him to think that
they must also dye.

* There was never any advertisement geven to Kome of this
particuler, to my knowledge, I only wrote in generall to hinder
all, and after that I knew of this particuler I wrote as ernestly
as I could to gett some censures against all particuler desperate
plotts though the particulers I durst not write of; yet were
they curious that I should enquire what Cath^ intended, and yet
forbad all tumults still. That which I wrote was continually by
Fa. Persons to our general.

' Tho. Fitzherbert and Fa. Creswell had no intelligence at all
by me or to my knowledge. The first I never wrote unto, the
second was every day going to Kome, neither would I impart my
knowledge to him.

* I assuredly protest that I never had conference with any man
living either Jesuit or Archpriest more than I have said. For I
desyred nothing so much as to be thought free, and that whether
the matter went forward or no, and succeeded or no ; for I knew,
although it had succeeded it would much displease the Pope and
foran Princes, not onely in itselfe, but also that we should deale in
such a matter, and therfore I inculcated still to all Jesuits the Popes
will, reputing their help unnecessary, if I had liked the matter
never so much. As for M'' Blackwell he is a man of another met all ;
neither I nor any other durst acquaint him with such a thing ;
neither did I ever see him since my first suspicion. I had very
short conference with Bainham, and wished him to take his in-
structions of gentlemen of experience, which he or M"" Catesby
should know. Onely I putt him in mind of some points as of 2 PP^
executed in the north : of severity in new seezing of goods : of expecta-
tion of severe lawes in the Parliament ; and as I think of every 6
weeks inquiry lately appointed, if it were then apointed. And all
my purpose in this his imploiment, was (as before God I speake it)
onely by peaceable meanes and intercession of Princes, to obtaine
of his M*y some relief. Our meeting was but once, and brief, and
what after he was acquainted with, and what instructions he had
of others, in all sincerity I know not. But I desyred much he should
go ; because y® Nuncio was infourmed there was no persecution in
England, and so after it hapened, that he met there with the ould
Spanish Emb'to whom they said, he would have geven the eye, for

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 519

reporting the like of no persecution in England, if he had not been
stayed by discreeter men then himself. The cause why I wisshed
him to be imployed was, for that by this meanes it would save
charges of sending another.

To y® Nuncio I did not write by him, but wisshed him to rely on
Fa. Bald[win]s commendation.

I never was tould, nor can imagin when or where Percy moved
y® matter first, for all my knowlege came by a sudain and short
relation of M'' Greenwell. The letter I wrote by Faux, was to no
other effect then this, — ' This bearer already you know, but if you
can adde any thing to your former kindnes, I pray you do al my
request.' This I wrote upon request of M'* Catesby, and so I should
in like sort have written for any other. Instructions I gave none :
neither was I then acquainted with any matter, neither suspected
any thing: neither thought y® man of any meane sufficiency of
witte. Neither had I any one word in private or of any secret
matter with him.

* This, my very good Ld% is the very bottom of my hart, con-
cerning y® points your Honours propounded, neither do I see the-
least cause in the world of concealing any thing, humbly desyring
y'' H.H^ and his Ma*^ favourably for to interpret of my sincerity.
10° Mar. * Y' Ld« humble servant

' HENRY GARNETT.'

Endorsed : ' Henry Garnet 10 March

10 March 1605 answer of Henry Garnet to certain Interrogatory s.'

MANCHESTER S QUARREL WITH CROMWELL.

The volume with this title, published by the Camden Society in
1875, wanted, unfortunately, one very important document, viz.
that part of Manchester's narrative, in the House of Lords, which
contained, in reply to Cromwell's impeachment, explicit accusations
and complaints regarding the conduct of that subordinate ofi&cer.
The whole matter, as it stood at the time, is fully discussed in
the historical preface of the volume (see pp. Ixvi-lxxvii) .

In 1883, in the * Camden Miscellany,' was published a letter
from the Tanner MSS., with a short introduction by Dr. Gardiner,
which stated that the letter was, as to real authorship, unmistakable^
although in the Tanner catalogue it was ascribed to Sir W. Waller.
This letter, in fact, was a copy of that part of Manchester's narra-
tive which had, up to that time, not been traceable.

Some time ago I happened to come across a manuscript copy of
the whole of Manchester's narrative among the pamphlets in the
British Museum known as the ' Thomason collection.' It is written,
so far as I am able to judge, by Thomason himself, and is, possibly.

520 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS July

a copy made from the original, which must at the time have been
in Manchester's possession. Thomason, we can tell from remarks
scattered through his vast collection, was a Presbyterian, or at least
an anti-Independent, and it is not unlikely that he considered the
document of primary importance, and made every effort to get for
his collection a copy of the matter so rigidly suppressed by the
Houses.

This manuscript copy has the following title : The E. of Man-
chester's narrative in y® house of Peeres in Parlement concerninge
Dennington Castle &c., w*'^ was in (sic) November ^ 9*^ 1644.'

In the general catalogue made by Thomason for his collection it
is entered as follows : * The E. of Manchester's Narrative in y^ house
of Peers in Par lament Concerning Dunnington Castle &c., which
was in or about Novemb. 1644 being a Character of Cromwell's
Pesigne.'

The body of the manuscript consists of two parts, the first
being that part of the narrative which is published by Eushworth,
and the second corresponding with the letter of the Tanner collec-
tion.

Comparing the Thomason MS. with the others, there is found to
be, except in matters of variety of spelling, &c., no difference from
the text in the first part, but a somewhat important divergence from
the Tanner MS. towards the close of the second part of the narra-
tive. Speaking of Cromwell's revolutionary opinions, Manchester
says : * I must confesse these speeches, some of them spoken
publiquely, others privately, yett soe as I saw they had a publique
Influence on the Army, made me Jealous of his Intentions, and
therefore I did not comunicate my Counsells unto him with that
freedome that formerly I had done, and I have often exjjressed my
Dislike of his Actions even to some y^ wished him well. And I hope
this shall not make such an Impression,' &c.

The phrase in italics occurs only in the Thomason MS. The
manuscript is to be found in vol. 710 of the collection. The rest of
the pamphlets in the same volume relate to the year 1656, but in
vol. 180, which concerns the year 1644, is to be found a note by
Thomason, referring to the narrative in vol. 710, and showing that
it has, from some cause, been misplaced in binding. With regard
to the Tanner MS., may it not be possible that it is so far correctly
ascribed in the catalogue to Waller, as being a copy, by him also, of
the original, presumably in the possession of Manchester ?

Waller too was a strong Presbyterian, or anti-Independent.

W. G. Koss.

' There is an error here. From the Lords' journals it is evident that Manchester
narrated verbally on 28 Nov. and presented the written narrative — both parts — on
2 Dec.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 521

A PASSAGE IN EVELYN 's DIARY.

I DO not know whether attention has ever been called to a curious
blunder in Evelyn's diary which may be a warning of the danger
of attaching much historical weight to the obiter dicta of even con-
temporary, well-informed, and intelligent writers. Under date
8 July 1656, in describing a visit to Colchester, Evelyn says he was
shown * the wall where Sir Cha. Lucas and Sir Geo. Lisle, those
valiant and noble persons who so bravely behav'd themselves in the
last siege, were barbarously shot, murdered by Ireton in cold blood
after surrendering on articles ; having been disappointed of relief
from the Scotch army, which had been defeated with the King at
'Worcester.' The last words to be historically correct ought to be,
* with Hamilton at Preston.' That is to say, Evelyn confused
what is known as the ' second civil war ' of 1648, when Hamilton
and the ' engagers ' invaded England and were beaten at Preston,
with the event of 1651, when Charles II invaded England and was
defeated at Worcester. The causes of the confusion are obvious.
Both in 1648 and in 1651 a Scotch royalist army invaded England
by the western route and was destroyed. Still it is remarkable that
a man like Evelyn should have made the mistake ; he was in the
prime of life when both the events which he has confused took place.
It would be going too far to assume that he fell into the confusion
in 1656 ; for there are many indications that the entries in this
part, at least, of the diary are not strictly contemporary ; still the
fact that he fell into it at all shows how little confidence can be
placed in casual references to historical events even by writers who
must have been perfectly well informed about them; in Greek
history, for instance, such writers as Isocrates, Demosthenes, or even
Aristotle, may, from mere carelessness or lapse of memory on their
part, be very untrustworthy witnesses of historical facts.

G. NUTT.
CROMWELL AND THE INSURRECTION OF 1655. A REPLY TO MR. FIRTH.

A FEW prefatory words are expedient. Eeaders of Mr. Eirth's essay
may deem that the author of the article he criticises, ' Oliver
Cromwell : his Character ; illustrated by Himself,' ^ is barely en-
titled to a reply, so confidently does Mr. Firth maintain that the
statements it contains are misstatements, or absolutely unfounded.
Inaccuracy, even a ' John ' for a ' Joseph,' or reference to the manu-
script of a published document, may be pardoned, but not the misuse
of evidence ; that is an offence against the being of truth. It is
therefore necessary that some immediate proof should be offered,
.showing that the effort I made to disclose Cromwell's complicity in

• Quarterly Review, April' 1886.

522 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS July

the insurrection of 1655 is based not on inference, far less on mis-
representation, but on documentary evidence.

The central link in the evidential chain that binds that insur-^
rection on Cromwell's shoulders, is the fact that Cromwell, acting
on intimate knowledge of the counsels and movements of the king
and his followers, procured the admission into England of the first
detachment of the emissaries sent to effect that insurrection. To
break that link, Mr. Firth asserts that Cromwell neither could nor did
do so : that though generally acquainted with the project, Cromwell
was ignorant of its details, and of the arrival of those men at Dover ;
and that they obtained freedom from detention, not by any special
arrangement, but * under a general order from the Protector to the
port commissioners to release all persons they thought harmless,,
on taking an engagement from them, or from persons who knew
them.' Mr. Firth must not accuse me of a tu quoque if I assert
that these statements are * absolutely unfounded.'

The first witnesses that prove Cromwell's foreknowledge of the
insurrection plot are the two English envoys who persuaded Charles
to sanction the insurrection ; they urged that ' for their present
purpose to act, they say they are forced to it by the full discovery
they suppose Cromwell has made of the whole plot, and of the
persons engaged in it,' using curiously enough the very words in
which Cromwell afterwards declared his knowledge of the project,
Ormond sided with the envoys for the same reason ; he believed
that ' Cromwell has discovered the matter ; ' and Ormond wrote
these words about six days before the first batch of the insurrec-
tionists started on their journey for England. Writing about a
week later, Henderson, Cromwell's agent, and Charles's neighbour
at Cologne, unintentionally confirms the accuracy of Ormond' s
opinion. Henderson informs Thurloe, not of the project itself, for
with that he assumes that Thurloe is acquainted, but of the great
sadness created in Charles's court by * the first news of the dis-
covery of the plot.' ^

To this evidence, proving Cromwell's foreknowledge of the
design, whilst the men engaged in it might be looked for on our
coasts, may be added that remarkable anonymous letter relating
to the insurrection of 1655, that Secretary Nicholas was requested
to lay before the king. The object of that letter was to warn him
' that Watt Vane, when ' the informant * was at the Hague, told him
(with a countenance serious, and pretending great kindness to the
King), that all the King's business was betrayed to Cromwell from
Cologne,' that he was told of the day when the intended insurrec-
tion was to break out, and ' also about the King's going to the Coast,'
to await a possible summons across to England, ' on y^ March, ten

2 Ormonde to Hyde, ^ Feb. 1655 ; Clarendon State Papers, iii. 265 ; ^ Feb. ;.
Clarendon MSS. Cal. iii. 13.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 52a

days before he did stir ' from Cologne. The informant added that
* Colonel Cromwell likewise must needs invite me to dinner, and
made a long discourse to me of his integrity to the King. He told
me that Cromwell hath notice of all we do at Cologne, that my Lord
of Eochester,' the joint commander with Wagstaff in the insurrec-
tion of 1655, * was known to Cromwell to be in England as soon as
he landed; and that he was permitted to make those essays on
purpose to make him have the greater confidence in those persons
he communicated with, as he would intimate, of the army ; whereby
Cromwell would learn always what was to be done, those being his
friends really, ours in show.' ^ And that Eochester did find ready
to hand at Dover a friend ' in show,' is mentioned in the Quarterly
article. "^

The boast hitherto about Cromwell has been, that ' as for the
Plots, the Protector had long had his eye on them, had long had
his nooses round them,' and in conformity with this opinion I ven-
tured to suggest that, in all probability, under the noted compact
between Sir E. Willis and Cromwell, ' the counsels of the Sealed
Knot ' (the king's most trusted English advisers, presided over by
Willis) 'were no secret to Cromwell' during January to March
1655.

Mr. Firth, on the contrary, maintains that * there is no evidence
that Willis was at this period in Cromwell's pay ; ' that ' what evidence
there is respecting his treason, leads to the conclusion that it com-
menced much later.'

This attempt to screen Cromwell from the responsibility of too
much knowledge cannot be made good. Precise proof of the time
when a secret compact began, is not to be expected ; still,
according to Phillips, Milton's nephew, it was ' shrewdly suspected '
that Willis, during March 1655, played the traitor. Hyde wrote
to Eumbold, 17 Oct. 1659, that 'the King doth know, that Sir
E. Willis hath long corresponded with Thurloe.' Eichard Crom-
well stated ' that his father often told him that Willis was his
pensioner.' In the letter by which Charles warned his friends
against the discovered traitor, he is described as having ' always '
conducted himself in a suspicious manner.^ The reference, also, to
dangers from the *old cavalier party, Commonwealth men, and
divers discontented, and those not meanest in the army,' in the
document headed ' A Letter to Secretary Thurloe proposing to dis-

» EgerUm MSS. 2535, fol. 637.

* I am indebted to Mr. Firth for the reference (Thurloe, ii. 610), which proves that
Massonet, clerk in the king's closet, was in communication and negotiation with Crom-
well's agent at least six months prior to the insurrection of March 1655.

* Clarendon State Papers, 533, 542 ; Carte Letters, ii. 284. Baker's Chronicle, 553.
'It is believed that for several years Willis faithfully complied with the engageinent'
with Cromwell (Lingard, vii. 259) ; and several years, starting backward from 1658^
would land us in 1655.

524 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS July

cover Conspiracies against the Protector's person,' supposed to be
written by Sir E. Willis,*^ assigns the letter to the year 1654.

Another circumstance bespeaks the existence of the Willis com-
pact during the insurrection of 1655. He stipulated that he was
to be kept wholly out of sight, even though a plotter might escape
in consequence. Carte relates that * it was generally thought that
Sir E. Willis had discovered Ormond's visit in London (January
1658) on condition that he should not be seized, lest he himself
should thereby be detected.' ^ A kindred influence surely intervened
between the men despatched by Charles for the enterprise of March
1655 and the hand of the Protector ? They all escaped scot free,
though they were about fourteen in number, though they remained
in England for weeks and months, though their leader and a
companion were actually in detention for several hours, and
though Manning, the spy, informed Thurloe of their whereabouts
in London. With this evidence before him, Mr. Firth is not
entitled to deny the truth of Cromwell's assertion regarding the
insurrection of 1655, that *We had knowledge of their whole
design . . . and of the particular Persons engaged therein.' ^

Having shown that Cromwell could have made arrangements to
nsure the admission of the king's emissaries into England, I will
now prove that Cromwell did so. Besides the ' friends in show '
sent to meet Lord Eochester on his arrival in England, Cromwell
took under his care two of those 'particular persons,' Major
Armorer and a companion, who landed at Dover on 13 or 14
March 1655. They were detained by the port authorities, because
* a restraint ' was placed * upon all the passages, by Order from
His Highness ' the Protector. About three or four days later,
Armorer and his companion were set free, ' upon the Commissioners
receipt of that Commission from His Highness ; ' and immediately
afterwards ' that commission ' was superseded. The deputy-governor,
in his letter to Thurloe reporting Armorer's release, undertakes to
explain to the commissioners ' what his Highness pleasure is in
relation to the revoking his last Order to them,' i.e. * that commis-
sion,' and that ' I shall improve my utmost care and diligence to
observe the contents of the former Order, and to let you receive a
constant account of all persons, which are to be staid and secured,
as that Order directs and enjoins.' ®

Thus it is obvious that the restraining order which caused
Armorer's detention was the ' Order ' ordinarily in force, and that
he was released under a special Order, ' that Commission ' which
the commissioners received from * his highness,' whilst Armorer was

« Thurloe, i. 757. ^ Life of Ormond, ii. 179.

« Thurloe, iii. 339, 428. Protector's declaration, 31 Oct. 1655 : i/pon the occasion
4>f the late Insurrection.
» Thurloe, iii. 137, 164.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 525

in custody. The support that my statements receive from Crom-
well's actions and the evidence of his servants might suggest to
Mr. Firth that in his denial that any * evidence whatever exists of
Cromwell's agency or complicity ' in the insurrection of 1655, he
exceeds the just limits of controversial contradiction, and that he
should not have kept wholly out of sight the important statements
made by Watt Vane and Colonel Cromwell regarding the Pro-
tector's foreknowledge of the project, and the use he made thereof.
Eesearch after historic truth is, however, we are assured, Mr.
Firth's sole aim. So we will gladly join with him in the quest
after the true origin of that insurrection. That occurrence, accord-
ing to Mr. Firth, was the natural product of the political condition of
England during the latter half of 1654 : a perfectly tenable opinion,
had that condition continued as it began. The royalists, both at
home and abroad, encouraged by the bitter dislike that many in
Cromwell's army felt against a government vested in Cromwell's
* single person,' believed up to 1 Dec. 1654 that all things went on
in England as well as could be wished, that * the army will begin
the work for us, and even do the work for us ; ' and Ormond, of the
king's advisers the one most bent on activity, hopefully prepared to
profit by the expected discord. This ' fault,' however, occurs in the
strata of Mr. Firth's argument that the insurrection of 1655 was
the result of that expectation. Between the autumn of 1654 and the
spring of 1655 an abrupt chasm occurs in the continuity of public
affairs. By repression applied to leading republican officers, and
by persuasion applied to the mass of the army, Cromwell secured
its fidelity, and put an extinguisher on the expectations of the
royalists. Ormond, who had written so hopefully to Hyde on
1 Dec. 1654 about their prospects in England, on the 29th of the
next month invites him to * a melancholy consultation what the
King is next to do, for I something more than doubt, that the frame
of his business is so broken, that it will not admit of piecing, but
that some favourable opportunity must be staid for, to cast it into a
new mould.' ^^

Ormond justly despaired. Neither leveller nor royalist could
hope for success whilst Cromwell and his army and navy were in
harmony. That they remained in harmony during the winter and
spring of 1654-5 is certain : Ormond's ' favourable opportunity ' did
not arise ; but the unforeseen did. Within two or three days after
29 Jan., the date of that dismal letter, two royalists appeared at
Cologne, and persuaded Charles to sanction the insurrection of
1655, despite sharp and absolute warnings from the ' Sealed Knot '
that those who tempted the king into that expedition were madmen.

To prove the sanity of those men, Mr. Firth claims a more
intimate knowledge of English affairs during the winter and early
>« Clarendon State Papers, iii. 259, 263.

526 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS July

spring 1654-5 than was enjoyed by the king's ablest English
advisers. He maintains that they were mistaken ; that the expe-
dition was not an act of madness ; that the levellers, though the
army was purged of republican * humours,' were still a danger to
the state ; that they had in train a mutiny in the Scottish army ;
that Major-General Overton, the chief of the army republicans,
conspired against Cromwell; that two cavaliers, Messrs. Bagenal
and Bayley, were planning a revolt, and that the royalists were
collecting arms.

Adopting Mr. Firth's lead, but not his conclusions, I propose to
show that Cromwell himself had a hand in the distribution of arms
among the royalists, that Messrs. Bagenal and Bayley's plot was a
farce,, that the levellers were * dancing in a net ' spread for them by
Cromwell, and that he accused Overton of complicity in that mutiny,
knowing that the accusation was false.

To obtain a true estimate of Cromwell's conduct during Decem-
ber to January 1654-5, it is essential that the position held by the
protectorate government during the latter half of 1654 should be
appreciated. Those months formed, according to Godwin, ' a grand
epoch of Cromwell's government.' He had a surplus in his treasury ;
his army was fully paid ; his fleet was well affected towards him, and
powerful at sea. Ireland and Scotland were subject to his yoke ; he
negotiated as an equal with the leading continental powers. Nor
had Cromwell occasion to fear trouble at home. The following
account of the dangerous classes in England during September
1654 is drawn by a faithful subject of * our admired Protector.'
The writer states that the anabaptists and levellers were neither
numerous nor influential, and were regarded with general hatred ;
that the presbyterians, fully reconciled to the government, and
greatly favoured by the Protector, walked hand in hand with true-
hearted independents ; whilst the most numerous of his enemies,
the royalists, were in reality the least considerable. Their mon-
strous intemperance rendered them incapable of any action beyond
the ken' of the wine bush ; they were so false and perfidious that no
cavalier could trust another with an ordinary secret ; any combina-
tion by royalists with other factions was consequently most impro-
bable.^i

The futile agitation carried on by Sexby and Wildman, during
the autumn and winter of 1654, confirms the general truth of these
remarks. These noted anabaptist conspirators, during three or four
months, held meetings in London, distributed inflammatory pam-
phlets, travelled through the country, and visited the leaders of
their party, but they produced no tangible result. In the end,
when Cromwell put a stop to their intrigues, Sexby fled, and Wild-
man was seized without an effort at resistance or of popular appeal;
" Clarendon Papers (Bodleian), Cal. ii. 396.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 527

Even when that distinguished anabaptist, Lord Grey, taken on his
own ground and among his own people, was arrested by Colonel
Hacker, he reported to the Protector that there was ' no appearance
of danger ' in the district, ' except by those called Quakers, who will
not return honie, but say they stand in the counsel of the Lord,
and not in the will of man.' ^'^

Cromwell, however, took a very gloomy view of the levellers.
He assured parliament (22 Jan. 1655) that ' the correspondence
held with the interest of the Cavahers by that Party of Men called
Levellers, who call themselves Commonwealth men, is in our hands,
whose Declarations were framed to that purpose, and ready to be
]3ublished at the time of their common Eising, whereof we are
possessed, and for which we have the confession of themselves now
in custody . . . these also have been, and are endeavouring to put
ns into blood and confusion — more desperate and dangerous con-
fusion— than England ever yet saw.' ^^

As Cromwell withdrew, in the speech of September 1656, the
•charge that the levellers had, as a party, combined with the royalists,
and as no trace of such a combination existed, save in the delusions
of the king and his court, that feature in this statement may be
passed by.^'^ But the number of levellers then in Cromwell's cus-
tody, what proof he possessed of their ' common rising,' and of
their endeavours * to put us into blood and confusion,' can be
tested by the ' Thurloe Papers.' This collection contains the mass
of the letters, reports, and depositions received by Cromwell's
home secretary. It is therefore of special value in our inquiry,
for these papers can certainly be relied upon, as supplying the
official evidence on which Cromwell based his public statements
regarding the domestic condition of England.

That being the case, it appears that when Cromwell addressed
his parUament, he had under government surveillance, or in custody,
not more than a leveller and a half, i.e, Dallington, an informer,
who posed as a leveller, and Prior, the man he accused of being a
leveller, who protested he was not, and that the informer was the
first to broach seditious suggestions. This, however, was Dallington's
story. When * within 4 miles ' of his home in Northamptonshire
he met Prior accidentally. After ' some conference about public
affairs. Prior told him, that there were several in the army that
were resolved to stand to their first principles in opposition to the
government ; and that he had a Declaration in his pocket to that
purpose, which Declaration the said Prior read to this examinant,
and said it should, as soon as they had gathered to their rendesvous,
be in print, and put in every market-place. Their rendesvous (he
said) was to be in January at several places, and named Salisbury

" Thurloe, iii. 148. " Carlyle, iii. 430. Speech, 22 Jan. 1655.

•* Carlyle, iv. 114.

528 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS July

Plain, and Marston Moor ; and other places, he said, was also agreed
upon, and their colours should be white tape, and white ribbons.
He said also, that the Lord Grey should be for them, and so would
Colonel Saunders, and Colonel Okey, but did not know what Sir
Arthur Haselrigge would do. And further that there were agi-
tators sent into the army in Scotland and Ireland ; and that many
of them should draw unto their assistance in January, when their
rendesvous should be.' ^^

Dallington was also informed by Prior that he had distributed
that Declaration widely throughout England; and he begged
Dallington, * for his further satisfaction,' to visit Colonel Eyres, a.
noted anabaptist officer in London. That satisfaction, however,
Dallington failed to obtain, for the colonel proved to be ' timorous,
and not willing to speak with him about any such business,' i.e.
seditious business.

Dallington does not inspire confidence. Colonel Okey asserted,.
on his own experience as a distinguished anabaptist officer, that at
this season ' there came several trepanners from Whitehall ' ^^ among
the soldiers in the north; and features in Dallington' s tale tend to
show that he was playing that game in England. He was regarded
with suspicion by 'timorous' Colonel Eyres, who was so stout a
republican that Cromwell thought it best to lock him up. Dallington
assumed to Prior the aspect of an anabaptist emissary from the
Protector's fleet; but no evidence exists proving that disaffection
was rife in the navy. That a widespread military revolt was
definitely planned and appointed in January 1655, as Mr. Firth
will admit, is equally improbable. So unimportant did that
* rendesvous ' of disaffected soldiers * at several places ' appear to
Cromwell, that it would seem as if he overlooked it when he
examined Prior. The slightest hint of a * common rising ' in the
army must have caught Cromwell's attention. Prior was most
anxious to clear his character, yet that subject is not mentioned
in the full and perfect reply that he addressed to the Protector in
answer * to the questions you asked me.'

According, therefore, to the ' Thurloe Papers,' that talk between
Dallington and Prior about the * rendesvous ' of soldiers decked out
with white tape, formed the only approach to proof possessed by
Cromwell of a 'common rising' by the levellers in the English
army when he addressed parliament on 22 Jan. 1655. The Pro-
tector, however, also possessed information that Sexby and Wild-
man had under discussion a mutiny in the Scottish army. Our
inquiry into that subject is so intimately connected with the name
of Major-General Overton, that it must be prefaced by a brief account
of his history and position.

He was deservedly most eminent among the republican party.

»» Thurloe, iii. 35. ■« Burton, iv. 146.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 529

A true puritan, he hated monarchy and episcopal government, and
held that all authority, civil and religious, ought to be in the hands
of the people. For that cause Overton fought throughout the civil
wars with skill and courage. He was also Milton's friend, bound
to him ' these many years past in a friendship of more than brotherly
closeness and affection ; ' and Milton with unconscious irony ex-
horted Cromwell, * the tutelary God of Liberty,' to make * Liberty
safe, and even to enlarge it,' by taking as a partner in his counsels
such a man as Overton, *of the highest modesty, integrity, and
valour.' Cromwell, on the contrary, as soon as he could, made
' Liberty safe ' by removing Overton from active service, and by
detaining him as a suspect during the summer of 1654. In
September, however, Cromwell sent for Overton, and offered to
place him second in command, under General Monk, over the
Scottish army. That offer was accepted ; but recognising the in-
stinctive antagonism that must exist between the Protector and the
republican, Overton undertook that when he was convinced that
Cromwell ' did only design the setting up of himself, and not the
good of these Nations,' he should receive notice from Overton * that
he could no longer serve him ; ' and Cromwell replied, * Thou were't
a knave, if thou wouldest.' ^^

Overton was not permitted much time for his scrutiny of
Cromwell's conduct. During the following December he instructed
Monk to secure and send Overton to London. It was done, and
he was imprisoned in the Tower, and in Jersey, until the Protector's
death.

This was the crime for which Overton was imprisoned. Crom-
well with utmost publicity and solemnity declared that ' by the
designs of some in the army, who are now in custody, it was
designed to get as many of them as possible ... to march for
England out of Scotland ; and in discontent to seize their General
there [General Monk], a faithful and honest man, that so another
might head the army ; ' and Cromwell specified that ' another ' to
be Major-General Overton.^®

On the truth, therefore, of that charge rests the guilt of
Overton or Cromwell. If it can be proved that when he accused
* a companion of his labours and trials ' of the basest crime a
soldier can commit, Cromwell knew that such a charge was utterly
without foundation, and that on that charge he ruined Overton's
life and happiness, then Cromwell was guilty of conduct that
cannot be shuffled out of sight by a vague admission that though
' there are, no doubt, circumstances that are much against Overton,
he was harshly punished, on insufficient evidence, and without
fair trial.'

1^ Thurloe, iii. 110.

" Speech, 22 Jan. 1655 ; Carlyle, iii. 448; Declaration, 31 Oct. 1655.
VOL. III. — NO. XI. MM

530

NOTES AND DOCUMENTS

July

Proceedings against Overton were begun during the first or
second week of December 1654. Cromwell directed Monk, as
commander-in-chief of the Scottish army, to desire Overton by
letter, giving no special reason, to quit his military duty at
Aberdeen, and to present himself at Dalkeith, Monk's head-
quarters. On. 26 Dec. Monk reported to Cromwell that he had
sent an officer to arrest Overton, as he had not obeyed Monk's
directions. Cromwell was also informed by Monk that, pretending
instructions from Cromwell, he had ordered Majors Bramston and
Holmes and Lieutenant Keamer to appear before the Protector at
Whitehall; they being 'men who are not so well affected to the
Government as I could wish them,' and because * if there were any
such design as your intelligence is of, I am sure Colonel Overton
could do nothing in it, without the assistance of these two Majors.' ^^

As Cromwell proceeded against Overton for complicity in a
mutiny among the Scottish soldiers, the ' design ' that Cromwell
communicated to Monk must be that projected mutiny. Hence, it
is evident, at the outset of our inquiry, that the * design,' even
from the first, never presented itself to Cromwell, or to Monk, as a
definite project needing summary and immediate stamping out.
Had prompt action been needed — and what needs prompter action
than imminent military revolt ?~Overton's arrest would have been
made by sudden seizure, not by letters of recall. Had Monk
possessed any proof of Majors Bramston and Holmes's complicity
in the mutiny, he would not have begged Cromwell to assume to
himself the responsibility of the withdrawal of those officers from
active service. The tenor of Monk's letters shows that he did not
feel mutiny in the air during that December. Even before Overton
was shipped for London, Monk wrote to Cromwell that ' I hope by
the blessing of God, there will be no danger of disaffected persons
in Scotland, for I fijid the Commanders so generally well affected,
that I doubt we shall be able to command any person both great
and small here.' ^^

»» Thurloe, iii. 46.

20 Thurloe, iii. 55. The expression in Monk's letter to Cromwell of 26 Dec. ' if
there were any such design as your intelligence is of,' marks the first intimation that
Monk received of the mutiny. Subsequently, therefore, to 26 Dec. he received an un-
dated, unsigned letter (the signature may have been cut off), to this effect. The writer,
presumably an army officer, states that he was ' lately solicited to act in the following
designe : Your person was first to be secured ; then Major-General Overton to have
given out orders, and to have drawn 3,000 foot, besides horse into the field, and soon
after to have marcht for England, where the Lord Bradshaw, and Sir A. Haselrig was
to have joined with them very considerable forces,' that ' Vice-Admiral Lawson was
engaged in this designe, with a squadron of the Fleet,' and that Colonels Pride,
Cobbit, &c. * and severall others were also engaged in this plot.' The writer adds
that ' this designe was to break forth some 10 days since ' (Thurloe, iii. 185). No
evidence confirming the general truth of this information exists. When this letter
was written, the fidelity of the Protector's fleet was unquestionable ; Sir A. Haselrig,
it is certain, was 'loath 'to rise against the government; the idea that a mutiny

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 531

Such were the circumstances attending Major-General Overton's
arrest. The origin of the charge made against him by Cromwell
must be explained. The sole evidence of a projected mutiny in the
Scottish army rests on the unsigned letter addressed to Monk, and
on information received by Cromwell of discussions held by Sexby
and Wildman with their associates during the winter of 1654. To
excite their hopes, Sexby and Wildman seem to have suggested that
the republican soldiers in the northern army might be tempted into
revolt, and that Major-General Overton might be induced to com-
mand the mutineers. The only evidence bearing on this subject is
contained in a document headed * Notes of Major Wildman's Plot,
by Secretary Thurloe,' and depositions made by Dyer, Sexby's ser-
vant, in February 1657, giving a detailed history of his master's
doings from 1653 to July 1656.^1

The mention of Major-General Overton in Dyer's depositions
shall be taken first. Dyer, in his narrative of the plans and pro-
ceedings of the conspirators, stated that ' the said Sexby acquainted
this informant, that Colonel Overton, who was in Scotland, was to
seize on General Monk and the headquarters, with his regiment,
and other friends that he had there.' This statement seems posi-
4;ive enough. Major-General Overton was often styled colonel, and
undoubtedly during December 1654 he was serving in the Scottish
army. Dyer, however, in a subsequent deposition dropped all re-
ference to Major-General Overton, and gave this description of the
mutiny project : * The persons engaged are as follows : Lieutenant
Bemont ; this was the man that carried and distributed all the
declarations against His Highness that were published in Scotland :
this was the man, likewise, who joined with Eichard Overton to cut
off the headquarters in Scotland, and to deliver up Hull.'

As Major-General Overton's christian name is 'Eobert,' and not
Richard, Dyer thus assigned the authorship of the mutiny to two
different persons. The * Notes of Major Wildman's Plot ' afford a
possible solution of this difficulty. Though Sexby had no right, as
stated in the first deposition, to affirm that Major-General Overton

* was,' i.e, had undertaken, * to seize General Monk,' still the in-
formation that Sexby desired to convey may have been that Major-
General Overton would feel compelled to assume the command, ta
prevent his soldiers becoming a disorderly mob, when Eichard
Overton, by the seizure of General Monk, had thrown the northern
army into confusion. And this opinion is confirmed by the * Notes : ''
the sentence in that document descriptive of the plot runs thus :

* Begin with a mutiny, and then they should seize and putt in

scheme had reached within ten days of its fulfilment is contradicted by the action of
Cromwell and of Monk ; and the supposed project must have been known to them
three weeks at least before this letter came to hand.
2' Thurloe, iii. 147, vi. 831, 832.

M M 2

532 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS July

Edinburgh Castle, which they were sure of : forced Overton to
command ; ' and the writer of the unsigned letter to Monk uses
a somewhat similar phrase, * your person was first to be secured ;
then Major-General Overton to have given out orders.' ^^

The charge brought by Cromwell against Overton exactly tallies,
both in language and in substance, with the documentary evidence
that we have quoted, save that Cromwell assumes as certain that
conjectural complicity in the mutiny which was hoped for by Sexby
and Wildman. It may, however, be deemed that other sources of
information had convinced Cromwell that the major-general would
not need much forcing into the leadership of the revolt, or that
Cromwell, ignorant of the details of the conspiracy, may have blended
together the various parts that the two Over tons were to play in
the affair.

Nor is this surmise without seeming foundation. The major-
general and Eichard Overton were probably members of the same
family, possessing alike influential connexion with the town of
Hull. And Eichard Overton was undoubtedly an active and trusted
brother conspirator with Sexby and Wildman : he worked for them,
travelled for them, and they even confided to his care the money
they received from Spanish purses. Eichard Overton also was con-
spicuous in the anabaptist intrigues of the winter of 1654. And in
the reports Cromwell received anent the conspiracy, due distinction
between Eichard and Eobert may not have been maintained.

These more lenient surmises regarding Cromwell's conduct
towards Overton rest on the supposition that Cromwell knew that
the mutiny plot was a real danger, threatening to put England
* into blood and confusion ; ' and that Eichard Overton had not
been brought prominently within his ken. Cromwell knew, on the
contrary, that the mutiny scheme was a mere pretence, for Eichard
Overton, the man who undertook ' to cut off the headquarters ' of
the northern army and * to deliver up Hull,' had placed himself
and his services at Thurloe's disposal.

At the very time when Eichard Overton was attending the ana-
baptist meetings in London, and was exhibiting the * two sheep skins
quite full of Spanish pistoles ' that he had brought over for the con-
spirators, and was boasting * that now he had money enough, he

'^^ In the Thurloe Notes, following the words * forced Overton to command,' is this
passage : ' He writ up hither, and then declaration ready which was drawn by a
meeting here, and sent G. Br. . . . and printed here. Spoke as if they should have
Berwick. Sure of Hull by Overton's means, and the townsmen, and Overton's
correspondence.' As the major-general was also governor of Hull, mischief seems
to lurk in that statement. But on the face of it he is not touched by that state-
ment. The Overton who must be ' forced ' into the conspiracy cannot be the Overton
who was * sure ' to betray his trust at Hull. And Dyer, in his second deposition,
expressly stated that it was ' Eichard Overton ' who was ' to deliver up Hull.' ' He
writ up hither ' may refer to M. G. Overton ; but the spokesman, according to the con-
text, must be either Sexby or Wildman.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 533

was sure of more than 300 for his part in London City,' he
had also written from his lodging in Bedford Street, 6 Sept. 1654,
to Secretary Thurloe warning him * that there will be attempts and
endeavours by persons of great ability and interest against the
government ; ' and assuring him that, * for my part, I shall ... be
glad if I may be an instrument in the prevention of disturbance. I
may happily be capable of doing some considerable service therein.'
And the colonel assures Thurloe that ' I shall be very ready to do
it ; ' and concludes his letter * with all due acknowledgment of
other favours I formerly received from you.' Clarendon was not
mistaken in stating that Cromwell ' appointed some trusty spies,
of which he had plenty, to watch Wildman very narrowly.' ^^

The proposal made to Cromwell by Richard Overton, and his
proposals to Sexby and Wildman to seize on General Monk and to
deliver up Hull, explain each other. Safe with Cromwell, Eichard
Overton could safely lure on his dupes by these bold suggestions,
until they had furnished materials for Thurloe's ' Notes of Major
Wildman'sPlot,' for Cromwell's panic-designing descriptions of the
' desperate and dangerous Confusion ' to be wrought by the ana-
baptists, and for the ruin of Major- General Overton. And as the only
approach that Sexby and Wildman made to a definite project that
threatened * blood and confusion,' save vague promises of support
from Lord Grey and Sir A. Haselrig, was the mutiny and the attack
on the town of Hull, their plot shrinks, at the touch of Richard
Overton's pen, into a Cromwellian imposture. Nor, supposing that
those schemes were endowed wdth a reality which they never pos-
sessed, can they in the slightest degree be brought home to Major-
General Overton.

That no evidence whatever of his guilt existed, is further'
proved by Cromwell's fruitless endeavour s.^'* The following opening
towards some discovery against Overton seemed to present itself.
During December 1654 a movement took place in the Scottish
army among those who resented the mockery Commonwealth that
Cromwell had set up. In furtherance of their object a letter
dated Aberdeen, 18 Dec. 1654, was addressed to ' Major Holmes, to
be communicated to our Christian friends in General Monk's
regiment,' signed by one captain, two lieutenants, one cornet, three

23 Thurloe, ii. 590 ; Clarendon, ed. 1839, p. 349.

^* These items of information regarding Overton came to Cromwell's hands during
March 1655. (Thurloe, iii. 217, 280.) He received from Monk a letter from one of
his chief intelligencers, * by which your highness may perceive, that the Scots King
has endeavoured to put this country into a flame again. And I am confident, if your
highness do but weigh well both of them,' i.e. this letter and a letter directed to Major-
General Overton found in a trunk of his at Edinburgh, ' you will find Colonel Overton
had a designe to promote the Scots King's business.' And one of Thurloe's spies
informed him, writing from Calais, that he ' was certain that Overton and Charles
Stuart were agreed, before he was a prisoner.' Comment on the untruth of these
reports is needless.

534 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS July

quartermasters, one private soldier, and Mr. Otes, an army chaplain.
The object of the letter was a proposal, made rather hesitatingly,
to those christian friends, that they should meet at Edinburgh,
* at the Green Dragon in Canny gate,' to consider whether ' as God
hath called us forth to assert the freedomes of the people in the
privileges of Parliament, we may justly sit down satisfied in the
present state of public affairs, or whether except we do somewhat
more, the guilt of the blood of so many thousands . . . and the
hipocracy of our professions will not lie heavy on our consciences,
till we return to our duty.'

Whether that ' somewhat more ' which * we ' intended was only
an ' address to the General Monk, and so to the Lord Protector,'
for free parliamentary government, as Chaplain Otes explained to
Corporal Parkinson,^^ or hostile concerted action, will never be
known ; but that the * somewhat more ' meant the Sexby-Wildman
mutiny was entirely disproved. The letter was shown to Major-
General Overton ; he discountenanced it, and obtained an under-
taking for its abandonment, if not approved by General Monk.
The undertaking was not observed ; the letter was sent to Major
Holmes, who handed it to the general, as he reported to Cromwell
on 26 Dec, and letters to the same effect were put into circula-
tion. The letter signers were arrested ; they were tried by a
court-martial, and their letter was adjudged to be an incitement to
mutiny and sedition.

It occurred to Cromwell that something might have arisen in
this affair which incriminated Major-General Overton. He was a
leader among the anabaptists ; Major Holmes was one of his set ;
and the movement was an anabaptist movement. So, early in
March 1655, Judge Advocate Whalley was sent to Edinburgh to
collect evidence against Overton by the examination of his papers
and of those implicated in that letter. Whalley was quite un-
successful. He could make no discovery among Overton's papers,
nothing could be wrung from the soldiers, save that they had
prepared and signed that letter, and had not laid it before
General Monk. So Whalley was forced to report that ' though he
had much trouble with the officers to obtain their depositions,'
and had omitted nothing *of his duty to the uttermost of his
mean ability,' still he was compelled to inform the Protector that
he could obtain no information against Overton, except, as indeed
he always admitted, that he knew about the letter before it was put
in circulation.^^

This unquestionable advantage belongs to the ' Thurloe Papers : *
they tell us without doubt exactly what Cromwell knew. That

" Thurloe, iii. 29. Letter from Army Chaplain Otes to Corporal Parkinson. Mil-
ton's State Papers, 132.
■■« Thurloe, iii. 205.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 535

report from Whalley therefore proves that when, in the Declaration,
31 Oct. 1655, 'on the occasion of the late Insurrection,' Cromwell
accused Overton of complicity in the mutiny plot, he was aware not
only of its actual unreality, but also that his law officer's careful
examination in Scotland failed to bring to light aught that con-
firmed that charge.

That Cromwell never possessed the slightest evidence against
Overton, Whalley himself, in subsequent years, still further esta-
blished. Of all men save his master and Thurloe, Whalley by
position and training was the most qualified to speak with authority
-on such a subject. The investigation of political offences formed
part of his official task. In Overton's case, as Whalley conducted
that Scottish inquiry, he must have been specially instructed. And
Whalley twice sought to convince parliament of Overton's guilt.
This w^as the first occasion. During January 1657 parliament was
voting a national thanksgiving for Cromwell's deliverance from
assassination by Sindercomb. Thurloe acquainted the house with
the particulars of * the late heinous plot.' Similar attempts were
described; and Overton's name was mentioned, though what pro-
voked the lying spirit in Whalley to activity does not appear. He
felt that it was his duty, as he asserted, * hearing the names of
some of the plotters, as Colonel Overton, to say what I know of my
own knowledge, and do affirm that when General Monk and several
officers with myself went to search Colonel Overton's chamber, we
found a sealed paper, wherein was expressed that 600L was dis-
tributed to six several persons, who should have murdered the Lord
Protector. I thought good to acquaint you.' ^^

Whalley's story passed unchallenged, though some of his hearers,
as well as ourselves, and Mr. Secretary Thurloe, may have known
that it gave the lie direct to Whalley's Edinburgh report of March
1655. The motive which prompted his second attempt, made some
two years later, to blacken Overton's character is apparent enough.
Whalley had to defend himself ; he was regarded by parhament as
a man implicated in the unjust and cruel imprisonment of a fellow-
subject, seemingly of an innocent man. The treatment of Overton
by the late Protector had been brought before parliament ; his
warrant remitting his prisoner to Jersey Castle lay on the table
of the house, for Cromwell, fearing an untoward application by
Overton for a writ of habeas corpus, had placed him there, beyond
the reach of an English judge.

Former things had, indeed, passed away in March 1659. Overton,
* who was brought so weak with four years' imprisonment, that he
could scarce go over the floor,' had been heard at the bar of the house.
That he had been heard there he acknowledged as a great mercy of
God ; he raised no accusation against any one ; he only made earnest

2^ Burton, i. 356, 19 Jan. 1657.

536 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS July

entreaty that he might hear the charge brought against him, which
he hoped he could answer thoroughly ; he also expressed a hope
that he had not done anything contrary to what he at first engaged
for and fought for, and ' he desired, one way or other, to receive
according as he had done.' His hearers were much moved ; their
indignation was barely restrained by the feeling that the Protector
had been taken far away from the judgment of this world, and that
he 'had fought them into their liberties.' A warm debate ensued,
and it was moved ' that Judge Advocate Whalley may declare the
original ground of Overton's imprisonment.'

Whalley, at first, tried to shirk out of the difficulty before him.
He sought to frighten the house by assuring them that an explana-
tion of Overton's crime might be ' of dangerous consequence ; ' that
he was imprisoned for a military offence ; that they durst not set
forth the grounds of his imprisonment ; and Whalley warned par-
liament to * take heed how they discouraged the army.' Whatever
that warning implied, the dangerous consequence argument was un-
availing. The speaker rose to put the motion declaring Overton's
* commitment and detainer' to be * illegal and unjust.' Whalley
saw that he must, if possible, defend himself, if he could not
defend his late master. No cause for silence then could have
influenced Whalley. The whole fabric of Oliver's state policy, his
organised spy system, his agency of traitors ' in the very bosom of
our enemies,' had passed away. Whalley without fear might have
produced all the evidence which provoked Overton's arrest. But
he did not attempt to prove the mutiny charge, * the original
ground ' upon which Cromwell based the guilt of Overton. Whalley
resorted to his lie, altered and improved, of January 1657.

This was his statement. * Seeing the question is about to be
put, I think myself bound to say further, as to matter of fact.
His late Highness sent me into Scotland. I found divers officers
in prison ; amongst the rest, Major-General Overton. It was con-
sidered at the council of war. There was a letter showing dissatis-
faction to the Government, desiring all the officers to meet together.
It was at an unseasonable time. We were in no good frame then.
It was when Wagstaff and Wildman's businesses were in hand. I
have brought the letter in my pocket. We cashiered several of
them, and sent some prisoners, as Major Bramston, for fear they
should go abroad to infect the army. Upon examination of this
matter, it was proved that Major-General Overton — I must do him
right as well as wrong— (aifww risum). He saw the letter, and ap-
proved of it as a good letter, and a godly letter. Major-General
Monk saw the letter. I was commanded to peruse his papers. I
found one letter sealed with silk and silver ribbon. It had no
hand to it. The contents were, that there was an attempt to
murder the Protector and Lord Lambert, and six others. I was

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 537

sorry to find it.' And the reporter adds : * Lord Lambert
smiled.' ^^

Lord Lambert's smile was unneeded. The * letter sealed with
silk and silver ribbon,' that 'had no hand to it,' condemned itself;
and the motion was agreed to, resolving that Oliver Cromwell had
acted illegally and unjustly towards Major-General Overton ; and
he was set free.

How, then, does the account stand between Cromwell and his
prisoner ? That Overton was innocent of the precise charge brought
against him is unquestionable. In other respects, however, his
conduct towards Cromwell may have been blameworthy. As holder
of the Protector's commission, Overton undoubtedly committed a
fault. He did not report to Monk the Aberdeen letter of 18 Dec.
1654, addressed by the republican soldiers to their anabaptist
brethren. This the major-general was bound to do. Whalley
scored that point ; he suggested to Cromwell that Overton's privity
to a letter condemned in severe terms by a court-martial might
form ' a considerable charge, or article against him.' ^

Cromwell, however, did not avail himself of his judge advo-
cate's suggestion. That letter was not the provocation to Overton's
arrest : before Monk had received it, he had been instructed
by Cromwell to send Overton a prisoner to London. A court-
martial was held on the writers of the letter, but Overton was not
placed before that court. Yet Cromwell, when the court sat, had
a sufiiciency of witnesses in his grasp, drawn from the anabaptist
conspirators, such as Eichard Overton, or Wildman himself. Later
on, when Dyer, Sexby's servant, contributed his revelations, the
charge might have been brought against Overton, before any
tribunal that Cromwell could devise. On the contrary, Cromwell
did all he could to baffle inquiry into Overton's guilt. Though
arrested on a supposed military charge, he was, as a civilian, re-
mitted beyond ' the reach of the law,' by the Protector's warrant,
to Jersey Castle.

This, however, is certain regarding Overton : he had no great
respect or love for Cromwell. ' Several unhandsome verses ' were
found in Overton's letter-case, in which his highness is described
as the ape, the ' counterfeit effigies ' of a king, with * a copper Nose.'
And whether these verses were ' a trial of ' Overton's ' wit,' or the
song of a ' fiddler's boy,' ^° Cromwell, it may be urged, knew that
those verses were but a symptom showing that Overton in his heart
imagined mischief against the Protector, and was lying in wait
to put those malevolent imaginations into action. It therefore
might be contended that Cromwell, the righteous ruler, who bore
the weight of government, did right in putting Overton out of the

28 Burton, iv. 155, 16 March 1659.
28 Thurloe, iii. 206. ?o Thurloe, iii. 75, 111, 197.

B38 . NOTES AND DOCUMENTS July

Tvay of mischief. Nor is it impossible that some may argue that,
even though Cromwell knew that no mutinous plot in the Scottish
army existed, save in Kichard Overton's suggestion, still an assertion
by so righteous a ruler as Cromwell, that Overton was guilty, must
outweigh his declarations of his innocence, and should be accepted
without strict proof. To establish such a claim upon our confi-
dence, Cromwell must show that his conduct towards Overton was
void of offence, absolutely free from taint of malice.

In the spring of 1649 efforts were made to obtain for the service
of the state the co-operation of Colonel Hutchinson. In the course
of these negotiations, ' the lieutenant-general, Cromwell, desired the
colonel to meet him one afternoon at a committee ; where, when he
came, a malicious accusation against the governor of Hull was
violently prosecuted by a fierce faction in that town. To this the
governor had sent up a very fair and honest defence, yet most of
the committee, more favouring the adverse faction, were labouring
to cast out the governor. Colonel Hutchinson, though he knew
him not, was very earnest in his defence ; whereupon Cromwell drew
him aside, and asked him what he meant by contending to keep in
that governor ? (it was Overton). The colonel told him, because he
saw nothing proved against him worthy of being ejected. " But,"
said Cromwell, "we like him not." Then said the colonel, '*Do it
upon that account, and blemish not a man that is innocent, upon
false accusations, because you like him not." " But," said Crom-
well, " we would have him out, because the government is designed
for you, and except you put him out, you cannot have the place."
At this the colonel was very angry, and with great indignation told
him, if there was no way to bring him into their army but by
casting out others unjustly, he would rather fall naked before his
enemies, than so seek to put himself into a posture of defence.' ^^

Mr. Live-loose never could endure Faithful, ' for he would always
be condemning my way.' *We like him not,' said Cromwell of
Bobert Overton ; * he is not for our turn, and he is clean contrary
to our doings ; we are esteemed of him as counterfeits.' And so
the Protector, * the great one ' of that * lusty fair ' of place and
profit that he had set up in Whitehall, took Overton, and besmeared
him with calumny, and put him into the Cage, that he might be
made a gazing-stock, for an example and a terror to others.

This inquiry into the case of Overton produces two most signi-
ficant illustrations of Cromwell's character and policy, apart from
his treatment of the man he did not like. For instance, as the
Scottish mutiny was undoubtedly projected by a man who had
offered to do Cromwell ' considerable services ' for * the prevention
of disturbance,' is it not highly probable that analogous artifices
were used by Cromwell to further the insurrection of March 1655 ?
*' Mem. of Colonel Hutchinson, Bohn's ed. 341.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 539

It has also been shown that Cromwell deliberately used Dallington
and Prior's unreal talk about a * common rising ' by the levellers,
and the story of that mutiny, concocted by his own adherent, as the
basis whereon to found a solemn warning addressed to parliament
and his subjects of threatened danger and disaster. Further
■examples will be given of similar deception practised by Cromwell
— an instructive subject for investigation.

Begin ALD F. D. Palgrave.

{To he continued.)

TWO DIARIES OF WATERLOO.

(1) The Journal of Henri Niemann of the Sixth Prussian
Black Hussars,

After the return of Napoleon from Elba all Europe was in com-
motion, and the w^hole Prussian force was ordered to the Ehine.
Many volunteer companies were formed, and among them the
famous corps of Liitzow, composed in part of trained troops and in
part of volunteers. Among those who volunteered was Henri
Nieman, who joined the Sixth Prussian Black Hussar Begiment, in
Maj.-Gen. Liitzow's brigade of the First Army Corps, under Field-
Marshal von Bliicher. His journal was put into my hands by his
grandson, of the same name. The family has resided in Phila-
delphia for about two generations, and I believe that the widow of
the author of the little journal is yet living. I have translated as
much of the journal as is of value, and have in some cases, where
B, variety of words is given, in French or in German (as Nieman used
both languages at pleasure), translated the word into the simplest
English word, as the journal is written in simple words.

The journal is contained in a small note-book, such as might be
put into the pocket of a great-coat ; it is rudely tied by means of a
leathern string, and has been kept by the family with care. Henri
Nieman made a partial translation into English for the benefit of
his grandchildren, and I have used his English version as far as
possible.

Francis Newton Thorpe.

Philadelphia.

On the last day of April the new troops left Bremen, accompanied
hy a numerous escort of friends, and arrived at Bassum, where,
* having emptied the wine casks, our friends departed.' From
Bassum the line of march was to Diepholtz, where the troops rested
two days and had poor quarters amongst the farmers. Osnabriick
was reached on 4 May ; and on entering the city the Prussians were
received by the inhabitants with a hurrah. Volunteer Nieman had
a fine quarter with a merchant, Habicht ; dinner was ready and

540 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS July

the table was ornamented with a bottle of wine. The evening was
spent in social intercourse with the family. The march was re-
sumed, and the enthusiastic young soldier's feelings were stirred by
the beautiful scenery near Flurg. The pastime during these early
May days was in drinking and in exercise with the sword to prepare
for battle.

In the beautiful garden of the castle at Miinster the troops were
regaled on the 7th with a splendid dinner and plenty of Khenish.
Here they remained three days. Passing through Werna, Witten,
Eunsdort, and Elberfeld, they reached Diisseldorf on 15 May, the
king of Prussia's birthday. The event was celebrated with balls,
illuminations, and a great noise. Nieman had stable guard to
attend to and had hard work to keep the men in order. On the
following day they crossed the Ehine with a tremendous hurrah,
marching toward Neuss and Gatswester, where there was an arrest
and a duel.

Aix-la-Chapelle was reached on the 19th. Nieman found oppor-
tunity to attend the theatre and to visit the tomb of Charlemagne,
and was enraptured with the splendid surrounding country. On
the 21st Eech, the first French village, was passed, and on the
■ following day the troops entered Liege, passing into erhdrmliche
Quartiere in the famous street De Tuve. There were unpleasant
scenes with the French landlord, great tumult in the quarters
between the host and Prussian volunteers. From Liege the soldiers
marched through the enchanting valley of the river Meuse, and
Nieman was impressed with the grandeur of the rocky walls that
bank that sluggish stream. Marshal Bliicher received the regi-
ment on 25 May, at Namur, in the twilight of the day. Three days
later at Charleroi General Ziethen and Major von Liitzow formally
received and reviewed the volunteers. They were welcomed by six
regimental trumpeters, and after this were ordered to the miserable
village of Eiemont, where was the first bivouac and the day field
guard, and the time had come for work. On account of the poor
accommodations for horses the troops were distributed amongst the
large and elegant farms near Thuin, on the frontier of France,
where, writes Nieman, * we had at last Napoleon before our noses.^
While at these farms the troopers had a very pleasant time in spite
of reconnoitring day and night to watch Napoleon's movements
along the line. * I found it very unpleasant to sit on my horse in a
dark night facing the enemy and watching every sound. My horse
was of a restless disposition, like its master, and I had trouble to
keep him quiet to enable me to end in passing my two hours' post.
One night in particular I was as a young soldier in trouble. I was
ordered to ride along the line of our vedettes iyi a dark night for
several miles. I struck on a Prussian sentinel. Coming within
speaking distance, I asked, " Who is there ? " *' A sentinel." " The,

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 541

word," I replied. Answer, "I forget it." According to military
custom, having my pistol in my hand 1 should have shot him
down, but being convinced he was one of my own regiment, I only
put him in arrest.'

There was nothing of moment near Thuin except a splendid
garden with the largest tree, perhaps, in the world. After remain-
ing in this locality for some five weeks the Prussian hussars were
relieved by a dragoon regiment and marched back six leagues to
their old quarters.

On 15 June it was made known to the army under Bliicher that
the first three shots of heavy ordnance would be a signal of hos-
tilities commenced, and the troopers were ordered not to undress.

I was lying on a bundle of straw when, early in the morning of
15 June, I heard those three shots. This was three o'clock in the
morning, and about three hours after we marched towards the frontier
again. We passed through Gasly and took position on the other side
of it. Napoleon came nearer with his army ; firing began. My heart
began to beat, but I soon forgot I might be shot. By command of
General Ziethen we engaged the French ; but it was nothing but a
pretension : they retreated before us. Not having yet removed our
wounded from the field, they renewed the fight with a stronger
force. Fighting, we slowly retired. "We were obliged to cover our
retreat, and the hail of balls in covering our artillery from the
enemy's attack was not very pleasant. However it was of no use
to make long faces; we lost in all about three thousand men.
Towards evening of that day our brigade, four regiments of cavalry,
reached Fleurys ; we bivouacked before the city, but an order came
to break up. We marched through Fleurys and bivouacked on the
other side that night. I would have paid five francs for a glass of
water. On the right of the road was a windmill (Bliicher's station
on the next day).

On the morning of the 16th we were ordered to change our
position. It was a beautiful morning. Bliicher's favourable posi-
tion was turned later. Looking down the line at sunrise as far as
the eye could reach it appeared like silver mountains — regiments of
muskets, artillery, and cuirassiers. About ten o'clock I was ordered
to procure food in the city for the men and horses of my regiment.
In attempting this the French marched in at the other gate, and of
course I said ' Good-bye ' for the present. Immediately our 30,000
men were ordered to fall back at a slow pace, and thus Bliicher's
beautiful position had to be changed, and this day's dreadful
slaughter commenced. No quarter given ; Napoleon determined to
crush Bliicher first, because he feared him, and then finish Welling-
ton, and therefore he attacked Bliicher's corps with his whole
army and 240 pieces of artillery. Foot for foot was disputed.

542 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS July

The village St. Amand I have seen taken and retaken seven times.
At nine o'clock my light hussar regiment was ordered to break a
French square, but we were received with such a rain of balls that
we became separated. Liitzow was taken prisoner. Bliicher's fine
charger was here killed under him, and an officer of my regiment —
Schneider — gave Bliicher his own horse and saved himself. The
French cuirassiers drove us before them, but we soon rallied and
drove them back. At this moment Bliicher was yet lying under his
horse. Nastich, his aide-de-camp, had covered him with his cloak ;
after the French, driven before us, had passed, Nastich sprang for-
ward, took the first horse by the bridle, and Bliicher was saved.
After eleven o'clock we left the field of this great battle and halted
half an hour's distance from it. Exhausted, thirsty and hungry, I
sucked clover flowers, halting in a large clover field. The French
bivouac fires were before our eyes ; neither party was conquered.
Napoleon estimated our loss in the French bulletin 15,000 men
killed; since no quarter was given on either side we were not
troubled with many prisoners. Several of our brave generals fell
here wounded.

The next morning, early on the 17th, we moved toward Wavre,.
ten miles from Genappe, where we bivouacked. The rain all night
fell in torrents. In the afternoon we heard brisk cannonade toward
Quatre Bras. The English forces being posted in that neighbour-
hood, it was supposed that nobody could be engaged by Napoleon
except them. To guard, however, lest my brigade might come
between two fires, I was commanded to reconnoitre in that direction
and make a report to General Tresko. I took three picked men of
our lancers, with a French guide, and rode in a dreadful storm in
the direction of the thunder of the cannon. I fortunately hit the
desired point. After inquiry of an English officer, at a picket, how
the battle went, he informed me that the English army was obliged
to retreat. This was good news for us. After several hours I arrived
safe at our bivouac and made my report to the old general, who
was also glad to hear this news. He thanked me and I turned upon
my heels.

At two o'clock in the morning of 18 June we broke up and
marched towards Wavre, where Bliicher's corps concentrated
itself. After a long and dreadfully hard march the whole day, in
spite of the great battle of the 16th, and only one day rest, and
privation for men and horses, we arrived at last in full trot at
the field of battle at Mont St. Jean towards four o'clock. Our
brigade of four regiments of cavalry was commanded by the brave
Major-General von Folgersberg, Liitzow having been taken prisoner
on the 16th. Hard work for the Prussian army again. Wellington
was almost beaten when we arrived, and we decided that great day.
Had we arrived an hour later Napoleon would have had Wellington

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 54a

surrounded and defeated. At about nine o'clock in the evening the
battle-field was almost cleared of the French army. It was an
evening no pen is able to picture : the surrounding villages yet in
flames, the lamentations of the wounded of both armies, the singing
for joy ; no one is able to describe nor find a name to give to those
horrible scenes. During the whole night we followed the enemy,
and no one can form an idea of the quantity of cannon, baggage
wagons, which were lying on the road (chaussee) along which the
French retreated. Brandy, rice, chocolate, &c., in abundance fell
into our hands. We also took Napoleon's carriage and amused
ourselves with it. Amongst other things found in it we found
Napoleon's proclamation in which he said, * to dine at Brussels on
the 18th,' so certain he was to beat Wellington, not expecting old
Bliicher at Waterloo, on account of the dreadful conflict of the 16th.

At sunrise of the 19th we passed Genappe, and afterwards
Quatre Bras, where Wellington was beaten on the 17th. ^ Six miles
beyond Quatre Bras, to the right of the road, we rested till after-
noon. The heat was very severe. We marched forwards again, and
crossed the road between Fleurys and Gasly. The old grumbler
General Tresko commanded our vanguard.

On the 20th we marched to Charleroi, and passed Chatolette^
and crossed the river Sambre. Then we left to the right and
crossed the frontier of France.

The Prussians passed through Beaumont on the following day^
The roads were almost impassable, partly on account of the weather
and partly because the French had put many obstacles in highway
and forest to impede the German advance. On 25 May they
bivouacked in Mai, where were provisions in plenty, but at high
price. Two days later the bivouac was near historic Crecy, having
passed the forest of Campy in the afternoon.

On the morning of the 28th Prince William's dragoons took
two pieces of ordnance from the French near Crecy. Our first
corps concentrated here, and our cavalry attacked Grouchy on the
heights. Grouchy was beaten, and left the rest of the artillery in
our hands; we followed them up as far as Nanteuil, where we
bivouacked. My regiment of hussars was put under the command
of General Steinmetz.

The 29th to Gran Drousie, twelve miles from Paris, six miles
from Montmartre. Kuined Chateau of St. Denis ; beautiful view to
Paris. The next day was Ruhetag ; very hot and nothing to praise.

On 2 July we were relieved by the English and left to the right
of St. Denis, which was yet in the hands of the French, and pro-
ceeded to St. Germain through Argenteuil, where I sold four horses.
Here our army passed the river Seine.

* Wellington held his ground at the battle of Quatre Bras on the 16th. There was
no fight at Quatre Bras on the 17th. There was cavalry skirmishing at Genappe.— Ed.

544 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS July

On the 3rd to Meudon ; bivouac in the vineyard ; charming
bivouac. At our arrival at Sevres the French soon quit the
bridge, which was still defended by them. The immense number
of bivouac fires was a sight which no one can truly picture.

7 July. After a campaign of twenty-three days, in actions con-
tinually, we entered Paris. My brigade, which always led the van
during the numerous actions, was the first that entered Paris.
Although the inhabitants hated the sight of the Prussians, it was
astonishing to see the waving of white handkerchiefs at the win-
dows in every street we passed. The following was the march into
Paris : We arrived from Issy through the gate of the military school ;
crossed the Champ de Mars, over the Bridge of Jena to the Champs
Elysees, Place de la Concorde, Quai des Tuileries, Quai du Louvre,
Quai d'Ercole, Quai de la Greve, Quai St. Paul, Quai Marlanie,
Quai Delertion, to the Place de la Bastille, to the Boulevard St.
Antoine, where we had to bivouac and rest on the pavement, with
nothing to eat or drink.

On the 8th several of us, by permission, visited several places
of note — the Garden of Plants, Museum of Anatomy, Museum of
Natural History, the Palace of the Luxembourg, the Louvre, the
j)icture galleries 1,400 feet loiig; to the Palais Eoyal, to the
garden of the Tuileries and back. We witnessed the entrance of
King Louis XVIII. Immensity of people ; we joked in the Hotel
de Nimen.

The following day was Sunday, and after field church the
Prussian troops were ordered into barracks. On the 10th the king
of Prussia arrived. There was a dreadful fuss ; on account of the
unfriendly commotions in the capital on this occasion our cavalry
had to patrol the streets all night.

On the 11th to the theatre ; on the 13th to the very great opera
* Castor and Pollux.' On the 14th to the Fabrique de Gobelins, then
to the Palais Luxembourg, the Pantheon, and the Catacombs with
2,400,000 bodies ; the church of Notre Dame ; the Looking-glass
Factory ; Observatory ; Hotel des Invalides, with 4,800 invalids ; the
Panorama ; the Palais du Corps Legislatif, and back to the barracks.

On the 16th great parade, and after this field church. On the
22nd we had to leave Paris, to our great regret ; but the soldier has
to obey orders. We marched to Versailles : castle ; splendid gar-
den ; orangerie ; Great and Small Trianon.

The 23rd to the village of Basemont; mittebndssige Quartiere,
The 24th to Bellechaise on the Seine, and so on to Normandy, near
Caen, towards the sea. Here we had first-rate quarters amongst
the farmers, but only enjoyed them for two weeks, and then were
ordered to Picardy, a poor country and poor people. Here we
remained until the army was ordered home. I had better luck
than other of my fellow officers, being commanded by Major'

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 545

General von Liitzow, and worked in his bureau for two months,
and had fine living, but had to write da}^ and night. When we
arrived, on our march home, near Versailles, I was ordered there
with an officer to receive at this fortress provision and forage for
our troops. My quarter was in the hotel of the Big Docks. I made
here the acquaintance of a Dutch captain, with whom I spent many-
pleasant hours. Plenty of pleasure here — birthdays, punch parties,
and amusements of various kinds.

The journal concludes with a brief description of his reception
by his ' good old mother ' at Bremen in the early days of 1816.
Nieman says, in the first part of a partial English translation of
his original German-French, ' The foregoing day-book was written
during the wars in short words, because time would not allow me
an exact account of all that I have seen.'

(2) Journal of Robert Henry Bnllock, Cornet of the 11th Light
Dragoons, from 30 March 1815 ; commmiicated by his son,
W. H, Bullock Hall, of Six Mile Bottom, Cambridge.

I marched with a squadron ^ of the regiment to Kamsgate, and
embarked almost immediately for Ostend with Orville, my brown
and chestnut mares. I dined with seven of our officers at the
Albion Hotel, but all went on board. At one o'clock a.m., 31 March,
we went out of the harbour, and anchored about four miles out,
when comte St. Louis Fourchet, lieut. -colonel of the German
Legion artillery, came to our ship (the 'Planter,' of Hull). We
had thirty-one horses on board. About ten o'clock we weighed and
stood out for our destination ; we anchored at eleven o'clock p.m. four
miles off Ostend on 1 April, and at seven o'clock on the 2nd stood in
for the harbour, which with some difficulty we accomplished, and
disembarked without an accident. Ostend is a considerable town,
and has some good streets, and is strongly fortified. We marched
about seven miles to Ghister, where we dined and slept.

On the 3rd we marched to Bruges. The country we passed
through this morning is much better cultivated and the houses
better built than they were yesterday. Bruges is a fine town. The
officer commanding could not be found at first, and Major Lutyins
did not like to enter the town contrary to the usual custom, though
we were kept three-quarters of an hour in the rain. We dined at
six o'clock at the Hotel Fleur de Ble. I was at a very good billet.
A lady and her daughter were all that were at home of the family.
Our men and horses went into barracks.

' One troop embarked at Dover and one at Bamsgate yesterday, and sailed for
Ostend ; another squadron embarked just before us. -

VOL. III. — NO .XI. N N

546 • NOTES AND DOCUMENTS July

4th. I went before the squadron to the mayor of Ecloo, and
got billets for all our men, &c. Two quartered in the houses. It is
not the custom in this country to billet the men and horses on the
inns only, but on every house in their turn. We have always found
the inhabitants ready to give us anything we wanted, always having
coffee for us before we marched, and hot cream or milk.

5th. I again preceded our squadron to Ghent (called Gand
dans ce pays) ; found Louis XVIII, Monsieur, and the duke de
Berri were in the city. The former I saw get in his carriage,
looking extremely well; a guard of honour of the 23rd Infantry
mounted. The cathedral is very beautiful, and many fine monu-
ments in marble. We dined at the ' Grand Cerf,' and at nine o'clock
I went to my billet, 68 Violet Street, a vinegar merchant's. The
horses were in the barracks.

6th. Colonel Sleigh and three troops arrived at Ghent. We
again saw the French king, who went part of the way to Brussels
to meet the duke of Wellington, who was prevented coming, as he
intended, by a grand entertainment prepared for him. We made a
party after dinner to the play, which was tolerably well acted
(' Paul and Virginia ') .

7th. At eight o'clock we received an order to march to Audenarde.
I immediately went to see the cathedral, which I had been prevented
seeing the day before. It is a very fine one, with many beautiful
monuments and good pictures ; there were some still more valuable
taken by the French when they got possession of the town in 1794.
The pulpit is a curious piece of workmanship ; the top of it is the
tree with the forbidden fruit, which the serpent is bringing some of
to offer to Eve. We had a long day, our quarters being in scattered
farmhouses near Audenarde. I did not get to mine till dark, when
I found eight men in possession. I walked to Captain Jenkins'
(as I would not disturb our dragoons), where the baggage was, and
Milligan and myself opened our mattresses and slept on the bricks
in the parlour.

8th. Came forward at half-past six o'clock for billets at Eanome
and Maeter, where our squadron moved immediately after me. We
were again put in farmhouses, but much better ones. The country
round Maeter is hilly and very beautiful.

9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th we spent in looking after the troops,
as we had a stupid sergeant-major, who w^as of little use.

13th. Went a patrol to Ninove, a town three leagues north of
Grammoort, where an abbe had resided. The church is a large
one. The abbe's mansion is a good one, standing in a sort of
park. The town stands in a valley on the river Dender. The
country in my way to Ninove and returning by St. Antelinets is
very fertile.

14th, loth, 16th, 17th, 18th passed without anything parti-

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 547

cular happening. Generally rode to Audenarde or to the villages
round us.

19th. Seen by Major-General Sir 0. Vandeleur.

20th. Keviewed with the 12th and 16th Dragoons and 54th Inf.
Tr. by the duke of Wellington.

21st. Set out with Milligan to Brussels; at six o'clock a.m. passed
through Alost, where the French Garde du Corps are stationed.
The duke de Berri passed us in his travelling carriage and six; he
is a good-looking man of about forty. We arrived at Brussels at one
o'clock, and found some difficulty in getting stalls for our horses
and beds, as the hotels were so extremely full. The prince de Conde
was at the Belle Yue Hotel, which is in the park (the one we went
to). We dined at the table dliote at four o'clock. There were several
ladies and a Eussian general there. In the evening we went to the
play ; met a Mr. Crofts of the 1st Guards, a particular friend of

M 's. The prince of Orange was there and received with great

applause by the audience.

22nd. The park is about three times the size of Grosvenor
Square and the buildings round it very large, the windows particu-
larly so. The cathedral is a fine one with some good monuments ;;
that of the duke de Flandre in brass, a lion on the top almost the
size of life. The city stands on the side of a hill, the park at the
summit. The spire of the townhall is the most light and beautiful
thing of the sort I ever saw, about the height of those to the
churches in town. Eeturned with Milligan to Maeter in the even-
ing ; dined at Alost while our horses were baiting. The distance from
Maeter to Brussels thirty-eight miles.

23rd. The 10th Hussars marched into Audenarde from six miles
beyond Ghent, Colonel Quintin at their head. The regiment looked
tolerably well ; the day was very wet for their march.

24th to the 30th. Dined at one another's billets and rode about
the neighbourhood. The 18th Hussars marched in on the 24th.

1st May. Eeceived the route to march to Meerbeke, near Ninove.
At one o'clock the brigade received similar orders. We packed up and
got to Grammont about half-past six in the evening, and did not get-
to Meerbeke till ten o'clock. The troops were not put up till near
twelve. Two of the officers' servants took the billet where we were
quartered, and neither myself or three other officers could find or
hear where it was that night. I slept at an alehouse after some
difficulty in finding a room disengaged. Most of the baggage did not
arrive till the next morning, owing to the badness of the roads.

2nd. Went to my billet. Four of us were quartered in the same
room, which was fortunately a large one, and having bedsteads of
our own, mattresses, &c., we did very well. An officer of the. 1st
Guards (Mr. Crofts) came to see Milligan, and our servants, &c., got
us good dinners.

N N 2

548 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS July

3rd. Went to the Chateau de Meerbeke ; half our troop were
quartered in the stables, &c. Count Platoff and 500 cossacks were
stationed here last year. The house is a fine one, surrounded by a
moat and excellent gardens, but is almost without furniture. The
estate is worth 20,000 francs per annum to the proprietor, Baron

P , who has four other estates. He was a colonel in the service

of Louis XYI, and emigrated on his being killed to Prussia, where
he has bought an estate. A fine house of his near Lille the French
destroyed.

4th. Lieutenant-general the earl of Uxbridge, commanding the
cavalry in the Netherlands, &c. &c., reviewed our regiment and
was much pleased with our men and horses. I removed to Neygen
into a good billet half a mile from the Chateau de Meerbeke, on the
Brussels road.

5th to the 8th. Had watering-order parades ; rode afterwards to
Ninove, &c.

9th. Dined with Sir John Vandeleur, K.C.B. ; his aide-de-camp
and nephew and Coles were our party. An order arrived at dinner
to march the next morning, to make room for the Household
Brigade at Meerbeke, &c.

10th. Patrolled to Oytinge, to see what troops that village would
contain ; the mayor said one troop. We marched to Leerbeck,
Goyck head-quarters.

11th, 12th. Nothing particular occurred.

13th. I patrolled to Haute Croix and Herfelynge. The former will
hold one troop, the latter the same or rather more. Haute Croix
nine miles east of Grammont.

14th. I rode to Brussels with Jenkins and Smith. Saw the fine
collection of pictures in the museum. The * Elevation of the Cross,'
by Vandyck, is the finest picture I think I ever saw ; the * Martyrdom
of St. Levin,' by Eubens, is also very well painted, as is * La Pre-
sentation au Temple,' by Champaigne. ' Le Mariage de Ste.
Catherine ' I was extremely pleased with, by Otto Van Vien, &c. &c.

From the 15th to the 20th nothing particular occurred. Smith
and myself rode one day to Halle, a considerable town about twelve
miles south of Brussels. The church is a handsome one and has
the cartoons in tapestry very well done.

21st. I rode to Brussels with Smith : saw the pictures in the
museum ; a second time dined at the Belle Vue Hotel ; rode to the
promenade by the Antwerp Canal, the Hyde Park of Brussels ; saw
all the royal family there in four coaches and six. The prince de
Conde, &c., returned home.

22nd. Set out with Jenkins and Smith to the review of about
7,000 Brunswick and Hanoverian troops, commanded by the duke
of Brunswick, who is a soldierlike-looking young man. There were
two squadrons of lancers in the Polish costume. The meadows

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 549

where the troops were reviewed were four miles on the Antwerp
road from Brussels. We saw on the hill above the canal the
country palais of the king ; it is a fine building of white stone.

23rd. Nothing done in particular.

24th. Most of our officers went to see the heavy cavalry reviewed
by the princes of Orange, the duke de Berri, &c. The regiments
were the 1st and 2nd Life Guards, the Blues, 1st Dragoon Guards,
Greys, and Enniskillings. All in high condition.

25th. Eien fait.

26th. Lord Uxbridge saw the light dragoons preparatory to the
grand review. I patrolled to Santbergen, Werebect, and Grim-
minge, &c.

27th. Our regiment moved to Moerbect and villages adjacent.
Our troop came to Onkirzel, about one mile south-east of Grammont,
a tolerable good town with a church highly adorned. The market-
place is the best part of the town ; it stands on the side of a hill,
from the summit of which there is an extensive view to Ath, Les-
sines, &c.

28th. Saw a procession in Grammont, the Virgin Mary carried
from the church round the town under a canopy, with a band of
music attending on the occasion.

29th. All the British cavalry and seven brigades of horse artil-
lery were seen by the duke of Wellington, the princes of Orange,
Monsieur, the duke de Berri, and Bliicher, who, we observed, was
grown stouter than he was last year when in England. Lord
Uxbridge formed us in three lines. The hussars by regiments and
part of the horse artillery and rocket brigade formed the first line,
the heavy cavalry and the nine-pounder and howitzer brigades the
second, the light dragoons and light brigades of artillery the third.
The duke and suite were received with a royal salute and passed
up and down each line, when the regiments marched past and
returned to their quarters. The earl of Uxbridge gave a grand
dinner on the occasion.

16th June 1815. At six o'clock a.m. we received an order to hold
ourselves in readiness to march to Enghien, there to receive further
orders. We marched, and arrived there about eleven o'clock, when
we heard the Prussians had been driven in by the advance of the
French with some loss. We found our three regiments in brigade
(the 11th, 12th, and 16th), and again moved on toBraine le Compte,
which is a considerable town standmg low. We passed through bad
cross roads and a large wood to Henri Pont, above which we saw the
smoke and heard the firing near Nivelles. We soon after received
an order to trot and gallop, and came into the above town, which
was in a most complete state of confusion, the French having been
expected. Our brigade arrived in the field of battle about eight
o'clock, and immediately formed in two lines, the shot at times

550 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS July

going over our heads. We had met a good many wounded all the
way from town. The Hanoverian hussars had charged four times
before we arrived, and were then on the hill. We were in the valley,
but advanced to support them ; but the wood in which the brave
duke of Brunswick was killed was then the scene of action, and a
cannonade which gradually decreased as the night approached
closed the contest for the day. We sent the right squadron on
picket, and the remainder of the brigade, when quite dark, moved
into bivouac in a field joining the village of Hautain le Mont.

17th. It rained a little during the night, and soon after four
we mounted and moved to the left, but returned again shortly
after, and remained till about ten o'clock, when the infantry com-
menced a retreat to Mont St. Jean ; our right squadron were
formed near the French and the hussar brigades on their right. We
moved on to their support about half-past twelve o'clock p.m. and
remained on the hill for about two hours. The French advanced
about half-past two under a cannonade, which our horse artillery
returned. We were soon after ordered to fall back and go by a road
to the left of our position to the rear of Mont St. Jean. The
heaviest tempest I ever saw^ came on just before w^e left the field,
and expecting to charge we none of us would cloak up. The roads
were full of water, and we got to our bivouac, a muddy field
situated rather high. The night proved the wettest and most un-
comfortable I ever passed. We made a large fire and by that means
were not quite frozen. The right squadron returned about twelve,
having charged with the hussars and Life Guards several times.
Mr. Moor was dangerously wounded ; Captain Schrieber, Phillips,
Orme, and Eotton were there.

18th. About ten o'clock a.m. on this glorious day we heard the
French were advancing to attack us. We marched to the left of the
Mount, and the 16th had a cannon ball (which killed a horse) come
into their regiment. We shortly after (about half-past twelve)
advanced and supported the 12th and 16th, who charged after the
Household and General Ponsonby's brigades. The tv/o last had
suffered very severely at this time, when all the cavalry moved back
under cover of the hill, as we were all exposed to a very heavy
cannonade ; our artillery were firing over our heads and threw a few
rockets. Mont St. Jean was attacked m-ost furiously three times ;
had they succeeded in either, our army would have been cut off from
the Prussians. Finding Bliicher's army were approaching and
their three attempts had failed on our left, the French made a most
desperate attack on our right, where all the cavalry were moved to
support the infantry. Two columns (one of which, I think, were
Hanoverians, the other Scots) were driven back, w^hen some of our
officers and cheers from the men succeeded in making the latter front.
The fire here was very destructive. Very shortly after we moved on

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 551

and passed over the field of battle, exposed to the fire of a numerous
artillery. We advanced so fast that 160 pieces were taken. Just as it
was getting dark we came in sight of some of the Imperial Guards,
who rapidly retreated behind a column of infantry,'-^ which we charged
and received a volley from close to their muskets. -"^ We took some
prisoners, but it was getting so dark General Vandeleur ordered us
to retire, which we did a short distance (about 200 yards) to a wood,
before which we halted for the night. The hussars, whom we had
passed and were coming to our support, thought we were French,
and were on the point of charging us when they found out their
mistake. Poor Phillips was killed by a cannon shot as we were
advancing ; the next shot, from a howitzer, wounded my horse each
side my leg and cut my girths half in two.

Captain Schrieber was bruised by part of a shell, and Lieutenant
Wood, Milligan, and Coles were wounded ; the latter and Captain
Binny had their horses killed. Our return was fifty-five men killed,
wounded, and missing, and forty horses killed.

On 12 January 1816 Jenkins' troop marched from Criel, and we
were very glad to leave the chateau, vicomte de Maillardiere, and
his attendants, who were extremely troublesome on every occasion.
One man and his wife had formerly lived with him in Lower Nor-
mandy, where he had a large estate, most of which was taken from
him during the Kevolution ; he wrote a work entitled the * Conquest
of England by the French ; ' he told us he had published it under
a mask to please the Eevolutionists and succeeded in keeping part
of his property. He hired the chateau near Criel four years since
with two farms for 18,000 francs per annum. The vicomte never
left his apartments excepting to call one morning on us. He is
extremely nervous, but said his complaint was very like what we called
the consumption. He wore a dressing-gown with the ribbon of the
Legion of Honour as a decoration. The chateau once was a good
family mansion, with a chapel and suite of buildings for the house-
hold, but ail were terribly dilapidated excepting two rooms and his
own suite on the first floor ; the ground-floor one, which had
formerly been the sitting-rooms, were converted into woodhouses,
and all the windows broke in. We passed through Eii, q> small
town five miles on the Abbeville road, where two squadrons and
head-quarters remained for a month. The duchess of Orleans has
a fine chateau, which has been uninhabited for some years; the
church is large and the east end handsome. The forest is very
extensive, which the town gives the name to.

' There were several columns that our brigade broke and took prisoners. Some of
the French, on the ground we charged over, got behind a hedge and heaps of manure,
and fired at us after we had passed them and were pursuing the further column.

^ My horse carried me through the last charge, and then, in attempting to clear
some horses that were killed, fell on me, and four squadrons went over me.

552 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS July

Our squadron were halted a league short of Abbeville, and we
dined with the mayor, a very respectable man — the most so — and
the most gentlemanlike of any Frenchman I ever saw. He had had
twenty-one children, three of whom were at home. His daughter
sung and played on the forte piano very well. One son had followed
Louis XYIII to Ghent. His house was the most comfortable of
any I have seen. I slept at a neat small chateau belonging to him
two miles from his mansion, in a hamlet where twenty-one men were
quartered.

13th. We marched at eight o'clock towards Abbeville, and before
we entered the city it commenced raining and proved the wettest
march any of us remembered; it continued raining till night.
Abbeville is a fortified town, but standing low and surrounded by
hills three sides out of four ; two mortars would compel it to sur-
render. The cathedral is a fine old building ; the west front is
highly ornamented. There are three good inns in the town. We
marched through Auxy le Chateau to Bures au Bois and arrived at
the hamlet of Bachimont, where Colonel Money, Tenbins, Browne,
and myself were quartered in farmhouses.

From the 14th to the 26th we passed our time in hunting, cours-
ing, and shooting, being an open country abounding in game.

26th. Eode to Abbeville ; saw^ the town a second time ; dined at
Sir H. Vivian's with Colonel Childers and Major Eeane.

27th. The two regiments of Life Guards marched in from Paris.
Saw Captain Bontien, who had been a subaltern in this regiment.
The Eoyal Horse Guards Blue remained in villages and marched in
the following day. I returned to Auxy le Chateau; found the
Hotel de I'Europe an excellent inn (for France).

28th to the 1st. Went out shooting, owing to a hard frost.

2nd. Marched from our quarters at and near Auxi to Hesdin and
environs. The town is strongly fortified, but, like Abbeville, being
built on low ground with high immediately above it, is of course
extremely vulnerable. It is a tolerably large one and has some good
barracks ; a regiment of chasseurs is organising there. We were not
very well lodged in two large inns outside the gates. The next morn-
ing (the 3rd), when we were parading the troops, the guard shut the
barrier till we had marched off ; they would not j)ermit the men to
enter the town. The regiment passed close to Agincourt, where
Henry V gained so great a victory. The field of battle was about a
mile and half from the highroad ; an intelligent man show^ed us
the field and told us they had found some heads of pikes and
different sorts of missiles.

1888 553

Reviews of Books

On the Origin and Groivth of Beligion as illustrated by Celtic Heathen-
dom. (The Hibbert Lectures, 1886.) By John Ehys. (London:
Williams & Norgate. 1888.)

As a mere study of methodical application of critical principles to a series
of difficult problems, this book would be good reading, but there is much
in it also of direct help to the historian. Old errors are swept away, old
facts are set in new lights, fresh ground is broken in many directions,
new material is introduced and used. Then the whole book is readable
from the vivid sketch of the pantheon of the Allobroges that takes up its
earlier pages, down to the summing up of the proto- Celtic creed in its
final lines. The style is not without a quiet humour, which gives a sense
of natural reality such as Hibbert lectures and the like do not always
possess, w^hile of that bitter spirit which is often engendered as a useless
but disagreeable by-product in the heat of linguistic research, there is no
trace.

Full and minute as it is, and complete in itself, this volume is but
the first part of a great Celtic mythology of which two more parts (on the
' Dark Underworld Divinities ' and on the * Arthurian Legend ') are to
appear, it is to be hoped shortly. Yet one may consider separately some
of its main positions, for the method and aims of the author are fully set
forth in this volume.

Having carried out the identification of the Gallic pantheon in Irish
and Welsh legend as regards the chief gods, and got the equations, Og-
mios-Mercury, Maponos- Apollo, Segomo-Camulos-Mars, Taranis-Esus-
Jupiter, Brigantia-Minerva, Cernunnos-Dis — results of considerable value,
Professor Ehys then treats specially and in detail the Zeus, the Culture-
Hero, and the Sun-Hero as they occur in British authorities. In the
course of this further investigation, the Irish and Welsh legends are com-
pared and analysed in an exceedingly ingenious and convincing way, full
proof being supplied on several points which have hitherto been probable
suggestions ; the identification, for instance, of Angus-Merlin, Gwyn-
Finn, Taliessin-Ossian, Llen-Lugh, Nuada-Nud, being here established.

A further step is then taken, and other Aryan mythologies are con-
sidered in juxtaposition with the Celtic religious history. Gwydion is
shown to be a parallel to Woden, Cuculain to Baldor, Nuada to Tew.
Indra is given his proper place beside Gwydion as the culture-hero, and
the myths of Zeus and Cadmus are illustrated.

Next follows a consideration of the Celtic calendar, which proves to
belong to that type of which Latin is the best known form, but which, as

554 • UEVIEWS OF BOOKS July

Dr. Vigfusson has shown, the Teutonic tribes also must have followed
before the Judaeo-christian system with its seven-day weeks and more
exact year. One might perhaps suggest here that the fact of the old Eoman
calendar having once had only ten months, which Ovid explains in an
unsatisfactory if ingenious fashion, is really to be illustrated from the old
Teutonic calendar, which had certain double months with single names.
Hence the old Eoman calendar might have only ten month-titles, but
would of course possess the full number of twelve 30 or 31 days periods.

A discussion of the mythological aspects of what is conveniently
known as the ' Penka theory ' will be naturally of considerable interest to
the historian, and he will not overlook the careful treatment of the old
Irish settlement traditions in Lecture VI, which on several points, such as
the question of the Fomorians and Atecotti, is at variance with views
favoured by the run of writers. Scattered through the book are numerous
remarks and notes of interest, such as, for example, touch on the right
name of Pelagius (Mr. Swinburne's religious hero) ; on the Gula Augusti,
31 Ed. Ill, c. 14 ; on the etymology of the name Dervorgaill (better known
in Oxford as Dervorguilla) ; on the emperors or tyrants Maximianus and
Maximus of Nennius and Gildas ; and on the name Teutones.

When the obvious difficulty of this unexplored field of Aryan and
possibly prse -Aryan tradition is considered, and when it is remembered
that every separate Celtic tribe must have had its own peculiar versions
of the common stock of religious knowledge, and that fragments of these
varying versions have been altered, harmonised, toned down, and piously
perverted by those whose very patriotism and zeal for antiquity only
made them the worse recorders thereof —when all this is taken into
account, it must be allowed that the success of Professor Rh^'S in his diffi-
cult, dangerous, but delightful task, is of more than ordinary importance.

That the Hibbert trustees should have afforded the opportunity for
the delivery and publication of these lectures is greatly to their credit.
They will be remembered as foster-fathers of a work which bids fair to
do for the Celts what Jacob Grimm has done for the Teutons.

F. York Powell.

Benzo von Alba : sein Leben unci der sogejiannte Panegijrikus. Von
Hugo Lehmgrijbner. (Berlin : Gaertner. 18B7.)

This monograph forms the sixth number of the series of ' Historische
Untersuchungen ' edited by Dr. J. Jastrow. It is a very careful and
complete account of an authority whom Herr Lehmgriibner considers to
have been unduly neglected by historians. Although much has been said
about Benzo, the only part of his work which has hitherto been care-
fully examined is the narrative of the schism caused by the elections to
the papal throne of Honorius II and Alexander II ; the rest of the * Pane-
gyric ' has but served to point a moral as an example of violence even in
that age almost unique. It may be doubted whether Herr Lehmgriibner's
investigations have been repaid by any considerable positive results ; but
at all events it will be a permanent satisfaction and assistance to students
of the history of the eleventh century that a remarkable contemporary
authority has been so exhaustively examined. The plan of the treatise
is as follows : After narrating the few facts of Benzo's life which can be

.■i ;

I

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 555

gathered from his work — for there is no other information about him —
Herr Lehmgriibner gives a minute description of the only extant manu-
script, which appears to be an undoubted autograph, and then discusses its
contents in detail. It is admitted that Benzo contributes little to our
knowledge of facts, and the most interesting part of this monograph is
that which treats of him as a representative of the imperialist ideas of
the eleventh century. Benzo's ideal is the universal monarchy dreamt of
by Otto III ; the king, not the pope, is God's vicegerent upon earth ; the
bishops are the king's vassals and ministers, and the pope is only primus
inter pares. It is written, * Honour the king,' and, ' No man can serve two
masters,' therefore the king's great opponent must needs be antichrist.
It is the early Eoman emperors, and especially Tiberius, that Benzo
delights to honour as having most nearly realised this ideal. But the
humiliation of Henry IV filled him with rage and despair, and the time
seemed to him ripe for the last judgment. It is rather a bathos that
Benzo's- only practical remedy, which he thinks may yet regenerate the
world, is the imposition of a general tax. To render this possible he
earnestly exhorts Henry to undertake the conquest of Apulia and Calabria.
But all the difficulties and evils of the time are in Benzo's eyes bound up
with the personality of Hildebrand; the monks and Paterines are evil
spirits inspired by him, not the common results of a movement of human
thought ; if only Hildebrand were removed, the golden a.ge might return.
Such is Benzo's position. Herr Lehmgriibner appends a valuable ex-
cursus on the life of Bonizo of Sutri, and greatly enhances the practical
usefulness of the whole monograph by an excellent index and table of
contents. J. H. Maude.

Statutum Potestatis Comunis Pistorii anni 1296, mmc primum edidit
LuDOVicus Zdekauer. (Mediolani apud Ulricum Hoepli. 1888.)

The study of the Italian municipal statutes is constantly on the increase,
and the growing interest taken in them by the learned opens a very wide
field to the researches into Italian life in the middle ages — a life which
to a great extent was that of the commune. One of the fruits of this
growing interest is this valuable publication made by Dr. Zdekauer of
the municipal statute of Pistoia, to which we think it well to draw the
attention of such English students as take an interest in the historical
development of constitutional life in Italy. The Pistoia statute of 1296,
only known hitherto by often inaccurate quotations, is of special import-
ance. First of all, as the editor himself remarks, it is a work of great
legislative wisdom, in which is fused the old spirit of a commune long
faithful to the empire with the political insight of Guelph Florence, which
in her hour of victory was imposing her own laws on the city she had re-
cently subdued. But as the small and vanquished commune has been
more fortunate than Florence in preserving her ancient records, a careful
and comparative study of them is of the highest importance for the history
of the Florentine statutes. Indeed, as this compilation of the Pistoia
statute of 1296 was the work of Florentine commissioners who introduced
into it the legislation of their own city, it is evident that this statute be-
comes a valuable source of information for that of Florence, of which the

556 REVIEWS OF BOOKS July

oldest copies preserved are of the years 1321 and 1324, and these still in-
edited. Very wisely the editor has not attempted to enter into a detailed
comparison between the two statutes, which would have been foreign to
his principal object, but he has given an admirable specimen of what might
be done in a comparative study with the second book of the Florentine
statute of 1324. Nor is this publication of value only for the history of
legislation, for, dating as it does after the defeat of the last Hohenstaufen
and when Charles d'Anjou had acquired great influence in Tuscany, and
the Guelphs were everywhere in the ascendant, there are to be found in
it facts and allusions of real value for tlie political history of that eventful
period.

The critical acumen of the editor brought to bear on the text and its
sources seems to us very praiseworthy, and we also approve highly of the
sobriety displayed in the notes. In this kind of publication notes should
only be used to clear up the text, never to choke it up. On the other
hand, the editor has been generous in giving useful and extensive indexes,
but has thought it best to omit a glossary of those words in the text
which are not to be found in Ducange. According to Dr. Zdekauer the
sources made use of by Ducange were principally French, and by no
amount of addition should we reach a real glossary of what might be
termed Italian latinity. And this is no doubt true, but it is also true that
the system adopted by many editors of adding to the end of their publica-
tions a list of the words not to be found in Ducange, is one calculated
greatly to simplify the undertaking — by no means easy — of a glossary of
medieval latinity. However this may be. Dr. Zdekauer may be said
generally to have not only thrown light upon an important page of the
history of Pistoia, but to have also rendered excellent service to all stu-
dents of the Italian middle ages. Ugo Balzani.

The Goverjiment of England, its Structure and its Development. By the
Hon, William Edv^aed Heaen, Q.C, M.L.O., Chancellor of the
University of Melbourne, 2nd edition. (London : Longmans, Green,
& Co. Melbourne, Sydney, and Adelaide : George Robertson & Co.
1887.) 1

'Pegfessor Heaen's ''Government of England" has taught me more
than any other single work of the way in which the labours of lawyers
established in early times the elementary principles which form the basis
of the constitution.' These words of Professor Dicey (in the preface to his

* Law of the Constitution ') are perhaps as high a testimony as could be
found to the value of Professor Hearn's book, and contain at the same
time an excellent statement of its character. It is a book which deals to
a great extent with the historical antiquities of the English constitution,
especially as these appear to a lawyer's mind. This being so, it is some-
what strange to find Hearn afterwards classed along with Bagehot as a

* political theorist ' (Dicey, p. 7), and to be told that ' both Bagehot and
Professor Hearn deal and mean to deal mainly with political understandings
or conventions and not with rules of law ' {ih. p. 21). It is quite true that

' This notice was in type before the news of Professor Hearn's death had reached
England.— Ed. Hist. Rev.

1888 EEVIEWS OF BOOKS 557

Professor Hearn does deal with some of those questions of Politik (if we
may adopt the convenient German distinction between Po/i^iA; and Staats-
recht) which form the main subject of Bagehot's famous book, especially in
chapters v-ix. But, on the other hand (if a layman may be rash enough
to pronounce an opinion between lawyers), it must be said that Professor
Hearn's view of the constitution can only be called non-legal in a very re-
lative sense. For instance, in chapter iv., on ' The Legal Expression of
the Koyal Will in Administration,' it is said (p. 98) that the king cannot
legislate without the advice of parliament, but that ' he is not compelled
to legislate at all ; ' and Professor Hearn adds, ' the law does not require
him, in forming his resolution on the subject, to consult with any other
person.' This last statement must be taken as giving the only possible
sense to * not compelled ; ' but it would be difficult to say what can be the
value of such a statement at all, except as a harmless amusement of the
legal mind. So, again, the remark about the initiative of private members
of parliament (p. 650) is more a piece of theory than a statement of the
actual working of the constitution, knd a writer who was considering
rather ' the conventions of the constitution ' than its legal aspects would
surely call attention to the legislative initiative which has been practically
acquired by the executive, as is done, for instance, in a very remarkable
passage in Maine's ' Popular Government ' (p. 239) : ' The nation whose
constitutional practice suggested to Montesquieu his memorable maxim
concerning the executive, legislative, and judicial powers, has in the course
of a century falsified it. The formal executive is the true source of legis-
lation ; the formal legislature is incessantly concerned with executive
government.' The truth is that, because of the * fluid ' nature of the
English constitution, it is impossible to separate Staatsrecht from Politik
in discussing it without falling into abstractions to which no reality
corresponds ; and Professor Hearn's book is an account of the existing
constitution in both aspects and in direct connexion with its history.
But the * historical method ' is not allowed to take the place of an analysis
of what exists, except perhaps here and there, e.g. in reference to the
prerogatives of the crown.

One of the most valuable portions of Professor Hearn's book is the
attempt to explain the absence of the idea of representation in antiquity,
and the rise of that idea in England. It is not enough to say, as is
commonly said, that ancient states were small, modern states large ; that
fact is as much effect as cause of the absence and presence of representa-
tion. Professor Hearn has said something more important in pointing
out that 'agency, as we understand the term, was unknown,' even to
Eoman law, except in quite its later stages (pp. 470, 471) ; and that the
English representative system * commenced not as representation, but as
agency. It related not to the exercise of political functions, but to the
payment of private money. Attendance upon the king's court was always
burdensome. It was an obligation imposed upon the tenants of the crown,
which they were required to fulfil, not a privilege which they were eager
to enjoy ' (pp. 473, 474).

The original edition (of 1867) having been for some time out of print
and difficult to procure, this new edition is much to be welcomed. It is
a pity that Professor Hearn did not write a few words of preface to indicate

558

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

July

the changes he has introduced. Few as they are, they are sufficient to cause
considerable inconvenience to any one accustomed to the earlier edition
or using references made to it. The following list of variations, which
we trust is fairly complete, may be useful : In ch. vii. § 7, ' Good faith in
the exercise of constitutional powers,' and in ch. viii. §9, ' The office of
prime minister,' are new. On the other hand a passage at the beginning
of ch. xvi. has been omitted in this second edition. Ch. xviii. in the first
edition ended at § 6. Ch. xix. §§ 1-3 of first edition correspond to ch.
xviii. §§ 7-9 of second ; ch. xix. §§ 4-6 of first edition are now altogether
omitted ; they contained a discussion about the franchise, but the actual
course of events has swept on regardless of the legal constitutionalist.
The original ch. xix. was entitled ' The Constituent Bodies.' Ch. xx. of
first edition corresponds to ch. xix. of second. An appendix in the second
edition contains (1) a ' Statement embodying the circumstances under
which differences have arisen between the Houses of Legislature [in
Victoria] on the question of Constitutional Keform ; ' (2) a * Lecture on the
Colonies and the Mother Country ; ' (3) a ' Eeport of the Committee of
Elections and Qualifications of the Legislative Council ; ' (4) a ' Memo-
randum in reference to ruling of the Hon. the President on Explosives
Bill, 1885.' All these are interesting as showing the forms which English
constitutionalism takes when transplanted to a self-governing colony. The
* Lecture ' is the most readable of them, and contains important remarks
about the way in which the sovereignty of the Imperial Parliament is,
and can be, maintained over the freest of colonial governments. When
Professor Hearn speaks of the colonists as forming ' a part of the great
English nation,' and then goes on to say, ' our mission is to spread the
British language, the British religion, the British laws, the British
institutions, &c.,' the adjectives in the latter case, if intended to console
the patriotic feelings of Welsh and Scotch (if not Irish) listeners, do
somewhat jar on one's sense of accuracy. What, for instance, is the
British religion ? But in this Appendix II. we are dealing not with the
lawyer, nor the historian, but the orator ; and orators must be allowed
some license.

In two of the added sections there are references to the practical
commentary which colonial experience often supplies on the English con-
stitution. In ch. vii. § 7 it is said : ' The troubles that some years ago
arose in Victoria were mainly due to the circumstance that in dealing
with money bills the Constitution Act of the colony converted into posi-
tive law what in England is merely a rule of parliamentary practice. The
result was that the exclusive claim of the House of Commons became an
exclusive right of the Legislative Assembly ' (p. 193). In ch. viii. § 9
reference is made, in a footnote on p. 224, to the official use in Victoria
of the title ' premier.' Is our actual constitution to be gradually written
out for us by our kinsmen beyond the seas ? D. G. Ritchie.

GescJiichte der schiueizerischen Eidgenossenschaft. By Johannes
DiERAUER. Vol. I. (Gotha : Perthes. 1887.)
In no department of history have the researches of the last fifty years
been more successful than in the case of the history of the Swiss Confede-
ration. Not only has an enormous amount of fresh documentary evidence

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 559

been brought to light, but patient and painstaking students have sifted it
thoroughly, have combined stray allusions and widely scattered facts, and
have, in a nearly endless series of dissertations and articles, rewritten the
entire story. These new documents and minute investigations have, how-
ever, been printed in so many different places and in such a bewilder-
ing number of local periodicals, that students of general history have
more and more keenly felt the want of some continuous Swiss history
based on all these discoveries and researches. Johannes von Miiller's
romantic and interesting history was found to be far below the standard
of the modern critical school of historians. Many attempts have therefore
been made to supply a handy Swiss history based on authentic facts and
not on picturesque imaginings. Such are the works of Daguet, VuUiemin,
Strickler, Henne am Rhyn, Oechsli, and Dandliker ; but though each had
merits, each had drawbacks. Some allowed their patriotism to get the
better of their historical judgment ; others gave no reference to original
authorities. Some were too lengthy, some too sketchy. Each and all —
even the elaborate work of Dandliker, now on the point of completion —
fell short of the just requirements of modern students. This long-felt
want seems likely to be at last supplied by the work mentioned at the
head of this notice, which, in the judgment of the present writer, is the
nearest approach yet made — or likely to be made — to the ideal history of
Switzerland.

Herr Dierauer, who dates his preface from S. Gallen, and is already
favourably known to the readers of Swiss historical periodicals, explains
that through several mishaps the task of preparing a Swiss history for the
Heeren-Ukert series has been committed to him, and that he has under-
taken the task at the encouragement of Herr G. von Wyss, his former
master. He dedicates his first volume to that eminent Swiss historian
jointly with M. Pierre Vaucher, and his work could not have appeared
under better auspices. The author modestly disclaims all merit save that
of honest devotion to his task ; but it may be said at the outset that we
are indeed lucky to have secured so thoroughly skilled a guide to lead us
through the tangled paths of medieval Swiss history.

The present volume goes down to 1415, the period at which the Swiss
League made its first permanent conquest, that of the Aargau, and hence
includes the * heroic ' period of Swiss history. It is thus well calculated
to test the capacities of the narrator, even though he has still before him
the tale of the Burgundian war which created Swiss nationality. The
book seems to me to possess several very great merits. First of all Herr
Dierauer impresses on us that he intends to write a history of the Swiss
Confederation, not of Switzerland — a history, that is, not of the various
districts which now form Switzerland, but of the Everlasting League
which was the nucleus round which those districts gathered in course
of time, whether of their own free will or by reason of conquest. This
is the only true method of writing Swiss history, for it alone enables
the reader to grasp the true character of that history, and to follow, with
as little trouble as is consistent with the intricacy of the subject, its
gradual development. And Herr Dierauer has most admirably carried out
his intention, the difficulties of which are only to be estimated by any one
who has tried to do the same thing. In eighty pages he sketches the

560 REVIEWS OF BOOKS July

early history of Switzerland from the lake-dwellers to the fall of the house
of Zaringen and the rise of the Habsburgs. Having thus cleared the
ground by this preliminary sketch, he then x^roceeds to narrate in detail
the early history of the Three Lands (though I miss any allusion to the
first mention of Uri in 732), of their struggle for freedom, and of
their leagues of 1291 and 1315 ; giving us too an outline, drawn with a
master's hand, of the legendary origin of the Confederation. In succes-
sive chapters he tells us how the original league of three members became
a league of eight by the admission of cities and districts into the original
circle. In each case a short account is given of the origins of the new
member of the league, but Herr Dierauer succeeds wonderfully in keeping
his eye on the league of which they became part, and in resisting the
temptation of dwelling on matters of purely local interest. The story of
the second great struggle for freedom at Sempach and Nafels and its success
is followed by a narrative of the first attempts of the league to enlarge its
borders by conquests and by alliances with neighbouring districts, most of
whom later joined it. Appenzell and S. Gallen, the Val d'Ossola and the
Aargau, serve as a foil to the glories of Morgarten and Sempach, of which
they are the natural, if not legitimate, consequences.

Again the narrative is clear and flowing, as well as exceedingly accurate.
This last characteristic is doubtless due to Herr Dierauer' s marvellous ac-
quaintance with all the original authorities and all else written and printed
on his subject. From the ' Eidgenossische Abschiede ' to the most recent
and the least important article in a local periodical publication, all is
equally familiar to him, and it must in many places have been harder to
find out where the articles on such and such a point were printed than
to utilise them when found. In one passage Herr Dierauer refers to the
English Historical Eeview. Yet, despite this overwhelming mass of
literature, Herr Dierauer is not overwhelmed by it. He is master of it all,
and this, far from leading him to burden his pages with a crowd of details,
enables him to construct an edifice complete in all its parts and yet
admirably proportioned. The scheme of his book is carefully thought
out beforehand, and carried out with no less skill than was displayed in
designing it.

Another merit of the book has still to be mentioned. It might be
gathered from what has been said above that the book is strictly negative
in the sense of rejecting all the old legends and explanations. This would
be a most erroneous impression, for it is eminently distinguished by a
critical, not a negative, judgment. For instance, when concluding (p. 150)
his brilliant sketch of the ' Tellsage,' he expressly states that he is opposed
to the purely negative conclusions of Eilliet, and is of opinion that at the
bottom of the tale there is some popular tradition. He endorses the
weighty words of Vulliemin, Je clis, non fable mais Ugencle. Fable
affirme que tout est invention. Dans ma ioens6e ce serait aller trop loin.
So too, while admitting that the Winkelried story may date back rather
earlier than is maintained by the advanced critics, he points out the ex-
treme difficulty of reconciling this episode with the authentic accounts of
the battle of Sempach which have come down to us (p. 330). It is to his
own investigations that we owe the separation of fact from fiction in the
narrative of the fight on the Stoss in 1405 (p. 407). So too Herr Dierauer

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 561

holds that the derivation of ' Uri ' from Ur= Auerochs is a bit of folk etymo-
logy (p. 82). Yet he notes that the name * Bern ' is historically associated
as early as the city seal of 1224 (that town having been founded in 1191)
with * bears,' while the derivation from ' Verona ' is unsupported by the
evidence of chronicles or charters (p. 60). He will not give a definite
judgment in the case of the name ' Luzern,' rejecting decidedly the
opinion that it comes from ' lucerna ' and not accepting the theory that
derives it from ' Leodegar ' (p. 155). I might multiply instances of the
same cautious tendency, which is critical if you will, but cannot justly
be described as negative and nothing but destructive.

One cannot help wondering whether we are ever likely to have a good
Swiss history in English. Gibbon, Planta, Lardner are out of date ; while
Miss Lee's * Story ' can scarcely be described as in date. The appearance
of a really trustworthy Swiss history in German makes us hope that
some industrious person will not translate but transcribe for English
readers this authentic story of Swiss liberty. I cordially agree with Herr
Dierauer's remark (p. 265) that he * heartily laments ' that the historian
of the Achaean league has not yet found time to write the history of the
Swiss league, of which he himself has said that * no part of ' his ' task will
be more delightful or instructive.' ^ Swiss history presents many in-
teresting problems to the historian, but as a set of studies in federalism
it is absolutely unique. W. A. B. Coolidge.

Etudes sur quelques Manuscrits des Bihliotheques d'ltalie concernant
V Inquisition et les Croyances heretiques du XIIF au XVIP Siecle.
Par Chaeles Molinier. 8vo. (Paris : Leroux. 1887.) (Extrait
des Archives des Missions scientifiques et litteraires, t. xiii.)

Professor Charles Molinier is well known through his researches in
the history of Languedoc, especially in connexion with the career of the
Inquisition. His ' L 'Inquisition dans le midi de la France,' issued in
1880, was the first really scientific attempt to investigate the procedure
of that tribunal from original sources, and stamped its author as one of
the most promising of the band of earnest students who are engaged in
building up the new historical school of France. In 1885 he was sent by
the ministry of public instruction on a mission to investigate the docu-
ments concerning the Inquisition contained in the Italian libraries, and
the present volume contains the results of his labours. In view of the
enormous amount of research devoted to this subject by native scholars,
it was hardly to be expected that M. Molinier would be rewarded by
discovering much of novelty and importance, but he succeeded in making
several finds of value.

He divides into three categories the manuscripts described in his re-
port : (1) those relating to heresies, (2) manuals of inquisitorial procedure,
and (3) interrogatories of heretics before the Inquisition, and his de-
scriptions of the manuscripts are accompanied with ample explanatory
and illustrative notes. In the first division he brings to our knowledge
some new authorities concerning the beliefs of both Cathari and Waldenses ;

' E. A. Freeman, History of Federal Govemmentj i. 121.
VOL. III. — NO. XI. ' .00

562 • REVIEWS OF BOOKS July

and although all the controversial tracts against heresy, from the time of
Alain de Lille, traverse nearly the same ground, and though Moneta
would seem to have exhausted the subject, still each fresh writer throws
some new side lights which serve to render more accurate our knowledge
of detail among the various sects. Perhaps the most interesting fact
which M. Molinier has found in these treatises is the emphatic testimony
borne by the ' Summa contra hereticos fratris Jacobi de Capellis ' as to
the strict chastity of the Cathari. It is well known that they were
universally accused of secret orgies and indiscriminate licentiousness, and
that this favourite method of exciting popular odium was used against
them with such success that the accusation has been perpetuated even by
modern historians. It is therefore important to find a zealous orthodox
opponent, presumably an inquisitor, saying : Viri et mulieres illius secte
votum et propositum observantes nullo modo corruptione luxurie fedantur.
Unde si aliquem illorum, sive vir sive mulier, in fornicatione laM co7i-
tingat, diiohus vel tribus testibus convictus, continuo ab eorum societate
deicitur, aut, sipenitet, pier illorum manuum impositionem reconsolatur, et
gravis ei pene sarcina per satisfactionem peccati imponitur. Profecto fama
fornicationis que inter eos esse dicitur falsissima est. Nam verum est
qu^d semel m mense, aut in die aut in node, propter rumorem populi
vitandum, viri et mulieres conveniunt, non ut fornicejitur ad invicejii,
ut quidam nitimtur, sed ut predicatiojiem audiant et confessionem prelato
SUA) faciant, dc. (pp. 161, 162).

There are matters of interest developed in the descriptions of the nine
unpublished manuals of inquisitorial practice discovered by M. Molinier,
but the exigencies of space will only permit me to call attention to the
instructions contained in a * Directorium Inquisitorum ' of the second half of
the thirteenth century, for the examination of Waldenses, where the first
question to be asked is, 'si (est) Lombardus vel Ultramontafius ' (p. 167),
showing that at that time the divisions in the sect were thoroughly recog-
nised by the inquisitors. It is in M. Molinier's third class of manuscripts,
that of interrogatories of culprits, that the most valuable results of his
researches are to be found. He was fortunate enough to discover in the
Vatican a manuscript bearing the title of ' Processus contra hereticos
Valdenses,' containing the trials of a hundred and four heretics, from
1318 to 1325, by Jacques Fournier, subsequently Benedict XII, in the
episcopal inquisition which he conducted while bishop of Pamiers. This
is a find of capital importance, for not only does it furnish the preliminary
proceedings in some of the cases of which the sentences are recorded in
the * Liber Sententiarum Inquisitionis Tolosanae,' printed by Limborch,
but the procedure recorded in the reports of the trials throws much light
on many points of inquisitorial practice, which are elucidated by M.
Molinier in his commentary with his accustomed profound knowledge
and critical acumen.

One of the cases recorded in this manuscript is interesting as an illus-
tration of the methods by which heresy was tracked and heretics exter-
minated. A certain Arnaud Cicre desired to recover a house which had
been confiscated on the condemnation of his heretic mother, Sibille. He
was advised that the surest way to accomplish this was by capturing a
heretic for the bishop. He thereupon went in disguise to Aragon, where ^

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 56S

while working as a cobbler in the village of San Mateo, he discovered ar
Catharan missionary named Guillem Belibasta, who had escaped from
the inquisitorial prison of Carcassonne. With this news he went back to
Pamiers, where the bishop supplied him with money and promised him
immunity for any heretical acts which he might perform in the execution
of his pious undertaking. Eeturning to Aragon, he presented himself to
Belibasta as a Catharan, acquired his confidence, decoyed him to Tirbia^
in Urgel, caused the arrest of himself and his teacher, and triumphantly
accompanied him back to Carcassonne. Encouraged by this success,.
Arnaud Cicre made use of the knowledge which he had gained to entrap
two other heretics hidden in the mountains of Catalonia. He received due
absolution for his temporary heresy ; but whether he was rewarded by the
recovery of the coveted property, the records unfortunately fail to inform
us (pp. 129, 130). That, in the conflict with heresy, pious frauds of this
kind were of old date, M. Molinier points out, by referring to the case of
the Cathari burnt at Orleans in 1022, betrayed by a pretended convert,
the knight Arefast ; and he might also have quoted that of the Amaurians-
of Paris, whose pantheistic heresy was laid bare, in 1210, by Maitre
Eaoul de Nemours, who had joined them for the purpose at the instance
of Pierre, bishop of Paris, and of Kobert de Curzon. Eepulsive as these
methods of detective police must appear to us when brought to bear on
men suffering for conscience' sake, we must remember that in all ages
they have been used without scruple for the detection and punishment of
crime, and that throughout the medieval period heresy was universally
regarded as the most heinous of human offences, for the suppression of
which all measures were laudable.

It is to be hoped that the researches of M. Molinier may lead to the
publication in extenso of some of the valuable documents which he has
here described. Accompanied by such illustrative notes as he could
readily append, they would add still more to the obligations due to him
for the present work. Henry C. Lea.

Der Fo7idaco dei Tedeschi in Ve^iedig und die deutsch-venetimiischen
Handelsbeziehungen. Von Dr. Henry Simonsfeld. (Stuttgart:
Cotta. 1887.)

This book makes a splendid addition to the material already prepared for
a history of Venice. Dr. Simonsfeld, its author, well known for his
studies in the Venetian authorities, the * Chronicon Altinate ' and ' Andrea
Dandolo,' is quite aware of the position in which historical research at
present stands, and quotes with approval Heyd's remark, Stehen wir ja
im Stadium des Zusammenfilhrens der Bausteine ; he possesses all the
qualities required in a student who, recognising the arduousness of his
task, undertakes a long research — undauntable patience, industry, accu-
racy, the passion for completeness, reverence for the documents he has to
handle. And unless much of the laborious toil of these past years is to
be thrown away, the qualities which we have mentioned are indispensable.
It is absolutely necessary that the student should give to the world his
documents, as far as he can, in full and in the original ; in this way he
will best serve his generation and his art by placing within the reach of"

o o 2

564 REVIEWS OF BOOKS July

all, and at the cost of a few hours' readmg, results which were accessible
to few and only after years of labour and toil.

The system adopted by Dr. Simonsfeld has been to publish m extenso
and in the original the documents, illustrating German trade with Venice
and the East, which he has discovered in the archives at Frari, at the
Museo Civico, at the German church in Venice, and at the city archives
of the various German towns which were in commercial relations with
Venice. These documents, 821 in number, occupy the first volume, and
cover the years from 1225 to 1653. It would be difficult to exaggerate
their importance or their interest ; they display to us not only the nature
and the movement of German commerce with the East, but they also give
us a vivid picture of the way in which the German merchants lived in
Venice, how they travelled, the roads they took, the dangers they en-
countered. Dr. Martin Thomas, in his ' Capitolare dei Visdomini del
Fontego dei Todeschi,' and Dr. Simonsfeld in the volumes before us,
have taught us for the first time what the Fondaco really meant for the
Germans and for the Republic. The second volume contains a condensed
and admirable history of the Fondaco based upon the preceding docu-
ments, and extracting their essence. This essay is divided into two parts
by the date of the great fire in 1505, which destroyed the second Fondaco,
built in 1318 after a previous fire. Besides this historical essay the
second volume contains a list of the consuls in the Fondaco from 1492
to 1753, the inscriptions on the tombs of Germans buried in Venice, an
appendix on the trades exercised by Germans in the lagoon city, indices
and glossary, making in all as complete and scholarly a book as a student
could desire to possess.

One great secret, perhaps the greatest secret, of Venetian commercial
importance, the cause which indicated Venice as the mart through which
East and West were to exchange their produce, was her geographical
position. A glance at the map shows us that Venice is the seaport
nearest to the centre of Europe ; the German merchants touched the sea
soonest there, and the Levant merchants brought their cargoes nearer to
their markets there than at any other point. The very event which
destroyed the commercial prosperity of Venice points us to the real cause
of that prosperity. The discovery of the passage round the Cape was
fatal to Venice ; it threw the carrying trade into the hands of the
Portuguese, the Dutch, the English. Priuli, in hip diary, records the
rapid decline of commerce, under date August 1506, that is less than
nine years after Vasco de Gama had doubled the Cape ; he writes : Mi
par conveniente . . . notar le spetie uscite di la citade Veneta questa
fiera di Luio per li todeschi, che fu nwlto 7nancho de li anni passati. Et
tuto procedeva per cauxa di le caravelle di Portogallo ; which proves
how correctly he had judged the news of the discovery of the Cape
passage when he observed, et fo tenuto questa nova che la fu la p^egior
nova che mai la Bepublica Veneta potesse havere. But Venice has not
lost her geographical position ; she is still the seaport nearest to the heart
of Europe, and it is by no means improbable that what the Cape took
from her the Suez canal may restore.

Long before Vasco de Gama had doubled the Cape, however, and
opened a new commercial highway to the east, German merchants flocked

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 565

to Venice, the trade relations between Germany and Venice were abun-
dant and intimate, and all this activity centred round the Fondaco dei
Tedeschi. The word fondaco appears to be derived from the Greek
Trai'^oxe'"', through the Arohic fundtik; it originally meant an inn or
lodging-house, and in Venice, at least, the fondachi retained this charac-
teristic to the end. These fondachi, or lodging-houses for strangers,
were by no means uncommon in the East, where the government esta-
blished them for the double purpose of protecting foreign merchants, whose
lives and goods were in danger among strangers, and of keeping the
merchants themselves in order. In Venice the two principal fondachi
were that of the Germans and that of the Turks. There is, however, no
comparison between the antiquity of these two houses : the Fondaco dei
Tedeschi was certainly inhabited in 1228, and Milesio is of opinion that
it was in existence as early as 1200 ; whereas the idea of erecting a
fondaco for the Turks was only mooted in 1574, and that not so much
for purposes of commerce as to restrain the license of the East, which the
government supposed to be corrupting the city. When the Fondaco dei
Turchi was sold in 1838, one old Turk, Saddo-Drisdi, still occupied the
building and refused to dislodge ; he armed himself and barricaded his
rooms against the police, pleading a prescriptive right for all Turks to
inhabit the house St. Mark had given to them. But Dr. Simonsfeld
makes it quite clear that the colonies of foreign merchants never had any
rights of property in their fondachi ; the German house is distinctly
called fonticum communis Veneciarum, uhi Teutonici hospitantur. The
government kept the house for the reception of German merchants ; and
officers were appointed to look after the trade transacted in the house ;
a house-master, a cellarman, and cooks were employed to attend to the
wants of the guests ; rent was taken for the rooms, and in 1497 the fondaco
was said to bring in a revenue of 100 gold ducats a week ; it was with
justice that the Venetians recognised elfontego de' Todeschi esser optimo
memhro di questa zita. The fondaco was an inn, but it was much more
than an inn, it was an exchange-house and store as well. The Venetians
compelled all German merchants to live in the fondaco or in houses
especially appointed for the purpose when the fondaco was too full ; more-
over no commercial transaction was legal which was conducted outside
the fondaco. The reason for this is obvious. The customs both on the
import and on the export of goods bought or sold by Germans were
assessed and levied in the fondaco by officers of the Venetian government.
If the merchants were allowed to lodge where they chose, it was probable
that they would smuggle. A merchant accordingly was compelled to
bring his goods to the fondaco, where they were stored in vaults or in
the passages and corridors.

The Venetian government kept control over the fondaco, both ex-
ternally and internally. At the head of the establishment was a com-
mittee of three nobles called visdomini] they were entrusted with the
entire control of the house, and had power to punish its inhabitants for
breaches of their rules : the Germans might appeal to their consoli against
a ruling of the visdomini, and if the visdomini were dissatisfied with the
finding of the consoli, they again might carry their case to provediiori di
comun. Under the visdomini came a number of officials attached to the

566 REVIEWS OF BOOKS July

fondacQ, and employed in the various operations of commerce and of taxa-
tion. Among these officials we find the sensali, or agents, without
whose intervention no merchant was allowed to transact business ; the
boatmen, porters, weighers, stampers, and packers. The packers, or
ligadori, formed an important guild of themselves, and had their altar,
burying-place, and special masses in the church of SS. Giovanni e Paolo.

The internal order and management of the house were entrusted to
the house-master or fondacarius, who was responsible to the visdomini.
It was his duty to see that the merchants gave up their weapons when
they entered the fondaco ; to shut the housedoor at sunset ; to provide
beds and sheets for the merchants, for which he was paid ; to keep the
keys of the various rooms ; to supervise the kitchen and its cooks, the
wine-cellar and the cellarman. The German merchants were, on the
whole, well behaved ; they gave the government far less trouble than the
Turks in their fondaco. It is rarely that we come across any serious
quarrel inside the house. On one occasion the merchants of the imperial
cities objected to sitting at the same table with the merchants subjects
of princes, while the Cologne merchants claimed a separate room and
table for themselves. On another occasion the merchants insist that the
wine-cellar in the fondaco shall remain open all night, or they will break
open the door. But on the whole their conduct was remarkably quiet.
After 1510 the history of the fondaco loses much of its interest. First,
the great fire of 1505 put the merchants to considerable inconveni-
ence ; then the wars of the league of Cambrai closed the passes for
a time ; and finally the trade of the world began to leave the Mediter-
ranean.

There are one or two points to which, with all due respect for Dr.
Simonsfeld's great learning and scholarship, we would call attention, either
because they seem insufficiently or else erroneously explained. In vol. i.
p. xiv, is not ' Kod,' which Dr. Simonsfeld queries, Rovigo, Rodigium ?
See Marino Sanuto, * Itin.' p. 45. Vol. i. 19, we read, Que omnia reperierunt
nostri fideles hostreantes in canali ; there is no explanation of this curious
word hostreantes. Du Cange has, hostreantia=2)r(Bstationis species quce
domino feudali dehetur. I would suggest, however, that the word hostre-
antes here has nothing to do with this particular tenure, but is simply a
latinised form of the Venetian ostreganti or oyster-fishers. Vol. ii. p. xv,
Li non se schriza ; schriza is surely not schreien, but a metathesised form
of scherza. Vol. ii. 12, in interpreting a passage in the ' Capitolare '
(Thomas, p. 63, cap. 149), which regulates the price of lodgings in the
fondaco y Dr. Simonsfeld says : Im Jahre 1354 musste fiir gewohnlich
jeder Kaufmann, der eine Nacht im Fondaco zubrachte, 12 Schillinge
oder Piccoli, und wemi er Nachts eine Kammer benutzte ebenfalls 12 piccoli
. . . bezahlen. Nicht anders kann ich die Worte an der betreffenden
Stelle im Capitolare verstehen : * che zaschun marchadante Todescho sia
tegnudo ognia notte h qual abitera in lo fontego pagar pizoli xii, e simil-
mente per zaschaduna camera la qual lo tegneria pagar debbia ogni notte
pizoli xii.' We think the passage may bear and does bear another inter-
pretation ; that it does not mean that a man paid 12 p)iccoli for passing
a night in the fondaco, and 12 more if he occupied a room, but that he
paid 12 piccoli for a night in the foiidaco, and 12 piiccoli for each succes-

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 567

sive night for wliicli he kept a room on hire, whether he was there or
not ; that the opposition is not between those who passed a night in the
corridors and those who passed it in a room, but between those who passed
one night and those who had lodgings for a longer or shorter time ; not
between abitera (it Fondaco) and abitera {una camera) ^ but between
■abitera (per una volta) and tegneria, for many successive nights.

These are, however, small points of disagreement, and we can only
repeat that the work is one of great value, of thorough scholarship, and
deserving hearty thanks from every student of German- Venetian trade
relations. Hoeatio F. Brown.

The Early History of the English Woollen Industry. By W. J. Ashley,
M.A. Pp. 85. (Baltimore : American Economic Association. 1887.)

Mr. W. J. Ashley has contributed an interesting sketch of the * Early
History of the English Woollen Industry ' to the second volume of the
publications of the American Economic Association. Though the author
makes no pretension to completeness of treatment, he has worked out at
least some portions of his subject in considerable detail, and he has thrown
a good deal of fresh light on the rise of the class of traders in cloth in
London during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. It is to be regretted
that he did not devote similar pains to the difficult question of the origin
of the cloth manufacture as it existed before the time of Edward III.
He notes that a separate craft of weavers cannot be traced back before
the twelfth century ; but he assumes that the weavers' guilds, which are
mentioned in the early pipe rolls, consisted of native craftsmen. He
might at least have considered the hypothesis that they were * French-
men' who immigrated to the desolated towns (compare the case of
Shrewsbury in Domesday Book), and who were not, like previous immi-
grants, * at scot and lot ' with the inhabitants (c/. ' Laws of William I '
in Thorpe, i. 490, 491) ; in fact, the disabilities under which the weavers,
fullers, and dyers lay may have been due to an antipathy between native
burgesses and * unfree ' Frenchmen. Mr. Ashley assumes throughout
that the weavers were oppressed because they were only craftsmen, and
that there was in the twelfth century a widely scattered and numerous
merchant class able to exercise this tyranny over native English artisans.
It may be doubted whether Mr. Ashley's essay is improved by the
attempt to illustrate a ' law of the four stages ' in industry (family, guild,
domestic, and factory) from the history of cloth manufacture in England.
It certainly is not clear that there was any change from a guild to a
•domestic system in the eastern counties during the ' first sixty or seventy
years of the fifteenth century ; ' in fact several new * mysteries ' to regulate
the manufacture of cloth were authorised under Henry VIII : from one
curious enabling statute with regard to the town of Lynn (14 & 15
H. VIII, c. 3) we may perhaps infer that where ten householders were
working at the same craft in the same town, it was considered a fair
thing to let them have the power of regulating their own craft. But
•even in those cases where Mr. Ashley's judgment may be called in
question, he has stated the grounds of his view so clearly that one cannot
but feel that he has really helped to advance the study of the subject.

W. Cunningham.

568 REVIEWS OF BOOKS July

Commons and Common Fields. Being the Yorke Prize Essay of the
University of Cambridge for the year 1886. By Thomas Edward
ScEUTTON, M.A., LL.B. (Cambridge University Press. 1887.)

By this time Mr. Scrutton must be tired of being told that the essays by
which he wins the Yorke Prize fully deserve their success. In the present
instance more can be said, for he has made a valuable contribution to the
literature of his subject. We are half inclined to quarrel with those who
gave him so large a theme as ' The History and Policy of the Laws rela-
ting to Commons and Enclosures in the United Kingdom,' because this
has obliged him to devote some pages to the modern law, and to a dis-
cussion of ' needed reforms.' What he says of these matters is well said,
but good books about existing law and even projects of reform get their
reward in the natural course of events, while the Yorke Prize is almost
the only encouragement that is offered for researches in the domain of
legal history. The best part of this essay is that which deals with the
later middle ages, with the period of the year-books, and here Mr.
Scrutton has done work which will have to be considered by every one
who means to study the history of common rights. His main discovery,
for such it seems worthy to be called, is that in the older books the words
appendant and appurtenant are used promiscuously, that it is the middle
of the fifteenth century before the distinction between these two terms
is definitely established, Now this is far from being a matter of mere
words, for it must at once give rise to the suspicion that the whole doc-
trine of common appendant, of common rights for which the freehold
tenant need show neither grant nor prescription, is not of very ancient
date. There is a great deal which bears out this supposition ; a right of
just the kind which later lawyers called common appendant seems un-
known to Bracton ; his theory is that rights of common originate in
grant, or in long user, or in vicinage. About common pur cause de
vicinage Mr. Scrutton might perhaps have said more than he has said ;
the orthodox theory of the law books is far from being satisfactory. But
the point that he makes is a point of considerable importance not merely
in the history of legal theories but also in the history of social and
economic facts. The existence of rights of common, which are supposed
to have their legal commencement neither in a grant made by the lord
nor in long-continued user by the tenant, has been adduced as a survival
of the free village community ; and if we find that the notion of such
rights is but gradually evolved in the course of the fourteenth century,
then some doctrines that have become very popular of late must be
revised. Mr. Joshua Williams, in one of his careful pieces of historical
work, has stated his opinion that the refined distinctions between append-
ant and appurtenant are due to an age later than that of Edward I, and
Mr. Scrutton has now gone far to prove that this is so.

As to the time which lies between Edward I and the Norman Con-
quest, Mr. Scrutton has accepted, after careful consideration, the main
theme of what he very rightly calls Mr. Seebohm's ' epoch-making
work,' namely, that the freeholders were a quite small, though rapidly
increasing, class. About this there can hardly now be much doubt.
Those who maintain that small freeholders were numerous from the

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 569

Conquest onwards have to meet the evidence of Doomsday Book with
one of two theories : either the small freehold tenancies were omitted
from the record, or else the villani were freeholders or the predecessors
in title of freeholders. Mr. Seebohm has rejected both these suppositions,
and Mr. Scrutton has now taken his side. His decision on this point is
valuable, because he is fully alive to the difficulties which it puts in the
way of any theory as to what was the state of things before the Conquest.
The truth is that we are not ready or nearly ready for a history of early
English land law. We have got to work back to it in true scientific
fashion from the known to the unknown. Mr. Seebohm was the first to
see this, and whatever mistakes he may have made should readily be for-
given in consideration of this his great exploit. Every new monastic
cartulary that is printed shows that in the thirteenth century the small
freeholders were a small class, though a class that was growing. Mr.
Scrutton has spoken at some length of the Doomsday of St. Paul's.
There were apparently more freeholders on the manors of St. Paul than
on manors of some other religious houses, but even there we can see that
this class is of recent origin ; the land which the freehold tenants hold
is often computed as part of the demesne, and this suggests that these
lands were lately in the lord's hand; they were demesne at no distant
date and are still spoken of as demesne lands. If we turn to the registers
of Gloucester or of Kamsey, freeholders are yet rarer ; indeed a small
freeholder is quite rare. St. Benedict of Eamsey has held many of his
lands since the days of Edgar; freeholders are few, even free men are
few, if we apply what the lawyers of the time regarded as the best test of
personal freedom ; very few are the tenants of St. Benedict who do not
pay the merchet. Mr. Scrutton has come to the conclusion, and we see
no escaping it, that in general the freeholders of the fourteenth century
are not the successors in title of any persons mentioned in Doomsday, but
hold their lands under feoffments made in later times. Only in the
Danish counties can they be the representatives of the members ot a
village community.

Naturally he has to notice respectfully the lawyer's dogma that to
make a manor there must be freeholders enough to constitute a court
baron. To treat this, as some do, as though it were a conclusive answer
to Mr. Seebohm, or even a serious difficulty in his way, is a feat of rash-
ness of which Mr. Scrutton is not guilty. Until the history of this dogma
has been explored we shall do well to let it alone. It is reported that
London auctioneers deem no house worthy to be called a * mansion '
unless it has backstairs ; therefore, every mansio mentioned in any
document of the twelfth century must have had backstairs. This may
be strange reasoning, but it is hardly stranger than to take a piece of
Coke and illustrate Doomsday with it. That dogma must be traced
through the year-books before it can be of any value, and we suspect that
when the investigator has gone but a little way he wiU find that this bit
of sterile terminology had its origin in a misunderstanding. At any rate
it cannot have been generally accepted in the thirteenth century ; maneria
without freeholders enough to form a court are far too common for that,
and when we do find freeholders we have no right to assume that they
owed suit of court. The courts of freeholders which really sat to any

570 REVIEWS OF BOOKS July

good purpose seem generally to have been courts not of single manors
but of honours ; thus all the greater tenants of the abbey of Gloucester
owed suit to the abbot's libera curia at Gloucester, and the freeholders of
the abbey of Eamsey had to come from Norfolk and from the south of
Bedfordshire to the court at Broughton in Huntingdonshire. It is pleasant
to hear Mr. Scrutton saying that * Coke's views as to the common law
three hundred years before he wrote are, of course, of no great value unless
they are supported by contemporary evidence.' Too long has Coke sat
heavy on mankind. Mr. Scrutton has done well in looking for evidence
outside the law books ; he has collected some valuable extracts from the
county histories, a mass of literature which deserves more serious atten-
tion than it gets, or is like to get, except from those who are sufficiently
in earnest to look through many hundreds of dreary pages in the hope of
finding a few significant facts. What now is wanted, if manorial history
is ever to be written, is a thorough examination of the cartularies and
court rolls, printed and unprinted. In the notes to an essay, written un-
fortunately for us in the Eussian tongue. Professor Vinogradoff has col-
lected, chiefly from unprinted documents, a great store of new information
about manorial rights ; it is to be hoped that he will soon translate his
essay into English. But for a very long time to come there will be ample
room for workers : if they are as industrious, as fair-minded, and as accu-
rate as Mr. Scrutton, we shall do well. It is much to be wished that those
who have it in their power to set subjects for the Yorke Prize would
remember the pressing need there is of attracting students to the task of
gathering and garnering what is both new and true about English medi-
eval law. Mr. Scrutton' s book reminds us that for three centuries and
more no substantial addition has been made to our materials, if such they
may be called, for deciding whether before the Statute of Merton the lord
could enclose the lands which were subject to common rights. Two little
scraps out of Fitzherbert's ' Abridgment ' have been chewed and rechewed
by writer after writer, and have long ago ceased to be nutritious. This
is not to our credit ; any one can find new materials who will take a little
trouble. F. W. Maitland.

Le Developpenient de la Constitution et de la Societe Politique en Angle-
terre. Par E. Boutmy. (Paris : 1887.)

"What is much wanted in England just now are treatises which will
attempt to deal with the whole course of English constitutional develop-
ment, which will show the relation of its earlier to its later history, and
furnish the student, as it were, with a framework within which he may
Sethis more minute knowledge of particular periods. This want the
admirable book before us goes far towards satisfying. M. Boutmy's
argument seems in the main well founded, and he develops it with
wonderful clearness and vigour. The merits and defects of his work are
such as we might perhaps expect from the author's position as director of
the Free School of Political Sciences at Paris. He is more anxious to
bring out the larger features of his subject, to trace the distribution of
political forces, and to explain the historical development of the present
English society, than to discuss the minutiae of constitutional organisa-

1888

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571

tion. His book, therefore, may be a useful corrective to the tendency to
sacrifice width of view to a textual knowledge of documents. On the
other hand, his dislike of mere antiquarianism has sometimes impaired
his judgment. Thus, he seems to think it idle to trouble oneself much
about England before the Norman conquest, and accordingly sets out
from that event. Yet he lays stress later on the unique position of the
English sherift" and shire court, which certainly cannot be explained
unless we go behind 1066.

It is to the eighteenth century that M. Boutmy has devoted the
greatest attention ; and his book might almost be described as an essay
on the history of the English squirearchy. He shows how the class of
English gentry grew up in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, how its
power was widened and strengthened in the eighteenth. Of the intervening
3)eriod he says but little — a serious omission, which certainly cannot be
justified by the statement (p. 156) that there was no considerable change
in the relations of classes from Elizabeth to William III. The chapters
•devoted to the eighteenth century are, however, the most useful in the
book. No previous writer has shown so clearly the real character of the
aristocratic * self-government ' of the eighteenth century ; and his treat-
ment of the subject has the additional merit of making the student realise
the intimate relation between social and constitutional history. But the
influence of the book will probably be lessened by M. Boutmy's too obvious
desire to make out a case against the landed interest, or rather to attri-
bute every step in the consolidation of their power to a conscious policy.

In view of an English translation, which is much to be desired, it will be
ivorth while to call attention to some misleading mistakes. Among these
are the use of * maire ' for the village reeve (p. 101) ; the impHcation (p. 140)
that the title * defender of the faith ' was a consequence of the breach
with Rome ; the statement (p. 140) that a new commission is given to the
bishops at the beginning of each reign ; the assumption (p. 234) that every
enclosure was an enclosure of * commons ' in the modern sense of the
term. A translator will also do well to acknowledge more largely
M. Boutmy's obligations to Toynbee. Not only is the material of page
after page taken directly from * The Industrial Eevolution,' sometimes
even verbally, but some of the references are also at second hand from him.
There is a serious mistake on p. 175, where 50,000/. is given as the total
value of the cotton manufacture in 1750, instead of only the exports.

W. J. Ashley.

Johannis Wyclif Tractatus de Ecclesia, now first edited from the manu-
scripts with critical and historical notes by Dr. Johann Loserth,
Professor of History at the University of Czernowitz. (London :
Published for the Wyclif Society by Triibner & Co. 1886.)

The capital importance of Wychffe's treatise ' De Ecclesia ' in relation
to the teaching of John Hus was at once recognised when Professor Loserth
proved in his 'Hus and Wiclif (Prague, 1884) that the most famous
ivork of the Bohemian reformer bearing the same title was little more
than a cento of extracts from Wycliffe's book. Perhaps the most curious
instance of the way Hus borrowed is shown by the passage in another

572 REVIEWS OF BOOKS July

work of his, ' De AblacioneTemporalium,' where he says: Cum ijlus quam
quarta pars regni sit devoluta ad manum mortiiam, sequihcr quod rex
noster non sit rex tocms Boemie, cum plus quam quarta pars m manu
mortua est decisa ; smce the statement is made word for word in
Wycliffe's * De Ecclesia ' (cap. xv. p. 336) with the single variant of
' Anglie ' for * Boemie.' But the parallelism runs through the whole of
Hus's Latin works, and after Dr. Loserth's minute investigation of the
subject it is not possible to dispute Hus's almost servile indebtedness to his
English predecessor. We should, however, be very far from admitting
that the fact of this literary dependence ought to impair our estimate of
the importance of Hus's work as a reformer. Small as may have been
his creative power, he possessed in a wonderful degree the gift of absorb-
ing the ideas of others and of making them tell on the minds of his
hearers. Through his spiritual force of character he was able to set on
foot a genuinely national movement in the direction of religious reform ;
whereas Wycliffe, with all his learning, acuteness, and single-minded
devotion, can at most claim to have founded a sect which was virtually
extinguished by the first resolute blows aimed at it by the Lancastrian
kings.

It is a great advantage that Dr. Loserth should have followed up his
analysis of Hus and Wyclilfe by an edition of the latter' s treatise ' De
Ecclesia.' The manuscript which forms the basis of his text, now in the
imperial library at Vienna (Cod. 1294), bears a note that ifc was ' corrected '
(as it had no doubt been transcribed) ' at Oxford on the vigil of the purifi-
cation of St. Mary, 1407, by Nicolas Faulfisch and George of Knyehnicz.'
Faulfisch was long regarded as the first introducer of Wycliffe's theo-
logical writings into Bohemia ; but it is now certain that the reformer's
doctrines had been condemned there as early as 1403. We do not know
why Dr. Loserth says the date of the correction of the manuscript is
* Whitsuntide.' The vigil of the Purification can only be February 1 ;
and if, as is likely, the scribe adopted the English reckoning, the year
will be 140J. With this manuscript Dr. Loserth has collated two, and
for one chapter of the work three, others. It is pleasant to be able to
speak with warm admiration of the manner in which the editing has been
done. As myself a worker for the Wyclif Society, I was favoured with
the proofsheets of the book, and I have been surprised to see how few of
the errata which I noted have escaped detection. On p. 10 the quotation
from St. Augustin should end with ' viantes,' the last four words being
Wycliffe's addition. P. 115, 1. 9, capciosissime should be capciosissimo.
P. 160, 1. 12, for et honum laudahile read honum et laudabile. P. 180, 1. 14
would be clearer if ex dictis were put within parentheses. In p. 282
the following clause is unintelligible : qtiia sic regnu^n nostrum foret per
mortificationem temporalium niviis diminutum et per consequens virtute
brevis regii ; ad^ quod damnum rex statim revocaret quod tam improvide
est concessum. The semicolon should come after diminutum, not after
regii ; the meaning being, * and consequently, by virtue of a king's writ
" Ad quod damnum," the king would ' &c. Pp. 283, 315, Henricus de
Gandano (four times) should be Gandavo. Some references have also
eluded the learned editor. On p. 21, the work of Richard fitzRalph
(Armachanus), *De Questionibus Armenorum,' is cited. Dr. Loserth

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573

contents himself with a general reference to a manuscript of the book at
Vienna ; but the book (' Summa in Quaestionibus Armenorum ') was pub-
lished at Paris in 1511. Again, p. 100, a statement is made secundum
unum de viginti quakior prophetis ; whereupon the editor remarks,
* This passage is not to be found in the prophets.' But did he look for
twenty-four prophets in the canonical scriptures ? The explanation of the
puzzle did not appear in print in time for him to make use of it. It
occurs in the invaluable Archiv fur Litteratur- und Kirchengeschichte des
Mittelalters, edited by Fathers Denifle and Ehrle, ii. 427 (1886), where
philosophus umis ex xxiv is quoted from an unpublished work of Meister
Eckehart and expressly noted by Father Denifle as coming from a book
not cited by any one (to his knowledge) before Eckehart. After a long
hunt the * Liber 24 Philosophorum ' turned up in Cod. Amplon. Quarto 151.
An extract is given, in which Wycliffe's quotation can be verified. So it
was not 'prophets' but * philosophers ' in question. In the * De Eccl.'
pp. 173, 1. 22, ut alibi diffusius exposui, and 218, 1. 7, need a reference to
the * De civih Dominio,' i. 44, p. 397, and i. 26. P. 201, 1. 12 (c/. note),
refers to James iv. 4.

To the student of Enghsh history the treatise * De Ecclesia' is of
peculiar interest, since in it is incorporated the state paper which Wycliffe
prepared for the Gloucester parliament of October 1378 with reference
to the violation of the sanctuary of Westminster by order of John of
Gaunt in August of that year.^ This document, contained in ch. vii., exists
also as a separate work entitled 'De captivo Hispanensi' in a Dublin
manuscript, and it is evident that its relation to the rest of the ' De Ecclesia '
is quite accidental, and that the detail with which the subject is treated
stands out of proportion to its importance as a part of the treatise as a
whole. How far the episode extends it is hard to say. It begins : Gonveni-
mus ex mandato domiiii regis ad dicendum . . . veritatem in casu nobis
exposito, &c. ; but in the following chapter we read : Arguitur et tenetur quod
doctores vocati ex mandato domini regis et iurati ad dicendum veritatem
de casu qui nuper contigit in Westmonasterio . . . mentiri debuerant
{cap. viii. p. 159); and again (p. 162) : quod debuissemus mentiri contra
iuramentum nostrum, &c. On the other hand, one can hardly believe that
the whole even of chapter vii. with its elaborate theological argument,
though this by itself is incomplete, was actually laid before parliament.
It seems on the whole most likely that the entire section extending from
ch. vii. to ch. xvi. is an expansion of the original document.

The account of the transaction, now printed in full for the first time,^
to some extent modifies the impression given by the narrative of Wal-
singham, though we do not think it can be considered at all a sufficient
justification for John of Gaunt's action. The facts, which are well known,
may be summarised as follows : Two men, Haule and Schakel, had a
prisoner taken in one of the Spanish campaigns of the Black Prmce
(1367). The royal council ordered them to surrender him, and on their
refusal shut them up in the Tower. They escaped and took refuge in the

' This document has been discussed by Dr. Loserth in an article in Sybel's His-
torische Zeitschrift, liii. 47-52 (1885).

2 Two extracts were previously printed by Shirley in his introduction to the Fas-
ciculi Zizaniorum, pp. xxxvi et seq. 1858.

574 . REVIEWS OF BOOKS July

Westminster sanctuary, and wlien John of Gaunt sent armed men ta
seize them a fray arose, in which one of them was killed. The bishop of
London thereupon pronounced sentence of excommunication against
those concerned in the double crime of sacrilege and homicide. One
hardly sees what else he could have done, and it is significant that the
feeling in London was so strong that the ensuing parliament had to be
held at a safe distance from the capital. The main points of fact on
which Walsingham and Wycliffe disagree are these : Walsingham says
that the prisoner was wanted by Lancaster to be employed in furthering-
his Castilian schemes, while Wycliffe states that his redemption was^
desired in order to secure the liberation of a number of English prisoners
in Spain. The latter adds that Haule and Schakel were believed to have
a design of raising a rebellion against the king, but the suggestion looks
suspicious. We do not mean that Wycliffe invented the story, but that
he was officially misinformed : it has always been common to bring in a
charge of treasonable practices in order to discredit inconvenient offenders.
Had Wycliffe simply had the duty of exposing the abuses arising from
the privilege of asylum, his argument would have been a good one ; he
would have been, in fact, following in the steps of Pope Urban V not
many years earlier when he deprived his cardinals of the sanctuary
privileges previously enjoyed by their palaces. But the affair was com-
plicated by its antecedents, and Wycliffe spoke to a public which, already
disgusted with John of Gaunt and his high-handed behaviour, was ready
enough to regard— and perhaps right in regarding — the violation of the
sanctuary as the last stage in a series of violent acts on the duke's part.
It is interesting to note that ch. xv. xvi., if, as seems probable, they are
an expansion of the document laid before parliament, strongly confirm
the rumour mentioned by Walsingham, that the duke intended to propose
to it a sweeping scheme of confiscation of church property. Wycliffe
does not indeed state this in so many words, but his argument altogether
aims at showing the legitimacy of such a measure. In the ' De civili
Dominio ' he had discussed the question at length, but rather as a specu-
lative position : now he puts it directly, in the case of the kingdom of
England, and not merely as a possibility but as a present duty.^

We have here called attention to one only of the many features of
interest presented by the treatise * De Ecclesia.' Written as it was at
different times, partly before and partly after the great schism had begun,
it reflects in a remarkable way the gradual change in the mind of a
leading English churchman with regard to the nature and constitution of
the church. Wycliffe's treatment of his subject will to many appear
wilfully perverse, especially in his bold, not to say paradoxical, interpre-
tation of the famous bull, Unam sanctam; but the truth is, that at a
time when the first principles of church government were thrown into a
state of confusion, it was absolutely impossible for an honest reformer to
discuss such subjects without involving himself in contradiction or
paradox.

Two little facts niay be cited for the benefit of Oxford students : one,
that Wycliffe doubles the already impossible figure at which Archbishop
FitzEalph had reckoned the students of the university in his youth,
' See especially ch. xvi. pp. 383 et seq.

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 575

making them sixty thousand (cap. xvi. p. 374) ; and secondly, the curious
name given to the suburb of Beaumont, sicut puerivocant Oxonie Komam
monticulum Belli Montis' (cap. i. p. 15).

Dr. Loserth has earned the hearty thanks of Wychffe students by this
excellent edition of the * De Ecclesia.' The book is printed from a
remarkably fine type, which does great credit to the firm of Carl Fromme
of Vienna ; and Mr. F. D. Matthew has greatly assisted the reader by
giving a careful marginal analysis of the text. Eeginald L. Poole.

A Life of John Golet. By J. H. Lupton, M.A.
(London : Bell & Sons. 1887.)

The personality of John Colet was recalled from comparative forgetfulness
by Mr. Seebohm's * Oxford Reformers.' Since the time of the appearance
of that book Mr. Lupton has made the subject of Colet his own by his
careful editions of Colet's writings. Now, at last, he comes forward with
the result of his work, and has produced a life of Colet to which it seems
improbable that future industry will find much to add. Mr. Lupton's
labours have been inspired by the feeling of natural piety towards the
founder of St. Paul's School, and afford another instance that those who
in bygone days bestirred themselves for the spread of education were
right in reckoning on the gratitude of posterity. There still rests on the
heads of founders and benefactors a halo which no sacrilegious hand is
raised to remove.

It is this which gives Mr. Lupton's work its special character. It is
written with fervent admiration ; it has been the labour of years ; it is the
result of conscientious industry. Everything that could throw light on
Colet's life and writings has been diligently gathered together. But, on
the other hand, it is the work of one who is primarily interested in Colet,
and only to a secondary degree in the times in which Colet lived. Mr.
Lupton's very carefulness as a biographer prevents him from venturing
into the tempting field of historical investigation which surrounds him
on every side. He is neither an historian of theological thought nor a
student of the history of the Reformation ; he is engaged in commemora-
ting the life and virtues of the founder of St. Paul's School.

Yet the problems which he has avoided force themselves necessarily
on the reader's attention. What was the influence upon Colet of the
Florentine Platonists ? What was Colet's influence on Erasmus ?
Why was Colet's own teaching a failure in the sense that it made little
impression on English thought and left no school behind it ? These are
points on which we cannot help forming an opinion, and Mr. Lupton is
too guarded to give us very much help.

It is perhaps hazardous, where Mr. Lupton has been silent, to attempt
to suggest answers to these questions in a brief space. We may, however,
say that Colet learned in Florence the impulse of Renaissance criticism,
and a sense of the method of exegesis in dealing with the scriptures. He
was not a philosopher, and perhaps imperfectly understood the main
object of Ficino, which was the restoration of human thought to harmony
by representing all the products of human wisdom as imperfect forms of
the truth of Christianity, and at the same time giving a mystical interpre-

576 REVIEWS OF BOOKS July

tation of christian doctrine so as to adapt it to tlie requirements of this
process. With this main philosophical object Colet had no sympathy,
but he learned much from the high atmosphere of intelligent criticism,
and he absorbed something of the mystical system of interpretation.
Colet remained a man whose aim was to kindle practical devotion. His
expository lectures at Oxford were directed to the exegesis of scripture,
to the understanding of the meaning of what St. Paul had written.

In much the same way as Colet was impressed by the Florentine
teachers, he himself impressed Erasmus. He had gained an insight into
a new method ; he handed on a conception of refined and intelligent piety.
The character and aims of Erasmus were heightened by his intercourse
with Colet, and he gained in seriousness of purpose. But Erasmus saw
that Colet's teaching was not likely to be generally effective. He saw that
one or two examples here and there were not enough to bring new life
into the system of the church. Ficino hoped to make things better by
raising a new philosophy in which existing contradictions disappeared.
Colet set himself to better the things that came before him in his daily
walk of life. Erasmus went forth to wage war against the intellectual
conservatism which bound the ecclesiastical system and prevented it from
adapting itself to the needs of a fast-changing world. None of their efforts
succeeded, for none of them moved fast enough. Ficino's dreamy philo-
sophy was only for the select few ; Erasmus's polished sarcasms were
powerful to disintegrate, but only made a breach through which ruder
assailants entered.

As compared either with Ficino or Erasmus, Colet and his friends
hold a comparatively small position. They were not great thinkers who
wished to form a constructive system, nor were they consummate men of
letters who could appeal to a European audience. Colet was a practical
Englishman, confined within the limits of the England of his time. He
tried to stir Oxford with a new life, but he was not strong enough to
establish a school, and when he went to London his friends followed him
there. At St. Paul's he gave himself to work practical reforms, in which
he had many sympathisers, but he had not the robustness to make his
example tell upon a wide circle. The English churchmen of the time
saw the need of ecclesiastical reform, but were powerless to begin the work.
The church was so interwoven with the papacy and with the state, that
there was no possibility of finding any point at which to make a fresh
start. All that Colet could do was to put his trust in the future. He
believed in the spread of intelligence amongst those who were to come
after him, and founded his school as an earnest of his hopes. He had no
trust in the church as a guardian of his new foundation ; and he was a
true prophet when he rested his hopes upon the rising middle class and
committed the care of his school to the Company of the London Mercers.

M. Ceeighton.

L'Acadimie des derniers Valois, 1570-1585. Par Edouard Fremy.
(Paris : Ernest Leroux. 1887.)

Montaigne's strictures on the high-pressure system of education prac-
tised in his day are justified by Jean-Antoine de Baif, the progenitor
of the French Academy. He relates that so soon as he could lisp he

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 577

received colloquial instruction in Greek and Latin from Charles Estienne
and others of the learned clique who enjoyed the patronage of his father,
the enthusiastic Hellenist. At the age of twelve he was placed at the
College de Coquerel, under Jean Dorat, characterised by Ronsard, another
of his discipleSj as le premier qui a destoupe la fonteine des Muses par
les outils des Grecs. Three years later, in 1547, Baif found himself an
orphan with a heritage of little beyond the hotel in the Fosses Saint Victor,

Des que mon pere mourut,

L'orage sur mon chef courut.

Pau\Tete mes epaules presse,

Me foule, et jamais ne me laisse.

To this reverse of fortune I think may be ascribed some of his later en-
terprises which seem less the extravagances of genius than a search after
lucrative notoriety. Possessed of great erudition, he was, says Pasquier,
mal ne a la poesie, and afforded proof that whereas la nature sans Vart est
quelque chose, Vart sans la nature n'est rien.^ Thus, though Baif was^
enrolled in the ' Brigade ' and the ' Pleiade ' with Ronsard, Du Bellay,
and Jodelle for compeers, his were the laurels that faded the soonest.-
M. Fremy, however, does his best to revive them.

Canon Creighton has narrated how, towards the middle of the fifteenth
century, * the system of academies rapidly spread throughout Italy, and
gave to the men of the new learning a definite organisation, whereby
they became influential bodies with a corporate existence.' The first
French copy of this design is not mentioned by M. Fremy, but is thus-
noticed by Pasquier : Quelques uns de nos Poetes, pendant le regne de-
Henri II, se donnerent puissance, par forme d' Academic, de vouloir inno-
ver quelques mots ; et entr'autres Baif et Nicolas Denisot.^ Considering
Baif's youth, this event may be regarded as subsequent to, if not actually
consequent on, the publication by Joachim du Bellay in 1550 of the
* Deffence et Illustration de la langue fran^oise,' wherein is sanctioned
the moderate use of words of foreign origin. In fact these literary revo-
lutionists, having impaired the productiveness of their intellect by gorging
it with classicism, had reluctantly to confess their inability to rival those
great poets of antiquity with whose names they delighted to deck them-
selves : therefore they indicted the poverty of their native tongue. Yet
that they lacked imagination rather than a vocabulary becomes evident
the moment we compare their translations with their original composi-
tions, as for instance Baif's very readable rendering of Sophocles' ' An-
tigone ' with the wearisome rhapsodies addressed by the poetaster to the
feigned mistress of his love. These last proved too much even for the
patience of that long-suffering generation which could applaud the endless
and polyglot verses whereby Pasquier and his band of * Poetes chante
Puces ' immortalised the Dames des Roches. Hence in 1566 or 1567 Baif,
disgusted by the unpopularity of his rhymed * Amours,' vowed to devote
himself to blank verse. ^ This style, another classical imitation, seems to
have been tried in the preceding decade by Jodelle, Denisot, and Pasquier.
But Baif contested their pretensions and asserted that a musician, Thi-
bault de Courville, had urged him

' Pasquier, Becherches, vol. ii. p. 653. ^ j^,, vol. ii. p. 654.

» lb. vol. i. p. 733.

VOL. III. — NO. XI. P P

578 REVIEWS OF BOOKS July

pour I'art de musique
Eeformer ^ la mode antique.
Les vers mesurez inventer.

For three years the two friends studied not only iambics and dactyls,
but more especially such laws of harmony and musical rhythm as they
found or imagined to be coeval with the rules of Greek prosody. Then
they came forth as purveyors of public instruction and amusement.
What had meanwhile befallen Baif's first or philological academy does
not transpire. But now in 1570 he and De Courville obtained from
Charles IX authority to establish, d la maniere des anciens, une Aca-
demie ou Compagnie comjposee tant de Compositeurs, de Chantres et
Joueurs d' instruments de la musique que d'honnestes Auditeurs d'icelle.
The subscriptions of the latter were to maintain the institution, which
included a school for budding poets and musicians. Whilst the royal
letters patent just quoted were granted to the promoters on the score
of the salutary influence exercised by music on public morals, the
registration of these documents was violently opposed in parliament
on the pretext that the scheme tended to the effeminacy and corruption
of youth. Occasionally this Academie de Poesie et Musique met in a
hall or pavilion belonging to Eonsard and situated in the garden of the
College de Boncourt, but as a rule it assembled in Baif's hotel, and was
therefore commonfy called by his name. Scevole de Sainte-Marthe
declares that Le bruit de ces nouveaux et mUodieux concerts esclatta
partout de telle sorte que le Boy mesme et tous les princes de la cour les
voulurent ouyr. Sauval further explains how they effected the seculari-
sation of concerted music hitherto confined to ecclesiastical purposes.
Yet to regard this enterprise as a society for musical concerts is denounced
by M. Fremy as a grave error (p. 38). Not the least interesting of his
numerous citations is of some lines addressed by Baif to Charles IX.
From these it appears that the academic programme soon comprised
ballet dancing, together with the representation of tragedies and come-
dies translated or adapted from Sophocles and Terence. Due care,
however, was taken that naught should offend the chaste ears of the
queen mother.

Notwithstanding these attractions our author holds that the troubles
of '72 ruined Baif and his society. However, an appeal from the poet to
the royal munificence is the sole evidence adduced to prove that dissolu-
tion of the academy which is indispensable to the theory of its subsequent
resurrection by Pibrac. Against this testimony it may be urged that the
quondam speculator and now favoured secretaire de la cliamhre du roi
had for many years experienced ' what hell it is in suing long to bide,'
and that this particular sample of his calling bears no date. Moreover,
in '73 we know that he was prosperous enough to publish a four-volume
edition of his works, wherein, by the bye, may be found that savage
attack Sur le cors de Gaspar de Coligni gisant stir le pave, which shows
Baif to have been a more adroit courtier than his panegyrist cares to
allow. Again it is difficult to conceive how a bankrupt could have issued
that beautiful and costly specimen of typography treasured in the Gren-
ville collection, the phonetic puzzle entitled ' Etrenes de poezie Franzoeze
an vers mezure,' dedicated to Charles IX, and printed in '74 in an alphabet

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 579

specially invented by the advocate of blank verse for the benefit of his
hobby.

But to proceed. In '74 we are told the ' poet ' king was succeeded by
the ' erudite ' Henri III, un esprit cuUiv6, mais avant tout positif, exact
et methodique. Les sciences linguistiques, morales et philosophiques (lui)
ojfraient hcaucoup plus cVattrait que les lettres (p. 91). Hence, when in
'75 the royal mentor, Guy du Faur Pibrac, suddenly desired to revive an
institution in which he had taken no previous interest, he perceived that
its basis must be altogether changed if his master's sympathy were to be
gained. To this end Baif generously effaced himself (p. 90), whilst his
defunct society was resuscitated under the name of 1' Academic du Palais,
and in the form of a school for the diffusion of Platonic philosophy — a
doctrine, be it remembered, whose heterodoxy had three years before been
the warrant for the murder of Ramus. That this company of savants assem-
bled henceforth in the king's private apartments at the Louvre by virtue of
the identical statutes and letters patent which had originally licensed Baif
to convert his hotel into a music-hall is one of many bewildering assertions
for which no authority is given (p. 115). Nor does the reader's perplexity
diminish when apprised that the most renowned philosophers in the king-
dom, after debates on the relative value of the intellectual and the moral
virtues, wound up their reunions at the palace with a performance in
which Mauduit and his band of musicians, singers, and dancers directed
all their art to the inflaming of the passions. In opposition to the incon-
gruities of this version I would suggest the coexistence during the reign
of Henri III of two distinct societies — the old Academic de Baif and the
new Academic du Palais. According to Sauval, not only did that monarch
frequent the former place of amusement, but it was there that he witnessed
with delight Mauduit's sensuous entertainment. Moreover, the chroni-
cler gives us plainly to understand that this institution remained at its
founder's hotel in the Fosses Saint Victor till 1589, when, Baif being
dead, it was removed to the Rue des Juifs by Mauduit.'' Meanwhile
Henri III had not confined his patronage solely to this academy. Sauval
writes : A la sollicitation de Pybrac il voulut en etahlir une de personnes
doctes dans le Louvre, being desirous, says Binet, d'apprendre a moindre
peine les bonnes lettres par leurs rares discours. A somewhat late though
necessary precaution, as the ignorance of this * erudite ' sovereign was the
derision of all Paris, and in November '75 furnished Pasquier with a text
for an epigram. That Baif is placed by Binet and Sauval on the list of the
Academiciens du Palais is a fact which I think nowise clashes with his
retention of the directorship of his own society. Both associations
melted away in the turmoil of the League, bequeathing to the next gene-
ration a term whose significance became so elastic as to embrace every
kind of assembly, from gambling clubs to Richelieu's august fraternity.

Unless deference to Henri Ill's linguistic deficiencies be the explana-
tion, it is strange that in the twenty-two academic orations collected by
M. Fremy scarce a single quotation from the classics appears in its
original tongue. Destitute of originality of thought, and curious rather
than interesting, they must nevertheless recall to the English reader the
essays of Francis Bacon. Though he was a student in France during
■• Sauval, Hist, de la ville de Paris, vol. ii. p. 493.

p p 2

580 REVIEWS OF BOOKS July

the halcyon days of the Academie du Palais, M. Fremy, with all his
unrestrained love of conjecture, grants him no niche in his portrait
gallery of its hypothetical visitors. But whether the lay sermons
dehvered by Eonsard, Amadis Jamyn, and Du Perron did or did not serve
as incentives to Bacon, I think the Academiciennes, such as the duchesse
de Retz and Madame de LigneroUes, must have been to some extent re-
sponsible for Ben Jonson's collegiates Lady Haughty and Lady Centaure,

E. Blanche Hamilton.

The Huguenots and Henry of Navarre. By Henry M. Baird, Professor
in the University of the City of New York, Author of * The History of
the Kise of the Huguenots of France.' Two vols. 8vo. (London :
Kegan Paul, Trench, & Co. 1886.)

All readers of history will gladly welcome these volumes, which carry the
history of the Huguenots down to the death of Henry IV, and which with
Mr. Baird's earlier work, of which they are the continuation, contain the
best and most complete account of French protestantism as yet written in
English. Mr. Baird possesses many eminent qualities as an historian ;
he is accurate, well informed, and appears to have made good use of the
abundant materials which exist in print for the history of France during
the sixteenth century. His style is generally simple and straightforward,
although he occasionally yields to the temptation of varying it by patches
of not very forcible rhetoric and irony. This would be a trifling defect if
the attempt to be graphic were not apt to lead to the use not only of
superfluous epithets, but sometimes also of misleading expressions ; if,
for instance, Mr. Baird were not aiming at vividness of language, he would
not call Philip II a ' crowned scribbler.' Occasionally also the cisatlantic
reader finds expressions by which he is perplexed as well as irritated :
though he may be able to understand what is meant by a ' pivotal posi-
tion,' or the ' enginery furnished by the league,' or even by that vile
phrase, frequently used by Mr. Baird, * inuring to,' he has to pause for
a moment when he is told of a commission ' with absolute power to pass
upon all general and political propositions.'

These are trifling defects, and would not be worth notice if they dis-
figured a work of less merit. As a more serious criticism it may be
objected that Mr. Baird is occasionally misled by his strong bias in favour
of the reformers : hence, for instance, his estimate of the politiques is
scarcely just, and he cannot forgive Henry IV his change of religion,
while he more or less ignores the impracticability of one section among
the Huguenots, and the factiousness of another ; yet in his account of the
edict of Nantes he gives the king credit for honesty of purpose, and for
the desire to satisfy the just demands of those who had been his com-
panions in adversity. * In point of fact,' he writes (ii. 422), 'there are
few historical truths more distinctly established than that while Henry
had been dilatory in granting the privileges demanded by the Huguenots,
his delays had been due to no aversion to them, or unwillingness to
reward their patriotic and loyal services, but solely to the opposition,
actual or apprehended, of his council. He might regard as ill-timed the
persistence of the Huguenots ; he might not agree with them in each of

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 581

the points deemed by them essential to their security ; he might even,
on occasion, indulge in a little petulant remonstrance ; but never did he
seriously contemplate a settlement very different from that at which the
deputies finally arrived, and no one, perhaps, in the kingdom was better
pleased when that settlement was actually reached.' This surely is the
right view of the king's attitude, and the answer to the complaint of his
former companions in arms, that he had betrayed and forgotten them —
■complaints which at times Mr. Baird appears disposed to endorse. Mr.
Baird has, as has already been said, an ample acquaintance with the
authorities on his subject, but in his use of them he is apt to be some-
what uncritical. He questions D'Aubigne's account of the sudden
blanching of the moustache of Henry IV, yet accepts on other points,
hardly better authenticated, the testimony of that garrulous writer. The
vices and follies of the later Valois scarcely bear exaggeration, yet by
giving too ready credence to hostile witnesses Mr. Baird has been led
to describe Henry III as a compound of effeminate vice, superstitious
hypocrisy, and frivolous folly of an almost supernatural consistency in
baseness ; nor do the queen-mother and Alen9on fare much better at his
hands. In short, Mr. Baird is too much of a partisan, and too indiscrimi-
natmg in the use of his materials, for his work, excellent as it is, to
take its place as the standard and final history of the French Reformation.

P. F. WiLLERT.

Calendar of State Papers. Domestic Series, 1641-3. Edited by W. D.

Hamilton. (London : Published under the direction of the Master

of the Rolls. 1886.)
The papers which Mr. W. D. Hamilton has calendared in the present
volume extend from June 1641 to December 1643, but the greater part of
them belong to the first twelve months of this period. The decrease in
the number of the papers, and the more miscellaneous nature of the cor-
respondence contained in this volume, is one of the results of the civil
war. Instead of a complete series of the official correspondence of the
secretaries of state, we get after June 1642 a collection of scattered docu-
ments and stray letters. The official papers of the period are largely in
private hands ; for instance, the last report of the Historical Manuscripts
Commission contains a number of Pym's papers and a collection of letters
accumulated by John Browne, clerk of the house of lords, which would
under ordinary circumstances have found their way either into the state
paper office or the archives of the house of lords. The correspondence
of Nicholas, Vane, and Roe during 1641-2 is the most important and com-
plete portion of the papers in this volume. The different correspondents
of Sir John Pennington give a valuable account of events in London
during the second session of the Long parliament, and especially of the
king's attempt to form a party in the city. Mr. Forster in his ' Grand
Remonstrance ' and ' Arrest of the Five Members ' has made copious
extracts from the papers relating to this period. Papers on the civil
war itself are comparatively few. The amusing letters of Nehemiah
Wharton (printed at length in ' Archseologia,' vol. xxxv.) are here made
accessible to every one. They give a most curious picture of the plunder-
ing and praying volunteers from London who formed a large part of

582 REVIEWS OF BOOKS July

the parliament's first army. Wherever Wharton's regmient went they
plmidered malignants and clergy. Sometimes he headed these plmider-
ing expeditions himself, and drew forth a file of men to kill a buck in a
malignant 's park, at other times he was himself plmidered by the men of
other regiments (pp. 379, 887 j. ' Venison is almost as common with us
as beef with you,' he writes from Coventry. At Acton they burn the
communion rails, at Hillingdon they get the surplice to make into hand-
kerchiefs, at Hereford they cannot forbear dancing in the cathedral,
' whereat the Baalists were sore displeased ' (p. 399). They began by
generally manifesting a dislike to their colonel, who is * a God-dam blade '
and makes a vain attempt to maintain discipline. In about ten days the
colonel is cashiered at the demand of the regiment, and a more godly
person put in his place. ' Our regiment,' confesses Wharton, ' is more
slighted than any other,' and he specially mentions the names of some
old soldiers who had served abroad, ' profane wretches,' who aspersed it
to the council of war (p. 392). The volume closes with a series of papers
relating to the trial of Archbishop Laud (pp. 517, 553). In his preface Mr.
Hamilton directs special attention to a paper of considerable constitutional
importance, an order dated 10 Oct. 1643, to the effect that henceforth all
Avarrants and letters signed by the king should be countersigned by one of
the secretaries of state or some other responsible official (p. 491). Accord-
ing to a note on this order by Sir Joseph Williamson, secretary of state
under Charles II, this practice originated as early as 1641.

In conclusion it is necessary to point out that in several cases papers
have been misdated.

On p. 828 the ordinance for appointing a committee of both houses to
join with the commissioners of Scotland belongs to May 1644, not to
May 1642.

On p. 427 the petition of John Twyn to Secretary Nicholas belongs
to September or October 1662, when John Twyn was in trouble for printing
seditious pamphlets, for which he was executed in the following February.
On p. 470 the petition of the inhabitants of Thornaby in Yorkshire
against the exactions of the governor of Stockton should be dated July
1645, for Stockton was not talven by the Scots till 25 July 1644 (Thurloe,
i. 41).

On p. 512 the letter of the bishop of Exeter to the house of commons
should be attributed to Joseph Hall, not to Bishop Brownrigg, and was
written in April 1628. Fuller gives the date of it as 28 April 1628
(' Ephemeris Parliamentaria,' p. 158).

In the preface, p. xxxviii, Mr. Hamilton, following Forster, repre-
sents Lord Kimbolton as warned of his approaching impeachment by a
letter from John Marston the poet. John Marston died six years earlier
(25 June 1634). C. H. Firth.

Historia General de Filipinas, desde el descubrimiento de dichas islas
hasta nuestros dias. Tomo I. Por D. Jose Montero y Vidal.
(Madrid : M. Tello. 1887.)
The difference between this history of the Philippines and that of any of
our own colonies is very striking. If we except cases of missionary enter-
prise, there is no record of individual adventure or of natural colonial

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 583

expansion ; the settler is the least prominent feature in the picture. The
Philippine colony was in fact an administration and a mission. Com-
merce was chiefly conducted by Chinese immigrants. The Chinese labour
question was from the first a burning one ; and the jealousy between them
and both Spaniards and natives led to two outbreaks on the part of the
Chinese, in 1603 and 1639, followed by their almost entire extermination.
This did not check fresh immigration. In 1709 De Ursua limited the
number of Chinese; and in 1755 'all who were not prepared to accept
Christianity were expelled; but it was in vain that Arandia founded a
colonial company to repair the injury thus inflicted on trade.

The colonist had little chance of expansion. He could not, except by
special license, live in the native villages, and the profitable trade with the
American colonies was entirely under government control. Manila be-
came the entrepot for oriental goods, especially silks and cottons from
China and India ; of these the Spanish Americans were eager purchasers,
taking, for instance, 50,000 pairs of silk stockings annually. The mer-
chants of the mother country resented this competition with the looms of
Toledo, Valencia, Seville, and Granada, and even recommended the aban-
donment of the colony. In 1718 the export of any goods which competed
with home manufactures was prohibited, but the remonstrances of the
Mexican and Philippine governments led finally to the settlement of 1734,
which regulated the cargo of the Acapulco ship. For this the government
issued tickets, each representing about a ton. Of these the governor, the
officials, and the religious bodies had a large share ; others were given as
pensions to retired officers and soldiers' widows. Many of the latter tickets
passed into the market, but the ordinary colonist had little chance against
the government and the religious orders, especially as the local officers
employed government troops and ships for their private purposes.

The stationary character of the colony and its failure to make its
practical power commensurate with its nominal area are thus explained.
Everything depended upon the number of troops. At first there are
symptoms of a forward policy, of alliance with native magnates, of inter-
ference in the internal affairs of Borneo, Siam, Cambodia. There are
even attempts to occupy Borneo and Jolo. The independence of Portugal
was apparently the turning-point. Macao was thus lost ; the Dutch
occupied Malacca ; and the Spaniards had to abandon Formosa, the most
convenient etape for the Chinese trade. The government was unable to
protect its coasts from the Malay Mohammedans of Borneo and JolOr
By 1750 the Christian native population, especially in Mindanao, had
sensibly declined. The naval engagements of the English and Dutch,
however successful, are fought on the defensive, and fail to protect the
American trade. In this struggle it is characteristic that the heroes are
never settlers but soldiers and parochial cures. The great pirates who rose
out of the d&hris of the old Chinese empire threatened the very existence of
the colony, and almost equal alarm was felt at the menaces of the court
of Japan. In 1750 even the sultan of Borneo designed its reduction.

A more beneficial effect of the character of the settlement was the
tenderness shown to native interests. There are no wars of extermination
between colonists and natives ; native risings are very scarce, notwith-
standing the enormous preponderance of the latter ; native troops are freely

584 REVIEWS OF BOOKS July

employed. Of the three native rismgs here mentioned, two were caused by
the greed of the Jesuits in appropriating native estates, and by forced
labour in building churches and convents. That the colonists were pre-
vented from settling among the natives was doubtless advantageous to
the latter ; the village officials were themselves natives. The islanders
had reached a considerable degree of civilisation before the arrival of the
Spaniards. They traded with China, Japan, and Borneo, and even
possessed artillery. But the native aristocracy had been tyrannical,
whereas the ordinances of Cruzat (1690) show a high standard of humanity,
even though deduction be made for the slackness of subsequent governors.
They provide for entire freedom of commerce among the islands, for the
fair assessment of taxation, incorruptibility of justice, humane treatment
of female prisoners. Slavery is strictly prohibited. Instead of a vagrancy
law, natives are compelled to cultivate a certain number of plants and
to feed a fixed minimum of stock. They doubtless owed much to the
religious orders among whom most of the parishes were distributed. But
the official side of religious history, as in most Spanish colonies, has its
sombre shades. The civil and ecclesiastical authorities were constantly
at war, and with the most tragic results. Governor Salcedo was sur-
prised by night at the archbishop's instance, hurried off to Mexico as a
prisoner of the Inquisition, and died of his treatment. The Mexican
Inquisition declared him entirely innocent. Governor Bustamente in 1718
was murdered by a mob headed by friars. The archbishop whom he had
imprisoned ruled in his place, until the home government as a penalty
translated him to America. The brilliant governor, Corcuera, was attacked
by friars and imprisoned for five years without a shadow of justice. On
the other hand, one archbishop was imprisoned, another expelled, the
archiepiscopal stipend was often suspended until the payment was made
direct from Mexico. The archbishop and the religious orders were fre-
quently at issue as to the exercise of diocesan visitation, preaching
licenses, and the appointment to parishes. While the regulars quarrelled
with the seculars, the religious orders also quarrelled among themselves.
The ill-feeling of the Jesuits was believed to have caused the massacre
of the Franciscans in Japan in 1596. Nor were the Jesuits on better
terms with the Dominicans. The Franciscans resisted the claims of the
Observantists, the Kecollects could not get on with the Dominicans, nor
with each other. A schism between Castilian and other Recollects ended
in the bombardment of a convent occupied by the former.

Notwithstanding such drawbacks, the conversion of the Philippines
had been rapid and successful, but the Spaniards were only just in time.
When Legazpi arrived in 1565 the Mohammedan Malays were carrying on
an active religious propaganda in the archipelago, and the author believes
that a few years' delay would have been fatal to the introduction of
Christianity. The missionaries, indeed, met with little success in their
attempts to convert the Malays of Borneo and Jolo, nor did the Jesuits
succeed among the pagans of the Ladrones and the Carolines. In the
former the aristocracy, after accepting Christianity, rejected it as tending
to the equalisation of classes.

That the history of the colony is a somewhat dry chronicle of petty
expeditions and religious quarrels relieved by volcanic eruptions, is not

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 585

the fault of the author. He is too straightforward to improve upon his
subject by adventitious graces. We could have wished, however, for
more information on the social and commercial life of Manila. Very
interesting are the incidental notices of the fusion of races at the date of
the Spanish discovery, of the inseparable connexion between piracy and
commerce, and of the drifting of native population to enormous distances,
e.g. a party from the Carolines were seventy days at sea. Many readers
will find the main interest of the book to consist in the description of the
manners and customs of the natives of the Philippine and Caroline groups.
The present volume closes with the death of Arandia. It is to be
Loped that the next volume will contain a map. E. Armstrong.

Mahillon et la Soci^U de VAhhaye de Saint- Germain-des- Pres d la fin du
XVIF siecle. Par Emmanuel de Broglie. 2 vols. (Paris : Plon,
Nourrit, & C^^.)

In his ' Life of Mabillon,' which appeared within a week of * Marie-
Therese Imperatrice,' Prince Emmanuel de Broglie takes a handsome
revenge on the French Benedictines who assailed his father. Whilst the
duke explains the rising pride of Prussia and the reasons of the Maison
du Boy for reserving their fire, his youngest son, overcoming difficulties
which would disable any ordinary man, displays the obscure labours of
the Champenois peasant who became the glory of the Congregation de
St. Maur. The academic eloge has long developed the art of redeeming
the monotony of praise with pinches of salutary censure. This, however,
is not a criticism on the famous critic. There is no attempt to overdo,
scarcely even to describe, his special merit as an investigator of the
past, or to ascertain how far he contributed to progress, in matter and
method, and how far it has left him behind. Mabillon is presented as
the equal of men like Ducange and Baluze, whilst the most learned of
the Dominicans and of the Jesuits, Quetif and Hardouin, are not taken
into comparison, and the amiable weakness of biographers appears, if at
all, in admiration of the monk, not of the scholar. The worth of the book
consists in extracts from the archives of the abbey of St. Germain, now
in the congenial custody of M. Leopold Delisle. Its defect is that this in-
appreciable reservoir of curious knowledge has been too much neglected in
favour of books always familiar to students of the growth of erudition.
For Mabillon belongs to the family of pioneers, and his is one of the best
and best-known names in the line of discoverers, from Valla and Sigonius
to Borghesi and Morgan, who have made history a science. His branch
of the order admitted study as a sub-genus of manual labour. Blameless
providers of raw material, they placed texts above facts and facts above
thoughts. He himself paid heavy tribute to the humble cumulative pur-
pose which was still the foremost need in that stage of knowledge. He
slaved in the mine, and belongs, one half of him, to the useful but un-
ostentatious army of editors, compilers, and transcribers. But although dis-
ciplined and repressed by the strict reform of St. Maur, he rose above his
brethren to be, as an historian, eminently solid and trustworthy, as a critic
the first in the world ; and his thoroughness and individuality brought
on disputes in which he was as often right as any man who embarks in
much contention.

586 • REVIEWS OF BOOKS July

The portrait here given is taken from these characteristic controversies
more than from the study of his greater works. He is heard speaking to
contemporaries, not addressing the future. His work was confined- to
those centuries, from St. Benet to St. Bernard, during which the
Benedictine order was the foremost association in Christendom, and a lead-
ing force in the civilisation of the West. History, as he found it, was
shrouded in fable. Others were content, in reverent indifference, to accept
the fable with the fact, and shrank from the coarse touch which dispels
illusions and gives sterile and unaccommodating fact for religion in poetic
garb. Mabillon undertook to rescue the work of his founder from the
reproach of uncertainty, to bring it out of cloudland into shape fit for
daylight, to carry the machinery of positive knowledge into the darkest
and most doubtful of the ages of faith. Historical criticism was reduced
to an art for the sake and honour of the Benedictines. Mabillon' s first care
was for the title-deeds of his order. Nobody before him had shown that
it is possible to prove beyond dispute that an early document is genuine ;
and the uncertainty of history was a welcome ally to those who resisted
the tests of truth that were taught by the Cartesian and the inductive
philosophers. Abbot Hirnhaim wrote : Nihili curanda est nobis homiyium
authoritas, quos constat plerumque falsitatis esse aiithores. — Diminutce sunt
veritates a filiis homimim, et de ipsa veritate vix aliquid veri tenemus. —
Nee mundus regitiir scientiis sed opinionibus. Some hoped or professed
to elevate spiritual authority by the repression of human testimony ; and
Huet, with the name and aspect of a Christian apologist and divine, wrote
things that might have gone into the article ' Pyrrhonisme : ' II ne se
trouve poijit de faculte naturelle par laquelle on piiisse decouvrir laverite
avec une pleine et entiere assicrance. There were men who, anticipating
a controversy which reappeared at the cradle of statistical science,
declared that the evidences of Christianity would become invalid by
lapse of time, and would expire about the year 3154 — or, as it came to
be amended, in 1789. To this scepticism Mabillon offered the remedy of
criticism ; and his great quality is that the criticism he founded was con-
structive and did not rest at the exposure of error. M. de Broglie adopts
a saying of Leibniz, that the defence of history was really a defence of
religion. Mabillon' s antagonist in the endeavour to drown history in
legend, the Bollandist Papebroeck, was convinced by the treatise ' De Ee
Diplomatica ; ' and its doctrine, less opposed at the time than that of
Simon or of Newton, has remained unshaken and as fruitful as theirs.
It covered a small part of a very large field, leaving much for later deter-
mination. Thierry says, with more or less justice, of Guizot: II a
ouvert, comme historien de nos vieilles institutions, Vere de la science
proprement dite ; avant lui, Montesquieu seul excepte, il n'y avait eu que
des systemes. What Mabillon did was to pass from fiction to reality, not
from system to science.

My own copies, made many years ago from the manuscripts which M.
de Broglie has consulted, do not authorise me to dispute readings taken
with the aid of such a master as Delisle. But some passages of interest
have been overlooked, and the want of attentive revision in small things
is a drawback in a book of this academic kind. It is not very difficult to
read the conundrum contained in the words M, de Leybum, auditeur de

1888 REVIEWS OE BOOKS 587

7Jigr. le cardinal de Montfort. But the * Libellus de expeditione sacra sub
Urbano II ' is an account of the first crusade, not of a pilgrimage under
Urban the Fifth ; Johannes Diaconus ought not to be confounded with
Paulus Diaconus, though both wrote hves of the same personage ; Christine
of Sweden was not the daughter of Charles XII ; in 1686 Burnet was not
Bishop of Sahsbury ; and the rejoicings over the reported death of
William III took place after Boyne Water, not au moment ou il venait de
d6trdner Jacques IL A hasty reader of the words Comma Pierre Victor
Vecrit dans le deuxi^me livre de sa Bhetorique would take the com-
mentator for the author. In the account of Allatius's emotion at the loss
of the Greek pen which had lasted forty years, ne versa jms wie larme does
not give the sense of tantum non lacrymasse. Mabillon wrote Animad-
ver stones on a book which claimed the ' Imitation ' for Kempis. We are
assured that the title of the book is da7is un Latin un peu barbare. The
title is ' Vindicia3 Kempenses,' without any barbarism. Madame de Guise
is counted among those who urged Ranee to write against Mabillon. If it
is so, authority should be given, for there would appear to be some the
other way : Le P. Abb6 avouoit dans tone de ses lettres que ces avis lui
venoient de plus de vingt endroits. Madame de Guise, entre autres, lui
^crivit fortement sur ce sujet ; mais c'etoit pour lui ime affaire de con-
science. It is scarcely accurate to say simply that the dispute touching
the orthodoxy of the Benedictines of St. Maur, provoked by Mabillon's
preface to St. Augustine, was silenced by the pope in 1700. The king
imposed silence in 1699. In March 1701 the question was reopened at
Rome ; in January 1708 Massuet wrote his defence against the bishop of
Beauvais ; it was even proposed to dissolve the congregation. The preface
was less successful than the biography implies. Fenelon declared it
equally offensive to catholics and to Jansenists ; and one of the Bene-
dictines accuses the writer of trimming, and says, Cette preface donne
quelque atteinte a la reputation de Dom Mabillon.

Though slow to admit the justice of attacks, the biographer does not
care to refute them. When Mabillon, whose function it was to write
correct and copious Latin, became revealed, under stress of controversy,
as a master of unsuspected French, it was believed that his friend Nicole
stood at his elbow, and revised his style. This, we are told, is untrue.
Nevertheless, the authority for it is Ranee, an adversary, no doubt, not to
be trusted in speaking of character, but so richly furnished with sources
of information, that his word, on matters of fact, deserves the compliment
of refutation. Richard Simon, being, like Fenelon, a Molinist, disliked and
disparaged Mabillon. According to Simon, there was so much opposition
in the abbey to his special studies that he wished to escape from it ; several
of the monks became protestants ; and one, after scoffing at the new
criticism, fled to Berlin. The superior himself was not at ease with such
a fish in his net : II a toujours tte dans cette pensee, que les lettrez de sa
maison n'apportoient que du desordre; et s'il en avoit ete crA, on les auroit
obligez aux exercices de la communaute comme tous les autres Beligieux.
Threatened with an action for libel — de injuriis lege postulatus — Simon
withdrew certain of his statements, which are furthermore contested in the
posthumous volume of the ' Annales ordinis S. Benedicti.' The report of
internal dissension at St. Germain does not appear to have been either

588 - REVIEWS OF BOOKS July

confuted or withdrawn, and, coming from one who, in the view of posterity,
was the most important divine then living, who did more for the advance-
ment of religious knowledge than either Bossuet or Mabillon himself, calls
for verification. All this we are not suffered to know or to perpend.
Neither attack nor defence is set forth.

Perhaps the most curious document in these volumes is the letter in
which Lamy describes his interview with Ranee at the height of the strife
between scholar and ascetic. The whole of it, indeed, only transposed to
the third person, was published a century and a half ago ; and it should
be pointed out that its drift is contested. Lamy represents Ranee as con-
ceding a good deal. But Ranee says : Je ne suis convenio de rien avec le
pdre Lami, 7nais je n'ai point voulu disputer avec ltd sur rien, car je ne
Dcttx disputer centre personne. The question of precedence which per-
plexed Lord Castlemaine at Rome is told in a letter of Jan. 21 here
printed. We are not told what came of it, which would have been found
in the letter of the 28th. There is much in this correspondence about
England, not to say about the Nag's Head. Durand, in one of the
omitted letters, touches as follows upon the prospect opened by James II,
and on one of the problems which it raised : J' ay meme desjd vu qicelques
personnes de consideration qui mettoient en question, si Von devoit
riordonner les 6vesques d'Angleterre, en cas qu'ils se reco7iciliassent a
VEglise ; et de la maniere que ces personnes s'expliquoient, il semhle
qu'on devoit esperer en peu quelque changement considerable e7i cette Isle,
touchant la religion. These Maurine fathers, when they settled in Rome,
struck no root. One of them writes : Tout me scandalise dans Borne. —
Je suis persuade que les Romains n'ont ni devotion ni religion. lis se
contentent d'e^i faire paroistre a Vexterieur dans la magnificence des
EgUses ; sur tout les 7iionsignori et les gens de la cour Romaine, qui
fourbent Dieu aussi bien que les homjnes. This might be rejected as
trivial and unscrupulous. But after Sergardi's censure of Roman igno-
rance given in vol. i. p. 192, we might expect Germain's tribute to Roman
learning, which not only expresses the judgment of Mabillon himself, but
is remarkable in the pen of a man notorious for petulance and satire ;
Je reconnois tous les jours qu'il n' est pas vrai qu'on etudie sipeit les bon7ies
choses a Rome, qu'on s'imagine d Paris. C'est une illusion de croire
que toute Vhabilete des savants de cette ville se ternmie au droit civil et
canonique. Je vous assure qu'ils sgavent fort bien la theologie, et que dans
la De Propa^ajida Fide^ et dans leurs autres academies, il se fait des
conferences sur les Conciles et sur VHistoire ecclesiastique, oil Von dit
des choses aussi belles et aicssi foncidres qu'on puisse faire a Paris. II
est vray quHls ont tort de ne pas ecrire sur ces matieres ; mais ils ne
laissent pas de les sqavoir.

In the seventeenth century the purposes of controversy were domi-
nant ; ecclesiastical history was more developed than civil, and polemical
motives underlie even the writings of Mabillon. Thinking sometimes of
his order and sometimes of his church, he rejoices especially in the
eleventh century ex restitutione ecclesiasticce disciplince, quce a Rojnanis
pontificibus ex ordine nostro assumtis facta est. When he contends
with Daille for a date, he is defending the very citadel of the theology of
tradition. Yet his canons of good history were not injured by devotion to

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 589

a cause : Donner pour certain ce qui est certain, pour faux ce qui est
faux, pour douteux ce qui est douteux. — Mon hut n'est autre, que defaire
rechercher simplement la verite par Vexamen des raisons, que les auteurs
de different parti out apportees de part et d'autre. — Nee satis est tamen
verum amet et investiget, nisi is insit animi candor, quo ingenue et
aperte dicat quod verum esse noverit. The maxim that mischief lurks
oftener in praise than in blame, that it is better to dwell on evil than on
good, is one of the rare points on which his sage and lucid but not pro-
phetic mind saw two centuries ahead. His position towards other
schools is defined by the * Traite des Etudes,' in which he counsels the
young Benedictine to read the ' De Officiis ' in preference to various
christian writers on morality. On etudie VEcriture et les sentimens
des Conciles et des Peres dans leurs sources, et non pas seulement dans
de mechans extraits que les scolastiques empruntoient les uns des autres,
et s'en servoient Hen souvent contre le sens des auteurs. — A force de
raisonner, on a perdu quelquefois la raison, et on a viX avec douleur,
qtie la morale des pay ens faisoit honte a celle de quelques casuistes. — II
n'y a presque point de criiyies, auxquels on n'ait trouvd des palliations et
des excuses. He quotes with approval the words of Godeau : Les Docteurs
se sont multipliez et la homie doctrine s'est presque toiUe perdue. On
a traite exactement des cas de conscience ; on a tout examinS, on a tout
regie ; et Von a perdu la conscience. On his travels he is careful not to
commit himself about the authenticity of relics, rebukes superstition, and
tells with a touch of humour the tricks that were played with Gorpi
Santi. Catence beati Petri de more ostensce sunt. — Miranda majorum
nostrorum p^ia simplicitas, a moribus nostrce cetatis longe diversa, qui
ejtismodi ossa pro veris reliquiis habebant. — Utinam hanc [Baronii]
religionem imitarentur, qui sanctorum recens absque certis nominibus
inventorum fictas historias comminiscuntur, atque in lucem obtrudunt ad
confusionem [ne quid amplius dicam) veraruin historiarum : immo et
qui paganorum inscriptiones aliquando pro Christianis vulgant. — Be-
ctirrisse in mentem Sixto quod Felici acciderat, ac meditari coepisse quo
pacto Canonicos Sancti Hieronymi corpore, quod in ea cappella asser-
vatur, spoliaret. Ideo sub Sancti Doctoris patrocinio ecclesiam, quce
Sixto titukis Cardinalitius fuerat, ad ripam Tiheris a fundamentis
instaurasse, ut in cam sacras reliquias transferret. Sed Canonicos
fraudem subodoratos, eas in locum secretum abdidisse : sicque dolum dolo
fuisse delusum. At a time when Petavius could not be reprinted in
England, lest the Socinians should help themselves to his ante-Nicene
quotations, Mabillon speaks of Rome in such terms as these : Apostoli-
cam sedem paullo minus reveriti sunt fideles prcecijme aliarum Eccle-
siarum episcopi etiam religiosissimi, atque sceculares Principes, quan-
tumvis perditce fames et vitce essent Bomani antistites. Hinc Sergius
Coloniensis archiepiscopus, et Bogerus Hammaburgensis, pallium a
Sergio III (Deus bone quali monstro !) modeste petierunt. Nor is this an
utterance of anti-Roman spirit, for he goes on to say of the Bavarian
bishops : Sic illi sedem Petri tamquam errori haud obnoxiam suspiciehant.
Having convinced himself on his visit to Rome that there was a practice
of finding the remains of imaginary saints, to be sent forth with lying
legends attached, he exposed the abuse. His treatise gave ofience, and

590 REVIEWS OF BOOKS July

the pope required that he should rewrite it. Mabillon submitted, and
produced an enlarged and amended edition, which was published with
approbation. In a preface of genuine moderation and humility, he assumes
the bearing of one who has undergone correction : Eo tendit ut emolliam
si quid durius, ut explicem si quid obscurius, denique ut emeJidejii et
corrigam si quid secus quam ixir sit a me hac in epistola scriptu7n non-
nullis videatiir. To the world, and even to his own brethren, he appeared
to have confessed his error. Dom Thuillier says that he condemned him-
self and was only too long about it. In fact he had sacrificed his credit
rather than his judgment. To a friend he writes of this book : Je Vai
done retouchee sans Vaffoihlir en rien, et Vai augmentee de pres de la
moitie. The historian who says that the finest moments in church history
are the resistance of Luther and the submission of Fenelon, might find
room for a third type in the example of Mabillon.

The moral that distils from these pages is that Mabillon and his com-
panions were not only learned and able, but veracious and sincere, that
history, which intellectually makes giant strides, makes none morally,
that the rules, the limitations, the observances that guarded the compilers
of so many folios are safer than the maxims of an age in which Kenan,
Havet, Haureau, occupy the seats of Gallican learning, when unattach-
ment is more honoured than authority, and a man is less esteemed for
equity towards opponents than for alacrity in turning against friends.
Les drudits d'autrefois valaient hien ceux de notre temps. — Tous . . .
portent dans leurs etudes et leurs recherches une bonne foi, une liberty
d' esprit et de jugement, qui frappent singuliere^nent. There is a problem
here of historical psychology and progressive ethics that is worth thinking
about. At first sight it should seem a paradox to say that two centuries
which have accomplished so much for the science of conscience, for the
theory of morals, for the testing of certainty and the analysis of motive,
which have learnt to probe the springs of error with instruments of pre-
cision as little known to the logic of Port Royal as fluxions to Hipparchus,
have added nothing to the notion of truth. Men without fastidiousness
in their political tastes imagine that liberty flourished under Alfred, under
Charlemagne, or even in the Hercynian forest. Probably the conception
of historical veracity has been as greatly expanded, modified, fertilised by
culture and experience as that of political liberty, and we may be as far
from what the seventeenth century meant by good faith as from that
which it understood by freedom. What are we to think of a man who
declares that the enemies of the church come to an inevitable bad end :
Mira Dei m ecclesice gubernatione procuratio, occulta et ineluctabilis
divijice vis Providentice ad perdendos ecclesice hostes ? Or who makes
a theological argument out of the existence of a Latin liturgy in France
in the seventh century ; or who thinks that one who denied the legend
of Veronica, ex sum sectce prcejudicio impicgnavit ? At Naples Mabillon
beheld some custom which he thought protestants right in denouncing.
Detectio hcec fit cum dignitate et ^nodestia, no7i cum iis ritibus quos
alibi in Italia observatos vidimus ^ non satis fortasse ad gravitatem
religionis compositos. Ejusmodi ritus Neapoli nobis s2iperstitionis
nomine objecerunt quidam Hollajidici hceretici, quibus, lU par erat, satis-
fecimus. Cum vero ea de re ad quemdam nobilem verba haberentus, re-

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 591

spondit ille non decere, ut quod fidei domesticos cedificat, in gratiam ex-
terorum et segregiim facile ahrogetur. Taking the lesson home with him,
he employed it in defence of the Sainte larme de Vendonie. II faut voir
si la suppression que Von pretendroit faire 7ie causeroit pas ptlus de scan-
dale que Vahus mdme que Von pretend oster ; et sHl ne seroit pas plus a
propos de toUrer ce que Von ne peut supprimer sans causer ton plus grand
mal. — On doit s'en tenir a la bonne foy des Eglises, jusqu'd ce que Von
ait des preuves certaines et evidentes qui obligent de p)orter un autre
jugement. He is not far from applying this rule to the head of St. John,
of which there are several. The earliest mention of the Vendome relic is
late in the twelfth century. No matter : we need no testimony where we
have prescription : Ce principe peut hien servir pour prouver un point
de dogme, de morale, ou de discipline : mais d'en vouloir faire dependre
la verification des reliques, c'est reduire presque toutes les Eglises a Vim-
possihilite d'en montrer de v&ritahles. The silence of authors is no ob-
jection, for Fulbert nowhere mentions the similar relic of Chartres, which
is known to have existed in his time : Nous en avons une preuve iyidu-
bitable sur la fin du neuvieme siecle, lorsque Bollon, chef des Norinans,
ay ant assieg& la ville de Chartres, Vevesque ay ant fait une sortie et port6
la chemise de Notre Dame, Camisiam S. Maries in manihus ferens, mit
enfuite Bollon et son armee.

That such reasoning as this can have been seriously meant and pub-
lished by the supreme scholar of the age of Lewis XIV is not absolutely
impossible, because nothing is impossible to historians ; but it is hard to
believe. Ma billon was not his own master. He had to consider the credit
of two hundred French monasteries, the feelings and the interests of the
studious body among whom he lived. To be checked and winnowed by
Sammarthanus, Coustant, and Massuet is a servitude we all should envy ;
but it is not conducive to originality or to integrity, which imply isolation.
And there were other ordeals, civil and ecclesiastical, to pass before honest
manuscript could get into deceitful type. Thuillier gives a cue when he
says of Mabillon que souvent il faut deviner son sentiment, et quHl ne
Vinsinue d'ordinaire que par un peut-etre, pourrait-on dire. But our
author's admiration extends generally to the group of which Mabillon is
the centre. One of the ablest of these men wrote in defence of the
revocation of the Edict of Nantes. When it was doubted whether
Innocent XI, who was labouring as no pontiff had done before him
for conciliation and reunion, would approve that measure, the Bene-
dictines grew impatient. Durand expresses their inner mind when he
writes : On a d'autant plus de sujet d'esperer que le P ape f era quelque
ordonnance sur ce sujet, que Gregoire XIII tint consistoire expres
sur Vaffaire de la St.-Barthdemy, et qu'oyi a comme voulu iterniser
cette action si ho7iteuse a la France, en la faisant ddpeindre dans la
salle royale du Palais Vatican. As this was by no means the universal
sentiment of the French clergy at the time, it cannot be excused by
the argument from environment. And the allusion to Gregory XIII
shows that it was inspired neither by the rapture of religious zeal,
nor by respect for authority. Another sinister symptom among these
men is their extreme sensibility to contradiction and their anxiety not
to be answered. Huet, who stands in the front rank as a scholar if

592 REVIEWS OF BOOKS July

not as a thinker, hit thus wildly at certain protestants : Ces gens-ldy
par leurs medisances et par leurs calomnies atroces,font bien voir qiCils
n'ont guere de Chrhtianisme. lis ont fait tme critique sur le diction-
naire de VAcademie. Valois writes that Germain tried to induce him
by threats to give up his intention of answering a particular pubKcation
of the Benedictines : II me dit d'lme voix emue : Si vous lefaites, nous
vous perdrons ; et dans la me7ne conversation il me repeta plus de douze
fois ces mots : Nous vous perdrons. As the struggle against Jansenism
was not confined to scientific arguments, it raised a crop of equivocation.
One of the ablest of the French priests wrote: J'ai signS contre M,
Jans&nius des fails dont je ne suis pas persuade, et qui me paraissent au
moins fort doutetix et fort incertains. — Je n'ai soitscrit aux formulaires
simplement et sans restriction, principalement la derni^re fois, qu'avec
une extreme repugnance, par tone obeissance aveugle a mes superieurs,par
imitatio7i, et par d'autres considerations humaines. Nisard has described
a writer qui louvoye entre plaire et deplaire, et pour qui concevoir une
id^e et s'inquieter de ce que Von en dira, est une settle et meme operation
d'esprit. Under pressure of dependence and solidarity they learnt to
speak what was not precisely their opinion, and to shelter themselves
behind insinuations and ceremonious ambiguities. La politesse est a la
fois la fille de la grace franqaise et du genie jesuite. To this day a French-
man who indicates disagreement by some deferential suggestion, instead
of calling his friend a Serbonian plunger or a hog from Tartarus, is told :
II n'y a qu'un eUve du Petit Seminaire pour etre poli comme cela.
Malebranche, having to give an opinion about a magical performance,
says : Je crois que c'est une fourberie ou une diablerie ; mais un pew
plus le premier que le dernier. And Thuillier, speaking of the enemy at
La Trappe, says quite seriously : Les saints ne nous instruisent p>as
moins par leurs defauts que par leurs vertus. The fact is that these
men were devoted, exact and temperate, but indirect and given to a simple
irony. The praise of sincerity should not be squandered. M. de Broglie
touches the right note when he writes the wary words : Mabillon ne parte
meme plus de cette attaque qui etait venue le chercher si loin, et le silence
Mait peut-etre aussi habile que chretien. Acton.

Studies in Naval History : Biographies. By John Knox Laughton,
M.A., Professor of Modern History at King's College, London ; Lec-
• turer on Naval History at the Eoyal Naval College, Greenwich.
(London : Longmans & Co. 1887.)

Few subjects are so little understood in England as French naval history.
This arises partly from a John-Bull contempt for the performances of
our gallant neighbours on an element which we are pleased to treat as
exclusively British, partly from a much sounder instinct, that we are not
sure of getting the truth from French writers. The barefaced mendacity
of Napoleonic bulletins poisoned the springs of confidence, but they were
no worse than the official orders of the time of the Grand Monarque, which
directed that ' all reports meant for the public eye should be made as favour-
able as possible.' No nation is free from this tendency, but in our own it
is balanced by the gloomy spirit of the grumbling Briton, who rather pre-

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 59^

fers to make the worst of things, and is never satisfied with a victory
which stops short of annihilating the enemy. Mr. Laughton has done
good service by grappling with th e difficulty of getting at the real facta
concerning the naval heroes of the French people, and applying to the
inflated popular accounts which pass current, the touchstone of official
records and logbooks preserved at the English admiralty. His plain
speaking and painstaking proclaim him a pupil of the fearless Mr. James,,
whose history of the British navy during the great wars of the French
Eevolufcion was for its period a real education for naval officers, and not-
the less so because it was so intensely disagreeable to a considerable
number of those concerned.

Mr. Laughton's ' Studies ' consist of twelve reprints of articles from,
various magazines, written within the last few years, and are mostly upon
French subjects. Of the rest two deal with English captains of privateers
— Fortunatus Wright and George Walker — one with Paul Jones, and one,
which is so exceptional that we are surprised it was not placed at the end
instead of the middle, with Tegethoft* and the lessons to be learnt from his
honourable career, ending with the recent battle of Lissa. The selection
of Frenchmen is as follows : John de Vienne, to represent the earliest
French admiral of any distinction ; Colbert, as the creator of the modern
French navy ; Du Quesne, as the best of the officers who commanded it in
its early years, and Suffren, as the highest type to which French admirals
ever attained. The other four are the French captains of privateers, Jean
Bart, Du Guay Trouin, Thurot, and Surcouf. The object in bringing
these daring freebooters, mostly of very unsavoury character, before us, is
the laudable one of reminding Englishmen that what has happened before
is pretty sure to happen again. After reducing the romance which
encircles them to sober matter of fact, there is enough left to show that
the mischief they did to English commerce was enormous, and that no-
great efforts have'yet been made to prevent, if war should break out, con-
sequences of an infinitely more terrible kind.

We have little to say except in praise of these articles. Their style is
lively and sufficiently picturesque, in spite of the critical character which
pervades them all. They aim at bare truth, and they are admirably lucid.
To take the first. It was high time John de Vienne, a true knight and
capable officer, should be more known. Perhaps his merit would have
been less conspicuous if Charles the Wise had not shown consummate
prudence in holding back the fleet, which his admiral had skilfully orga-
nised, till Edward III and the Black Prince were dead, and England in-
volved in political struggles which left its enemies free to do what they
pleased. There would have been a very different story to tell if those
heroes had been alive. Mr. Laughton well brings out the administrative
genius of the French, which formed their navy on the official lines of a
permanent royal service long before the English thought of such a thing ;
but justly remarks that the latter gained in the end by the popular
character of a navy which was formed out of the contingents supplied
by the Cinque Ports and other seats of commerce in a more or less
independent fashion. England has never possessed, never perhaps
required, a Colbert, the sketch of whose marvellous organisations is
well worth reading ; but it made up for all deficiencies by the bulldog.

VOL. III. — NO. XI. ' Q Q

594. REVIEWS OF BOOKS July

tenacity of its sailor brood, and the appearance at critical moments
of great commanders. The former quality often made even an inferior
commander victorious, or at least able to hold his own against the
most brilliant genius. The case of Suffren and Hughes in the East
Indies affords an excellent instance. Mr. Laughton decides, and he is
probably right, that Suffren ' was one of the most dangerous enemies that
the English fleet had ever met, and without exception the most illustrious
officer that has ever held command in the French navy.' It is a most
remarkable coincidence that on the very day — 12 April 1782 — when
Eodney in the West Indies first put in practice the evolution which was
to become the leading principle of naval engagements — * breaking the
line ' — Suffren in the East Indies was doing very nearly the same thing.
The difference in the result was owing partly to the contrast between the
French and English temperament under the pressure of novel circum-
stances, partly to the superiority in fighting power acquired since Hawke
and his compeers of the Seven Years' war had driven their enemies off
the seas. The Comte de Grasse confessed as much when he delivered
his sword to Eodney. Sir Edward Hughes was only prevented from
having to present his to Suffren by his absurd stupidity in not knowing
when he was beaten. * He had not much judgment as to the proper
time or place to fight, but when he did fight he did so with a courage
that was proof against all odds.'

Amongst the public services done by the author in this book he has
given us not only a trustworthy account of the brave French captains of
privateers and their remarkable exploits, but also some common- sense
deductions from their career. Two of these lessons may be selected.
The first is not new, but cannot be too often sounded in the sleepy ears
of the wealthiest and most vulnerable people the world has yet seen.
We can never reckon on the warning which was and is supposed to be
due by a Declaration of War. The prospect of immediate advantage has
often overruled the obligation, and will certainly do so again. Three
wars with France and two with Spain opened even in the last century
without any such formality ; in the previous century, three with Holland
and one with Spain. It was in these sudden opportunities for sweeping
off a hostile commerce that the privateers found their vocation ; in a
modern onslaught without notice upon our merchant ships making their
well-understood * crossings,' it is the food of half our people which would
go at one swoop. This is only a question of funds and foresight ; the
other deduction touches a more delicate matter, the relations between
the Eoyal Navy of England and the merchant service. The author
has the audacity to advise a recurrence to a practice which has been
frowned out of court by the vast majority of naval officers, though once
by no means uncommon, viz. the reopening of the channels by which
officers of the merchant service can enter the Navy. The stoppage has
reacted on the Navy itself. Its retired officers, looking down on what
should be a sister service, have ceased to find their way into its ranks.
The modern naval officer is no doubt much more highly trained than ever
before, scientific, judicious, cultivated, diplomatic ; * but after all, the first
requirement of the Navy is efficiency in war,' and this postulates special
qualities which no training can create, and demands a much wider range

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 595

of selection than a limited Eoyal Navy provides. Such men as Walker,
Fortmiatus Wright, and Phillips, to say nothing of the Jean Barts,
Thurots, and Da Guay Trouins, should have the way to glory on board a
man-of-war made easy to them. To achieve this result without injustice to
the regular officers or injury to discipline and harmony, is a problem
which it requires a genius to solve ; but no attempt at solving it seems to
have been made. Yet some difficulties have been removed by the careful
education given on board the modern training ships, and by the growing
custom of sending to these vessels the sons of persons of much the same
rank in society as those who supply the schoolroom of the * Britannia.'
These are the questions which, going to the root of a subject vital
to the very existence of the British people and their colonies, make
lookers-on impatient of the time and talk expended over a thousand
pounds here or there saved or spent, as if there was nothing else to do
than to work upon the old lines. Mr. Laughton's book can do nothing
but good, and if he gives us a few more we shall be glad to have them.
We want a little originahty brought to bear upon naval affairs.

Montagu Buebow^s.

The History of the Pacific States. By Hubert H. Bancboft. Vol.
XXIV., Oregon, vol. i. 1834-1848. (San Francisco: A. L. Ban-
croft & Co.)

The most resolute student of American history may be forgiven if he
quails at the sight of this volume, one of a series of twenty-four, with
its eight hundred pages. The period dealt with extends over fifteen
years. Is every state of the American confederation to be treated on
this colossal scale ? The doctrine of compression may, no doubt, be
easily carried too far. There is an economy of space which is seem-
ing, not real. If history is to be digested it must be taken in, not in
essence, but in solution. Many a detail which does not itself abide in
the reader's memory nevertheless has formed an important step in the
process by which the whole story has got a hold on his mind. Mr.
Bancroft's work takes in two matters which may be called controversial.
One is the dealing of the early settlers in Oregon with the English
traders of the Hudson's Bay Company, the other their conduct towards
the natives. Mr. Bancroft has a warm and hearty admiration for the
pioneers whose exploits he relates, yet in both the above instances his
work appears quite free from any taint of advocacy. Thus, though the
book will certainly never be re,ad by any one for pleasure, and hardly,
taken by itself, for instruction, nevertheless it will not be without per-
manent value. If ever a history of Oregon is written which is truly a
history, and not a vast magazine of dry facts, this will yet retain its value
as a collection of original authorities laboriously brought together, and
in some measure arranged and harmonised. J. A. Doyle.

History of India under Queen Victoria, from 1836 to 1880. By Captain
Lionel James Tbotteb. 2 vols. (London : W. H. Allen & Co. 1886.)
This is a timely book. While so many retrospective glances are being
cast over the present reign, it is well to retrace the fortunes of our Indian

Q Q 2

596 REVIEWS OF BOOKS July

empire during the same period. This period has been a remarkable one,
reproducing the normal features of war and conquest, diversified by the
unique phenomenon of the reconquest of the North- West Provinces after
the Sepoy revolt, but not less memorable for an unparalleled series of
what our author happily calls * the victories of peace.' And the nature of
our rule gives such prominence and effect to the personality of the highest
official in India, that the striking varieties exhibited by successive viceroys
are both dramatically attractive and typically instructive. A summary
view of this period of transition will show how far we have, in one genera-
tion, departed from ancient landmarks ; how searching has been the
process of political reconstruction ; how diversified the course of material
development and social progress ; how much the prosperity of the country
has depended upon the personal qualities of the chief magistrate.

The restless phantom of Mogul imperialism, and the persistent
anomaly of mercantile rule, have vanished ; and a European empress
claims the direct and exclusive allegiance of the majority of the population,,
and suzerainty over the surviving native princes. On the other hand,
natives now sit in the legislative council chamber at Calcutta, and at the
other presidency towns. The presidential anachronism is itself on the
wane, and British India is now virtually divided into provinces. The
mutiny, and the transference of the direct government to the crown, led
to a complete remodelling — for good or for evil — of the company's army.
Its old European regiments now do duty under other names and other
skies. The institution of the staff corps has entirely altered the relation
of the sepoy regiments to their European officers, and abolished the close
ties that once united them. The covenanted civil service was, on the last
renewal of the charter, thrown open not only to competition, but to natives ;
and the uncovenanted service has received an extension commensurate
with the vastly increased obligations recognised by the government, and
has been organised accordingly in new departments. The judicial system
has been reconstructed, and the supreme and sudder have been merged
in the high courts, in which natives find a place, and acquit themselves
well. The age of Victoria in India has rivalled that of Justinian as an
age of codification on enlightened principles ; and the equality of all
men before the law has been more distinctly asserted than of old. Better
order has been established, and the police improved. Robber tribes have
been tamed, and induced to become the guardians of life and property.
Reviving tendencies to violence have been repressed, thuggee has been
exterminated, and dakoitee flourishes only in the newly acquired and im-
perfectly pacified part of Burmah. Successive land settlements and
ancillary legislation have shown a more intimate acquaintance with
traditional rights and special circumstances, a more liberal disposition
to do justice to all parties concerned, and better results than had
attended earlier experiments. Improved communications, canals, roads,
railways, the electric telegraph, have triumphed over space and time ;
made our older and more settled territories more productive ; developed
and rendered more accessible the latent resources of wilder and remoter
districts ; stimulated industry, weakened mutual antipathies, brought the
population more within the range of humanising influences and European
ideas, and promoted political unity and effective administration. In the

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 597

plains vast irrigation works have made the original culture more abundant
and constant, and British enterprise has there introduced new staples.
The slopes of the hills have been planted with tea, which rivals that of
China. The earth has yielded up, in increasing profusion, its hidden
treasures of coal, metals, and minerals. Primeval forests have been saved
from destruction, and redeemed to the service of man. Thriving manu-
factures have been established, and the decay of native art has been
compensated by the extensive adoption of European processes. The rapid
and enormous growth of Indian commerce is a phenomenon which can
only be appreciated by the study of statistics. And while the produc-
tive powers of nature have been stimulated and turned to account, her
destructive forces have been resolutely combated. ' Campaigns against
famine ' are an absorbing topic of interest to the new school. The sanita-
tion of towns, the improved position and construction of barracks and
schools, and other systematic precautions against disease, have attested
the intelhgent care of the government for the material well-being of the
people. Nor have their higher interests been less studiously consulted.
The direct propagation of Christianity is properly left to private enterprise
(though the staff of salaried clergy has been increased) ; and the results
and hopefulness of missionary exertion are delicate and vexed questions,
^^ut considering that the British power in India has been first the con-
queror and then the civiliser, George Herbert's words are worthy of
notice :

Prowess and art did tame,

And tune men's hearts against the gospel came.

Strength levels grounds, art makes a garden there ;

Then showers religion, and makes all to bear.

And the new religious movement among the cultivated Hindoos, like
Greek philosophy of old, may be a phase of thought and feeling pre-
paratory to Christianity.

Meanwhile, though pledged to religious neutrality, the government
has not hesitated to interpose for the suppression of practices sanctioned
by superstition, but opposed to the best instincts of natives, and repugnant
to European principles, such as human sacrifice in Gondwana, infanticide
in Rajputana and elsewhere, the legal oppression of converts and widows
throughout our territories. And secular education has been zealously pro-
moted, and has entered on a new and flourishing era in the present reign.
This was ushered in by the famous education despatch of 1854, which by
sanctioning the appointment of directors of public instruction, with their
staff of inspectors, gave fresh activity, unity of system, collective force,
and a higher status to the educational calling ; and by authorising the
establishment of universities, gratified the aspirations of the more pro-
mising pupils, multiplied their opportunities of prosecuting liberal studies,
and stamped their proficiency with a more definite and catholic note of
approval. The impetus thus imparted to the educational movement has
been sustained by later measures ; and under its influence India is being
anglicised as Gaul was romanised. Wealthy and enlightened natives in
our territories have promoted it by their benefactions, and native rulers
have encouraged it. In respect to this class it seems in a fair way to
fiolve satisfactorily an anxious and what was formerly thought an almost

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hopeless political problem. The native ruler who is protected by our
authority, but deprived of independence, is too apt to sink into a roi fai-
neant, if not into a sensualist. This, it is constantly assumed, is natural,
as he lacks motive for political activity. And his early training among
the frivolous women and corrupt creatures of the court is most unfavour-
able to the development of self-control and a sense of duty to his sub-
jects. But zenana missions may nip this great evil in the bud ; the
special schools established by Lord Mayo for this class may carry on the
good work ; and the universities are already attracting individuals of
the same order. Is it too much to hope that, by such means, those who
are virtually the hereditary aristocracy of the empire may be gradu-
ally improved, and induced to imitate the better representatives of a cor-
responding class in England, and find in the active discharge of their
obligations to their dependents, if not in a freer access to the public life
of India, an adequate object of ambition, and a congenial sphere of benefi-
cence ? How much the advantages of European rule may thus be diffused
by the force of our own example, by the judicious exercise of the influence
of the paramount power, and by the sympathy evoked in the Asiatic through
personal intercourse with high-minded Europeans, may be inferred from
the following passage, which strikingly illustrates the recent progress of
native India on lines parallel to those which have been pursued in the
queen's direct dominions : —

' The reports of our political officers from all parts of the country for
the year 1875 present on the whole an encouraging picture of the progress
made by native rulers in governing their subjects according to the best
European ideas. Many of the Eajput princes and barons were sending
their sons and kinsfolk to the Mayo College, opened in October 1875.
Gas lamps already lighted the well-built streets and marble palaces of
Jaipur, and the viceroy himself opened the Mayo hospital in that city.
Gang robberies and violent crimes had greatly diminished throughout
Edjasthan. In most of the native states a new generation was growing
up trained in the learning of their own and other lands. English was
taught more and more widely in the higher schools and colleges. The
people sent their children more and more readily to the public vaccinators.
The high-born youths in the Eajkumar college of Kathiawar were learning-
to ride and play cricket. Tukaji Holkar was busy founding cotton mills
and otherwise developing the resources of Indor, while his eldest son was
completing his studies in the collegiate school attached to the Indor
residency. The little state of Kuch Bahar, on the Assam border, could
boast of a library richer than any to be found in Bengal outside Calcutta.
Several princes vied with the ruler of Jaipur in spending a liberal share of
their revenues on irrigation and other public works. In most of the
Rdjput states and in Bhartpur, justice was administered as efficiently as
in those which had passed for the time under British management or
control. One of these states was Kotah, where the nawab, Faiz All
Khdn, the ablest Mohammadan statesman in India next to Sdlar Jang,
was governing with marked success in the name of his boy sovereign.' ^

While such a tide of change has swept over the inhabitants of the
Indian continent, their numbers have for the first time been estimated in-

. - ' Vol. ii. p. 330.

>

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 599

a census, which can be relied on as proximately accurate ; and the abiding
features of the country have been ascertained by the trigonometrical,
topographical, and geological surveys. The revenue survey has facilitated
just taxation ; and the archaeological is not only a graceful tribute to the
past, but well befits rulers, whose administration has no reason to shun
comparison with that of their native predecessors. Lastly, Sir William
Hunter's ' Imperial Gazetteer,' in which the essence of much more
voluminous works is distilled, is at once a notable sign, and a comprehen-
sive record, of systematic progress in many directions.

While the present reign has thus been signalised in India by a con-
tinuous development of the resources of civilisation, its history has been ,
diversified by the frequent changes of rulers. For, though the governor- .
general is a man lender authority, and more subject than of old to the
control of the imperial government, he still has a large discretion, and is
to a great extent a personal ruler. Thus the period of his administration
has a distinctive character ; and the history of British India naturally
resolves itself into the careers of her governors-general. Considering the
arduousness of the post, and the fact that its occupant has often had little
previous familiarity with Indian affairs, and almost invariably no local
experience, the success of so many recent rulers, speaks well for the care
bestowed on their selection, and not less so for the governing qualities of
our countrymen. But there have been marked exceptions, which, how* ,
ever, convey a useful moral. Thus Lord Auckland and Lord Lytton are
unenviably associated in their unhappy foreign policy. And the causes of
their wandering out of the right way were the same, Russophobia, and-
undue compliance with the caprices of a rash and imperious minister at
home. But though the first Afghan complication was more disastrous,
the second was more inexcusable. Auckland was weak, and too much
influenced by local adventurers ; and Afghanistan was then an almost
unexplored field of political enterprise. Lytton sinned against hght ; and
in spite of the dread past, of Lawrence's great authority, and North-
brook's determined opposition, 'clinched' (as our author would say),,
by his resignation, deliberately followed a condemned precedent ; and
though Roberts was not Elphinstone, wrecked his reputation on the Afghan
rocks even more completely than his prototype had done. Nor was this
all ; his perversity abroad warped his domestic policy. Burdened with
the cost of a war which was severely criticised in India, he again sinned
against light, and, ignoring alike the teaching of Milton and the practice
of Northbrook, imposed shackles on the press, and surrendered Southern
India to the horrors of famine. Lord Ellenborough, again. Captain
Trotter justly regards as a pretentious failure. His wavering instructions
to the generals in Afghanistan, his ' lame apology ' for the conquest of
Sinde, above all his ridiculous proclamation about the apocryphal gates of
Somnath, created a general impression of his incapacity, and reconciled
pubhc opinion to his summary recall; and rallying again, many years
after, at the board of control, he sealed his fate as a statesman by his
irregular and arrogant censure on Lord Canning. Lord Hardinge was a
man of another stamp, but his part was chiefly military. Lord Dalhousie's
long and brillant administration forms a grand finale of the great com-
pany's career, and is not inaptly compared with that of Wellesley. For

600 REVIEWS OF BOOKS July

though they played their parts in very different worlds, these two great
rulers had much in common. Alike high-minded, resolute to imperious-
ness, intensely devoted to the duties of a station of which they entertained
a very lofty idea, ever ready to consult competent subordinates freely, and
to support them vigorously, but equally determined to carry out their own
matured resolves ; indefatigable in superintending the work of their in-
struments ; firmly convinced of the immeasurable superiority of British
over native rule, but sincerely anxious to improve the mechanism and
raise the tone of our administration, and make it more conducive to the
welfare of the people, and the safety, strength, and renown of the British
empire; both were great in war and in peace ; both, after striking down
a formidable foe, converted the conquered country into a model province,
which proved an invaluable military base in a later contest ; both set
their hearts upon annexing the territories of Oude, which the one half
accomplished, and the other completed ; both summarily quelled encroach-
ments on their authority, the one educating to obedience Olive's son and
the Madras government, the other driving from the country the com-
mander-in-chief and the conqueror of Sinde ; both by hard dealing with
native states prepared the way for new troubles ; both steadily aimed at
developing the resources, improving the communications, and encouraging
the trade of India ; both set before their servants a high ideal of public
duty, and did their utmost to reduce it to practice ; both selected with
characteristic discernment capable officers, whose later services gave good
evidence of the excellence of the school in which they had been trained.
Captain Trotter is strongly impressed by the intellectual and moral great-
ness of Dalhousie, and his pathetic self-sacrifice at the shrine of duty ;
and it is impossible to read his narrative without sharing his feelings.
But high-minded and well-intentioned as Dalhousie certainly was, he was
still the apostle of a policy which, however plausible, seems to us to have
been a mistaken one ; and we cannot sympathise with our author's dis-
position to justify his annexation system, as distinct from the application
of it to the peculiar case of Oude. And there can be little doubt that his
harsh interpretation of British right, as an instrument of this policy, went
far to precipitate the mutiny. The Rani of Jhansi was the Nemesis of
* the great proconsul's ' callousness to native sentiment. The author is
rather hard on Lord Canning for his slowness to appreciate the serious-
ness of the unprecedented crisis which he was so suddenly called upon to
confront. But he shows well how George Canning's son rose gradually to
the occasion ; retained his self-command amidst enervating panic and fierce
clamour ; gained the glorious sobriquet of ' Clemency,' and deserved to be
hailed, in his father's words, as * the pilot that weathered the storm.' The
brief promise of Lord Elgin is feelingly sketched. But the author's deepest
sympathies are reserved for Lord Lawrence. A very interesting account
of the firm but conciliatory organisation of British rule in the Punjab under
the Lawrence brothers, and of the management of that critical province
during the mutiny, prepares the reader to recognise in ' the saviour of
Lidia ' the appropriate modeller of the new regime, the masterly viceroy,
whose exceptional experience, strong character, and mature wisdom were
to be successfully employed in enlarging the sphere of administration, and
adajDting it to the circumstances of the new era. On the other hand, in

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 601

foreign policy, the late Mr. Wyllie's happy phrase, ' masterly inactivity,'
is Lawrence's best memorial. His internal government is here expounded
at much length, and with enthusiastic plaudits, which are repeated in
connexion with his conduct to Afghanistan. Lord Mayo presents a
different, but another favourable and engaging type. He not only
thoroughly lived down the clamour that had been raised against him on
his appointment, as well as later clamour on the spot against some of his
measures, but he showed himself no unworthy successor of Lawrence,
with whose foreign policy, and zeal for internal reform, he cordially sym-
pathised. His industry, open-mindedness, and geniality are described in
glowing colours ; and his death-scene is an affecting picture. Lord North-
brook's merits are also well brought out ; and his comprehensive and
successful plan for averting the dire calamity which had occurred so
j^ecently, and was so soon to occur again, is one of the most striking proofs
of his ability, and of the growing efficiency of British rule in competent
hands.

Captain Trotter says : ' I have tried to make these volumes as read-
able as I could, with due regard for the reader's patience, the laws of
perspective, and the demands of historic truth. It remains for the public
to judge how far the attempt has prospered.' "With some reservation, the
author may be fairly pronounced to have succeeded in his aim. He
writes flowingly, and is never dull. By clear exposition and a light
touch he contrives to make even his less attractive topics interesting.
And his narratives of the Sikh wars, and of the great mutiny and its sup-
pression, are vigorous, graphic, and spirit-stirring, and sufficiently de-
tailed to enable the reader to realise vividly each phase of those arduous
and terrible contests, and to revive the intense and varied emotions which
were once so familiar to every English heart. He criticises the actors in
an independent spirit ; and his judgment strikes us as generally sound,
though occasionally, perhaps, too lenient in the case of men whom he
admires. But his work is unequal, both as regards matter and style.
Thus as to the former, whether he prefers to bring into greater promi-
nence events with which he is most familiar, or because he thinks that the
unsatisfactory features of the story, being tainted in their origin, should
be left in partial shade, he certainly makes short work of them. Thus the
space devoted to the first Afghan crisis is scanty compared with that
allotted to the two subjects just mentioned ; and the second Afghan war,
and Napier's conquest of Sinde, are despatched in a few pages. History
thus skeletonised, and stripped of its local colouring, is in fact not properly
history at all, and is little calculated to attract those who are not com-
pelled to ' get it up.' The historian is, of course, bound to express his
opinion freely on the merits of an international quarrel ; but the scale on
which he relates the events that arose out of it must be determined by
other considerations. And though a memoir writer may properly prefer
to dwell mostly on his own experiences, an historian has to take into
account the relative claims of each part of his proposed subject. By
ignoring this obligation, the author has missed fine opportunities for the
exercise of his pen, and marred the integrity of his book, both as a
source of information and as a work of art. On the other hand, he finds
3, fruitful topic in the administrative careers of subordinate rulers, Frere,

602 REVIEWS OF BOOKS July

Campbell, Temple, and others ; nor, in this capacity, is he insensible to
the merits of Napier. Among the more interesting episodes may be
mentioned his account of the heroic exertions of Macpherson and his
comrades for the suppression of human sacrifice in Gondwana.

As to style, the author is still more unequal. When he chooses to do
so, he writes excellently, and without jarring any literary susceptibilities.
He can describe a battle in terse, energetic, and impressive language,
exciting and sustaining the reader's interest by a narrative whose glowing
words are worthy of the deeds that they chronicle. He can delineate a
leading character, and sum up a policy, in appropriate and measured
terms. He can hit off neatly and forcibly the social achievements of the
British government. He can be pathetic in good taste, and with proper
reserve, as in relating Lord Mayo's death. Why he should, at the same
time, choose to disfigure his pages by scattering over them incongruous
metaphors, hackneyed phrases, and pert colloquial expressions, we are
at a loss to understand. Neither the plea of haste, nor the temptation
to court a low popularity, can excuse such a practice. What would be
objectionable in an ephemeral pamphlet is quite indefensible in a history,
and most compromising to its literary pretensions. The * grave historian '
should not vie with the smart contributor to a newspaper, the popular
speaker, or the newest fashioned parliamentary debater. Nor, in days
when bookmaking finds so much favour with the illiterate, should he
descend to their level, and countenance their slovenly ways. If ' the age
of shoddy ' asserts itself painfully in so many quarters, it is the more im-
perative that those who undertake to instruct the public in works intended
to be widely circulated, carefully studied, and placed on the library shelf,
should observe the proprieties of literary composition, and contribute their
part to check the growing evil and purify the public taste. And there
are special reasons for such circumspection in the present case. Captain
Trotter echoes the old complaint that Indian history is an unpopular
subject. Yet it is unquestionably of great and growing importance, and
is gradually assuming its place in English education. It deserves and
requires to be properly treated. The author expresses a hope that both
old and young will find it worth while to read his book, for the sake of its
matter. But he should remember that, whatever the interest of the
events which he relates, educated men are apt to be distinctly repelled by
such peculiarities as those which we have noted, and have a right to expect
that so worthy a theme shall be handled in a chastened and carefully
elaborated style. And the rising generation should not be beguiled into the
belief that the canons of literary criticism may be venially ignored by one
who has a good story to tell. We hope that in another edition Captain
Trotter will expand his narrative where it is too concise, and remove the
blemishes which, at present, impair its educational value, and its pro-
spect of becoming a standard work. Sidney James Owen.

Souvenirs et Visions. Par le Vicomte C. M. de Vogue.
(Paris : Librairie Plon. 1887.)

M. de VoGuiS is already well known by his excellent work ' Le Koman
Kusse.' In the present volume he reprints a few essays which have ap-
peared in various French periodicals. Of these the most noteworthy ara

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 60B

* Prague et les Boliemiens,' * L'Exposition de Moscou et I'Art Russe ' and

* En Crimee.' In the midst of many eloquent passages we come upon
remarlis which show how thoroughly our author has penetrated Slavonic
questions. Thus how accurate his account of the relation of the Poles
to Panslavism : Hantee par ses grands souvenirs, la Pologne sHsole
fiirement dans son malheur et dans son mirage ; elle n'aime gu^re a
compter avec les jeunes Mats slaves, parvenus qu'elle a jadis fort maU
men&s et qui voudraient aujourd'hui lui poser des conditions ; ceux-ci,
n' ay ant pas ejicore eprouve leur fortune, ressentent une defiance instinctive
pour la malechance de la pauvre nation; ils ne cherchent pas une
alliance compromettante. Sauf quelques coalitions de rencontre dans un
parlement, Tcheques et Polonais n'ont point fait un pas pour se rap-
procher; le cceur n'y est pas.' In fact the sorrows of Poland have pro-
duced in her a complete egoism with reference to general Slavonic
questions. Again, on page 172, how finely M. de Vogiie sketches the
characteristics of the Russian mind, which explain both' the realistic
novels of Tolstoi and the realistic pictures of Verestchagin : Le penseur
russe va d'un bond au fond des choses, il voit les contradictions, la vanity,
le grand rien de la vie, et si son temper ame7it d' artiste le porte d la re-
produire, il le fait avec une impartialite dddaigneuse, parfois avec unefroide
dSsesperance, le plus souvent avec le fatalisme inherent aux parties
orientates de son dme. The book abounds with felicitous remarks of
this kind. Since its publication the artist Kramskoi, whose works are
favourably spoken of, is dead. The article which describes the Crimea
is full of picturesque power : the writer has remarked with truth upon
the strange mixture of populations to be found there, Greek, Italian,
Goth, Tatar. The only statement of M. de Vogiie which we feel inclined
to challenge is when he says of the Bohemians : Je mHnforme et Von ne
parviejit pas d me citer depuis la mort de Palacsy [sic] un poete, un
historien, un romancier qui sortent du pair. But surely the writings
of Gindely, GoU, and Tomek deserve a higher rank ; nor is Bohemia now
wanting in poets, as those familiar with her modern literature know

well. W. R. MOEFILL.

Catalogue des Monnaies Musulmanes de la Bibliothdque Nationale :
public par ordre du Ministre de 1' Instruction Publique. Par M. Henri
Lavoix, conservateur adjoint du departement des medailles. — Khalifes
Orie7itaux. (Paris : Imprimerie Nationale. 1887.) Mohammedan coins
are so essentially historical documents that the English HisTORiCAii
Review is within its province in congratulating the Bibliotheque Nationale
on having at length given birth to a catalogue of a portion of its mag-
nificent collection. This firstfruit of M. Lavoix' official labours is in
every respect worthy both of his scholarly name and of the great
press from which it issues : it is ably executed and splendidly printed
in imperial octavo. It is not often that England can boast of having
furnished a model to France, but in this instance M. Lavoix has offered
the sincerest form of flattery by imitating in the minutest details of
system and arrangement — even down to the type-setting and indexes
—the plan first adopted in the * Catalogue of Oriental Coins in the British
Museum.' The volume of ' Khalifes Orientaux ' corresponds to vol. i. (' The

604 REVIEWS OF BOOKS July

Eastern Kliallfelis ') of that catalogue ; and on comparing the two,
and allowing for the additions which have been made to the English
cabinet since the publication of that volume thirteen years ago (which
will very shortly be published in a supplementary work), we find that, in
spite of the reputation which the French collection enjoys as the finest in
Europe, it is but little superior to that of the British Museum. In round
figures (omitting the series modelled on Byzantine and Sassanian types,
and duplicates or mere varieties of die) the Omeyyad khalifs are repre-
sented by 280 gold and silver coins in the British Museum, and 340 in
the Bibliotheque ; the Abbasides by 720 in the British Museum, and almost
exactly the same number in the Bibliotheque ; and the copper of both
dynasties by 220 in the British Museum, and 350 in the Bibliotheque.
The total of all classes in the British Museum amounts to 1,230 : in the
Bibliotheque to 1,420. The figures corresponding to the first two classes
are in the Russian Hermitage 200 and 670 ; but St. Petersburg possesses
four distinct public collections of oriental coins, so these numbers do not
afford a fair comparison. In point of extreme rarities the French collec-
tion stands first, since it possesses half a dozen coins of unique and extra-
ordinary interest ; but in the general range of the series there is little to
choose between the French and English. M. Lavoix has prefixed a care-
ful introduction, and the volume is well indexed. S. L.-P.

The Fall of the Moghul Empire of Hijidustan. A new edition, with
corrections and additions, by H. G. Keene, CLE. (London : W. H. Allen.
1887.) This third edition of a well-known work has been revised and im-
proved, and, while still leaving a good deal to be desired in point of form
and style, unquestionably deserves to be attentively studied by those who
are interested in the tortuous and complex history of the Moghul empire
during the latter half of the eighteenth century. The author works chiefly
from original native sources, and thus avoids the besetting sin of Anglo-
Lidian historians, of regarding everything from the Calcutta point of
view. In such trifles as matters of transliteration we have still to com-
plain that Mr. Keene's printers, while lavish of acute accents over a's —
even when wrong (as Jafar) or misplaced (as Shujaa) — firmly refuse to
admit the possibility of an accented i or u. Better to leave accents out
altogether than sprinkle them with partiality.

The new ArchcBological Bevieiu (London : D. Nutt), of which the first
number appeared in March, has hardly justified its claim to take rank
above other antiquarian publications. The best that we can say of it is
that its plan is workmanlike, particularly in the special indexes which it
supplies, in the hints thrown out for the guidance of future students, and
in those articles which are plain statements of difficulties requiring
further examination. In thus gathering together scattered results and
suggesting subjects for work, the Beview is filling a useful place. But
the original articles are mostly either of the type with which we are
familiar in the local antiquarian magazines, or else such as have been
obviously extracted from their writers under pressure, in order to start
the Bevieiu in a handsome manner. From the point of view of the
historical student, the class of article which we hope will form a cha-

I

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 605

racteristic feature of the Bevieiv is that represented by the discussion of
the origin of the Sussex Rapes by Mr. F. E. Sawyer and others, by Miss
Toulmin Smith's papers on the Craft of Bakers at York, by Mr. G.
Laurence Gomme's articles on ' Chippenham as a Village Community,'
and by Mr. J. H. Round's papers on Richard the First's Change of Seal
and on Domesday measures of land. Yet even here it is a pity that
Mr. Round should * write down ' to his antiquarian readers in his opening
sentence, * Historical research is about to pass, if indeed it is not already
passing, into a new sphere — the sphere of archaeology,' and explain this
as * the rebuilding of the historical fabric on the relatively sure foundation
of original and contemporary authorities, studied in the purest texts.' He
knows well enough that this is neither new, nor is it archaeology. But
Mr. Round's tone is modesty itself in comparison with that of the editor,
who opens the Bevieio with a ' Note ' as pretentious in style as it is ex-
aggerated in its programme. The main fault of the Beview, we are bound
to say, lies just in its editing. If it is to have a chance of fulfillmg its
purpose, it must be ' read ' for the press far more carefully. As things
are, there are two mistakes on the cover (and elsewhere) in the names
of actual contributors to the first number. The printing is of a very
inferior ' provincial ' character, teeming with that peculiarly offensive
description of misprint known as ' wrong fount.' And when we read of

* Samuel Harsnet, bishop of Oxford, who afterwards became archbishop
of Canterbury,' we realise that we are still in the domain of the local
antiquary. It is best to speak out fairly on the subject. We hope the
Archceological Beview will succeed ; but it must certainly reform its
ways first.

Some time ago M. Forneron published in the Bevue Historique a
series of articles on Louise de Keroualle, duchess of Portsmouth, in which
he sought to estimate the character and extent of her influence on the
foreign policy (if it be worth calling a policy) of Charles the Second. He
worked carefully in the materials preserved in the French archives and in
some private collections, and produced a sketch which, if suffering from
the author's imperfect knowledge of the English history of the time, was
at all events an honest and painstaking biography. The articles were
reprinted as a book, and in due time the book has made its appearance
in what professes to be an English translation. M. Forneron deserves
all our sympathy for the ill usage he has received. His work is published
as a party pamphlet : the very title-page has the unwarranted addition,

* Louise de Keroualle, Duchess of Portsmouth, 1649-1734 ; or, Hoio the
Duke of Bichmond gained his Pension ; ' and the dedication is to Mr.
Henry Labouchere to assist his protest against the Richmond pension.
On the pohtical question we express no opinion whatever, but we are bound
to denounce the unscrupulous treatment to which a foreign author's name
and work are here subjected. More than this, his text is not translated
but freely expanded, so that three lines of the original sometimes answer to
a page and a half of the ' translation,' and the added portions are commonly
of a naked pruriency only rivalled by the consistent vulgarity of the style.
M. Forneron may, however, be thankful that his name is suppressed on
the cover, and that it is printed on the title-page in less conspicuous type

606 REVIEWS OF BOOKS July

than that of Mrs. G. M. Crawford, who seems to lay claim to whatever
credit may accrue from this outrageous performance. The publishers are
Messrs. W. Swan Sonnenschein & Co.

Early Prose and Poetical Works of John Taylor the Water Poet
(London : Hamilton, Adams, & Co. Glasgow : Morison. 1888) is a useful
reprint of a selection of writings which have considerable historical
interest, and the selection has been mainly framed with reference to illus-
trating the life and manners of the time. Taylor's journeys to Scotland,
to Salisbury, and to Halifax, are full of valuable matter, and his writings
generally are important for the social history of the reigns of Elizabeth
and James I. Hitherto Taylor has not been very acceptable to the general
reader : the volume just issued may at all events serve as a sample of his
merits. Beyond the fact of its existence, however, we have little to say
of this edition, which is merely a reprint. A meagre life of Taylor is all
the introduction which it contains. There is no attempt to give a
catalogue of Taylor's numerous writings, or to make any contribution to
the bibliography of the subject. There are no notes, illustrations, or
references : nothing save the mere text.

Another reprint, which has greater novelty, is The Holy Calendar of
Nathaniel Eaton (Shrewsbury : Tasker. 1888). Eaton was vicar of
Bishop's Castle in the time of the Commonwealth, and maintained his
Anglican views throughout the period of disturbance. After the Eestora-
tion he published in 1661 this little volume, which consists of a number
of epigrams upon all the feasts of the church. Mr. Tasker, who edits it
from a copy in his own possession, knows of no other copy save one
in the British Museum. Apart from its literary merits, the book has con-
siderable historical interest as illustrating the somewhat florid church -
manship of the Restoration, while it is also the forerunner of ' The Chris-
tian Year.' Perhaps an epigram on the festival ' Decollatio Caroli ' will
show reason why the book is worth reading.

Scotes in Greek black darkness doth iraport.
With us a Scotchman ; and there's reason for 't.
For those black deeds that hell would hardly own
The Scotchmen first begun to set upon. .

England indeed matured the horrid plot.
But the first rise thereof was from the Scot.

Au Mexique 1862 ; combats et retraite des six mille. By Prince
Georges Bibesco. (Paris : Plon. 1887. 4to.) Prince Bibesco's book is
based on his own recollections, and on notes made by himself during the
events which he describes, for the purpose of the reports which he was
charged to despatch to the French war office. His volume is devoted to
an account of the expedition of General de Lorencez, his unsuccessful
march on Puebla, and retreat to Orizaba. Chapter xiv is an amusing
account of the theatre established in the French army whilst they were
besieged in Orizaba. The campaign is illustrated by good plans.

Another work dealing with Mexican history is The Fall of Maxi-
rnilian's Empire as seen from a United States' Gunboat, by Seaton
Schroeder, Lieutenant, United States' Navy (New York : Putnam). This

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 607

is based on the letterbook and logbook of Captain Roe of the U.S.
gunboat ' Tacony,' and on the recollections of some of the officers of
that ship. It deals entirely with the period between March and July
1867, and the principal subjects of which it treats are the siege and
surrender of Vera Cruz, and the arrest of ex-President Santa Anna on his
attempt to land in Mexico to re-establish himself in power.

The third edition of the Rev. William Bullen Morris's Life of Saint
Patrick (Burns & Gates, 1888) has been increased in bulk chiefly by the
introduction of polemical matter. There is much to be said on historical
grounds for telling the life of a sahit from the point of view of contem-
poraries ; but such a narrative owes its force to its simplicity, and does not
become either critical or scientific by being interspersed with onslaughts
on ' rationalistic ' writers and quotations from modern works of contro-
versy. Mr. Morris, however, has thought otherwise.

The fourth edition of the Rev. James Rankin's Handbook of the Church
of Scotland has widened the scope of a work which was originally written
as a defence of the Scottish Church against the cry for disestablishment.
Though this still remains the object of the book, the addition of two
chapters dealing with the ecclesiastical history of Scotland before the
reformation has given to it a completeness which makes it a useful hand-
book. Mr. Rankin has given lists of the Scottish monasteries and parishes
which are valuable for reference ; he also gives short biographies of lead-
ing churchmen in smaller type — a plan which is much to be commended
in historical text-books.

Mr. Bullen continues his valuable editions of the Elizabethan drama-
tists by two volumes containing the Works of George Peele (London : John
C. Nimmo. 1888). Though Peele is not from a literary point of view to
be compared to Middleton or Marston, he is perhaps more important than
either of them to a student of history. He tried his hand at many forms
of dramatic composition, and the roughness which makes him despairing to
an editor is interesting to one who wishes to estimate the quick life of the
Elizabethan time. Mr. Bullen in his introductory remarks shows himself
remarkably free from the temptation which besets an editor to overvalue
an author over whose writings he is spending so much time. The esti-
mate which Mr. Bullen forms of Peele is just and reasonable. His edition
is made more valuable by the addition in an appendix of The Merry Con-
ceited Jests of George Peele, which throws much light on the ruder side
of Elizabethan hfe.

Becords and Becord Searching, by Walter Rye (Elliot Stock. 1888),
is an exceedingly useful handbook for the increasing class of archaeological
aspirants. The knowledge of this class of writers is not always equal to
their zeal, but Mr. Rye has done his best to put them in the right way.
His book begins with general directions on two important points, ' How
to compile a pedigree,' and * How to write the history of a parish or other
place.' The advice is strictly practical, and warns the beginner against
many pitfalls which are open for the unwary. But Mr. Rye himself has
not escaped one weakness of the antiquary, a desire to be original. He

608

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

July

says that he has purposely abstained from looking at Mr. Phillimore's
* How to write the History of a Family,' and also at Mr. Cox's * How to
write the History of a Parish.' He even goes further in the way of
ignorance, and describes the Kev. J. C. Cox, the editor of the Beliquary, as
the Rev. D. Cox. Surely in compiling a handbook the fear of plagiarism
can have no place. The only object is to give the best and wisest counsel,
and for this purpose it is well to know the results of the labours of others.
Mr. Rye,yiowever, has chosen to retain his own individuality in a marked
manner, even to the ventilation of his own particular grievances about
the regulations adopted in the Record Office, and the comfort of readers
in its rooms. Apart from this peculiarity Mr. Rye's book is strictly
confined to its purpose of giving useful information, which Mr. Rye's
legal training,''combined with his antiquarian tastes, makes him singularly
well fitted to give over a large field of records. His classification of legal
documents is plain, and his information about their whereabouts is full.
He refers to the principal sources of information for those documents
which have been already printed, and is careful to give exact dates about
those existing in manuscript. His final chapter is a guide to the stranger
how to find his way about the Record Office, the British Museum, the
Probate Registry, and other public institutions. Finally he has enriched
his book by an admirable index, which indeed he was almost bound to do,
as his complaint throughout his book is of the want of indexes in others.
He has therefore taken the trouble to produce something which may well
claim to be a model in its way.

The Western Antiquary (London : Redway) has published an
' Armada Commemoration number ' which contains some documents
worthy of notice. Dr. Brushfield publishes in full the ' Report of the
Council of War held in 1588,' in which the documents of the Record Office
have been supplemented by a manuscript in the possession of Captain Digby
of North Runcton. Mr. T. C. Noble publishes the subscription lists of the
London city companies. Mr. Wright gives a description of the various
medals struck to commemorate the defeat of the Armada. Mr. Oldham
prints in full the letters in the Record Office dealing with the subject,
and Major Edge again undertakes a computation of the ships and men
on either side. On the whole the number contains a good deal of in-
teresting matter, and makes a worthy contribution to the original literature
of its subject.

In the last number of the Histobical Eeview, on p. 213, line 18, for * sixth French
army corps ' read 'first ' ; and in line 40 for ' Saarbriick ' read ' Sauerbach.'

On p. 367, a sentence which should have been omitted was through inadvertence
left standing : • On p. 99 he describes Pope John XII as John XVI,' where the author's
statement is correct.

•J

i

1888

609

List of Historical Books recently published

I. GENERAL HISTORY

(Including works relating to the allied branches of knowledge and works
of miscellaneous contents)

T'ranklin (A.) La vie privee d'autrefois :
la mesure du temps ; la cuisine. 2
vol. Paris : Plon. 12mo. 7 f.

GiESEBRECHT (W. von). Gedachtnissrcde
auf Leopold von Eanke. Pp. 32. 4to.
Munich : K. B. Akademie.

Geegobovius (F.) Kleine Schriften zur
Geschichte und Cultur. II. Pp. 315,
plate. Leipzig : Brockhaus. 5*50 m.

Hermann (J.) & Jastrow (J.) Jahres-
berichte der Geschichtswissenschaft.
VI: 1883. Pp.898. Berlin : Gaertner.
22 m.

LuTosiiAWSKi (W.) Erhaltung und Unter-
gang der Staatsverf assungen nach Plato,
Aristoteles, und Machiavelli. Pp. 140.
Breslau : Koebner. 2-40 m.

Manuscrits, Catalogue des, conserves dans
les depots d'archives d^partementales,
communales, et hospitalieres. Pp. 471.
Paris : Plon. 12 f.

Miller (K.) Weltkarte des Castorius
genannt die Peutinger'sche Tafel, in
den Farben des Originals herausgegeben
und eingeleitet. 5 sheets, obi. folio;
with text, pp. 128. Bavensburg : Dorn.
6 m.

Pohler (J.) Bibliotheca historico-mili-
taris : Systematische Uebersicht der
Erscheinungen aller Sprachen auf dem
Gebiete der Geschichte der Kriege und
Kriegswissenschaft seit Erfindung der
Buchdruckerkunst bis zum Schluss des
Jahres 1880. Pp. 619. Cassel : Kessler.
22-50 m.

Reinagh (S.) Esquisses arch^ologiques.
Illustr. Paris : Leroux. 12 f.

Bye (W.) Records and record searching :
a guide to the genealogist and topo-
grapher. Pp. 204. London: Stock.

6/.

II. ORIENTAL HISTORY

Buchta (R.) Der Sudan unter agypti-
scher Herrschaft : Riickblicke auf die
letzten sechzig Jahre. Nebst einem
Anhang : Briefe Dr. Emin-Pascha's und
Lupton-Bey's an W. Junker [1883-
1885]. Pp. 228, maps. Leipzig :
Brockhaus. 6 m.

Castelli (D.) Storia degli Israeliti dalle
origini fino alia monarchia, secondo le
fonti bibliche criticamente esposte.
II : La monarchia. Pp. 470. Milan :
Hoepli. 0 1.

Chijs (J. A. van der). Nederlandsch-
Indisch plakaatboek [1602-1811]. IV:
[1 709-1743]. The Hague: Nijhoff.
5fl.

Davis (M. D.) nntDK^. Hebrew Deeds ; or
English Jews before 1290. (Publica-
tions of the Anglo-Jewish Historical
Exhibition. 11.) Pp. 394. London:
' Jewish Chronicle ' Office. 15/.

Driver (rev. S. R.) Isaiah : his life and
times, and the writings which bear his
name. Pp. 212. London : Nisbet. 2/6.

Haurigot (G.) Les etabliasements fran-
<?ais dans I'lnde et en Oceanic. Pp.
239, illust. Paris : Lec^ne & Oudin.

VOL. III. — NO. XI.

JosEPHi (Flavii) Opera, recognovit B.
Niese. Editio minor. 2 vol. Pp. 282,
317. Berlin : Weidmann. 6 m.

KiTTEL (R.) Geschichte der Hebraer.
(Handbiicher der alten Geschichte.
Ser. I. 3.) I : Quellenkunde und Ge-
schichte der Zeit bis zum Tode Josuas.
Pp. 281. Gotha : F. A. Perthes. 6 m.

Lavoix (H.) Catalogue des monnaies
musulmanes de la Biblioth^que natio-
nale. Khalifes orientaux. 10 plates.
Paris : Maisonneuve. 25 f.

Lezius (J.) De Alexandri Magni expe-
ditione indica quaestiones* Pp. 160.
Dorpat: Karow. 2 m.

Manssurow (B.) Die Kirche des Heiligen
Grabes zu Jerusalem in ihrer altesten
Gestalt. Aus dem Russischem iiber-
setzt von A. Boehlendorff. Pp. 69,
4 plates. Heidelberg : Koester. 2 m.

Mercier (E.) Histoire de I'Afrique sep-
tentrionale (Berberie) depuis les temps
les plus recul^s jusqu'a la conquete
frauQaise [1830]. I. Paris : Leroux.

Renan (E.) History of the people of
Israel till the time of King David.

R R

610 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED July

Transl. from the French by C. B. Pit-
man. London : Chapman & Hall. 14/.
Thiele (C. p.) Babylonisch-assyrische
Geschichte. (Handbiicher der alten
Geschichte. Ser. I. 4.) Pp. 647.
Gotha : F. A. Perthes. 13 m.

Thuasne (L.) Gentile Bellini et Sultan
Mohammed II: Notes sur le sejour du
peintre venitien k Constantinople
[1479-1480], d'apr^s les documents
originaux en partie inedits. 8 plates.
Paris : Leroux. 4to. 8 f.

III. GKEEK AND EOMAN HISTOEY

BiEDERMANN (G.) Die Insel Kephallenia
im Alterthum. Pp. 84, maps &c.
Wiirzburg.

BusoLT (G.) Griechische Geschichte bis
zur Schlacht bei Chaironeia. (Hand-
biicher der alten Geschichte. Ser. II.
1.) II : Die Perserkriege und das
attische Eeich. Pp. 607. Gotha :
F. A. Perthes. 12 m.

GuiBAUD (P.) Les assemblies provinciales
dans I'empire romain. Pp. 313. Paris :
Colin. 7-50 f.

Inge (W. K.) Society in Eome under
the CaBsars. Pp. 282. London : Mur-
ray. 6/.

Inscriptionum Latinarum, Corpus, consilio
et auctoritate academiae litterarum
regiae Borussicae editum. XI, 1 : In-
scriptiones iEmiliae, Etruriae, Umbriae
Latinae, ed. E. Bormann. Pars 1, in-
scriptiones .Emiliae et EtruriaB compre-
hendens. Pp. 52, 594. Fol. Berlin : G.
Beimer. 62 m.

Lackner (W.) De incursionibus a Gallis
in Italiam factis : Quaestio historica.
I. Pp. 26. Konigsberg : Koch. 4to.
Im.

Mbtaxas (C.) Souvenirs de la guerre de
I'independance de la Gr^ce, traduits
du grec par J. Blancard. Paris :
Leroux. 18mo. 5 f.

Munzen, Beschreibung der antiken, der
koniglichen Museen zu Berlin. I :
Taurische Chersonesus, Sarmatien,
Dacien, Pannonien, Moesien, Thracien,
thracische Konige. Pp. 357, plates.
Berlin : Spemann. 25 m.

PioT (G.) Droit romain : de I'alienation
de Pager publicus pendant la p6riode
r^publicaine ; droit des gens ; des
regies de competence applicables aux
etats et aux souverains strangers.
Pp. 186. Paris : Leve.

PoLYBius, Selections from. Ed. by J. L.
Strachan-Davidson. Pp. 690, 3 maps.
Oxford : Clarendon Press. 21/.

Schmidt (A.) Handbuch der griechischen
Chronologic, nach des Verfassers Tode
herausgegeben von F. Eiihl. Pp. 804.
Jena : Fischer. 16 m.

Seidel (E.) Montesquieus Verdienst um
die romische Geschichte. Pp. 20.
Leipzig : Fock. 4to. 1 m.

Stern (E. von). Xenophons Hellenika und
die bootische Geschichtsiiberlieferung :
eine historische Quellenstudie. Pp.
71. Dorpat : Karow.

Swoboda (W.) Vermuthungen zur Chro-
nologic des sogenannten Markoman-
nerkrieges unter Marc Aurel und Com-
modus [a. d. 161-180]. Pp. 25. Znaim.
(Programm.)

IV. ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY

AcHELis (H.) Das Symbol des Fisches und

die Fischdenkmalerder romischen Kata-

komben. Pp. 111. Marburg: Elwert.

2 m.
Acta sanctorum Hiberniae, ex codice Sal-

manticensi edita opera C. de Smedt et

J. de Backer, e Soc. Jesu. London :

Blackwood. 4to. 31/6.
Armellini (M.) Le chiese di Eoma dalle

loro origini sino al secolo XVI. Pp.

805. Eome : tip. edit. Eomana.
Arnold (C. F.) Studien zur Geschichte

der Plinianischen Christenverfolgung.

(Theologische Studien und Skizzen aus

Ostpreussen, V.) Pp. 57. Konigsberg :

Hartung. 1-50 m.
Bernard de Montmelian (J.) Saint

Maurice et la legion th6b6enne. 2 vol.

Paris : Plon. 15 f.
Brixen, Traditionsbiicher des Hochstifts.

(Acta Tirolensia ; Urkundliche Quellen

zur Geschichte Tirols. I.) Ed. by O.

Eedlich. Pp. Ixiv, 356. Innsbruck :

Wagner.
Broglie (E. de). Mabillon et la soci6t6

de I'abbaye de Saint-Germain des Pr6s

k la fin du dix-septi^me si^cle [1664-

1707]. 2 vol. Pp. 429, 390. Paris:
Plon. 15 f.

Capecelatro (A.) Storia di S. Pier Da-
miano e del suo tempo. Pp. 556. Tour-
nay : Descl6e & Lefebvre. 4 f.

Cluni. — Charters and records among the
archives of the ancient abbey of Cluni
[1077-1534], illustrative of the acts of
some of our early kings ; and all the
abbey's English foundations. Edited
with notes by sir G. F. Duckett. II.
[Lewes.] Printed for subscribers.

DiLGSKRON (C.) Leben des heiligen
Bischofs und Kirchenlehrers Alfonsus
Maria de Liguori. 2 vol. Pp. 511, 556.
Eatisbon : Pustet.

Druffel (A. von). Monumenta Triden-
tina : Beitrage zur Geschichte des
Concils von Trent. Ill : Jan.-Feb.
1 546. Munich : K. B. Akademie. 4to.

Duchesne (abb6 L.) Liber pontificalis.
Texte, introduction, et commentaire. I.
Pp. cclxii, 536. Paris : Thorin. 4to.
69 f.

Erler (G.) Die historischen Schriften
Dietrichs von Nieheim. Pp. 104. Leip-
zig: Diirr.

j

1888 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED 611

Ferrant (abb6 J.) Un saint de la Flandre
au onzi^me si^cle : Vie de saint Arnold
ou Arnulphe, eveque de Soissons. Pp.
304, 326. Bruges : Beyaert-Storie. 5 f.

Gregorii I papae, Registrum epistolarum
(Monumenta Germaniee Historica.
Epistolae). I, 1. Lib. i-iv. Ed. P.
Ewald. Pp. 280. Berlin : Weidmann.
4to. 9 m.

Lade WIG (P.) Regesta episcoporum Con-
stantiensium. Regesten zur Geschichte
der Bischofe von Konstanz von Bubul-
cus bis Thomas Berlower [5 17- 1496].
II: [1107-1227]. Innsbruck: Wagner.

Lavocat (M.) Proems des fr^res et de
I'ordre du Temple d'apr^s des pieces
in6dites publi6es par M. Michelet et des
documents imprimes anciens et nou-
veaux. Paris : Plon. 7*50 f.

Lesser (F.) Erzbischof Poppo von Trier
[1016-1047] : ein Beitrag zur Geschichte
des deutschen Episkopats vor Ausbruch
des Investiturstreites. Pp. 80. Leip-
zig : Duncker & Humblot. 2-40 m.

Leveque (dom L.) Etude sur le pape
Vigile. Pp. 204. Amiens: Rousseau-
Leroy.

Merchier (A.) Essai sur le gouverne-
ment de I'^glise au temps de Charle-
magne. (From the ' M6moires de la
Soci^te Acad6mique de Saint-Quentin,'
4th ser., VII.) Pp. 24. Saint-Quentin :
Poette.

Mevs (W.) Zur Legation des Bischofs
Hugo von Die unter Gregor VII. Pp.
42. Greifswald: Scharf. 60 pf.

MiRBT (C.) Die Stellung Augustins in
der Publicistik des gregorianischen Kir-
chenstreits. Pp. 113. Leipzig : Hin-
richs. 3 m.

MussAFiA (A.) Studien zu den mittel-
alterlichen Marienlegenden. II. Pp.
90. Vienna : Tempsky. 1*40 m.

Patrick (saint), The tripartite life of. Ed.
by Whitley Stokes. I, II. London :
published under the direction of the
master of the rolls. 20/.

Perrier (J.) Histoire des eveques et ar-
chev^ques de Lyon. Pp. 164. Lons-
le-Saunier : Mayet. 18mo. 3-50 f.

Platina (B.) The lives of the popes,
from the time of Jesus Christ, transl.
into English. Ed. by W. Benham.

Pp. 274. London: Griffith & Farran.

1/.

Popes. Acta pontificum Romanorum in-
edita. Urkunden der Papste [590-
II 97]. Ed. by J. von Pflugk-Harttung.
III. Pp. 506. Stuttgart : Kohlhammer.

EpistolaB saeeuli XIII e regestis ponti-
ficum Romanorum selectae per G. H.
Pertz. Ed. by C. Rodenberg. (Monu-
menta GermaniaB Historica.) II. Pp.
626. Berlin : Weidmann. 4to. 18 m.

Der Liber cancellariae apostolicee

vom Jahre 1380, und der Stilus palatii
abbreviatus Dietrichs von Nieheim.
Ed. by G. Erler. Pp. xxx, 234. Leip-
zig : Veit. 7 m.

RiCHOu (L.) Histoire de I'Eglise. II.
Pp. 592, maps. Paris : Lethielleux.
16mo. 4 f.

Salvagnini (E.) S. Antonio di Padova e
i suoi tempi [1195-1231]. Pp. 312.
Turin : Roux. 5 1.

SiDONii (Gai Sollii Apollinaris) Epistulae
et carmina, ed. by C. Luetjohann.
Fausti aliorumque epistulae ad Ruri-
cium aliosque, Ruricii epistulas, ed. by
B. Krusch. (Monumenta Germanise
Historica. Auctores Antiquissimi. VIII.)
Pp. Ixxviii, 484. Berlin : Weidmann.
4to. 16 m.

SoHM (R.) Kirchengeschichte im Grund-
riss. Pp. 194. Leipzig : Bohme.
2-80 m.

SoMMER (J. G.) Das Aposteldekret (Act.
xv) ; Entstehung, Inhalt, und Ge-
schichte seiner Wirksamkeit in der
christlichen Kirche. (Theologische
Studien und Skizzen aus Ostpreussen,
IV.) Pp. 54. Konigsberg : Hartung.
1-50 m.

TiNKHAUSER (G.) Topographisch-his-
torisch-statistische Beschreibung der
Diocese Brixen mit besonderer Beruck-
sichtigung der Kulturgeschichte und
der noch vorhandenen Kunst- und Bau-
denkmale aus der Vorzeit. Continued
by L. Rapp. IV, 1-3. Brixen : Weger.

Voss (W.) Die Verhandlungen Pius IV
mit den katholischen Machten iiber die
Neuberufung des Tridentiner Concils
1650 bis zum Erlass der Indiktionsbulle
29 Nov. 1650, Historische Abhandlung.
Pp. 136. Leipzig : Fock. 1-80 m.

V. MEDIEVAL HISTOEY

Abel (S.) Jahrbiicher des frankischen
Reiches unter Karl dem Grossen. I :
[768-788]. 2te Auflage bearbeitet von
B. Simson. Pp. 698. Leipzig : Duncker
& Humblot. 16 m.

Alberdingk-Thijm (P.) Karolingische
munten. Pp. 3. Ghent : Leliaert,
Sifter, & Cie. 20 c.

Bradley (H.) The Goths, from the
earliest times to the end of the Gothic
dominion in Spain. Pp. 396. London :
Unwin. 5/.

Glasson (E.) Histoire du droit et des

institutions de la France. II : Epoque

f ranque. Pp. xl, 624. Paris : Pichon.

10 f.
Heermann (O.) Die Gefechtsfiihrung

abendlandischer Heere im Orient in der

Epoche des ersten Kreuzzugs. Pp.

130. Marburg : Elwert. 2-40 m.
Jacobs (E.) Die Schiitzenkleinodien und

das Papageienschiessen : ein Beitrag

zur Kulturgeschichte des Mittelalters.

Pp. 136. Wernigerode : Jiittner. 3 m.
Kelleteb (F. J.) Die Landfriedensbiinde

zwischen - Maas und Rhein im vier-

B B 2

612 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED July

zehnten Jahrhundert. (Lindner's Miin-
sterische Beitrage zur Geschichtsfor-
schung, XI.) Pp. 100. Paderborn :
Schoningh. 2 m.
Koch (H.) Kichard von Cornwall. I :
[1209-1257]. Pp. 143. Strassburg:
Heitz. 2 m.

KoEHNE (C.) Die Geschlechtsverbindungen
der Unfreien im frankischen Eecht.
(Gierke's Untersuchungen zur deut-
schen Staats- und Eechtsgeschichte,
XXII.) Pp. 36. Breslau: Koebner.
1-20 m.

JuDEN, Regesten zur Geschichte der, im
frankischen und deutschen Reiche bis
zum Jahre 1273. Edited by J. Aronius.

I : Bis zum Jahre 1033. Pp. 64.
Berlin : Simion. 4to. 3-20 m.

Martens (W.) Heinrich IV und Gregor
VII nach der Schilderung von Eanke's
* Weltgeschichte : ' Kritische Betrach-
tungen. Pp. 91. Danzig : Weber. 2 m.

Ranke (Leopold von). Weltgeschichte.
VIII : Kreuzziige und papstliche Welt-
herrschaft [XII. und XIII. Jahr-
hunderte.] Edited by A. Dove, G.
Winter, & T. Wiedemann. Pp. 655.
Leipzig : Duncker & Humblot. 17 m.

WisTULANUS (H.) Gregor VII und
Heinrich IV : Kritische Beleuchtung
der Schrift, ' Heinrich IV und Gregor
VII,' von W. Martens. Pp.63. Danzig:
Lehmann. 1 m.

VI. MODEKN HISTOEY

AuERBACH (B.) La diplomatic fran(?aise
et la cour de Saxe [1648- 1680].
Paris : Hachette. 10 f .

Baden-Durlach (Karl Gustav, Marggraf
von). Berichte von dem Feldzuge in
Ungarn [1685- 1686]. Edited by K.
Gotz. Pp. 68. Budapest : Kilian.
1-50 m.

Chuquet (A.) Les guerres de la Revolu-
tion : La retraite de Brunswick. Pp.
277. Paris : Cerf. 18mo. 3-50 f.

CzARTORYSKi (priucc Adam), Memoirs of,
and his correspondence with Alexander
I ; with documents relative to the
prince's negotiations with Pitt, Fox,
and Brougham, &c. Edited by A.
Gielgud. 2 vol. Pp. 706. London:
Remington. 25/.

HiPssiCH (C., Freiherr von). Spanische
Successions-Krieg : Feldzug 17 10, nach
den Feld-Akten und anderen authen-
tischen Quellen. (Feldziige des Prinzen
Eugen von Savoyen, XII.) Pp. 631 &
467. Vienna : Gerold. 30 m.

Hollaender (A.) Strassburg im franzo-
sischen Kriege [1552]. (Beitrage zur
Landes- und Volkskunde von Elsass-
Lothringen, VI.) Pp. 68. Strassburg :
Heitz. 1-50 m.

HoppE (Israel), Burggraf zu Elbing. Ge-
schichte des ersten schwedisch-polni-
schen Krieges in Preussen, nebst
Anhang. Edited by M. Toeppen. I.
(Die preussischen Geschichtschreiber
der sechzehnten und siebzehnten Jahr-
hunderte, V, 1.) Pp. 400. Leipzig:
Duncker & Humblot. 9 m.

JuRiEN DE LA Gravikre (vicc-amiral).
La guerre de Chypre et la bataille de
L6pante. 2 vol. Pp. xlvi, 198, 262;
maps. Paris: Plon. 12mo.

Martens (baron C. de) & Cussy (baron F.
de). Recueil manuel et pratique de
trait^s et conventions, sur lesquels sont
6tablis les relations et les rapports
existant aujourd'hui entre les divers
6tats souverains du globe, depuis
I'ann^e 1760 jusqu'^ l'6poque actuelle.
Second series. By F. H. GefEcken.

Ill: [1879-1885]. Pp. 705. Leipzig:
Brockhaus. 13 m.

MiJHLENBECK (E.) Etudc sur les origines
de la Sainte-Alliance. Pp. 332. Stras-
burg : Heitz.

Mijhlwerth-Gartner (F., Freiherr von).
Spanische Successions-Krieg : Feldzug
171 1. (Feldzuge des Prinzen Eugen
von Savoyen, XIII.) Pp. 550 & 168.
Vienna : Gerold. 30 m.

NoLHAC (P. de). Erasme en Italic, ^tude
sur un episode de la Renaissance ac-
compagnee de 12 lettres inedites
d'Erasme. Pp. 139. Paris: Klinck-
sieck. 3-50 f.

Philippson (M.) Die neuere Zeit. II.
(Allgemeine Weltgeschichte, VIII.)
Pp. 669, illustr. Berlin : Grote. 15 m.

RoESSLER (Hauptmann von). Vergleich
des Feldzuges [1809] am Tajo mit den
Kampfen [1870-1871] an der Loire:
Vortrag. Torres -Vedras und Cekmedze ;
ein kriegsgeschichtliches Vergleich :
Vortrag. (Beiheft zum Militar-Wochen-
blatt, 1888, I.) Pp. 50, maps. Berlin :
Mittler. 1 m.

RoTHAN (G.) Souvenirs diplomatiques :
La Prusse et son roi pendant la guerre
de Crim6e. Paris : Calmann Levy.
7-50.

Stoebk (F.) Nouveau recueil g^n^ral de
trait6s et autres actes relatifs aux
rapports de droit international. Con-
tinuation du grand recueil de G. F. de
Martens. 2nd series, XII, 3. Pp. 820.
Gottingen: Dieterich. 33 m.

Stratz (R.) Die Revolutionen der Jahre
1848 und 1849 i^ Europa, geschichtlich
dargestellt. I : Die Februar-Revolution
und ihre nachsten Folgen. Pp. 378.
Heidelberg : Winter. 6 m.

Theal (G. McC.) History of South Africa
[1486-1691]. Pp. 450, maps. London:
Sonnenschein. 15/.

Zeissberg (H. R. von). Zur Geschichte
der Raumung Belgiens und des pol-
nischen Aufstandes [1794], nach Lacy's
Vortragen an den Kaiser. Pp. 87.
Vienna : Tempsky. 1-40 m.

1888 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED 613

Vn. FRENCH HISTORY

Baudrillabt (A.) Les pretentions de
Philippe V a la couronne de France,
d'apr^s des documents inMits. Pp. 71.
Paris : Picard.

Beaurepaiee (C. de). Cahiers des 6tats
de Normandie sous le r^gne de Henri
III : Documents relatifs a ces assem-
blees. I : [1574-1581]. Pp. 441.
Eouen : M6t6rie. 12 f.

Bowles (Emily). Madame de Maintenon.
Pp. 358. London : Kegan Paul. 7/6.

Cadier (L.) Les 6tats de B^arn depuis
leurs origines jusqu'au commencement
du XVP si^cle : Etude sur I'histoire et
I'administration d'un pays d'6tats.
Paris : Picard. 10 f.
•Canet (V.) Jeanne d'Arc et sa mission
nationale. Pp. 408. Bruges : Desclee
et De Brouwer. 4 f.

jCabnot. La fusion des partis ; m^moire
adress6 au roi en juillet 18 14. Pp. 96.

. Paris: Liseux. 18mo. 1-25 f.

-Chevreul (H.) Pieces sur la Ligue en
Bourgogne : Signe et presage de I'oiseau
diet allerion, qui frap6 d'un coup de

. I'ennemy, vint tomber au camp du roy
pres Dijon (1595); discours veritable

: de la deffaite des Bourguignons a Ville-
franche, ville frontiere de la province

'- de Champagne, sur la riviere de Meuse,

• la nuict du dimanche au lundy 4« jour
d'aoust 1597, avec le nombre des morts

. et prisonniers. Pp. 22. Paris : Martin.

12mo. 5 f.
■CocKBURN (admiral sir G.) Extract from

- a diary, with particular reference to

• gen. Napoleon Buonaparte on passage

- from England to St. Helena in 181 5 on
' board H.M.S. Northumberland. Pp.
: 96. London: Sirapkin. 2/.
CoMMUNAY (A.) Esquisses biographiques :

- Les grands n^gociants bordelais au
XVIII« si^cle. Paris : Champion. 6 f.

:Darimon (A.) Histoire d'un parti: Les
irr6conciliables sous I'empire [1867-

. 1869]. Paris: Dentu. 12mo. 3-50 f.

Desclozeaux (G.) Gabrielle d'Estr6es et
Sully. Pp. 55. Nogent-le-Botrou :

. Daupeley-Gouverneur.

Du Fresne de Beaucourt (G.) Histoire
de Charles VII. IV : L'expansion de
la royaut6 [1444-1449]. Paris : Li-
brairie dela Soci6t6 bibliographique. 8 f.

.Empire, Histoire anecdotique du Second,

. par un ancien fonctionnaire. Paris :
Dentu. 7-50 f.

Fkdie (L.) Histoire de Carcassonne, ville

. basse et cit6. Pp. 455, plate. Carcas-
sonne : Pomi^s. 16mo. 6 f.
Gradis (H.) Histoire de Bordeaux. Pp.
435. Paris : Calmann Ldvy. 6 f.

Hamel (E.) Histoire de France depuis la
Revolution jusqu'a la chute du second
Empire. 4* serie : Histoire de la Res-
tauration, faisant suite a I'Histoire du
premier Empire [avril 1814-juillet

1830]. I. Pp. 569. Paris : Jouvet.
7-50 f.
Hubert (T.) Inventaire-sommaire des
archives d^partementales du d6parte-
ment de I'lndre ant6rieures a 1790
(serie A). Clerg6 s6culier ; apanage du
comte d'Artois, duch6 de Chateauroux.
Pp. 112. Chateauroux: Aupetit. 4to.

Imbert i>e Saint-Amand. — La duchesse
de Berry et la cour de Charles X.
Paris : Dentu. 12mo. 3-50 f.

La Cour de la Pijardiere (L.) Inven-
taire-sommaire des archives departe-
mentales anterieures k 1790. H6rault.
Archives civiles. Serie C, III. Pp.
484. Montpellier : Ricard. 4to. 15 f.

La Ferrikre (H. de). Lettres de Cathe-
rine de Medicis. Ill: [1567-1570].
Pp. Ixviii, 432. Paris : Hachette. 4to.
12 f.

Lasteyrie (R. de). Histoire g6n6rale de
Paris. Cartulaire general de Paris, ou
Recueil de documents relatifs a I'his-
toire et a la topographie de Paris. I :
[528-1180]. Pp. Ixv, 570, 5 plates.
Paris : Champion. 4to. 40 f.

Lefranc (A.) Histoire de la ville de
Noyon et de ses institutions jusqu'a la
fin du treizi^me si^cle. (Biblioth^que
de I'Ecole des Hautes Etudes, LXXV.)
Pp. 259. Paris : Vieweg. 6 f.

Legrand (L.) L'universite de Douai
[1530-1790]. Pp.78. Douai: Cr6pin.
3-50 f.

Leroy (G.) Histoire de Melun depuis les
temps les plus recules jusqu'a nos
jours. Pp. 520, plate. Melun : Drosne.
7-50 f.

Mavidal (J.) & Laurent (E.) Archives
parlementaires de 1 787 a 1 860. XXVIII :
[6 au 28 juillet 1791]. Pp. 812. Paris :
Dupont. 20 f.

Archives parlementaires de 1787

a i860. 2" serie, LXVI : [7 Janvier au
18 fevrier 1831]. Pp.791. Paris : Du-
pont. 20 f.

Michel (G.) Vauban. Dime royals,
Paris : Guillaumin. 16mo. 1'50 f.

OuRSEL (N. N.) Nouvelle biographic
normande. Supplement. Paris : Pi-
card. 5 f.

Peyre (R.) Napoleon I" et son temps :
histoire militaire, gouvernement inte-
rieur, lettres, sciences, et arts. Pp.
894, illustr. Paris : Firmin-Didot.
4to. 30 f .

PoTTET (E.) Histoire de la conciergerie du
palais de Paris depuis les origines jus-
qu'a nos jours [1031-1886J. Pp. 276.
Paris : Quantin. 18mo. 2-50 f.

Rambaud (A.) Histoire de la civilisation
contemporaine en France. Paris :
Colin. 12mo. 5 f.

RouviKRE (F.) Histoire de la revolution
fran^aise dans le d6partement du Gard :

614 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED July

La Constituante [i 788-1 791]. Paris:

Lechevalier. 12mo. 7 f.
SiMOND (E.) Histoire militaire de France

[1643-1871]. 2 vol. Paris: Lavau-

zelle. 32mo. 1-20 f.
Vaesen (J.) Lettres de Louis XI, roi de

France, publiees d'apres les originaux,

pour la Societe de I'histoire de France.

Ill: [1465-1469]. Pp. 395. Paris:

Laurens. 9 f.
Welschinger (H.) Le due d'Enghien

[1772-1804]. Paris: Plon. Pp. 498. 8 f.
Zeller (B.) Catherine de Medicis et les

protestants [1562-1570] : extraits de

Castelnau, des lettres de Catherine de

Medicis, de Tavannes, de Brantome, des
Memoires de Marguerite de Valois, de
Bordenave, etc. Pp. 184, illustr. Paris :
Hachette. 16mo. 50 cent.

Zeller (B.) La St.-Barthelemy [1570-
1574]: extraits de Bordenave, des lettres
de Jeanne d' Albret, des Memoires de Mar-
guerite de Valois, des Economies royales,
de Brantome, de Tavannes, du due de
Bouillon, etc. Pp. 167, illustr. Paris :
Hachette. 16mo. 50 cent.

■ Henri IV et Sully ; Marie de Me-
dicis [i 598-1601]: Extraits des Econo-
mies royales de Sully, etc. Illustr.
Paris : Hachette. 16mo. 50 cent.

VIII. GEEMAN HISTOEY
(Including Austria-Hungary)

Bergner (E.) Die deutschen Kolonien in
Ungarn. Pp. 42. (Geographische
XJniversalbibliothek, XXIII.) Weimar :
Bibliograph. Institut. 30 pf.

BiDERMANN (H. J.) Ncuere Siedelungen
auf siiddeutschen Boden. (Lehmann's
Forschungen zur deutschen Landes- und
Volkskunde, II, 5.) Pp. 41. Stuttgart :
Engelhorn. 1-25 m.

Broglie (due de). Marie-Th^r^se impera-
trice [1744-1746]. I, II. Paris: Cal-
mann Levy. 15 f.

Chalybaeus (K.) Geschichte Ditmar-
schens bis zur Eroberung des Landes im
Jahre 1559, mit einer Karte des Landes
Ditmarschen. Pp. 329. Kiel : Lipsius
& Tischer. 5 m.

Cologne. — Das Buch Weinsberg : Kolner
Denkwiirdigkeiten aus dem sechzehnten
Jahrhundert. Edited by K. Hohlbaum.
II. (Publikationen der Gesellschaft fiir
rheinische Geschichtskunde, IV.) Pp.
443. Leipzig : Diirr. 10 m.

Dahn (F.) Deutsche Geschichte. I :
Geschichte der deutschen Urzeit bis auf
814. (Geschichte der europaischen
Staaten.) Pp. 751. Gotha : F. A.
Perthes. 25 m.

Delbruck (H.) Ueber den Feldzugsplan
Friedrichs des Grossen [1757]. (Beiheft
zum Militar-Wochenblatt, 1887.) Ber-
lin : Mittler. 1.50 m.

Frankfurt an der Oder. — Altera Uni-
versitats-Matrikel. I : Universitat
Frankfurt an der Oder. Edited by E.
Friedlaender, with co-operation of G.
Liebe & E. Thuner. I: 1506-1648.
(Publikationen aus den preussischen
Staatsarchiven, XXXII.) Pp. 793.
Leipzig : Hirzel. 20 m.

Grolmann (L. von). Tagebuch iiber den
Feldzug des Erbgrossherzogs Karl von
Baden [1806-1807]. Edited by F. von
der Wengen. Pp. 114. Freiburg:
Herder. 2 m.

Herrmann (G. M. G. von). Das alte und
neue Kronstadt : ein Beitrag zur Ge-
schichte Siebenbiirgens im achtzehnten
Jahrhundert edited by 0. von Meltzl.

II : Von dem Eegierungsantritt Kaiser
Josephs II bis zum Ende des achtzehnten
Jahrhunderts [i 780- 1800]. Pp. 664*.
Hermannstadt : Michaelis. 9 m.

Hildesheim, Urkundenbuch der Stadt.
Edited by E. Doebner. Ill : [1401-
1427]. Pp. 856. Hildesheim:' Ger-
stenberg. 18 m.

HuBER (A.) Geschichte Oesterreichs.
III. (Geschichte der europaischen
Staaten, XLIX, 1.) Pp. 563. Gotha :
F. A. Perthes. 11 m.

Human (E. A.) Chronik der Stadt, der
Diozese, und des Herzogtums Hildburg-
hausen. I : Chronik der Stadt Hild-
burghausen. Pp. 702, plan and illustr,
Hildburghausen : Kesselring. 5 m.

Keller (L.) Die Gegenreformation in
Westfalen und am Niederrhein. Akten-
stiicke und Erlauterungen, zusammen-
gestellt. II: [1585- 1609]. (Publika-
tionen aus den preussischen Staatsar-
chiven, XXXIII.) Pp. 698. Leipzig:
Hirzel. 16 m.

Leist (F.) Quellen-Beitriige zur Ge-
schichte des Bauern-Aufruhrs in Salz-
burg [1525-1526J. Pp.171. Salzburg:
Kerber. 3-50 m.

Leopoldo I, Imperatore, Corrispondenza
epistolare tra, ed il P. Marco d'Aviano,
Capuccino, dai manoscritti original!
tratta e pubblicata da 0. Klopp. Pp.
328. Graz : Styria. Fol. 10 m.

Mansfeld, Urkundenbuch der Kloster der
Grafschaft, edited by M. Kriihne. (Ge-
schichtsquellen der Provinz Sachsen
und angrenzender Gebiete, XX.) Pp.
780, plates & map. Halle: Hendel.
16 m.

Menzel (K.) Geschichte von Nassau von
der Mitte des vierzehnten Jahrunderts.
Ill, 1. (Schliephake's Geschichte von
Nassau von den altesten Zeiten bis auf
die Gegenwart, auf der Grundlage
urkundlicher Quellenforschung, VII, 1.)
Pp. 352. Wiesbaden : Kreidel. 5 m.

Mette (A.) Die grosse Dortmunder Fehde
[1 388- 1 389], nebst Urkundenbuch.
(Beitrage zur Geschichte Dortmunds

1888 HISTORICAL BOOKS EECENTLY PUBLISHED 615

und der Grafschaft Mark, IV.) Pp.
296, map. Dortmund : Koppen.
6-50 m.

MoNUMENTA GermaniflB historica. Scrip-
tores. XXVIII. Pp. 700. Hanover:
Hahn. Fol. 38 m.

MuLVERSTEDT (G. A. von). Die branden-
burgische Kriegsmacht unter dem
Grossen Kurfiirsten. Quellenmassige
Darstellung, mit einer Beigabe bisher
ungedruckter Urkunden. Pp. 813.
Magdeburg : Baensch. 12 m.

Natzmer (G. E. von). Unter den Hohen-
zollern. Denkwiirdigkeiten aus dem
Leben des Generals Oldwig von
Natzmer, aus der Zeit Friedrich Wil-
hems III. II : [1832-1839]. Pp. 338.
Gotha : F. A. Perthes. 6 m.

Necrologia Germanise (Monumenta Ger-
manise Historica). I : Dioeceses Augus-
tensis, Constantiensis, Curiensis, 2.
Edited by L, Baumann. (Complete,
pp. 798.) Berlin : Weidmann. 4to.
14 m. (Complete volume, 24 m.)

Pribram (A. F.) Beitrag zur Geschichte
des Eheinbundes von 1658. Pp. 100.
Vienna : Tempsky.

Reichstagsakten, Deutsche. VI : Deut-
sche Reichstagsacten unter Konig
Euprecht. Ill : [1406-1410]. Edited
by J. Weizsacker. Pp. 833. Gotha :
F. A. Perthes. 4to. 46 m.

Reimann (E.) Neuere Geschichte des
preussischen Staates vom Hubertus-
burger Frieden bis zum "Wiener Kon-
gress. II. (Geschichte der europaischen
Staaten, L, 1.) Pp. 702. Gotha: F.
A. Perthes. 13 m.

RocHOLL (H.) Zur Geschichte der
Annexion des Elsass durch die Krone
Frankreichs : Historische Aufsatze auf
Grund archivalischer Dokumente. Pp.
161. Gotha : F. A. Perthes. 3 m.

ScHEiCHL (F.) Leopold I und die oster-
reichische Politik wahrend des Revolu-
tionskrieges [1667-1668J. Pp. 110.
Leipzig : Wiegand. 1*50 m.

ScHULTE (A.) Geschichte der Habs-
burger in den ersten drei Jahrhun-
derten: Studien. Pp. 152, map, &c.
Innsbruck : Wagner. 4 m.

ScHULTZE (W.) Geschichte der preus-
sischen Regieverwaltung [1766- 1786] :
ein historisch-kritisches Versuch. I :
Die Organisation der Regie [1766 -1786]
und die Reform der Akzise [1766- 1770].
(SchmoUer's Staats- und socialwissen-
schaftliche Forschungen, VII, 3.) Pp.
431. Leipzig : Duncker & Humblot.
9-60 m.

Schwartz (F.) Organisation und Ver-
pflegung der preussischen Landmilizen
im siebenjahrigen Kriege : ein Beitrag
zur preussischen Militar- und Steuer-
geschichte. (SchmoUer's Staats- und
socialwissenschaftliche Forschungen,
VII, 4.) Pp. 200. Leipzig: Duncker
& Humblot. 4-60 m.

TuTTLE (H.) History of Prussia under
Frederic the Great [1740-1745]. 2 vol.
Pp. 660. London : Longmans. 18/.

WiCHMANN (E. H.) Hamburgische Ge-
schichte in Darstellungen aus alter und
neuer Zeit. I. Pp. 151. Hamburg :
Meissner. 4to. 8 m.

Wiegand (W.) Friedrich der Grosse im
Urteil der Nachwelt : Vortrag. Pp. 31.
Strassburg : Heitz. 80 pf.

Witter (J.) Die Beziehungen und der
Verkehr des Kurfiirsten Moritz von
Sachsen mit dem romischen Konige
Ferdinand seit dem Abschlusse der"
Wittenberger Kapitulation bis zum
Passauer Vertrage. Pp. 88. Neustadt
an der Haardt : Gottschick-Witter. 2 m.

IX. HISTOKY OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND

Anglo-Jewish historical exhibition,
Papers read at the, [1887]. (Publica-
tions of the Anglo- Jewish Historical Ex-
hibition, I.) Pp. 304. London : Jewish
Chronicle office. 7/6.

Archer (major J. H. Lawrence). The
British army: its regimental records,
badges, devices, &c. Pp. 640. London :
Bell. 31/6.

Ashley (W. J.) Introduction to English
economic history and theory. I. 1 :
The middle ages. Pp. 244. London :
Rivington. 5/.

Barnard (F. P.) Strongbow's conquest
of Ireland. Pp. 192, map &c. London :
Nutt. 18mo. 1/.

Bevan (rev. W. L.) St. David's. ('Dio-
cesan Histories.') London : S. P. C. K.
2/6.

Bkidgett (rev. T. E.) Life of the blessed
John Fisher, bishop of Rochester, car-
dinal and martyr. London : Burns &

. Gates. 7/6.

Bright (rev. J. F.) History of England,
IV: Growth of democracy [1837-1880].
Pp. 620, maps. London : Rivington. 6/.

Creighton (rev. M.) Cardinal Wolsey.
Pp. 226. London : Macmillan. 2/6.

CocKBURN (lord). An examination of the
trials for sedition which have hitherto
occurred in Scotland. 2 vol. Pp. 650.
Edinburgh : Douglas. 28/.

Cox (rev. sir G.) Life of J. W. Colenso,
bishop of Natal. 2 vol. Pp. 1450.
London : Ridgway, 36/.

CuTTS (rev. E. L.) Colchester. (' Historic
Towns.') Pp.222. London : Longmans.
3/6.

Denton (rev. W.) England in the fifteenth
century. Pp. 334. London : Bell. 12/.

Domesday studies : being the Papers
read at the meetings of the Domesday
Commemoration, 1886. With a biblio-
graphy of Domesday Book, &c. Ed. by
P. E. Dove. I. Pp. 386. London:
Longmans. 4to. 18/.

616 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED July

BowELL (S.) A history of taxation and
taxes in England, from the earliest
times to the year 1885. 2nd ed., revised
and altered. 4 vol. London : Long-
mans. 21,.

Gilbert (J. T.) History of the Irish
Confederation and the war in Ireland
[1641-1645]. I-IV. Printed for sub-
scribers. London : Quaritch. 4to. 168/.

GiiiLow (J.) A literary and biographical
history, or, bibliographical dictionary
of the English catholics, from the
breach with Kome, in 1534, to the
present time. Ill : Grah-Kem. Pp.
688. London : Burns & Gates. 15/.

Harbison (F.) Oliver Cromwell. Pp.
228. London: Macmillan. 2/6.

Button (rev. W. H.) Simon de Montfort
and his cause [1251-1266]. Extracts
from the writmgs of Eobert of Glou-
cester, Matthew Paris, William Kis-
hanger, Thomas of Wykes, &c. (' English
history by contemporary writers.') Pp.
182. London: Nutt. 18mo. 1/.

Jacobs (J.) & Wolf (L.) Bibliotheca
Anglo-Judaica : a bibliographical guide
to Anglo-Jewish history. (Publications
of the Anglo-Jewish Historical Exhibi-
tion, III.) Pp. 231. London : Jewish
Chronicle office. 7/6.

KiNLocH (M. G. J.) A history of Scotland,
chiefly in its ecclesiastical aspect. 2
vol. Pp. 720. Edinburgh : Grant.
12mo. 7/.

Long (W. H.) The Oglander memoirs :
extracts from the manuscripts of sir
J. Oglander, kt., of Nunwell, Isle of
Wight. London : Keeves & Turner.
4to. 10/6.

Markham (Clements E.) ' The Fighting
Veres : ' Lives of sir Francis Vere,
general of the queen's forces in the
Low Countries, governor of the Brill
and of Portsmouth ; and of sir Horace
Vere, general of the English forces in
the Low Countries, governor of the
Brill, master-general of ordnance, and-

baron Vere of Tilbury. Pp. 492. Lon-
don : Low, 18/.

Parnell (col. the hon. A.) The war of
the succession in Spain during the reign
of queen Anne [1702-17 11], based on
original manuscripts and contemporary
records. Pp. 346. London : Bell. 14/.

Phillott (rev. H. W.) Hereford. (' Dio-
cesan Histories.') London: S.P. O.K. 3/.

Peoby (W. H. B.) Annals of the low
church party in Ensrland, down to the
death of archbishop Tait. I. Pp. 530.
London : Hayes. 12/.

EoGERi DE Wendover Chronica sive
Flores historiarum. Ed. by H. G.
Hewlett. II. London : Published under
the direction of the master of the rolls.
10/.

Sanders (LI. C.) Life of viscount Pal-
merston. Pp. 247. London : Allen.
2/6.

Spillivunn (J.) S. J. Die englischen Mar-
tyrer unter Elisabeth bis 1583 : ein
Beitrag zur Kirchengeschichte des
sechzehnten Jahrhunderts. Pp. 319.
Freiburg : Herder. 4-20 m.

Stall (B.) Englische Kolonialpolitik im
vorigen Jahrhundert : der Abfall der
amerikanischen Kolonien im Parla-
mente. Pp. 36. Berlin : Bernstein.

Stephen (L.) Dictionary of national bio-
graphy. XV : Diamond — Drake. Lon-
don : Smith & Elder. 15/.

Thomas (canon). St. Asaph. (' Diocesan
Histories.') London : S. P. C. K. 2/.

Traill (H. D.) William the Third. Lon-
don : Macmillan. 2/6.

Ulster, Annals of, otherwise annals of
Senat ; a chronicle of Irish affairs
[431-1540]. I: [431-1056]. London:
H.M. Stationery Office. 10/.

WiLLELMi monachi Malmesbiriensis de
regum gestis Anglorum libri V, et His-
toriae novellas libri III. Ed. by W.
Stubbs, bishop of Chester. I. London :
published under the direction of the
master of the rolls. 10/.

X. ITALIAN HISTOEY

Baeb (A.) Die Beziehungen Venedigs
zum Kaiserreiche in der staufischen
Zeit: Preisschrift. Pp. 126. Inns-
bruck : Wagner. 2*80 m.

Babbalato (F.) II Principato Ulteriore :
la geografia e la storia della provincia
di Avellino. Pp. 87. Turin : Fina.

Barbieri (L.) Compendio cronologico
della storia di Crema dalla sua fonda-
zione lino ai nostri giorni. Pp. 124.
Crema : Anselmi. 16mo.

Bellini (G. M.) Notizie storiche del
celebre monastero benedettino di San
Giovanni in Venere, con note e docu-
menti e tre dissertazioni inedite dell'
abate Pietro Pollidore. Pp. 108. Lan-
ciano : Tommasini. 2 1.

Bertolotti (A.) Divertimenti pubblici
nelle feste religiose del secolo XVIII
dentro e fuori delle porte di Eoma :
ricerche nell' archivio di stato romano.
Pp. 32. Eome : tip. delle Scienze tisiche

e matematiche. 4to. (From * II Buo-
narroti,' 1887, X-XI.)

Cavour (Camillo) Lettere edits ed inedite.
Ed. by L. Chiala. VI. Pp. 746. Turin :
Eoux. 10 1. Index to the complete
work by C. Isaia. Pp. 93. 2 1.

Garibaldi (Giuseppe) Memorie autobio-
grafiche. Pp. 489. Florence : Barbara.
16mo. 3 1.

Mantua.— Gli statuti dell' arte dei mura-
tori di Mantova [1338- 1520]. Ed. by
L. Franchi. Pp. 23. Mantua: stab,
tip. lit. Mondovi.

Maufrin (P.) Gli Ebrei sotto la domina-
zione romana. I. Pp. 310. Eome :
Bocca. 5 1.

Merkel (C.) Una pretesa dominazione
provenzale in Piemonte nel secolo tre-
decimo. Pp. 86. Turin : Paravia.
(From tlie ' Miscellanea di Storia Ita-
liana,' 2nd ser. XI.)

i

1888 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED 617

PiSTOiA. — Statutum potestatis comunis
Pistorii anni MCCLXXXXVI. Nunc
primum edidit Ludovicus Zdekauer.

. Prsecedit de statutis Pistoriensibus sae-
culi XIII dissertatio. Pp. Ixviii, 343.
Milan: Hoepli. 4to. 20 1.

Bainieri (J.) Diario bolognese. Ed. by
0. Guerrini & C. Ricci. Pp. 188. Bo-
logna : Regia tip. 4to. 12-50 1. (From
the ' Monumenti storici pertinenti alle
provincie della Romagna.')

RoBERTi (G.) Vittorio Amedeo II a Ve-
nezia [1687]. Pp. 23. Turin : Derossi.

Sakedo (Luisa) La regina Anna di Savoia :
studio storico su docuraenti inediti.
Pp. 510. Turin : Unione tip.-ed. 5 1.

Savoia (Vittorio Amedeo II di). Lettere

a Gaspare Maria conte di Morozzo,
marchese Della Rocca, suo ambas-
ciatore a Madrid [i 7 13- 1 717]. Ed. by
E. Morozzo Delia Rocca. Pp. 300.
Turin: Paravia. (From the 'Miscel-
lanea di Storia Italiana,' 2nd ser. XI.)

Sicily.— Cronicon Siculum incerti authoris
ab anno 340 ad annum 1396 in forma
diarii ex inedito codice Ottoboniano
Vaticano cura et studio J. de Blasiis.
Pp. 143. Naples : Giannini. 4to. 12 1.

SoBiN (E.) Histoire de I'ltalie depuis
1815 jusqu'a la mort de Victor-Em-
manuel. Paris : Alcan, 12mo. 3*50 f.

UssEGLio (L.) Lanzo : studio storico.
Pp. 393. Turin : Roux. 3-50 1.

XI. HISTOEY OF THE NETHERLANDS

BiZEUL DE LA BiGNONAYS (P.) LcttrCS

in6dites : Prise de Namur [1692] ;
Bataille de Neerwinde [1693J. Edited
by S. de La Nicolli^re-Teijeiro. Pp. 29.
Nantes : Forest & Grimaud.

Bramer (K.) Nationalitat und Sprache

• im Konigreiche Belgien. Stuttgart:
Engelhorn.

Claeys (P.) Pages d'histoire locale
gantoise. II. Pp. 256. Ghent : Van
Doosselaere. 12mo. 2-50 f.

De Coster (L.) & Everaebts (A. J.)
Atlas contenant toutes les monnaies du
Brabant frapp6es depuis Fan 1000
jusqu'en 1506. 51 plates. Brussels:
12 f.
R6sum6 de I'histoire
commerce et de I'industrie en
Belgique, des temps les plus recuMs
jusqu'a I'emancipation de Charles
Quint [1 5 1 5]. Pp. 236. Bruges :
Maerten-Meissner. 2-50 f.

Knaff (A.) Die Belagerung der Festung
Luxemburg durch die Franzosen unter

Dupriez. 4to.

HUYBRECHTS (P.)

du

Mar6chal de Cr6qui [1684]. Pp. 70,

map. Luxemburg : Heintze. 1 m.
Maaner (C. F. van). Aanteekeningen van

het verhandelde over de grondwet van

1815. Pp. 40, 286. Dordrecht : Blusse

& Van Braam. 3-40 fl.
Matthieu (E.) L'avouerie de Mons:

6tude historique. Pp. 57. Antwerp:

Peasky. 2 f. (From the ' Annales de

I'Acad^mie d'arch6ologie de Belgique,'

1885.)
Moke (G. H.) Geillustreerde geschiedenis

van Belgie. Pp. 922. Brussels ;

Leb^ue.
Staes (J.) Antwerpsche reizigers van de

vroegste tijden tot op heden. Pp. 503.

Antwerp : Janssens. 5 f.
Vander Haeghen (V.) Inventaire des

archives de la ville de Gand, 6tablisse-

ments rehgieux. I. Pp. 144. Ghent :

Hoste. 2-50 f.
W^AUTERS (A.) La Belgique ancienne et

moderne. Geographic et histoire des

communes beiges. V. Pp. 243.

Brussels : Decq. 7 f.

XII. SCANDINAVIAN HISTORY

Beauchet (L.) Formation et dissolution
du mariage dans le droit islandais du
moyen 4ge. Pp. 42. Paris : Larose &
Forcel. (From the ' Nouvelle Revue His-
torique de Droit Fran<?ais et Etranger.)

Kehlert (0.) Die Insel Gotland im
Besitz des deutschen Ordens [1398-
1408]. Pp. 58. Konigsberg : Grafe &
Unzer. 1 m.

Nielsen (0.) Kj0benhavns diploma-
tarium : samling af dokumenter, breve,
og andre kilder til oplysning om
Kjebenhavns aeldre forhold fer 1728.

XVIII, 2. Pp. 437. Copenhagen:

Gad. 3 kr. 50 ore.
Pappenheim (M.) Ein altnorwegisches

Schutzgildestatut, nach seiner Bedeu-

tung fiir die Geschichte des nordger-

manischen Gildewesens erlautert. Pp.

167. Breslau : Koebner. 4 m.
Schirmer (H. M.) Femti norski bygninger

fra middelalderen opfji^rte i tiden 996-

153 1. Pp. 32, plate. Christiania :

Cammermeyer. 2 kr.
Svenskt diplomatarium frSn och med Sr

1 40 1, utgiftet af C. Silfverstolpe. II.

Pp. 1002. Stockholm : Norstedt. 4to.

XIII. SLAVONIAN AND LITHUANIAN HISTORY

(Together with Roumania)

Caro (J.) Geschichte Polens. V: [1481-
1506]. (Geschichte der europaischen
Staaten.) Pp. 1031. Gotha: F. A.
Perthes.

<Iroatia. — Actahistoriamconfiniimilitaris
CroaticBB illustrantia. 2 vol. (Monu-

menta spectantia historiam Slavorum
meridionalium, XV, XVI.) Pp. 390,
435. Agram : Hartmann.
Fbiedlander (M. H.) Materialien zur
Geschichte der Juden in Bohmen. Pp.
106. Briinn : Epstein. 2 m.

618 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED July:

KALLA.Y (B. von). Geschichte der Serben
von den iiltesten Zeiten bis 1815. Aus
dem Ungarischen mit Zustimmung
des Verfassers ins Deutsche iibertragen
von J. H. Schwicker. II, 1. Pp. 80.
Budapest : Lauffer. 1*20 m.

KoRYTKOwsKi (canon J.) Brevis de-
scriptio historico-geographica eccle-
siarum archidioecesis Gnesnensis et
Posnaniensis, nee non elenchus universi
cleri ecclesiis, sacellis publicis, aliisque
institutis hoc tempore deservientis ;
prsecedente serie archiepiscoporum
Gnesnensium, episcoporum Posnanien-
sium, et archiepiscoporum Gnesnensium
et Posnaniensium. Pp. 176, 305.
Gnesen : Lange. 5 m.

PoELCHAU (A.) Die livlandische Ge-
schichtsliteratur im Jahre 1886. Pp.
101. Kiga : Kymmel. 12mo. 1 m.

PoMMERSCHES Urkundcnbuch. III. 1 :

[1287-1295]. Edited by E. Priimers.
Pp. 258. Stettin : Nagel. 6 m.

PosEN. — Die altesten grosspolnischen
Grodbiicher. I: Posen [1386-1399].^
Ejdited by J. von Lekszycki. (Publika-
tionen aus den preussischen Staats-
archiven, XXXI.) Pp. 417. Leipzig :
Hirzel. 10 m.

RoPELL (R.) J. J. Rousseaus Betrach-
tungen iiber die polnische Verfassung.
Pp. 24. Posen : Jolowicz. 80 pf.

RosKoscHNY (H.) Die Wolga und ihre
Zufliisse : Geschichte, Ethnographic,
Hydro- und Orographic, nebst Mit-
teilungen iiber das Klima des Wolga-
gebietes. Pp. 352. Leipzig : Gressner
& Schramm.

WiCKENHAusER (F. A.) Molda, oder
Beitrage zur Geschichte der Moldau
und Bukowina. Ill : Die deutschen
Siedelungen in der Bukowina, II. Pp^
221. Czernowitz : Pardini. 4*30 m.

XIV. HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORUGAL

Barros Arana (D.) Historia general de
Chile. VII, VIII. Pp. 584, 632.
Madrid : M. Murillo. 4to. 16 & 22-50
pes.

Cappa (R.) Estudios criticos acerca de
la dominacion espailola en America.
II : Exploraciones al mar del Sud y
analisis politica del imperio Incasico.
Pp. 205. Madrid : P^rez DubruU. 4to.
3 pes.

Chambrier (J. de). Rois d'Espagne, de
Charles IV a Alphonse XII. Paris :
Monnerat. 12mo. 3-50 f.

Felipe II, Correspondencia de, con sus
embaj adores en la corte de Inglaterra
[1 558- 1 584]. IV. (Coleccion de docu-
mentos in6ditos para la historia de
Espafia por el marques de la Fuensanta

del Valle, J. S. Rayon, y F. de Zabal-
buru, XCI.) Pp. 573. Madrid : Murillo.
4to. 13 pes.

Haebler (K.) Die wirtschaftliche Bliite
Spaniens im sechzehnten Jahrhundert
und ihr Verfall. (Jastrow's Historische
Untersuchungen, IX.) Pp. 179. Ber-
lin : Gaertner. 5 m.

Lafuente (M.) Historia general de
Espaiia desde los tiempos primitives
hasta la muerte de Fernando VII. II,
III. Pp. 402, 396, plates. Barcelona :
Montaner y Simon. 4to. Each 6 pes.

Vigil (C. M.) Asturias monumental,
epigrafica, y diplomatica: datos para
la historia de la provincia. Pp. 640,
with atlas of plates. Madrid : Suarez.
34 pes.

XV. SWISS HISTORY

Jenner (G. von). Denkwiirdigkeiten
meines Lebens [i 765-1 834]. Edited
by E. von Jenner-Pigott. Pp. 272.
Bern : Wyss.

Morel (C.) Geneve et la colonic de
Vienne : 6tude sur une colonisation
municipaleal'epoqueromaine. Geneva :
JuUien.

MuLiNEN (W. F. von). Geschichte der

Schweizer-Soldner bis zur Errichtung
der ersten stehenden Garde [1497]. Pp.
184. Bern : Huber.
WuNDEBLi (G.) Ziirich in der Periode
15 19- 1 531, nach den Urkundensamm-
lungen der eidgenossischen Abschiede
und ziircherisch-kantonalen von Egli
und Strickler. Pp. 67. Ziirich : Hohr..

XVI. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

(Including Canada)

Bemis (E. W.) & others. History of
cooperation in the United States.
With introduction by R. T. Ely. Balti-
more : Murray. ^3-50.

Le Tag (le p^re Sixte). Histoire chrono-
logique de la Nouvelle France ou
Canada depuis sa d^couverte, publi6e
pour la premiere fois d'apr^s le manu-
scrit original de 1689 et accompagn6e
de notes par E. R6veillaud. Paris :
Fischbacher. 20 f.

Morizot-Thibault (C.) De la formation
du pouvoir 16gislatif dans la constitu-

* tion des Etats-Unis d'Am6rique. Pp.
76. Paris : Picard.

Teissier (F.) Les Fran<;ais au Canada :

historique de cette ancienne colonie-
[1 562- 1 763]. Pp. 143. Limoges:
Ardant.

Virginia.— Calendar of state papers and
other manuscripts [August 1792-De-
cember 1793] preserved in the Capitol
at Richmond, by S. McRoe. VI. Pp.
782. Richmond: State Library. 4to.
;^3-50.

Campaign in Virginia [1781]. Re-
print of six rare pamphlets on the
Clinton-Cornwallis controversy. With
unpublished notes by sir H. Clinton,,
portions of letters, extracts from the
house of lords' journals, Ac. 2 vol.
Pp. 1000. London : Stevens. 42/.

1888

619

Contents of Periodical Publications

I. FRANCE

Revue Historique, xxxvii. 1. May — M.
Philippson : Studies in the history of
Mary Stuart. Ill : The testimony of con-
temporary historians [examining that of
Buchanan, Melvil, Knox, archbishop
Spottiswoode, Camden, Claude Nau,
Holinshed, bishop Lesley, J. A. de

Thou, &c.]. C. NisAKD claims for

St. Badegund the autliorship of two
poems attributed to Venantius Fortu-
natus A. Babeau prints the instru-
ment appointing the duke of Enghien
[the great Conde] to the governorship

of Champagne [i6 May 1644] A.

Ahnfelt : Russian diplomacy at Stock-
holm [December 18 10], with despatches.

Baron du Casse : The diary and

correspondence of queen Catherine of

Westfalia, continued. The second

ministry of the duke of Richelieu, a
fragment of an autobiography [1819-

182 1]. H. P. : Obituary notice of

sir Henry Maine [f 3 Feb. 1888].

Revue des Questions Historiques, zliii. 2.
— Abbe E. Vacandard : TJie history of
saint Bernard : criticism of the mate-
rials for his biography G. du

Fresne de Beauoourt : Charles VII
and the pacification of the church
[1444-1449, estimating the influence
of the king in healing the schism caused

by the council of Basle]. Comte E.

DE Barthelemy : The treaty of Paris
between France and England [1763,

examining the negotiations] L. de

LA SicoTiERE : Frott4 on the ISth Fruc-

tidor. The comte de Mas Latrie

prints the address of the barons of
Cyprus to king Henry II of Lusignan
notifying his supersession by his
brother Amalric [1306], with intro-
ductory narrative G. Digard prints

from a manuscript at Vienne a new
record of the outrage on Boniface VIII
at Anagni [1303].

Bibliotlieque de I'Ecole des Chartes, zliz.
1. — F. Funck-Brentano : Philip the
Fair and the nobility of Franche-
Comti [sketching the history of the

conquest] L. Delisle : Eeport on

the ^nanuscripts of the Libri and Bar-

rois collections L. Cadier : Eeport

on the archives of Aragon and Navarre.

H. Moranville prints a letter to

CJiarles the Bad of Navarre from
queens Joan and Blanche [7 June 1355].

J. Havet publishes a Metz charter

of the ninth century ivith tironian
notes, with facsimile of the latter.

Revue d'Histoire Diplomatique, ii. 2. — P.
PiSANi : The Russo-Turkish expedition

to the Ionian islands in 1798-9 [the is-
lands were occupied by the French in
June 1797, but the expedition to Egypt
produced an alliance between Bussia
and Turkey (20 Aug. 1798), and the re-
conquest of the islands by a joint expe-
dition, Nov. 1798-March 1799]

E. DE Maulde : The dukes of Orleans
in Lombardy before Louis XII, con-
tinued [1461-1483 : alliance of Louis XI
with Francesco Sforza ; Asti under the

house of Orleans] 0. Browning :

Hugh Elliot at Berlin, 1777 [the true
story of the theft of the papers of
Arthur Lee the American agent. Con-
trary to the accounts given by Carlyle,
lady Minto, and others, the writer
shows that Elliot himself instigated
the theft and succeeded in taking
copies of Lee's papers. The English
government condemned and condoned

his conduct]. Due de Broglie : ' Le

Secret du Roi ' [explanations in answer
to the criticisms of count Waliszewski
contained in the previous number],

-De Grouchy : The acquisition

of the duchy of Mayenne by cardinal
Mazarin [bought by Mazarin in 1654
from Charles de Gonzaga, duke of
Mantua, for 750,000 livres].
Annales de I'Ecole Libre des Sciences
Politiques, iii. 2, April— k. Sorel :
The dissensions of the coalition in 1793
[there was no question of a war on
behalf of monarchical principles ; each
power was intent only on territorial
acquisitions. In 1793 ^^ ^^ ^7^9 t^^
object of the European coalition waa
to reduce France to the rank of a
second-rate power. In 1793 the con-
tagion of revolutionary principles wag
made the pretext of hostility, in 1709

the balance of power] A. Leroy-

Beaulieu : The Russian church and

the autocracy. M. Ostrogorski : The

organisation of political parties in the
United States from 1837 to the present
day, continued. [The system of elec-
toral conventions prevented the selec-
tion of eminent statesmen as presi-
dents, prohibited a decision on new
issues, such as the question of slavery^
and precipitated the catastrophe of the
civil war. After the civil war a greater
development of the caucus system took
place, and its increasing cost threw the
American democracy under the yoke
of the plutocracy in its extreme form],

E. KoECHiiiN : French policy at tM

congress of Rastadt, continued [negotia-
tions during Feb.-March 1798, cession

620 CONTENTS OF PERIODICAL PUBLICATIONS July

of the left bank of the Khine to France
by the deputation of the empire, Aus-
trian opposition to its ratification].

Bulletin de la Societe de rHistoire du
Protestantisme Fran9ais, xxxvii. 3-5.
March-May — J. Bonnet : Margaret
of AngouUme, queen of Navarre, and
Ben^e of France [1535-1536], with

correspondence A. Bebnus : An-

toine de Chandieu [i 534- 1 591] from
his unpublished diary, continued ; two

articles. A. Leebanc : Studies on

Calvin's youth and the reformation at

Noyon, concluded. N. Weiss prints

two letters of bishop Guillaume Bri-
(;onnet to Margaret of Navarre [Feb.
1522], and a list of the property of the
consistories in the g6n4ralit4 of Bordeaux

[1696] The Same: Maitre Frangois

Landry [1540-1557], with document.

Le Correspondant. — Feb. 25 — Marquis
Costa de Beaubegard : La jeunesse du
roi Charles -Albert, concluded.

Journal des Savants. — October — A. Mau-
ry : Anne Boleyn. - E. MiJNTZ : La
tradition antique au moyen dge.

Nouvelle Kevue. — February 1-April 15
E. Masseras : La dette ain4ricaine ; les
finances des Etats-Unis [1861-1887],

continued Marquis de Castellane :

Talleyrand, two articles. H. Dalle-

magne : Lettres inidites de Benjamin

■ Franklin Perbens : L'enig^ne de

Machiavel a propos de ses nouveaux

historiens J. Zeller: La frontidre

franco-allemande au quatorzi&mesi^cle.

La Revolution Fran^aise.— Ja^iztari/ — E.
Champion : La constitution civile du

clergd. P. Gaffabel : U opposition

r&publicaine sous le consulat, concluded.
Les idies politiquss de Carnot.==
February — F. Bobnarel : Belations de
la France etde la Toscane [1792-1795].

Revue Celtique. — January — H. d'Abbois
DE JuBAiNviLLE : Bechcrclics sur Vori-
gine de la propriM^ fonci^re et des noms
de lieu en France, continued.

^Eevue Critique d'Histoire et de Littera-
ture.- Marc/fc 5— A. Cabtault : Works

on ancient naval history. 19. — C.

KoHLEB : Delavillc le Boulx' ' Expedi-
tions du mardchal Boucicaut.^ — ^26. —

B. Haussoullieb : Works on Greek
epigraphy [on S. Keinach and E.

S. Roberts] . April 2 — A. Lebkgue :

Jullian's ' Inscriptions romaines de
Bordeaux.'' 16. — S. Reinach : Loan
Muller''s handbook of classical anti-
quities. C. J. : L^abbA de Mably.

==30. — G. MoNOD : Carolingian edu-
cation [on Bondurand's edition of the

' Manual of Dhuoda '] A. Chuquet :

The correspondence of Marie-Louise.
May 14.— A. Chuquet : Rocca's
Memoirs of the Peninsular war.

Revue des Deux Mondes. — February 1 —
H. Taine : Formation de la France con-
temporainc ; passage de la r^publique a

I'empire, concluded. 15, March 15,

& April 15 — C. Rousset : Le gouverne-
ment dumardchal Bugeaud en Algerie ;
three articles.==Mirc/i 1 — A. Filon :
Les historiens anglais : W. E. H.

Lecky. E. Gebhart : Les Borgia :

Vceuvre politique et la catastrophe.

Revue de Geographic. — February -
March — P. Foncin : La formation
territoriale des principaux itats civi-
lises, continued.

Revue G6n6rale du Droit. — March — Sir

Henry Maine. A. Esmein: L'accep-

tation de Fenqueie dans la procedure
ariminelle du moyen dge, concluded.

Revue Maritime et Coloniale. — February
— A. Doneaud du Plan : Campagne

■ de Rio-de-Janeiro eri 1811, continued.

Revue du Monde Catholique. — February
— P. Defourny : Jeanne d"" Arc et le
droit des gens.-=.March & April — P.
Feval : Sainfe Radegunde et ses temps,

two articles. April — L. Baudez : La

republique de 1848.

Revue du Monde Latin. — February — F.

. Doria: La guerre dHnddpendance au
Bresil.z=March ct April — H. de la
Ferriebe : Les projets de mariage de
Marguerite de Valois.

Revue de la Revolution.— J^e6n«xr7/ —
G. BoBD : Bonaparte et Louis XVIII,

leurs relations ; continued Propo-

sitio7id' abdication faite a Louis XVIII.
— —Protestations des princes de la
inaison de France contre les propositions
du premier consul.

II. GEKMANY AND AUSTRIA

Historisches Jahrbuch der Gorres-Gesell-
schaft, ix. 2. Munich. — S. Ehses : The
papal decree in the divorce suit of

Henry VIII, continued G. Schnu-

BEB : The political position of the
papacy at the time of Theodcric the

Great. F. X. Funk : On the decretal

touching papal elections (c. 28. D. 63)
[assigning it not to pope Stephen IV
(V), but to the Roman synod of 898

under John IX] J. P. Kirsch : The

annates and their administration in
the second half of the fifteenth century.

Neues Archiv der iSesellschaft fiir altere
Deutsche Geschiclitskunde, xiii. 3.
Hanover.— F. L. Baumann : On .the

necrologies of the bishoprics of Augs-
burg, Constance, and Cur. G.

BoERNER : On the materials for the
history of St. Elizabeth, landgravine

of Thuringia. F. Liebermann :

Raginald, monk of Canterbury [notice
of his life, with verses by or addressed

to him]. O. HoLDEB-EoGEB : Notes

from manuscripts at Munich [inventory
of the treasury of the church of the
monastery of Priifening, 1161; ; frag-
ment probably concerning Ramwold,
abbot of St.Emmeramm, 975-1001 ; list
of reliques in the monastery of Bene-
dictbeuern (iith-i2th centuries), and
another (1048-1058) ; note on Adolf of

1888 CONTENTS OF PERIODICAL PUBLICATIONS 621

Nassau; description of a twelfth cen-
tury manuscript of lives of the saints,
and of one of the fifteenth century ;

&c.]. F. W. E. KoTH & A. Schmidt :

Notes from manuscripts at Darmstadt,

with extracts L. Weiland prints

privileges of Frederick I and Rudolf I

for St. Mary's, Utrecht. A. Holder

prints a letter of abbot Bernof BeicJienau

[1026-1027] M. Manitius : Notes

on the ' Annates Altahenses,'' Venantius
Fortunatus, lives of saints, dx. [lite-
rary].

K. B. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu
Munchen. Abhandlungen der hist.
Classe. sviii. 1. — W. Preger : 0^ ^/le
relation of the Taborites to the Waldenses
of the fourteenth century [maintaining
that in the fourteenth century there
was an organised community of German
Waldenses, like the French and Italian
bodies, and examining the special
doctrines and practices of the Walden-
ses and the Taborites, and their points
of contact, with the conclusion that
those' of the Taborites are immediately
derived from those of the Waldenses].
F. Stieve prints a second instal-
ment of letters from princes of the
Bavarian house [March 1594-Dec.
1596], with introduction, notes, and
index S. Kiezler prints with in-
troduction and various readings the
life of Gorbinianus, first bishop of
Freising, by bishop Arneo, of the same
see [764-784], from a manuscript
presenting the original text.
Bitzungsberichte der philos.-philol. und
hist. Classe. 1888, 1. Friedrich : On
the spuriousness of the decretal ' de
recipiendis et non recipiendis libris '
attributed to pope Gelasius I [arguing
for a date posterior to a.d. 533].

Brieger's Zeitschrift fur Kirchenge-
scniclite, ix. 4. Gotha.— Jacobi : On

the Euchites. J. Loserth : The

Latin sermons of Wiclif; their date of
composition and their use by Hus
[the writer considers no portion of
Part I of the sermons to be earlier

than 1381 or 1382]. J. Draseke :

On Nicolas of Methone and his

writings F. Gess : Luther's tlieses

and duke George of Saxony [from a
document at Dresden].

Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandi-
schen Gesellschaft, xli. 4. Leipzig. —
K. KoTH : Wergeld in the Veda.

Archiv fiir Oesterreichisclie Geschichte,
Ixxi. Vienna. — G. E. Friess prints
the necrology of the Benedictine nun-
nery of St. Erentrudis on the Nonn-
berg at Salzburg [of the fifteenth cen-
tury, with additions, containing many
notices of value relative to the diocese
of Salzburg. The editor supplies full
notes of identification and an index].

W. Hauthaler prints a selection

of documents from the Vatican registers
illustrating specially the history of
the archbishops of Salzburg [1208-

1279] J. Lampel: The frontier of

1254 and the Styrian valley of the
Enns, a contribution to the history of
the mterregnum in Austria [with
thirty -two documents].

Mittheilungen des Instituts fiir Oester-
reicMsche Geschichtsforschung, ix. 2.
Innsbruck. —P. Scheffer-Boichorst :
On the donation of the countess Matilda
[a commentary on its contents, with
an argument that the document of
1 102 is a recital of an earlier one now
lost] ; On three diplomas of Frederick I
[1 152, maintaining their genuineness
against Thommen] ; the Rilggisberg
privileges [1076-1161, arguing that
only the first is certainly a forgery] ;
Contributions to the registers of Frede-
rick I and Henry VI from Alsatian
sources [with three new documents] ;
O71 diplomas of Frederick I for Cis-
tercian monasteries, chiefly in Alsatia
and Burgundy ; On the history of
Alfonso X of Castile, with documents

[1256]. H. Hoogeweg: The crusade

of Damietta [1218-1221] ; II. The

siege and conquest of the town. D.

voN ScHONHERR I Wcnzcl Jamuitzcr's
goldsmith's work for archduke Ferdi-
nand [1 556-1 562]. J. Teige : The

sources of the so-called Dalimil

E. WiNKELMANN prints a document
apparently the source of a statement of

Andrea Dandolo [a. 800] Dr. Falk

identifies names of places in documents

of St. Maximin at Treves J. Goll :

Swvey of recent literature concerning
the Waldenses [from Dieckhof and
Herzog down to K. Muller and Preger].

Treitschke & Delbriick's Preussische Jahr-
biicher, Ixi. 4. Berlin. — April— M.
Lenz : On a new treatment of church
history [criticism of E. Sohm's ' Kir-

chengeschichte im Grundriss '] B.

Gebhardt : Dietrich of Nieheim [a
biographical sketch based chiefly on
Erler's recent work, with a study of
Niem's position in respect of the great
schism and the movement in favour of
union].==5. — May — E. Daniels : The
Servian campaign of prince Alexander

of Bulgaria [1885]. H. Weber : On

the progress of higher education in
Germany from the end of the middle
ages [based on Paulsen's ' Geschichte
des gelehrten Unterrichts '].

Ermisch's Neues Archiv fiir Sachsische
Geschichte und Alterthiimskunde, ix. 1,
2. Dresden. — H. Ermisch: The old

Archivgebaude at Dresden H.

Knothe : The lay brethren of the
Cistercian houses of Marienstem and

Marienthal. L. Schwabe : TJie ma-

triinonial plans of King Eric XIV of

Sweden. R. Kade : Andreas Moller

the chronicler of Freiberg [1598- 1660].

C. A. H. BuRKHARDT I Dukc George

and his son Frederick [1539] T.

Distel prints documents relating to
the death of duke Henry of Saxony
[1541], and to tlie history of elector

622 CONTENTS OF PERIODICAL PUBLICATIONS July

Maurice [July 1553] ; with others illus-
trative of procedure in criminal laio.

Theologische Stadien und Kritiken,
1888, 3. Gotha.— P. Grunberg : The
aims of Luther and Zivingli with
regard to the reform of divine service.

Zeitschrift fiir Katholisclie Theologie,

xii. 2. Innsbruck.— E. Michael, S. J. :
The emperor Frederick II and the
church ; a lecture.
Hilgenfeld's Zeitschrift fiir wissen-
schaftliche Theologie, xxxi. 3. Leipzig.
J. Draseke : On the ' Vita Porphyrii
episcopi Gazensis ' of Marcus Diaconus.

III. GEEAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND

Archaeological Review, Nos. 1-4. — March-
June— A. N. Palmer : Relics of the
ancient field-system in North Wales
[illustrated from the parish of Erbistock,

near Wrexham] C. I. Elton : The

Picts of Galloway [stating the difficulty

of their derivation]. F. E. Sawyer :

Sussex Domesday studies ; I : The
Rapes and their origin [maintaining
that they are a Norman division], with
replies by J. H, Bound and H. H.

HowoRTH Captain C. B. Conder:

The pre- Semitic element in Phcenicia.

G. L. Gomme : Chippenham as a

village community, t^o papers. Miss

TouLMiN Smith : The bakers of York
<ind their ancient ordinary [illustrated] ;

two papers J. H. Bound : Richard

Ps clmnge of seal [arguing against
Boger Howden that it was made not in

1 1 94 but in 1 1 98]. M. KovALEVSKY :

The origin and growth of village com-
munities in Russia, J. H. Bound :

Domesday measures of land.

■Church Quarterly Review, No. 61. April
— The Angevin kings [on Miss Nor-
gate's history].

Contemporary Review. — April — F. Max

MtJLLER : Frederick III. Bev. N.

MacColl : Islam and civilisation.

Dublin Review. 3rd Series. No. 38.—
April — Cardinal Manning : Henry VIII
and the English monasteries [on Gas-

quet's work]. A. Hamilton, O.

S. B. : TJie nuns of Syon [a sketch of
the foundation and its wanderings].

^Edinburgh Review, No. 342. Ai^ril —

Archivio Storico Italiano, 5th ser. i. 1.
Florence. — A. Gaudenzi prints the
statutes of the Florentine merchants at

Bologna [1279-1289]. C. Guasti

prints the recollections concernitig
affairs of church and state of messer
Gimignano Inghirami [1378- 1452],

with introduction and notes. L.

ZiNi : The ' Souvenirs ' of the late duke

de Broglie. A. Gherardi prints a

document relating to the reception of
the news at the French court of the
election of gonfaloniere Soderini [Sep-
tember 1502] at Florence Calendar

of Strozzi cJmrters, continued.

Rivista Storica Italiana, v. 1. Turin. —
A. CoEN : Vettiiis Agorius Prcetextatus,

continued from iv. 3 G. Bondoni :

The castle of S. Miniato al Tedesco
a>id the death of Pier delta Vigna.

Archivio Storico per le Province Napole-
tane, xiii. 1. — N. Barone prints notices

The Egyptian campaign of 1882 [deal-
ing severely with the official ' History '].

The English in the West Indies.

Memoirs of a French corsair [Jean
Doublet of Honfleur, temp. Louis XIV].
Renan^s ' History of the people Israel.''

law Quarterly Review. No. 14. April

— Sir Henry Maine. J. Lorimer :

The story of the ch/iir of public law in

the university of Edinburgh. J. E. C.

MuNRo : The Canadian constitution.

The Month. Janu/iry- March — Miss A.
M. Clerke : Garcia Morena, president
of the republic of Ecuador [t 1875], three
articles.==Marc7t— Bev. J. Morris :
The relics of St. Thomas of Canterbury.

April- May — Bev. SYDNEY S.

Smith : The creed of the Norman and
Plantagenet church cojicerning papal
supremacy, two articles.=Ma?/ — J.
H. Pollen : Father Henry Garnet and
the gunpowder plot.

Nineteenth Century, No. 136. June —
GoLDwiN Smith : American statesmen,
continued.

Quarterly Review, No. 332. April— The
motiarchy of July and its lessons [based

on Thureau-Dangin's ' Histoire ']

The national finances of the last twenty -
five years.

Scottish Review, No. 22. Ajyril—Be-v. C.
C. Grant : The Culdees [maintaining
that they held no cure of souls, but were
occupied in works of charity, &c. The
writer also discusses the etymology of

the name Culdee] G. P. M'Neill :

Huchown of the Awle Ryalc.

IV. ITALY

bearing on the official history of La-
dislas of Durazzo, continued [1396-
1414] B. Maresca prints an unpub-
lished memoir on events at Naples
[1799] by Amedeo -R^cc^ar(i^, with docu-
ments. A. Gaudenzi: Historical

notice of Mundio in the Lombard terri-
tories of Southern Italy [chiefly in the

twelfth century] E. Percopo edits

from a rare early-printed work a Cala-
brian lamento on the death of Henry of
Aragon, natural son of Ferrante I

[1478]. Description of charters [1211

-121 7] formerly belonging to the family
of Fusco, continued [Nos. Ixxxvi.-cx.].
Archivio della R. Societa Romana di
Storia Patria. xi. 1. G. Cugnoni :
Memoirs of the life and loritings of
cardinal Giuseppe Antonio Sala [b.

1762], first article A. Parisotti :

Development of the type of Rome in the
representations of classical antiquity,

1888 CONTENTS OF PERIODICAL PUBLICATIONS 623

with plates. G. Tomassetti : Ac-
count of the Roman Campacjna, chiefly
in the middle ages, continued.
Archivio Storico Siciliano. New Series,
xii. 4. E.. Starrabba calendars the
notarial minutes of Adamo cli Citella
[1298-1299], continued. — C. A.
Carini : Sicilian notes : (1) The funeral
of viceroy de LavlefuUle [1754I; (2)
Cardinal Alberoni [verses] ; (3) Fra
Innocenzo da Chiusa ; (4) On a letter
of bishop Bresciano of Ippo to Campo-
franco [1822] ; (5) The name ' Felicia '
on an inscription at Palermo ; (6) A
bishop of Syracuse, legate of the king
■of Spain [1518] ; (7) A Sicilian bishop
tn Cyprus [1464]; (8) Two unpublished
letters of P. Giuseppe Chiara of Chiusa
[1634J ; (9) Notes from the Vatican
archives; (10) The worship of Venus
Erycina at Rome-, (11) References to
Sicily in Campello's diary [1691-1693] ;
(12) The Arian church of St. Agatha
at Rome ; (13) The first Muslim expe-
dition to Sicily [placed not in 662 but
in 652] ; (14) The chronicles of the
kingdom of Sicily [document of 1385] ;
(15) The death of the Emperor Con-
stans II at Syracuse ; (16) Muslim
expedition to Sicily, temp, pope Adeo-
datus [672-676] ; (17) A Sicilian
monk [Theophanius] elected patriarch
of Alexandria [681] ; (18) Epitaph of
pope Agatho ; (19) On the relief given
by the patrimony of the Roman church
in Sicily and Calabria [682] ; (20)

Disturbances in Sicily [c. 687] ; (21)
Pope Coustantine's journey through
Sicily; (22) The Sicilian insurrection
0/718 [with other notes ; most of the
earlier one^s merely comment on passages
in the ' Liber Pontificalis ' bearing on
affairs of Sicilian interest] E. Star-
rabba : Documents illustrating the con-
dition of feudal tenants in Sicily, con-
tinued from vol. iv. 3 [contaming a
petition from the university of Monreale,

1 5 16] F. G. La Mantia: On tJie

lawbooks burnt by the hangman at

Palermo in the eighteenth century

E. Starrabba : On a Roman manu-
script of privileges of the archimandrite
of Messina.
Archivio Veneto, xxxiv. 2. — B. Cecchetti:
■Medieval Venetian usages concernitig

funeral rites and sepulture G.

Saccardo : On the columns on the south
side of St. Mark's, Venice, and their
origin. F. C. Carreri: On the his-
torical topography of Spilimbergo. ^

A. Marcello prints a letter of Giovan
Paolo Manfrone to cardinal Ippolito

d'Este [26 May 1510] G. Giuriato :

Venetian memorials in Roman monu-
ments, continued B. C. : Tin bailo

accusato di stregoneria [a charge of
sorcery in 1663] Archceological dis-
coveries in tJie Venetian territory in

1886. Count F. Miari : Description

of coins and medals in his private

collection F. Pellegrini : On

the materials for the history of Belluno.

V. EUSSIA

(Communicated by W. E. Morfill)

"The Antiquary (Starina). — March, April,
May — Memoirs of Prascovia Annen-

kova [continued] March — Russia

and Finland, an historical sketch [con-
cluded] Prince Karl Ernest of

Courland in the Bastile from Jan. 8 to
April 24, 1 768 [the youngest son of the
notorious Biren. He was accused of
forgery, but ultimately released upon

satisfying all claims]. Peter Konono-

vich Menkov, 1814-1875 : an episode in
his life [he was accused of treasonable
correspondence with a certain Petrov,
but released after a judicial investiga-
tion] .=^priZ — Dmitri Maksimovich
Kniazhevich, founder and first presi-
dent of the Historical and Archseological

Society of Odessa. Count Nicholas

Evdokimov [containing interesting
details of the war with Shamil in the
Caucasus].-- — N. K. Schilder: The
emperor William I while Prince of
Prussia from 1821 to 1833 [extracts
with comments from the life of General

Natzmer, just published]. D. Ilo-

vAisKi : On the nine-hundredth anni-
versary of the conversion of the Rus-
sians to Christianity [the writer thinks
that the year 1889 would be more
correct than the present for celebrating
the event].=May — P. S. Semevski :

Serfdom in Russia in the eighteenth
and first half of the nineteenth century
[a careful study forming part of a

forthcoming work on the subject]

Prince V. Dubizha : San Stephano and
Constantinople in 1878, continued.
The Historical Messenger (Istoricheski
Viestnik). — March- April — S. N.
Terpigorev : A vassal state [description
of the old Tatar city of Kasimovo].

A. J. Jakovleva : Recollections of a

former lady-in-waiting, continued

S. S. Tatistchev : The Emperor Nicho-
las and the Prussian court, continued.

P. Martinov : Th^ Zhabinski

monastery [founded in i585].==^^rtZ
— A. V. Yeliseev : TJie importance of
Asia Minor to Russicc.=May — V.
Bilbasov : The untoward event at
Schliisselburg [remarks on the murder
of Ivan VI and the conspiracy of
Mirovich in 1763. The writer indig-
nantly repudiates the idea that the
Eussians have ever regarded the assas-
sination of the unfortunate prince as a

' melancholy necessity.'] A. S.

Trachevski : Prussia at the time of the
Crimean war [a temperately written
article, with references to all the latest
literature on the subject, such as
Eothan, &c.]. Recollections of M.

624 CONTENTS OF PERIODICAL PUBLICATIONS July

D. Frantzen [pictures of life in Siberia

fifty years ago]. -P. N. Polevoi :

Tlie ijrogress of Peter [an article on
the recent publication of the letters
and papers of Peter the Great, with
many curious details and quaint ex-

tracts from the letters] The career

of Paskievich [on his biography written
by Prince Stcherbatov. The article is
rather depreciatory, and attributes the
rise of Paskievich more to good fortune
than merit].

VI. SPAIN

Boletin de la Beal Academia de la
Historia, xii. 1. Janttary —Assessment
of Jewish property at Valdeolivas,

province of Cuenca [1388] Latin

sepulchral inscription from Utiel.
Jeiuish inscription from Calatayud

[919] F. DE Galarreta : History of

the Cortes of Castille 0/1655 [illustrated
by documents and schedules of the
national expenditure. The chief object
of the Cortes was to consider proposals
for new forms of taxation rendered

necessary by the war]. F. Fita:

Documents relating to the Jewry of
Jerez de la Frontera [1286 (?) to 1479]
2. February — Sepulchral inscrip-
tion [ninth century) from Berriz in

Biscay. Roman inscriptions from

Lugo, Utiel, Tiermes, and Cordova

E. Beer continues his account of the
palimpsest of the Lex Rofnana Visi-
gothorum found at Leon, and notifies
his discovery of a palimpsest of the

« Biblia Italica.' V. de la Fuente

prints a document in which dona
Juana, wife of D. Sancho, states that
her presumptive son D. Pedro was sup-
posititious. The incident is illustrated
from the chronicle of Ferdinand IV. — —
M. Danvila sketches the history of the
order of Calatrava with especial refer-
ence to the moiety of the property
attached to the mastership from its
assignment in 1280. He gives the
visitation of 1640, and describes the

legislation and litigation with regard to
the alienation of the crown interest

from 1797 to 1885 F. Fita prints

three unpublished bulls of Alexander
III, two of July II 63 relating to the
primacy of the see of Toledo, the third
of March 11 75 granting indulgence for
a Moorish crusade.^=3. March —

Roman inscription from Cordova.

Criticism of two Hebrew texts relating

to the translation of St. Isidore. A

bull of Innocent III, February 121 o,.
two of Honorius III, February 1220,
one of Gregory IX, April 1230, and one
of demerit V, April 1 309, all relating

to the Moorish crusade C. F. Duro

celebrates the tercentenary of Alvaro
de Bazan by printing a contemporary

biography of the hero Dr. Eiu

gives the acts of the fourth provincial
council of Mexico [1771], relating to
the hospitals of the order of S. Juan de
Dios. J. DE Dios de la Kada de-
scribes a gold Celtiberian torques or
viria found in the province of Badajos.

F. Fernandez y Gonzalez discusses

the initial aspirate in the palimpsest of
the breviary of Anianus discovered by

E. Beer at Leon F. Fita compares

tjie Cantiga CCCXXXVIII of Alfonso
the Wise relating to St. Dunstan with
the earlier biographies of the saint.
Revista de Espana. March 15. — Maestre
Y Alonso : Historiadores espafioles : D.
Diego Colmenares a Victor Fragoso.

VII. SWITZEKLAND

Anzeiger fiir Schweizerische Gescliichte,
1887, 4-6. — C. Le Fort : Bishop
Adhemar of Geneva [from new docu-
ments]. T. VON LiEBENAu '. Die

Gruber'sche Fehde [lasting for the
first thirty years of the fifteenth cen-
tury], with documents. C. von

Jecklin prints documents relating to
the battle ' an der Calven' [1499]

Letter of H. Bullinger [20 March

1570] W. Gisi : The origin of the

house of Savoy [tracing the descent of
the family back to a date earlier than
that of count Humbert Whitehand,
c. 985-1050, namely to duke Eudolf
who is claimed as an illegitimate son
of queen Bertha, presumably by count
Liuthar II of Walbeck.l

VIII. UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

Johns Hopkins University Studies in
Historical and Political Science, v. 12.
President A. D. White : European

schools of history and politics T.

K. Worthington : The Ecole libre des

Sciences politiques at Paris L.

Katzenstein : Political education in
Germany [for the civil service].

Magazine of American History, xix. 3.
Marcli— D. Campbell : The centenary

of Ohio. J. J. Morris : Captain

Silvester Salisbury, with letters and

papers [1673-1700] Tioo letters of

George Washington [1798 and 1782].
4. April — Mrs. M. J. Lamb : Un-

published Washington portraits, illus-
trated Hon. J. C. M. Curry : The

a^guisition of Florida. Mrs. A. D.

L. Plongeon : The conquest of the

Nay as of Yucatan. Letter of

governor- George Clinton [1783]

Letter of lieutenant-governor Pierre
van Cortlandt [1776] .=5. May —
General G. P. Thruston : Ancient

society in Tennessee Hon. C. K.

Tuckerman's Personal recollections of

Abraham Lincoln. Early Neiu

Englaiid arbitration ; a document of
1663 [relating to a boundary dispute
between Ehode Island and Connecticut].

The English

Historical Review

NO. XII.— OCTOBER 1888

The Settlement of Australia

Of so recent recognition is the fact that the importance of modern
English history hes in the colonial extension of England, that most of
us are still ready to assent to the statement that our colonies were
acquired by accident, and that if we have to thank anybody for our
present strength, our benefactors are certainly not to be found in
the persons of our statesmen. In truth, there is a rare chance of
epigrammatic amusement at the expense of a nation whose American
colonies were peopled by fugitives from the law, and whose Austra-
lian colonies were peopled by criminals despatched by the law. In
such an epigram it is taken for granted that a criminal establish-
ment was the one object of Australian colonisation. But as epigrams
are proverbially untrue, it may be worth while to examine into the
accuracy of this particular one, and to inquire whether other and
nobler motives were not present in the minds of the statesmen who
in 1787 despatched Captain Phillip and his momentous expedition
to the coast of New Holland. It is not denied that the discovery
of a suitable station of transportation had much to do with the expe-
dition ; but it is not acknowledged that this was the chief aim that
the ministry of Mr. Pitt had in view in this undertaking. Another
point of considerable interest relates to the connexion existing
between the American colonies and those in Australia, and here I
hope to show that between the possessions in the New World, at that
date so recently lost, and the settlements in the still newer world, now
so great and powerful, there is a connecting chain, and that, curiously
enough, one of the most important links in that chain was the system
of transportation.

Here, at least, it is unnecessary to attempt anything Hke a dis-

VOL. III. — NO. XII. s s

626 THE SETTLEMENT OF AUSTRALIA Oct.

cussion of the importance of the severance of the American colonies.
The Declaration of Independence came, indeed, with startling effect,
and few of the currents in which the national life flowed escaped
disturbance from the shock; but the side of English policy on which
we must concentrate our attention was affected almost as much by
the preceding events as by the great act which set the seal of revolt
upon disinclination and hardened a tendency into a consummated
fact. No sooner had the war broken out than the English Govern-
ment found that one of the subsidiary uses to which they had put
their American possessions was no longer possible. To employ the
euphemism of an act of parliament, * transportation to the American
colonies was attended with many difficulties.' ^ It is also necessary to
note that the revolt of one set of colonists rendered the future loyalty
of any other colonists, indeed of colonists in general, most proble-
matic in the minds of the eighteenth-century public, and but few
ventured to think that the settlement of new possessions might serve
to balance the loss so recently experienced.^

It was over a hundred and ten years since the commencement
of the regular system of transportation when a committee of the
house of commons on 15 April 1779 laid before the house a report^
on the condition of the prisoners in the hulks which it had been
found necessary to open for the reception of criminals who could no
longer be shipped across the Atlantic. Their report, which can best
be described as optimistic, made no very definite recommendation,
and the next year a new committee'* was nominated with a wider
scope. Although its inquiries were nominally restricted to the condi-
tion of the prisons in six counties, as shown by reports returned to
the house, it practically took into consideration the whole system of
secondary punishment. This is shown by the report,^ which divides
the matter under four headings — (1) The state of the prisons, (2) The
state of the hulks, (3) The history of transportation as shown by
act of parliament, (4) Eecommendations. But even so detailed an
analysis fails to show the nature of the evidence brought under its
notice, since not only did it consider and epitomise the past history
of transportation, but it cast about to see whether no new spot could
be discovered into which, as Charles Buller would have said, they
might * shovel ' their convicts. They took evidence as to the suit-
ability of the neighbourhood of the river Gambia,^ and further,
and this is by far the most important piece of their work, they
examined Sir Joseph Banks ^ with reference to a settlement in the
new continent of what was then known as New Holland. He

* 19 Geo. III. c. 74. "^ V. infra, p. 630. ' Comvions Journals, vol. xxxvi.

* Appointed 17 March, and reported 1 April 1779. But the returns mentioned
had been ordered 16 Dec. 1778, and were sent into the house 25 Jan. 1779.

' Commons Journals, vol. xxxvii. p. 306 &c. • Ibid. j^p. 311, 314.

' He was with Captain Cook m 1770.

1888 THE SETTLEMENT OF AUSTRALIA 627

reported ^ most favourably as to the soil and climate, recommending
Botany Bay as a place where a colony would readily become self^
supporting. In addition he advised that one year's provisions
should be sent with the expedition, and that every attempt should
be made to collect such plants as might flourish at the designated
spot. The committee, however, while recognising the impossibility
of transporting criminals to America, considered ® * that every other
place of transportation hitherto suggested appears to be attended
with many difficulties ; ' drawing at the same time a distinction
between the territory about the Gambia and Botany Bay by the
remark, with obvious allusion to the evidence as to the former, that
*the sending atrocious criminals to unhealthy places where their
labour may be used and their lives hazarded in place of better
citizens may in some cases be advisable, and in the instance of capital
respites is undisputably just.' ^ They recommended the establish-
ment of new penitentiary houses, and the act 19 Geo. Ill, c. 74, was
passed, whereby the construction of such was ordered, while at the
same time transportation * beyond the seas, although the place as-
signed be not in America,' was legalised.

Matters indeed were urgent. The building of the penitentiaries
was pushed forward, ^^ and the idea of transportation to some new
spot was not lost sight of. At a committee ' ^ in 1785 new evidence was
taken as to Africa, and despite the very adverse testimony the report
contains a feeble recommendation of the scheme. Indeed, as we
afterwards hear, a frigate was sent to the coast of Africa for discovery. ^^
It was sent in vain, for no proper spot could be found. The terrible
insalubrity of that district had been fully recognised by a new act
of parliament passed in 1783 (24 Geo. Ill, c. 12), which in regulating
punishments and authorising transportation contains a distinct
proviso that no criminals should be sent to Africa who are under
sentence to go elsewhere. The distinction drawn at an earlier date
had been retained, and rightly so, for transportation to Africa merely
meant the execution of capital punishment by malaria. So far, then,
as books, journals, or acts of parliament can be brought into evidence,
matters were now at a complete block. They do not contain new
mention of Botany Bay, and the other expedients were tried only to
be found inadequate for the occasion. Thus in a * History of New
Holland,' published 1787, with an introductory essay by Mr. Eden,
afterwards Lord Auckland, we read, * This much may be asserted
with safety, that the maintenance of convicts at home has been
attended with great expense without answering the purpose of ex-
emplary correction ; and that though a frigate was sent to the coast

« Commons Journals, xxxvii. 314. ^ Ibid. '» Ibid, xxxix. 1040. 1784..

" Ihid. xl. p. 954 &c. 1161 &c., respectively 9 May and 28 July.
" History of Discovery of New Holland (Brit. Mus. 798 e. 1).

S.S 2

628 THE SETTLEMENT OF AUSTRALIA Oct.

of Africa for discovery, no proper place for a settlement could be
found.' >3

Yet an examination of the documents ^* in the Eecord Office
shows that the project of forming a settlement at Botany Bay had
been for some time receiving the attention of the executive govern-
ment. The committee to which I have just referred sat on 28 July,
1785, while so far back as 23 August, 1783, the advantages of
New South Wales had been brought forward again by Mr. James
Matra, afterwards the enterprising consul at Tangiers. He for-
warded a memorial with the following somewhat self-complacent
preface : * I am going to offer an object to the consideration of our
government which may in time atone for the loss of your American
colonies.' ^^ He dwells on the advantages of New South Wales, and
suggests that the settlement might * cause a revolution in the whole
system of European commerce and secure to England a monopoly
of some part of it and a very large share in the whole.' The scheme,
he says, is no idle one. It had been considered by many and approved
by Sir Joseph Banks. This latter statement is almost superfluous,
since the references to the natural characteristics of the place
coincide exactly with the words of Sir Joseph Banks before the
commons' committee in 1779. But there is one point of very great
importance. Throughout the memorial there was no suggestion
that the settlement should be formed of the criminal outcasts of
England. On the contrary, when he contemplates the character
of the future settler, Mr. Matra suggests that it might afford an
asylum to the unfortunate American loyalists, ^^ while in after
documents he takes note of the possibility of inducing voluntary
emigration. ^^

The government seem, however, to have fairly clutched at the
scheme under the aspect of a new criminal expedient, for Lord
Sydney, in a conversation with Mr. Matra, suggested that New
South Wales would be suitable for a convict establishment.^®
Throughout 1784 the negotiations went on busily, Mr. Matra show-
ing the greatest ardour in systematising the various hints and
suggestions thrown in his way. Then Sir George Young took up
the matter. He drew up a scheme *^ practically identical, except as
to the matter of the convict population, with Mr. Matra' s memorial
mentioned above, sent it to the attorney-general, and had it printed,^^
possibly with the idea of circulation among people of influence. By
New Year's day 1787 the settlement was not only finally decided
upon, but great progress had been made in respect of settling the

" History of Discovery of New Holland, Pref . p. v.
^* These papers are tabulated in the appendix. •* Appendix (1).

'« Appendix (1) (4). " Appendix (3).

'* Appenclix (2). >» Appendix (6), enclosure.

" Appendix (7). This is the document cited as ' a curious ' pamphlet m The
First Twenty Years of Australia, by Mr. James Bonwick.

I

1888 THE SETTLEMENT OF AUSTRALIA 629

mode in which it should take place ; 2' and if we wish to fix on the
important date of decision we must take 6 Dec. 1786 as the day from
which the new epoch in our colonial history begins, for on that
day the orders in council were made, which legally enabled the
ministry to send convicts to New South Wales. Even before then
there was no doubt as to the intentions of the government ; Mr.
Nepean had been actively conducting correspondence with the various
departments which might have to furnish either convicts, trans-
ports, or convoys ; Lord Sydney was vigorous, and the great minister
himself, William Pitt, was eager for detailed information.^^^

It would seem strange indeed had all this enthusiasm been dis-
played relative to the construction of what was to be nothing more
than a new and unusually secure penitentiary. This, however, as
we have already seen, was not the view taken of the new settle-
ment by its projector.23 It was not this prospect which animated
the government. Mr. Matra had urged the future importance of
New South Wales in commerce — the refuge it might afford to the
American loyalists.^^ The government anticipated the despatch of
free emigrants ; ^'^ they deemed the settlement likely to prove of
convenience by its proximity to China.^^ Such were, too, the views
of Arthur Phillip, the first governor, who wrote : * As I would not
wish convicts to lay the foundation of an empire, I think they should
remain separated from the garrison and other settlers that may come
from Europe, and not be allowed to mix with them even after the
seven or fourteen years for which they are transported may be ex-
pired.' ^ In such a spirit as this the expedition was despatched, and
the new empire of the south founded. Convicts were sent, indeed ;
and the fact that it had become an absolute necessity to discover
some fresh outlet for the population who had drifted into crime gave
the government courage to venture on an undertaking which other-
wise might have been scouted as unpractical and visionary, while
furnishing them with subjects for an experiment in colonisation that
might have fallen through for lack of voluntary settlers. Yet it is a
serious error to mistake an incident for an all-sufficing cause.

Popular feeling at least laid hold of the question on the same
side. It was because it was regarded as an attempt to form a new
colonial settlement that it attracted so much attention in the press.
This aspect it was which lent sting to the persistence with which
the opponents of the ministry raked up the untoward instance of
the American colonies to countenance the assertion that the new
settlement would but prove a source of fresh trouble or danger.^^
Of course in answer to this it was easy to allege that the mistakes
that had occasioned separation in the one case were not likely to

2» Appendix (8). 22 Appendix (14) (15). ** Appendix (1).

2* Appendix (11). «* Appendix (4). " Appendix (17).

^' Whitehall Evemng Post, 19 Sept. and 30 Nov. 1.786.

630. THE SETTLEMENT OF AUSTRALIA Oct.

be repeated ; but it was less easy to avoid recognition of the experi-
mental nature of the undertaking. One writer, indeed, boldly faces
the difficulty, only to point out that the experiment was worth
making, and that, though free settlers might not be willing to give
up the comforts of home for an uncertain prospect, the employment
of convicts amply surmounted such an obstacle. With others the
question of convict establishments is put on one side in order to
discuss the benefits that might accrue from a settlement in the far
south : if needs be, it would furnish a point of vantage, so they
urged, in any future Spanish or Dutch war ; ^s or it might become
an important commercial station, and assist in the extension of
British trade.^^ Such were the arguments piled up by way of
barricade against the ridicule and invective which the plan con-
tinued to meet. It was said that the rights of the East India
Company were being infringed upon, that the convicts would give
themselves up to piracy, that they would perish from starvation,^^
with many another objection equally imaginary and equally specious.
And so the battle raged on till the question fairly took hold of the
public mind. The Humourist's Magazine ^^ had in its first number
a cartoon of the parliament of Botany Bay discussing ways and
means, and the whole controversy, so far indeed as it found
entrance into the mind of the people, was summed up in some
comic verses published in the Whitehall Evening Post^^^ of which
the following may be taken as representative stanzas : —

Let no one think much of a trifling expense ;

Who knows what may happen a hundred years hence ?

The loss of America what can repay ?

New colonies seek for at Botany Bay.

Of those precious souls who for nobody care
It seems a large cargo the kingdom can spare ;
To ship off a gross or two make no delay —
They cannot too soon go to Botany Bay. i

They go of an island to take special charge,
Much warmer than Britain and ten times as large ;
No custom-house duties, no freightage to pay,
And tax free they'll live when at Botany Bay.

It may well be imagined that in the face of such awakened
interest those responsible for the expedition did all in their power
to insure its success. But use what energy, display what
wisdom, they might, they could not escape opposition. Calumny,
too, was busy. At one moment a report was diligently circulated
to the effect that the government had abandoned their plan ; at

28 Morning Post, 13 Oct. 1786. "d History of New Holland, p. 33.

»» Whitehall Evening Post, 30 Nov. 1786. »' January 1787.

« 21 Nov. 1786. No. 6174.

1888 THE SETTLEMENT OF AUSTRALIA 631

another a wholly fictitious account of the expense involved was
published ; while the eccentric genius of Lord George Gordon was
invoked to the task of getting up petitions among the convicts
against their transportation.^^ But the ministry held on its way
with firmness, apparently unmoved even by the last-mentioned
effort. During the. autumn of 1786 batches of convicts had been
sent down to Portsmouth to be ready for embarkation, and next
spring Governor Phillip's instructions were drawn out and discussed
with particular attention to the precise locality of the expedition,**
which had itself been referred to in explicit terms in the royal speech
at the opening of parliament ; while on 29 Jan. a bill was ordered
into the house for estabHshing a court of criminal jurisdiction in
New South Wales.35

So far as our purpose is concerned the history of the expedition
may be summarised in a few brief sentences.^ It sailed on 1 May
1787, Teneriffe was reached 3 June, Eio 6 Aug., while on 13 Oct.
the fleet anchored off the Cape of Good Hope. On 13 Dec. it left
the Cape to perform the last stage of its hazardous journey, this
time Phillip preceding the main body in the ' Supply.' On 18 Jan.
the * Supply ' entered Botany Bay, to be followed next day by three
transports, and on the 20th by the rest of the fleet.

Finding the locality unsuitable, Phillip set off to explore the
coast. His search was destined to be very brief, for on the 22nd
itself he entered the harbour of Port Jackson. Without further
delay he returned to bring on the main expedition.

During his absence, some little excitement had been caused by
the appearance of two strange ships, which on investigation turned
out to be two French men-of-war despatched to the South Seas
on a voyage of discovery. Very fortunately the English were so
evidently first in the field that no possible question of conflicting
rights could be raised, even though settlement, as possibly was the
case at this particular time, had been the intention of the French
Government. Without any hindrance from them, the expedition
moved down the coast, and on 26 Jan. the British ensign was
hauled up on the shores of Sydney Cove, though the formal in-
auguration of the new colony— for such it was clearly considered —
did not take place till, 7 Feb., Australia was founded.

Once more we may look back to the subjects with which we
started, and this time, perhaps, with a fuller understanding of their
importance. May the matter not be summed up in some way such
as this ? The loss of the American colonies, while depriving the

33 General Evening Posty 6 Jan. 1787. "* Appendix (10). « 27 Geo. Ill c. 2.

3« For account of voyage and settlement see Phillip (A.), Narrative of Expedition
to Botany Bay, 1789 ; Hunter (John), Journal of the Transactions at Port Jackson,
1793', Collins (D.), Account of English Colmies in N.S.W. 1798; Tench (Watkin)»
Account of Settlement at Port Jackson, 1793.

632 • THE SETTLEMENT OF AUSTRALIA Oct.

home country of its main outlet for the outscourings of the gaol,
rendered statesmen at the same time more susceptible of new schemes
in way of compensation ; and thus, while the expedition to New
South Wales could always be justified on the ground of present
necessity, those who sent it aimed at something more important
than the mere foundation of a new criminal establishment. The
despatch of convicts was the first boring for a new shaft ; experi-
ment would show the probability of success.

But how, it may be asked, did it come about that this ultimate
object fell into speedy neglect ; why did the stream of convicts flow
slowly, but surely, without any further attempt being made to justify
the sanguine anticipation of many of those concerned in the earliest
expedition ? We began with the American war, and we end with
the French Eevolution. During the events of which I have been
writing, Europe had been drifting nearer the maelstrom of universal
war and desperation ; in a few years' time the spirit of conquest
was let loose, and men had something else to do than to look
idly on till colonies should have grown into vigour. England her-
self, under her keen- eyed strenuous minister, was fatally involved ;
and Pitt had been driven to enter on a course which made him bid
them roll up the map of Europe, though, as he said these words,
he little knew that under his guidance a new and important leaf
had been added to the atlas of the world, and a new country
founded which was to prove rich and vigorous, and * who knows
what may happen a hundred years hence ? '

E. C. K. GONNEE.

APPENDIX.

COLONIAL PAPEBS.

i
America and West Indies, 591.

(1) Memorial from James M. Matra, 4 Dulce Street, Grosvenor
Square, 23 Aug, 1783 {largely quoted in text).

a. Dwells on advantages of New South Wales in climate and soil ;
and these so good that, * with good management and a few settlers, in
twenty or thirty years they might cause a revolution in the whole system
of European commerce and secure to England a monopoly of some part
of it and a very large share in the whole.'

h. The country may afford an asylum to the unfortunate American
loyalists.

c. Proposes that a ship should be sent for discovery, or two ships with
marines accustomed to husbandry.

It is no vain idle scheme ; has been considered by many and approved
by Sir Joseph Banks. The initial expense probably about 3,000Z.

1888 THE SETTLEMENT OF AUSTRALIA 633

(2) Memorandum by Mr, Matra of conversation with Lord Sydney y

6 April, 1784.

Refers to foregoing scheme. In course of conversation Lord Sydney-
suggests that N.S.W. would be suitable for convict establishment.
This idea supported by Mr. Matra, who urges that such exportation less
expensive than employment in the hulks, the latter costing country
261. 15s. lOd. per head, the former only 151. 14s. It is preferable to
exportation to Africa,^^ for of 746 criminals [sic] sent thither during years
1775, 1776, 334 died, 271 deserted, and of the remainder no account can
be given.

(3) /. M. Matra to Mr. Evan Nepean, 1 Oct. 1784.

a. Anxious to answer letter of Mr. Delaney, who has been active in
procuring consent of many people to emigrate ; wishes therefore to be
authorised to give him a decisive answer. Does his correspondent know
if ministry have come to a decided resolution to reject the plan ?

h. Enclosure in above.

James Delaney to J. M. Matra.

Wants to know if any decision has been arrived at. Season going by,
and lapse of time will render it less likely that inhabitants of Nova Scotia
may be induced to go.

(4) Memo, in handwriting of Mr. Matra sent to Mr. Evan Nepean.

Attorney-general hears of the importance of N.S.W. in the navigation
of the China seas. Sir George Young urges this point. Will Mr. Nepean
communicate this to Lord Sydney before he goes to cabinet council ?
Under these circumstances, the suggested impropriety of employing
king's ships removed.

(5) Attorney-general to {Lord Sydney ?), 13 Jan. 1785.
Encloses plan drawn by Sir George Young for convict settlement at
N.S.W.

(6) Plan drawn by Sir George Young,. Enclosure in above.

This seems drawn from Mr. Matra's memorial, with exception of
notice of probability of discovery of metals, and of course the introduction
of the idea of convict settlement.

* (7) Same printed.

(8) Letters of Sir A. Hamond to Evan Nepean, Oct. 1786.
Recommending candidates for various posts in the expedition.

'^ It is usually concluded that an actual attempt at convict establishment was made
in Africa {v. Dr. P. Aschrott : Strafensystem und Gef&ngnissiuesen in England, p. 38).
As a matter of fact such was probably not the case. (1) The official account of the
746 persons sent between 1755 and 1776 (not 1775 and 1776) does not say they were
criminals, indeed the contrary is to be inferred. — Commons Journals, xxxix. 312.
(2) The committee in 1779 discusses the feasibility of such estabhshments, but does not
mention that the experiment had been made. (3) Lord Auckland's preface, v. sujpra,
p. 627.

634- THE SETTLEMENT OF AUSTRALIA Oct.

(9) Evan Nepean to , 1 Jan. 1786 [really 1787] .^^

Refers to orders in council passed 6th and 22nd of last month (i.e.
Dec. 1786) fixing destination of certain convicts. Wishes them to be sent
on board at once.

(10) Draft instncction to Governor from Home Office.

These instructions referred to a committee of the house 28 April,
1787.

Letter accompanying them states, * You are not allowed to delay the
disembarkation of the establishment upon your arrival on the coast upon
pretence of searching after a more eligible site than Botany Bay.'

(11) Governor Phillip's instructions. Date filled up 25 April, 1787.

Mentions that he will have received instructions from admiralty. He
is to have power to discharge convicts before full time has elapsed, and in
such cases to give them lease of lands for 10 years in following propor-
tions, viz. 30 acres to a male, if married 20 more, and for each child
with him at time of grant 10 more, on condition of residence. They may
further be supplied with assortment of provisions and tools.

In view of probable free emigration to transmit an immediate report
of the country.

New S6UTH Wales, 1.

(12) Secretary of State (?) to Lord Commissioner of Treasury,
18 Aug. 1786.

To provide transport ships and necessary supplies. Contains enclosures.

a. Heads of plan for effectually disposing of convicts and rendering
their transportation mutually beneficial to themselves and state. (Evi-
dently drawn from that of Sir George Young.)

b. Draft (dated subs. 31 Aug.) to Lords Commissioners of Admiralty to
provide war ships.

(13) Lord Howe to Lord Sydney, 3 Sept. 1786.
With reference to appointment of Captain Phillip. *

(14) Mr. Evan Nepean to Sir Charles Middleton, 12 Dec. 1786.
Mr. Pitt anxious for information as to detail of expense.

(15) Sir C. Middleton to Mr. Evan Nepean, 13 Dec. 1786.
Will supply required information in a few days.

(16) Lieutenant-Colonel Sterling to Mr. Evan Nepean, 21 Dec. 1786.
Enclosing letter to Lord Sydney, both about N.S.W. corps.

(17) Memorandum by Governor Phillip (quoted supra, p. 629).

^ Mistake in date in colonial papers in Becord Office. The Eegister of Privy Council
gives these orders for December 1786.

I

1888 635

The Tomb of Dante

11HE death of Dante, as is well known, occurred on 14 Sept. 1321,
when he was fifty- six years old. It is thus recorded in the
simple and touching language of Boccaccio : * On the day on
which we celebrate the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, he passed
away from this present life. His soul, we may well believe, was
received into the arms of his noble Beatrice, and presented before
the presence of God, so that there in perpetual repose he may be
recompensed for the troubles of the past.'

The precise cause of his death seems to be a little uncertain.
It occurred just after his return to Eavenna from an unsuccessful
embassy to Venice, which he had undertaken on behalf of his
friend and patron, Guido NoveDo da Polenta. It is distinctly
stated by Filippo Villani (who died 1404), in his Life of Dante,
that the poet died of a fever aggravated by the land journey home-
wards through marshy districts, the Venetians having refused to
allow him to return by sea, though he specially requested this
favour, because he was already suffering from fever {laborans febn-
bus), Manetti in his * Vita Dantis ' (written probably about half a
century later than that of Villani) attributes his death rather to
disappointment and vexation at the failure of his efforts, and the
contemptuous treatment which he had received at Venice. The
same account is given by some other writers.^

One may be allowed to say just a few words as to his precise age,
since it can be very accurately fixed by an interesting story con-
cerning the death-bed utterance of the poet preserved by Boccaccio,
if we believe it — and I know no reason whatever why we should not,
except that it is now the fashion to disbelieve as much as possible
of any ancient record, especially if it be of the nature of an
anecdote, or have some touch of human interest and feeling about
it. It should be first explained that as to the month of his birth,
that it was May, there is no doubt ; as to the year^ that it was 1265,
there is now practically none, in spite of the learned but perverse
ingenuity with which Grion and others have endeavoured to esta-
blish another date. As to the actual day of the month which was

> E.g. Eo i {Hist. Bav.) and Maffei {Scritt. Veronesi), cited by Fraticelli, Storia
della Vita &c. p. 258. ...

i

636 THE TOMB OF DANTE Oct.

his birthday, that remains, and probably must ever remain, a
matter of uncertainty, though a great deal of ingenuity has been
spent in the attempt to determine it. May 8, 14, 18, and 30 have
all been fixed upon on various grounds, which it would be beside
our present purpose to discuss. Dr. Witte ^ has argued with much
ingenuity for the 30th. But all I wish now to say is that this
anecdote of Boccaccio seems to make it clear that it must have
been within a day or two of the end of May. Boccaccio ^ states
that Dante, * while lying ill of that sickness whereof he died,
told Ser Piero di Giardino da Eavenna,^ who himself reported the
words to Boccaccio, that he had passed his fifty-sixth year, by such
a period as had gone by since the last May up to that time.' This
language is very precise, and, in the mouth of one accustomed to
such minute accuracy in his words and thoughts as Dante, can
hardly mean anything but that his birthday was at the very end of
May, and probably therefore the 30th, if (as Witte argues) there are
other independent reasons (though merely conjectural) which point
to that day in particular.

But it must not be forgotten that our main subject is the Tomb
of Dante. I pass on, therefore, to consider this under these three
heads : —

1. The circumstances of his burial so far as they are known.

2. The various inscriptions or epitaphs that have adorned his
tomb.

3. The very remarkable discovery and identification of his bones
in May 1865.

1. Boccaccio relates that Guido Novello da Polenta, being griev-
ously afflicted at the poet's death, caused the body to be adorned
with the adornments of a poet {ornare d' ornamenti poetici, p. xiii),
referring no doubt to that laurel crown which Dante so earnestly
desired, but on one condition, viz. that he might assume it nel mio
bel San Giovanni and in sul fonte del mio battesmo ; that crown which
he was urged to accept at Bologna by his friend Giovanni del Virgilio,
and which in his Eclogue written in reply he positively refuses to
receive except at Florence.

Nonne triumphales melius pexare capillos,
Et, patrio redeam si quando, abscondere canos
Fronde sub inserta solitum flavescere, Sarno ?

' Dante Forsch. II. No. iii. ' Comm. on Inf. I.

* It may be noted in passing, that recent researches have discovered abundant -^
contemporary traces of this Ser Piero di Giardino and his family at Eavenna (see "^

Guerrini e Bicci, Stttdi do., pp. 23, 38, 53, 59), as well as of some family connexions
of Boccaccio himself having been at Bavenna at the same time. It may further be
interesting to mention that this same Messer Piero (whom Boccaccio describes as
lungamente stato discepolo di Dante, grave di costiimi, e degno difede ( Vita, p. xxviii, ed.
Paris 1844) is also given as his authority for the well-known story of the loss of the
last thirteen Cantos of the Paradiso, and of their discovery by means of a dream that
appeared to Jacopo di Dante, eight months after his father's death.

1888 THE TOMB OF DANTE 637

Another * adornment ' may perhaps have been a copy of his divinq
poem, for though this is not mentioned by Boccaccio, there is a
tradition to this effect, recorded (among others) by the anonymous
author of a long unpubHshed terza rima Canzone laudante el famo-
sissimo poeta Dante Alleghieri which I have found among the Cano-
nici manuscripts in the Bodleian. The writing of this manuscript is
apparently about 1430, but I think there are several indications that
the author was a contemporary or nearly so, since such expressions
as per quel ch' io sento ; che non ai intesi ; a quel tempo s* io ben com-
prendo, &c. are not infrequent, and seem such as one having access
to oral information might naturally use.

This writer gives rather a minute account of the poet's burial,
which he says was magnificent, and states {inter alia) that

Come vero poeta fu vestito

Con la corona in testa dell' alloro ;

In sul pecto un Hbro ben fornito,

A la chiesa major, per quel ch' io sento,

Fu seppeUito in ricca sepoltura, &c.

To return, however, to Boccaccio. The poet was buried in the church
of the Frati Minori at Eavenna, and, as some Franciscan writers have
added, clothed in the vestments of the order in which he is said to
have expressed a wish to die, he having in earlier life, according to an-
other tradition, joined or contemplated joining that order .^ I may add
that on the strength of this vague and apparently baseless tradition,
some enthusiastic Franciscans have been so bold as to enumerate
Dante in the list of the eminent writers belonging to the Franciscan
order.^ After the funeral Guido returned to the house where Dante
died, and pronounced a panegyric in his memory {fece uno esquisito
e lungo sermone, says Boccaccio). The poet's remains were deposited
in a stone sarcophagus, which Guido intended to have been tem-
porary only, until he should be able to build him a magnificent
sepulchre. This purpose was frustrated by his own deposition and
expulsion shortly afterwards, viz. on 20 Sept. 1323 (according to a
' Spicilegium Eavennatis Historise,' given by Muratori, ' Eer. Ital.
Scriptores,' I. part ii. p. 579). His death occurred only three years
later, viz. in 1326. Already, however, the vicissitudes of Dante's
tomb begin, since even his temporary resting-place very narrowly
escaped violation within the first year after his death, and while his
friend Guido da Polenta still ruled at Eavenna. In 1322 the
Cardinal Bertrand de Poyet, governor of Eomagna and papal
legate, threatened to break open his tomb and scatter his ashes.
The cardinal was himself a Caorsine, and was doubtless stung by
Dante's bitter language against the * Caorsini e Guaschi ' in Par,

' See Inf. xvi. 106, as sometimes explained.
« See Cardoni, Dante in Ravenna, p. 34.

63^8 THE TOMB OF DANTE Oct.

xxvii. 53 ; also by his association together of Sodom and Cahors as
types of what were in Dante's estimate related vices in Inf, xi. 50;
by his violent attacks on the French cardinals in his letter to the
conclave at Carpentras, in which John XXII was elected, and by his
numerous hostile allusions to the Avignon papacy. It is related by
Boccaccio in his Life of Dante, that Beltrando Cardinale del Poggetto
(as he terms him) allora per la chiesa Romana legato in Lomhardia,
formally condemned the *De Monarchia,' and forbade its being read
by any of the faithful, siccome contenente cose eretiche. Boccaccio adds
that it was only the strong personal influence with the legate of Pino
della Tosa and Ostasio da Polenta which prevented his burning the
bones of Dante himself at Bologna, at the same time that he
publicly burnt the condemned book. Boccaccio cautiously adds, se
giustamente o no, Iddio il sa ! ^ It was this Ostasio da Polenta (it may
be mentioned) who in the following year conspired against and
expelled his brother Guido from Eavenna. Meanwhile Guido da
Polenta, with a view to his design of erecting a suitable tomb,
invited the contribution of competitive epitaphs. He invited (as
Boccaccio says) li quali in quel tempo erano in poesia sollennissimi in
Romagna, Many such epitaphs were written and, as we should say,
* sent in,' but, for the reason above mentioned, none were formally
adopted. Boccaccio says that he saw, piil tempo poi, several of these
rival compositions, and that he himself selected, as being in his
judgment the best, and therefore recorded in his work, the epitaph
composed by Dante's friend, Giovanni del Virgilio. That consists
of the well-known fourteen elegiac lines beginning

Theologus Dantes, nullius dogmatis expers,
Quod foveat claro philosophia sinu.

Just one word in passing about this Giovanni del Virgilio. Like
so many other Italians of note in art and literature, he is better
known by his nickname than by his real name. Indeed this practice
seems to be the rule rather than the exception. He was professor
of Literae Humaniores at Bologna 1318-25, and acquired the title
by which he is now known from his devotion to the study of Virgil,
which was no doubt one link of union between him and his friend
Dante. Their fanciful correspondence in the form and imagery of
the Eclogues of Virgil is preserved among the works of Dante under
the title of * Eclogae,' in which occur numerous interesting allusions
of a personal character.

2. This brings us to the next division of the subject, viz. the
various epitaphs that have at different times been inscribed on the
tomb, their probable authorship, and the occasion of their being
placed there.

' This curious expression occurs in the Compcndio only, and not in the Vita Intera.
See note infra, p. 654.

1888 THE TOMB OF DANTE 639

To understand this clearly it is necessary to note the three chief
epochs at which the mausoleum itself was constructed or restored,
as the variations in the epitaphs are connected therewith.

The first is in 1483, and was undertaken by Bernardo Bembo,
father of the well-known cardinal, who being at Kavenna as re-
presentative of the republic of Venice was moved by the dilapidated
condition of the poet's tomb. It is spoken of as being then oscura
tomha, and is referred to by Bembo himself in his epitaph with
perhaps a little touch of poetic exaggeration in the words,

Exigua tumuli, Dantes, hie sorte jacebas,
Squallenti nuUi cognite paene situ.

Bembo erected a marble mausoleum apparently on the site, though
perhaps not in the precise form, of the present edifice, employing the
architect and sculptor Lombardi, both for the design of the building
and for the sculptured effigy which was placed within it and which
remains there to this day.

The situation of the actual monument or sarcophagus before the
operations of Bembo is perhaps not absolutely certain, the descrip-
tions given being somewhat obscured by successive alterations in
the buildings connected with the church. It is thus indicated by
Desiderio Spreti, who saw it thirty years before, viz. in 1452 : Ibidem
etiam [i.e. in the church of S. Francis] in porticu exteriore marmo-
reum sepulchrum extat, in quo clarissimi Poetce Dantes Allegerii corpus
situm est. With this we may compare the language of Giovanni
Villani (ix. 133) : In Ravenna dinanzi alia Porta della Chiesa de*
Frati Minori fu seppellito a grande onore, in abito di Poeta, dc. In
slightly different language, again, his nephew, Filippo Villani (died
1404), writing (to use his own strange title) De vita etmoribus Dantis
insignis Comici (!), says : Apud vestibulum Fratrum minorum
eminenti conditus est sepulcro.

We cannot now enter into the discussion as to the exact meaning of
the porticus exterior , the vestibulum, &c. here mentioned. The actual
erections thus indicated have doubtless long since disappeared. The
whole subject is, as I said, extremely obscure, on account of the
numerous alterations and demolitions which have been carried out at
various times in the neighbourhood, and not a few as lately as 1865.
It is, however, I believe, now considered certain that the actual site
of the poet's mausoleum has remained unchanged since the day of his
burial, however much its form and the arrangements of the adjacent
buildings may have been altered. It is worth noticing that the
closely adjacent chapel of Braccioforte (of which we shall have more
to say presently) was rebuilt and restored (apparently reduced in size,
to admit of the superposition of a dome) by a citizen of Eavenna in
1480, and this involved considerable consequent changes which were
carried out by the Frati themselves in the surrounding buildings. It

640 THE TOMB OF DANTE Oct.

seems probable that the dilapidated condition of Dante's tomb, which
prompted Bembo's work in 1483, may have been due to injuries
caused during these restorations and alterations.

The second epoch of restoration is 1692, when Cardinal Cor si,
papal legate, reconstructed the mausoleum after a fierce conflict
with the Frati, who disputed the right of the municipality, or of
any one else, to touch the tomb, which they claimed to be under
their sole charge. An amusing account is preserved of this conflict
and its varying fortunes. At last the Cardinal,^ with the aid of
forty policemen (shirri) who kept watch by day and by night,
guarding his workmen and keeping the angry Frati at bay,
completed his work (which was continued without intermission day
and night) on 4 May 1692.

The third and last epoch of restoration is that at which the
mausoleum or chapel was brought to its present form, and this
was carried out by Cardinal Valente Gonzaga in 1780, under the
auspices of Pius VI, the well-known Angelo Braschi. In this restora-
tion or reconstruction, as much as possible of the internal work of
Lombardi was preserved, and it may be doubted whether even the
outward form was much changed, to judge from a description of
Cardinal Corsi's work in a contemporary document of 1692.^

Now as to the various epitaphs extant. There are six altogether,
of which, however, four have no special interest for us, and may
be dismissed with a brief notice.

I. We have that of fourteen elegiac lines, as follows : —

Theologus Dantes, nullius dogmatis expers,

Quod foveat claro philosophia sinu :
Gloria Musarum, vulgo clarissimus Auctor,

Hie jacet, et fama pulsat utrumque polum,
&c., &c.

The last four lines are : — ^

Quern pia Guidonis gremio Eavenna Novelli

Gaiidet honorati continuisse ducis.
Mille trecentenis ter septem numinis annis

Ad sua Septembris idibus astra redit.

This epitaph was the first that was inscribed on the tomb, but it
has now disappeared, having probably been removed by Bembo, or
perhaps earlier. Its author was certainly Dante's friend Giovanni
del Virgilio, but by whom it was placed on the tomb, and when, are
matters of much dispute, as we shall see presently.

■ Conti, La Scoperta, dc, p. 16 ; Cardoni, Dante in Ravenna, pp. 81-83.
» See Conti, pp. 12, 13.

i

1888 THE TOMB OF DANTE 641

II. The most celebrated of all, consisting of the following six
rhyming hexameter lines : —

S. V. F.
Jura Monarchiae, Superos, Phlegetonta, lacusque
Lustrando cecini voluerunt fata quousque,
Sed quia pars cessit melioribus hospita castris
Actoremque [sic\ suum petiit felicior astris,
Hie claudor Dantes, patriis extorris ab oris
Quern genuit parvi Florentia mater amoris.

This inscription has generally been attributed to Dante himself
(on what grounds we shall inquire presently). It still appears in
front of the effigy of the poet by Lombardi, where, in fact, it was
placed by Bembo in 1483, though it may probably have been carved
somewhere in connexion with the monument at some earHer
period.

III. That which is the next best known is another of six hexa-
meter lines : —

Inclita fama cujus universum penetrat orbem,
Dantes Aligherius florentina natus in urbe,
Conditor eloquii lumenque decusque latini,
Vulnere saevse necis stratus ad sidera tendens
Dominicis annis ter septem mille trecentis,
Septembris idibus includitur aula superna.

This is not unfrequently found at the end of manuscripts of the
* Commedia,' together with one or both of those already mentioned,
but happily (so far as I am aware) this astonishing disarrangement
of quantities never actually disfigured the poet's tomb. It is stated
to have been there inscribed in a dated manuscript of the * Comme-
dia ' of 1378, but such statements are worth very little, and are
often altogether inaccurate and unauthoritative. It is also there de-
finitely attributed to Minghino da Mezzano of Eavenna. Again it
is assigned in a (probably) fourteenth century manuscript in the
Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris to a son of Dante (probably Jacopo
is intended), it being there introduced as ^i)i^«^i)/imm quodfilius suus
fecit.

IV. "We have next the epitaph of Bembo, which is as follows :—

Exigua tumuli Dantes hie sorte jacebas

Squallenti nulH cognite psene situ.
At nunc marmoreo subnixus conderis arcu

Omnibus et cultu splendidiore nites.
Nimirum Bembus Musis incensus Ethruscis
Hoc tibi quem in primis has coluere dedit.
Ann • Sal • ICCCLXXXIII • VI Kal • Jun •
Bemardus * Bembus • Praet • Mie * suo • posuit •

This was placed by Bembo on the right side of the small chapel,
where it is still to be seen.

VOL. III. — NO. XII. ' T T

642 THE TOMB OF DANTE Oct.

V. Next comes the epitaph of Cardinal Corsi, added at his
restoration in 1692, beginning thus : —

Exulem a Florentia Dantem HberaHssime excepit Ravenna
Vivo fruens, mortuum colens :

This extends to fourteen lines, in which the previous works of the
* Polentani Principes ' and of* Bembus Praetor ' are commemorated,
as well as the present restoration by Corsi himself — * Anno Domini
MDCXCII.'

This was placed on the left side of the mausoleum, but it was
removed at the last restoration, in 1780.

VI. Finally, we have the epitaph of Cardinal Gonzaga, which
replaced that of Corsi, and is still to be seen on the left side of the
chapel. It commences thus : —

Danti Alighiero

Poetae sui Temporis Prime

Restitutori

Politioris Humanitatis.

There are sixteen such lines in all, in which after mentioning
* Guido et Hostasius Polentiani,' and * Bernardus Bembus ' (but not
Corsi), Gonzaga declares that : —

Operibus Ampliatis
Munificentia Sua Restituendum
Curavit
Anno M.DCCLXXX.10

We need further concern ourselves with the first two only and
especially with the second, which has been so generally attributed
to Dante himself.

In regard to the first, the authorship is certain, and the only
matter in dispute is by whom and when it was first placed on the
tomb. The evidence is conflicting. On the one hand we have
Boccaccio, who, as we have seen, says that neither this nor any
other inscription was there when he wrote his Life of Dante.
The date of this is generally put at about 1350, though I have no
idea on what grounds, unless it be that he is himself known to
have been at Ravenna in that year — possibly, as it has been
suggested, to convey alms to * Sister Beatrice,' Dante's daughter,
who was then a nun in a convent at Ravenna.' V At any rate,
Boccaccio states positively that he himself first selected this epitaph
as in his judgment the best that had been composed, and recorded

'" In the Codice Filippino at Naples, and nowhere else that I am aware of, the
following two niost barbarous lines (by way of an epitaph) are found : —
* . Comicus hie Dantes jacet, excelsusque poeta,

Non solum Comes, Satirus, Liricusque Tragoedus.
See appendix to Cod. Cassineiise ... messo a stampa, p. 687.
" See Sejpulcrum Dantis, p. 5.

1888 THE TOMB OF DANTE 643

it in his Life in default of its appearance on the tomb, hoping
thereby to contribute to the immortality of the poet's memory and
works.

On the other hand we have Giovanni Villani, who died in 1348,
asserting that this epitaph, which he quotes as alti e sottilissimi versi,
adorned the tomb poi a certo tempo after Dante's funeral. This
implies that the inscription was there (if Villani's information is
correct, for it is to be observed that he does not say that he is
speaking from personal knowledge), at any rate, some time before
1348. I notice, however, that these statements occur in a sort
of duplicate or alternative chapter printed by Muratori as 133,
apparently on the authority of one manuscript only. Chapter 134,
which also gives the account of Dante's death and funeral, at greater
length, and partly in the same words, contains no reference to the
epitaph. This is, I think, worth noticing in reference to the alleged
inconsistency of Villani's statements with those of Boccaccio.

Next, the nephew of the last-named chronicler — viz. Filippo
Villani, who died 1404, writing, therefore, a good deal later — makes
a similar statement but with an increase of definiteness, which is in
itself suspicious, ^2 considering his later date. He says that Guido
Novello himself (observe this, and contrast the statement with that of
Boccaccio), after receiving many competitive verses, hos qui fuere
magist7i Johannis del Virgilio jussit in frontispicio solemnis arculce
insigniri.^^ Whatever may be said of the language of Giovanni
Villani, this legendary growth found in Filippo cannot be set
against the positive and personal details clearly stated by Boccaccio.
Filippo seems to have confused Guido's intention with its accom-
plishment, and in fact to have * taken the will for the deed.'

The next evidence is that of Giannozzo Manetti (1396-1459, i.e.
another half-century later), who, after describing the tomb, says^*
that it was complurihus insuper egregiis carminibus incisum insigni-
tumque^ and adds : Epitaphium ah initio hujusmodi in quadrato
sepulchri lapide incisum fuit * Theologus Dantes ' etc. Quum deinde
postea sex dumtaxat carmina, longe priorihm illis elegantiora,
a doctissimo quodam viro (note especially these words) edita essenty
veteribus e tumulo abolitis, nova hcec incisa fuerunt carminay * Jura
Monarchice,' etc.

We observe here two points —

1. Manetti does not ascribe these lines * Jura Monarchiae ' &c. to
Dante himself, but to doctissimus quidam vir.

2. He does not say when and by whom the change of inscription
was made ; but, if his statements are to be believed, the date at

'* It may be added that the same suspicious multiplication of details characterises
Filippo Villani's brief Life of Dante already referred to.
'^ Quoted by Fraticelli, Vita, p. 316.
'* From Mortara, Catalogo, p. Ill, and Fraticelli, Vita, p. 324.

T T 2

644 THE TOMB OF DANTE Oct.

which he wrote (at any rate before 1459) would clearly prove that
it was not first carried out, as has been sometimes thought, by
Bembo in 1483. This naturally leads us on to the second, and
far the most interesting, of the epitaphs, it having been so long
and so generally supposed to have been composed by Dante himself,
though I fear this pleasing imagination must be unhesitatingly
abandoned.

As the epitaph stands at present on the tomb, it is headed by
three mysterious letters, which seem certainly to have been pre-
fixed by Bembo — S. V. F. These are a standing puzzle. No one
has explained them, though plenty of guesses have been made.
They have perhaps most often been thought to stand for Sihi
Vivens Fecit, Other interpretations are Suo Vixit Fato; Salve
Vive Felix ; Senatus Venetus Fecit (this would not be true, since
Bembo' s own inscription states that * sere suo posuit '). If I might
venture to add to these guesses, I would suggest as another possi-
bility Sacro Vati Florentino.

Next, when was this epitaph introduced ?

Fraticelli boldly says that Bembo first placed it there at his
restoration in 1483, and then first removed the epitaph of Del
Virgilio (p. 820) : * Soh in quesf anno fu tolto V antica epigrafe del
del Virgilio. Against this I would point out —

1. We have the distinct statement of Giannozzo Manetti, who
died 1459, that it stood there in his time.

2. Desiderio Spreti,^^ who died 1474, and who wrote his * Istoria '
in 1452 (though it was not published till after his death, in 1489),
referring to Dante's tomb, says : Cujus epitaphium quod sihi mirum
composuit in ipso marmore incisuin tale est, * Jura Monarchice ' etc. ^*

3. This epitaph is often found {valeat quantum) written at the
end of manuscripts of the * Divina Commedia ' which are in most cases
long anterior to 1483, the date of Bembo's work. This would not, of
course, prove that the verses were actually on the tomb, at any rate
unless it is distinctly so stated, as it is sometimes ; and perhaps not
even then, since these additions are (1) sometimes in a later hand,
and (2) even if they are not, are generally anonymous, like the
manuscripts themselves, and (3) even if they are not anonymous, the
writer's signature has no recognised authority. Just to take one or
two samples. In a British Museum manuscript (Harl. 3581) dated
1464 the epitaph is introduced by the words. Versus qui stant super
sepulcrum Dantis. Still more precise and noteworthy is the evidence
of a manuscript which I examined at Florence dated 1355 (or rather
by an obvious clerical error 1255), where the existence of these verses
is very circumstantially described thus : Hi versus sunt scripti ravenne

'* Cardoni, p. 59.

'* This is quoted by Cappi in Dante e suo secolo, p. 832. He suspects an inter-
polation here, but apparently on no very strong grounds.

1888 THE TOMB OF DANTE 645

in tumulo dantis in introitu ecclesie heati francisci a sinistra parte parve
porteipsius ecclesie pro ejus epitaphio. Mortara accepts this as proof
that the epitaph was set up about the middle of the fourteenth
century, i.e., if this be so, soon after Boccaccio wrote. This, how-
ever, is extremely improbable on other grounds, and indeed Batines
notes that this addition in the manuscript is in a later hand ; but,
though later than 1355, still I believe it is probably (whatever it is
worth) before the time of Bembo. At the same time I cannot
venture to lay much stress on these anonymous and irresponsible
statements at the end of even dated manuscripts. It is quite pos-
sible that the writer, being familiar with the epitaph, and also with
the fact that epitaphs are written to be placed on tombs, took it for
granted that it was actually so placed, in the absence of information
to the contrary. It will be remembered that one Paris manu-
script (Bat. 415) definitely states the epitaph No. Ill, * Theologus
Dantes ' &c., to stand super sepulcrum Dantis, whereas there is no
reason whatever to suppose that it ever did so.'^

My own conclusion on the whole would be that this epitaph
was probably placed on the tomb about the middle, or rather before
the middle, of the fifteenth century, either in addition to, or in sub-
stitution for, that of Del Virgilio, and that Bembo finally removed
the latter (if it was not done before) at the time of his restoration of
the tomb of 1483, and that he at any rate prefixed the mysterious
S. V. F. already discussed, as they never appear in any manuscripts.

Next as to the question of the authorship of these lines.
Fraticelh says (Vita, pp. 315, 318) that Paulus Giovius (1483-1552)
is the first to maintain the Dantesque authorship, misled probably
by a false interpretation of the letters S. V. F., and partly, it
may be, by the employment of the first person in the verses.
This view cannot be maintained, since these verses are certainly
found attributed to Dante in manuscripts earlier than the date
of Giovius. Indeed the use of the first person throughout would

•^ There is a remarkable reference to the burial of Dante and to this epitaph in a
fragmentary chronicle called Spicilegium Bavennatis historice in Muratori, Ber. Ital.
ScripLl.-pa.rtu. p. 579, as follows :—^nw. 1321. Hoc tempore [N.B. no definite date given
as is usual for other events] D. A. moritur Bavennce ; qui post mortem suam floruit de
multis operibus suis,sicutapparetin Comxjedia sua, videlicet Infernum [sic] Purgatorium
Paradisum et Monarchia [sic]. Sepultus est BavenncB ad locum Fratrum Minorum uhi
apparet cum istis versibus videlicet ' Jura Monarchice ' etc. This chronicle ends on
15 Nov. 1346, whence Eicci, Studi, p. 11, infers that this inscription was put up
before that time. This seems inconsistent with Boccaccio and both the Villani ; in
fact, with all the other information we possess. But note : (1) the above language
about Dante is very vague, and looks as if the chronicler were not personally well
informed on the subject. (2) Is it necessary to suppose the chronicle to have been
written in 1346 because it breaks off then ? It may have been broken off by some
accident at that point. It is very fragmentary also, five or six years together being
often blank about this period. It may be added that the fifth line of the epitaph as
there given reads patriis externus ab oris.

646 THE TOMB OF DANTE Oct.

be almost sure at any time to have suggested the tradition of
Dantesque authorship, and the conjectural explanation of the
mysterious letters may have confirmed and perpetuated itJ^ There
is no direct evidence of the origin of the tradition. Two adverse
considerations there are, one negative and the other positive, and
the latter highly important. Negatively, Manetti, who died in
1459, was not aware of any such reputed authorship, since, as we
have seen above, he attributes these verses, not to Dante, but to
doctissimus quidam vir. There is, however, very important positive
evidence to the contrary. I find in one of the Bodleian MSS. this
epitaph quoted, and distinctly assigned to one Bernardus de
Canatro. This is of course noted in Mortara's excellent catalogue
of the Canonici MSS., but I have not seen it otherwise adduced in
this controversy, which it goes far to settle outright, unless there
were any reasons (of which I am not aware) to suspect the truth
of a statement made so very definitely, though, it is true, anony-
mously. The manuscript is undated, but may safely be assigned to
early in the fifteenth century. It is introduced thus : Epitaffiiim ad
sepulchrum dantis in Ravenna urbe factum per dominum Bernardum
Canatro. Thea follows Sonettus de lavde dicti domini Bernardi, begin-
ning, Vostro si pio officio offerto a Dante, and then again a sonnet in
reply, entitled, Responsio dicti domini Bernardi,

External evidence of any value in favour of the Dantesque
authorship there is really none, while such evidence as we have is
adverse. As to internal evidence, in spite of the Dantesque touch
of tender, yet bitter, pathos, in the last two lines ; in spite, too, of
Mr. Lowell's enthusiasm for these verses expressed in his noble essay
on Dante — 'If these be not the words of Dante, what is internal
evidence worth ? ' — I think we shall probably agree with the majority
of critics, who even on this ground have felt compelled to reject the
interesting theory.

It may be mentioned that Eossetti not only accepts the testimony
of Giovius as to the Dantesque authorship of these verses, but also
(like Mr. Lowell) appeals to their internal evidence of genuineness,
thus : piii che altro, lo stile di quei pochi versi ne assicurano delta
veracita di Giovio. It is very curious indeed to find Eossetti then
proceeding to apply to this epitaph the same strange principles of
interpretation by which he has distorted (if I may venture to say
so) the divine poem into a political brochure, and professing to dis-
cover here a further confirmation of his fanciful theory. ^^

'^ E.g., inter alia, I have met them in a certainly fourteenth century MS. in the
Magliabecchian Library at Florence (Batine, No. 98) entitled PatJiapliium Dantis quod
ipse fecit, and again in a probably fourteenth century MS. at Paris (Batine, No. 425) as
Epitaphium Dantis factum a sc ipso. So that the tradition seems certainly older than
Fraticelli believes.

•» Cum. Anal. ii. pp. 58, 59.

1888 THE TOMB OF DANTE 647

One word as to the evidence of MSS. in respect of the reading
of line 5. As it stands on the tomb it reads : —

patriis extorris ah oris,

Patriis is the usual reading, but I have found propriis in three
manuscripts (including the interesting Bodleian MS. in which the
verses are assigned to B. de Canatro) as against patriis in eighteen
manuscripts, and longis in one manuscript. As to the word extorris
there is also a good deal of doubt. I have found extorris in three
MSS., extents in seventeen; externusy in two; ejectus, in one (that
one being the same Bodleian MS.) ; expulsus, in one.

Mortara, in his Catalogue, ingeniously suggests that perhaps
Bembo intentionally softened ejectus, which appears in the copy
assigned to Canatro, into extorris, out of regard to the feelings of
the people of Florence. If this were accepted, we might probably
imagine a similar consideration having prompted the alteration of
propriis of the same manuscript into patriis. The combination
propriis ejectus of the Bodleian MS. is certainly more uncom-
promisingly severe than any other. The curious word extents, so
generally found, has probably arisen from an early omission to
supply the mark of abbreviation indicating an omitted n ; so that
the word would in that case stand simply for externus. It might
be suggested, too, that it . was merely the Latin word exterus, em-
ployed with that disregard of quantity which is common in barbarous
mediaeval versification ; but its preservation in the familiar and little-
changed Italian word estero would have been likely to protect it
from such a use.

To sum up this long discussion very briefly, I think the most
probable conclusion from this tangle of conflicting statements and
conjectural inferences is as follows : —

For twenty years or more after Dante's burial the tomb bore no
inscription.

Then Boccaccio selected the epitaph of Del Virgilio on its
intrinsic merits, and either on this account, or on some other (such
as the reputation of its author), it was set up about the middle of the
fourteenth century, or perhaps a little later (unless we feel bound to
accept as final the statement of the doubtful chapter in G. Villani) .
Before the middle of the fifteenth century, the other epitaph, * Jura
Monarchiae,' &c., was inscribed, either in addition to or substitution
for it ; and on the restoration of the tomb by Bembo the former
was finally superseded by the latter, which remains there to this
day, with the addition to the right and to the left of the chapel of
the two later inscriptions, as has been already explained.

3. We pass on now to the most interesting and extraordinary epi-
sode connected with the tomb of Dante, viz. the discovery of his actual
bones — and that, strange to say, not in his tomb — on 27 May 1865.

648 THE TOMB OF DANTE Oct.

On this memorable day, some workmen were engaged in remov-
ing a portion of a wall in the chapel of Braccioforte, an outlying
chapel of the Franciscan church abutting upon the Strada Dante
on one side, and upon a small graveyard on the other, and only a
few paces to the west of the mausoleum of Dante. On removing
some bricks, by which an ancient doorway had been blocked up,
some of which by their projection interfered with the action of a
new pump handle (so trivial and accidental was the cause of all
that followed !), the workmen came upon a rude and much-decayed
wooden chest. This partially fell to pieces, disclosing some human
bones, and also the following words rudely written in ink, on the
floor, so to speak, of the chest : —

Dantis Ossa

Denuper revisa die 8 Junii

1677.

On further examination an inscription similarly written was dis-
covered on one of the outer planks of the chest, as follows : —

Dantis Ossa
A me Ffe Antonio Santi

hie posita
Ano 1677 Die 18 Octobris.

The skeleton was found to be complete with the exception of a few
small bones.

It naturally then became a matter of the highest interest to
examine the sarcophagus in the chapel, in which the remains were
generally supposed to lie. The writer met, a few years ago, one
who was present on this most interesting occasion, and who had
carried away, and still preserved as a relic, a small portion of
the precious dust which was found at the bottom of the tomb.
This examination took place on 7 June 1865, and the tomb was then
found to be empty, with the exception of a little earthy or dusty
substance and a few bones corresponding with most of those missing
in the chest recently discovered, and these were certified by the
surgeon present to belong undoubtedly to the same skeleton. There
were found in it also a few withered laurel leaves, which possess a
special interest in reference to the description of Dante's burial
to which we have already referred. It contained further some
broken fragments of Greek marble, of the same material as the
sarcophagus itself. These were soon found to proceed from a rude
hole which had been knocked through the material of the sarco-
phagus at the back, precisely at the part accessible only from the
inside of the monastery, through which, beyond all doubt, the
removal of the bones had been effected. This hole had been
stopped up with bricks and cement and then plastered over outside,
so as to leave no mark. Finally the skull found in the chest or

1888 THE TOMB OF DANTE 649

box was very carefully examined and measured by the surgeons,
and it was found exactly to correspond in the most minute
particulars with the mask taken from Dante's face immediately
after his death, which had been brought from Florence for the
purpose of making this comparison. A cast of this mask the
Dante Society at Oxford is fortunate enough to possess, through
the kindness of the late Baron Kirkup.

Three questions naturally occur. 1. When was this pious theft
effected ? 2. What was its motive ? 3. Did no suspicion of it
previously exist ?

1. It will be observed that while the words of an outside inscrip-
tion indicate clearly the date at which the chest was deposited in its
final resting-place, the words on the inside, denuper revisa, * revisited
anew,' appear to imply that the bones had been abstracted from their
sepulchre some time before, and they would also seem to indicate a
repeated and perhaps periodical official inspection of the precious
deposit. It is of course impossible to say how long the relics may
have been kept hidden somewhere in the monastery, between their
first removal and final reinterment. It may have been for many
years, or even possibly for several generations of Frati, the perilous
secret being rigidly kept by the brethren, and probably only intrusted
to a very few who were in authority. It is interesting to note that
the documents of the monastery show this Antonio Santi to have
occupied just such an official position at this time. He is, in fact,
recorded as chancellor of the confraternity first in 1672, and con-
tinued to hold that office till after 1677, the date above mentioned.
He afterwards became warden in 1700 and died in 1703.

Till comparatively recent times a significant tradition prevailed
among the Frati (how far understood by a few initiated we cannot
say) that ' in the chapel of Braccioforte lay hid a great treasure,'
Conti, writing in 1865, mentions that relatives of the last warden
of the monastery still survived who had frequently heard him repeat
these words.

It will be observed that the date we are considering (viz. 1677)
preceded by a very few years the second restoration, by Cardinal
Cor si in 1692. It seems clear from ample documentary evidence
that that restoration extended to the walls of the chapel only, and
that he did not touch the sarcophagus itself. Had he done so, the
removal of the bones would have been at once found out. It is
probable that the extreme sensitiveness of the monks as to the inter-
ference with the tomb by others, and their violent resistance to it,
which has been already described, were prompted by a fear lest the
terrible discovery might be made. The great secret must certainly
then have been burning in the breasts of some of them. In fact,
Fra Antonio himself, who lived till 1703, was still on the spot,
and in high authority at the moment. He could not forget, I am

650 THE TOMB OF DANTE Oct.

sure, the damaging evidence of his recent handwriting on the chest,
should the truth come out, and no doubt looked on very nervously
as the good Cardinal Corsi, guarded by his forty policemen, worked
on night and day, little suspecting that he was adorning a cenotaph.

2. Next as to our second question, which is, of course, very
closely connected with the first, viz. the probable motive for this
strange act. One can suggest two not unlikely motives. One, the
fear lest the coveted treasure, the pride of all Italy, should ever be
removed to some more distinguished resting-place. Documents still
exist which show that at least on three several occasions the people of
Florence had the effrontery, if I may so say, to make such a demand :
first on 23 Dec. 1396, secondly on 1 Feb. 1429, and thirdly (and
this was no doubt a very formidably supported demand) on 20 Oct.
1519, when Leo X was pressed to transfer the poet's remains to
Florence, the petition being backed among others by Michelangelo,
who appended to his signature these cogent words : offerendomial divin
poeta fare la sepolturay nuova, condecente, e in loca onorevole in questa
Citta, It is interesting also to note among the other signatures to this
document,^^ that of Petrus Franciscus Portinarius, one whose family
name Dante had immortalised in the person of Beatrice Portinari.
Of course that danger had long passed in 1677, which, however, be
it remembered, is merely the date of the Jinal reinterment or im-
murement, and not necessarily, or even probably, that of the
original abstraction of the remains ; and whether any similar fresh
demands were made or mooted nearer the time in question there is
no evidence, and probably, therefore, this was not the case. Another
suggestion that might be made is this. The outbreak of jealousy
between the Frati and the municipality in 1692, though there were
good reasons then for its special intensity, probably indicates the
existence of an earlier and longstanding difference. This is not likely
to have been the first time that such disputes had arisen, and the
Frati may well have resolved to put their rights beyond the reach of
rivalry by thus securing the disputed treasure for themselves, think-
ing, no doubt, that actual possession was the best form of legal right,
or, to borrow Dante's own language, ^6?aw^osi di se piu che d' un altro.

However, a very remarkable parallel case occurring in our own
day and in our own country enables and inclines me to believe
that the abstraction of the remains from the tomb may have taken
place even as long before as the time of the scare (which must have
been a most alarming one) caused by the threatened intervention,
so powerfully invoked, of Pope Leo X in 1519. It is true this
would involve the maintenance of the difficult secret of the con-
cealment of the remains in some hidden spot in the monastery,
whether above or below ground, for at least 150 years, before they
were finally walled up in the chapel of Braccioforte. Having

20 conti, p. 47.

I

I

1888 THE TOMB OF DANTE 651

regard, however, to the following facts, I should have no difficulty
in supposing that this may have been the case.

The allusion in * Marmion ' (Canto II, Stanza 14) to St. Cuthbert
is well known : —

There, deep in Durham's gothic shade,

His relics are in secret laid.

This refers to a tradition that St. Cuthbert's body was removed
from its tomb in Queen Mary's reign (or, as others say, in Henry
VIII's reign) and hidden in some secret spot in Durham Cathedral.

This is the tradition ; but the actual facts in connexion with
the tradition are very remarkable.

Among the members of the Benedictine order in England
(Durham, it will be remembered, having been a Benedictine
monastery) there are always three who claim to have definite
knowledge of some spot in Durham Cathedral in which a * treasure
is hidden.' Note the curiously exact correspondence in the form of
the tradition, where * a treasure is hidden ; ' they do not say St.
Cuthbert's body, but it is commonly supposed to refer to this.
Another idea is that it may refer to the rehquaries, &c., of the
ancient monastery. But, whether or no, the similarity of the cases
is very remarkable, for no doubt before the discovery of Dante's
body the meaning of the word ' treasure ' was equally ambiguous.

Whenever one of the three Benedictines dies, the survivors
elect another to take his place, and they are all of course sworn
to secrecy. Thus the secret is handed down, and so they declare
that it has been continuously handed down for more than 300
years, the brethren hoping for the time when they wiU come by
their own again.

The Dean and Chapter of Durham about twenty years ago,
thinking they had obtained some clue, excavated in three different
spots, but found nothing. The monks said that the Dean and
Chapter had not gone to the right spot ; but this the latter had
discovered for themselves, and it was unfortunately all that they
discovered.

Thus we have here an actual proof of the tenacity with which
a secret of the kind can be maintained for many generations,
without being either divulged or lost, which two dangers we may
regard as the Scylla and Charybdis of such traditional secrets.
On the whole, then, I think there could be no difficulty in supposing
that the remains had been secreted elsewhere than in the tomb
since the threatened intervention of Leo X, or thereabouts, or even,
it might be, for a still longer period. The opportunity for a safer
and more permanent place of deposit than before seemed to be
offered in 1677 by the blocking up of an old doorway, in the
middle of which the chest was accordingly immured in the position
in which it was recently discovered.

65^ THE TOMB OF DANTE Oct.

3. Finally, is there not any trace of a suspicion that something
was wrong during the last two centuries, just as after the discovery
of a new planet it is often found that observations of it have been
recorded before but have passed unnoticed ? Yes, there is. A very
strange story has been lately unearthed from the archives of
Eavenna, which is given by Conti (to whom, as well as to Cardoni,
I will here acknowledge once for all my indebtedness for my facts
and details). This is as follows : — In 1694 (just two years, it will
be observed, after the restoration by Cardinal Corsi) an escaped
prisoner who fled to the chapel in which was the mausoleum of Dante,
and claimed the right of asylum, was forcibly removed. A dispute
arose between the civil and ecclesiastical authorities, which was
ultimately referred to Eome. The archbishop of Eavenna con-
tended that the chapel was an integral part of the sacred enclosure,
and partook of the same privileges. The advocates of the munici-
pality met this by the contention that Dante had been declared a
heretic after his death [I suppose referring to the action of Cardinal
Poggetto already noticed, as I am not aware of any other grounds
for such an assertion] and consequently the presence of his remains
had deconsecrated the spot and caused it no longer to possess
the rights of asylum. The rejoinder of the monks to this argument
was very remarkable, and it is strange that it did not attract more
attention. They declared that the bones of Dante were no longer
in the chapel, and appealed to an inscription to be seen on the
walls to that effect. I am not aware of any other reference what-
ever to the existence (if it ever existed) of such an inscription.
Possibly it was temporarily put up to meet the circumstances. In
any case, the inscription on the recently discovered chest (1677)
shows the statement of the monks to have been strictly true, but
it is most strange that it should have been thus publicly made.
Witte thinks it characteristic of the age when Chiabrera and Marini
were the most admired models, that the monks should have pre-
ferred the advantage of securing their immunities to the glory of
being the custodians of Dante's remains. I think it is much more
probable, as I have said, that the removal of the relics was in the
first instance due to extreme anxiety for their security, and that,
on this occasion, the cunning monks, knowing that they had the
precious treasure in perfectly safe custody, beyond the reach of
either friends or foes, were not unwilling to take advantage of the
circumstance to secure a legal triumph. It does, however, seem
most remarkable, that such a statement should have produced
no sensation, and that it should not, apparently, have led to any
further investigation.

Then again, after another interval of about seventy years, in
1768, one Lovillot (a feigned name I believe) once more began

1888 THE TOMB OF DANTE 653

spargere voces in vulgum amUguas, and published a statement that
of six illustrious persons whose tombs the people of Eavenna
claimed to possess, not one was quite rightly claimed {nessuno di
loro vi ha effettivamente la sepoltura), and, though he added that
he could not deny that Dante was buried in Eavenna, yet it was
not in the chapel, as supposed by the citizens of Eavenna, but
somewhere in the church of S. Francesco in cui si deve cercare
il suo tumulo. This statement was, of course, vigorously assailed,
promptly denied, and entirely refuted, to the complete satisfaction
of the Accademia Arcivescovile di Ravenna, in April of the same
year. In short, (as Livy says) Hoc primum, velut temere jacturriy
sperni coeptum est, and so no action was taken in the matter. But
in 1780, twelve years later, on the occasion of Cardinal Gonzaga's
restoration, the opportunity of verification was offered and could
scarcely be declined. What happened then is very significant.
The tomb was opened, by authority, in the presence of a few selected
witnesses, who were previously sworn to absolute secrecy as to what
they might see [or not see]. An official document was published
in the following significantly obscure and studiously vague terms :
vi si rinvenne cib che era necessario per non dubitarne (!) (* There
resulted that which was needful to remove all doubt.') One wonders
that this curious diplomatic feat could have served to conceal
rather than to reveal the suspected and dreaded truth. Probably it
was a case in ^hioh populus vult decipi et decipitur. Conti (p. 42) also
mentions a very curious discovery lately made by some one who
was ferreting among the books of the suppressed Franciscan
monastery. On the flyleaf of a mass book the following anony-
mous entry was found, which, as will be seen from the date,
evidently refers to the last restoration, by Cardinal Gonzaga : * 1 Aug.
1780. — The sepulchre of Dante was taken down and entirely
rebuilt . . .' Then follow details as to the architect and the ex-
penses, &c., and the note proceeds as follows : — * The coffin (cassa)
was opened and nothing ivas found within. It was sealed up
again with the cardinal's seal, and strict silence was observed as to
everything,' &c. The writer, though anonymous, invites a compari-
son of his handwriting for identification with the archives of the
fraternity, stating that he was then sacristan. The writing has
since been identified in accordance with this suggestion of the
writer.

So ends this strange and most interesting history, for such
it must be admitted to be, however imperfectly it may have been
now narrated. Thus it came about by a most singular and almost
dramatic coincidence, that on the very eve of the sexcentenary
celebration of the poet's birth, probably within a day or two of the
anniversary of his actual birthday, and in the midst of the prepara-

654

THE TOMB OF DANTE

Oct.

tions for the great commemorative festival, the chapel of Braccio-
forte yielded up the * great treasure ' which for wellnigh 200 years
it had so effectually guarded.

E. Moore.

Note. — It should be explained that the quotations throughout from
Boccaccio's * Life of Dante ' are taken from an edition which happened to
be at hand, viz., that of Didot, Paris, 1884. I find that this contains the
particular forms or recensions of the Vita known as the Compendio, though
it is in several places fuller than the so-called Vita Intera. The relation
between these two (and other) different recensions of the Vita that have
come down to us is a very curious and still unsolved literary problem.

•

I

ill

1888 655

Elizabethan Preshyterianism

IN the history of English dissent there is one name that presents
especial difficulty and has been the cause of much confusion in
the minds of students. That name is * Preshyterianism,' and it
is to be desired that a more correct nomenclature should be
adopted by writers on the subject. Preshyterianism as a church
system rightly and rigidly implies (1) a disciplinary system in the
parish ; (2) a church system of graduated meetings, classes, synods,
&c. This system in its entirety is not to be met with at any
particular point of English history. There have been two occa-
sions on which a section of English dissent did favour a Pres-
byterian system pure and simple. It is proper to speak of a
presbyterian party under Elizabeth and during the civil wars, but
not in the way in which they are usually spoken of; and the tem-
porary existence of these two parties should not be made the ground
of the employment of the name in the later history of dissent without
some qualifying explanatory phrase. A more correct nomenclature
would be this : for the first period (;»ttd^rEii^abeth), the name Ehza-
bethan preshyterianism, or Cajrwrighnsm ,-\ for the second period
(during the wars), civil war, p covenant, yresbyterianism ; for the
third period (subsequent to I the Savo^f/^nference and the act of
uniformity), EngHsh presbyterianisaa: As to this last nothing needs
to be said, since the principles of post-restoration dissent are suffi-
ciently understood. The employment of the former two names may
require vindication. Such a mode of distinction, then, is neces-
sary for a proper understanding of the beginnings of English dis-
sent. For the former two phenomena were sudden and temporary,
and it is wrong to suppose a continuity of a presbyterian party
through the latter part of the sixteenth century and the first half
of the seventeenth hingeing itself on to the preshyterianism of
post-restoration times.

The object of this paper is to prove this assertion with regard to
the first period, viz. Elizabethan times.

The phenomenon of Cartwrightism stands out from the history
of Elizabethan dissent as an abrupt expansion with a distinctly
separate genesis, and effective of no results except in so far as it

656- ELIZABETHAN PRESBYTERIANISM Oct.

influenced the beginnings of independent separation. In a history
of English dissent, that other name, puritanism, is to be taken as
the original basis of all forms of dissent. It is a principle, a
spirit ; presbyterianism, independency, the vestiarian scruples, are
particular embodiments of it at particular points of time. The
course of the English reformation was determined by authority ;
individual fervour went beyond the limits prescribed by that
authority, and demanded more thoroughness of reformation and
greater purification. This is the essence of puritanism — a spiritual
perception simply. All the forms in which this principle has been
at various times embodied were evolved in opposition. Authority
acting from political motives demanded uniformjQTCUp i^ the
beginnings of the disturbances at Cambridge witH CartwrightJ and
to the appearance of the ' Admonition to parliameiit^^Jhe^^t^m of
Puritan dissent flowed steadily in the channel of protest to the
vestments and ceremonies, and it continued so to flow under the
explosion of Cartwrightism. The course of the vestiarian contro-
versy cannot here be dwelt upon. Presbyterianism under Elizabeth
adopted all the elements of dissent enunciated by it ; but these
are not of the essence of Cartwrightism. The question had suddenly
become one as to a church system. I say suddenly, for in the
whole of the Zurich letters and Parker correspondence covering the
period 1559-70 there are only two letters that start other grounds
of controversy than the vestments and ceremonies, and that only as
a matter of speculative opinion (Zurich Letters, 2nd series, pp. 156
and 149).

The operative impulse in this unexpected departure was from
Geneva, and the immediate agent Thomas Cartwright. Both he and
Travers visited Geneva. The movement that these men inaugu-
rated proved finally to be temporary and inoperative; but it is
unmistakable that in opinion they were advocates of a pure presby-
terian system to a degree unapproached even by the Westminster
assembly. This may be seen from the following fact^^^cessary,
perhaps, to establish the character of the movement, f ^^

A supplication was presented to parHament in \1584, dn the
back of the copy of which Burghley has written ' Mr\Saj)apson's
book to the parliament.' It consists of a preface with tEirty-four
articles of petition. Three of these are as follows : —

X. That it shall be lawful for every pastor resident on his
charge, within six weeks after his induction to present to the
bishop, or his associates, four or more of the parish, such as shall
be thought of their age, wisdom, and godliness to be meet to be
associates and seniors to, and with the said pastor to govern the
said parish, to hear and order with him such quarrels, offences,
and disorders in life and manners as shall be among the same
parishioners.

I

1888 ELIZABETHAN PRESBYTERIANISM 657

XXVII. That by law severe punishment be appointed to be
laid upon them which do usually in swearing take the name of
God in vain, and upon blasphemers, common swearers, and per-
jured persons, as also upon common drunkards.

XXVIII. That it be not suffered that any married man do
hereafter put away his lawful wife, nor that any married wife do
depart from her husband upon their own private will and to live
separate. But that such perst)ns living separate be by law com-
pelled to bring their cause to be heard before some competent
judge, as the provincial synod, which may have authority to compel
them to live together. And that known adultery, and sufficiently
proved by two or three witnesses, may for ever after be punishable
by death.

The other point of the synodical arrangement demanded might
be illustrated from the same paper or from Cartwright, but it is
given most succinctly in a paper appended to vol. i. of Neal : * A
directory of church government anciently contended for, and, as far
as the times would allow, practised by the first nonconformists in
the days of Elizabeth.' This is Travers' * Disciplina Ecclesiae Sacra
ex Dei Verbo descripta ' published at Geneva in 1573, and printed in
English in 1584. This is the book that, according to Neal, was sub-
scribed by five hundred men all beneficed in the church of England.
The scheme of meetings as given here is this.

' Conferences are the meetings of the elders of a few churches, as,
e.g., of twelve. There are to meet in a conference chosen by the
eldership of every particular church one minister and one elder.
The conferences are to be kept once in six weeks. Two ministers
and two elders are to be sent from every conference to the provin-
cial synod. The same is to be held every half-year or oftener till
the discipline be settled. It is to be held three months before every
national synod, that they may prepare those things that pertain to
the national. The acts of the provincial synod are to be sent to the
national. A national synod or convention is a meeting of chosen men
of every province. The way to call it may be the same with the
provincial, i.e. by the eldership of some particular church. Out of
every provincial synod there are to be chosen three ministers and
as many elders to be sent to the national.'

Such were the opinions advocated. Now what is the history of
the movement ?

It started as an academic question at Cambridge.

In May or June 1570 Thomas Cartwright succeeded Dr. William
Chadderton in the Lady Margaret lecture. He read a few lectures
against the title and offices of archbishops and archdeacons, aoad in
favour of a primitive apostolical episcopacy, and was suspended.
The new statutes which Whitgift procured to pass in 1570 had given
the heads and vice-chancellor more power. Accordingly, though

VOL. III. — NO. XII. "u u

658 ELIZABETHAN PRESBYTERIANISM Oct.

this train of thought was started here, Cambridge did not become
the centre of the movement. It passed to London and seized the
body of the clergy, and the influence of Cartwrightism at Cambridge
is to be traced only in single individuals as they are brought under
notice by the repressive action of authority, e.g. Chark, Milayn,
Dering, Shepherd, Nicholas Browne. The strengtly7>f the move-
ment is not to be sought in the universities, but in a_secW)n of the
clergy. It became, and remained, a distinctly cle/ical movement.
Cartwright was deprived of his Trinity fellowship irl 1572. Me wen
abroad and officiated as minister in Antwerp and Mkldlgtmrgh, but
probably returned in time to take part in the publication of the
Admonition.

According to Bancroft's ' survey,' several persons had assembled
privately together in London, viz. Gilby, Sampson, Lever, Field,
Wilcox, and some others, Cartwright probably among the rest, and
then it was agreed that an admonition should be compiled and
offered to the approaching parliament. There was an immediate
outburst of enthusiasm for Cartwright and the cause he advocated.
He was secretly harboured in the city, received numerous visits and
presents, and was openly countenanced by many of the aldermen.
A combination was actulJly entered into to procure subscription to
the book, with promise to defend it to the death. Field and Wilcox
were at once put into Newgate, and in the following year an order J
was issued for the arrest m Cartwright. Even at Paul's Cross the I
new opinions were vented, and that too by men who a twelvemonth
before * had preached orthodox and conformable stuff.' What
materially helped the promulgation of these ideas among the j
clergymen was the institution of prophesying, the habit of associa- 1
tion it encouraged, and the system of * moderation.' There are f
even instances of a power of censure on the clergy being given to
these meetings, as at Chester under Bishop Chadderton, and again
under Freak, bishop of Norwich.* It is not to be supposed that
during these early years (i.e. from the publication of the admoni-
tion to the accession of Whitgift) there was a determined stand
made against the hierarchy by a part of the clergy which had
adopted a presbyterian model. These really never did come about,
but least of all before 1583 or later. During this time Lever lived
undisturbed in a hospital at Durham, and Sampson in one at
Leicester ; and when, several years after Travers, stood for the
mastership of the Temple, he was warmly seconded by Burghley to
Elizabeth, * so as he would show himself conformable to the orders
of the church, and this he ivas informed he icoidd he.' And this was
after Travers had published his * Disciplina Sacra ' at Geneva. The
position of these men is really difficult to estimate unless the one
essential difference between them and the separatists is borne in

' Strype, Annals, iv. 545-9, iv. 382, v. 695.

I

1888 ELIZABETHAN PRESBYTERIANISM 659

mind, viz. with regard to the allowing of the ministry of the church
of England. Barrow, in his ' Discovery of False Churches,' hurls
most fierce and intemperate invective against the presbyterian
party contemporary with himself for not coming out and forsaking
the church, taking that to be the only logical outcome of their
published opinion. But they did not take it so, and it seems pro-
bable that if Whitgift had not inaugurated his primacy by his
rigorous demand for subscription the history of presbyterianism
under Elizabeth would have been that of an opinion only that
lived and died without taking practical form as an institution or
an agitation. Before Whitgift's time there are very few traces of
the spread of these ideas. When one Harvey was suspended in
Norwich as a disowner of the bishop's jurisdiction, in 1576, he in-
dignantly threw out a challenge to the bishop and deans, ' We are
here not past half-a-dozen ; and if you dare — confer with us by
learning.' During this intermediate period, from the admonition
to 1584, advanced opinion was in an oscillating, uncertain state.
There was in the secular mind a growing impatience at the abuses
of the ecclesiastical courts, and every item of spiritual jurisdiction.
This finds expression in every one of Elizabeth's parliaments, but
with growing earnestness from 1584 onwards. In the clerical mind
the feeling was still more general and undecided. We have inex-
tricably confused and ill-defined among themselves the element of
the vestiarian controversy, of puritanism proper, and nascent pres-
byterianism. The onlv-imnediate articulation of this weltering
mass of opinion is agaWfih^ abuses of the spiritual jurisdiction
and the state of the ministry-— its ' dumb dogs.'

Grindal died 6 JuIy 1583, and on 23 Sept. following John
Whitgift was confirmed\archbisiiop. In the same year ' divers
good articles ' were drawn \fLajid received the royal assent. They
demanded subscription to the celebrated three articles relating to the
supremacy, the common prayer-book, and the articles of 1562 as
a condition * to preach, read, catechise, or execute any other eccle-
siastical function, by what authority soever admitted thereto.'

Such action of authority has always a very decisive formulating
effect upon parties. Mere objectors to the ceremonies were forced
into silence or quietly left the ministry. It may be, some moie
timid were kept back from the adoption of more advanced opinions
or relinquished! them; but in others those opinions were strength-
ened by opposition and within a few years from this point took
practical form^ That it did so is due to Whitgift. In Kent alone
{ nineteen ministers whose names are preserved did not subscribe.
J Burghley took a note of their opinions, and we find one of their
objections to the common prayer-book to be that * the book allows
to the clergy a superiority [i.e. a hierarchy] and establisheth not the
authority of the eldership.' In the Chicegter diocese eight names

TT U 2

660

ELIZABETHAN PR'ESBYTERIANISM

Oct.

are given as refusing, * among others,' to subscribe. According to
statistics drawn up in the following year for Whitgift, out of 835
clergymen returned, forty-nine were recusants. Absolutely, these
figures are not of value (especially the last, which are greatly to be
distrusted), except as indicating a premature hardening and deli-

dtation. The general result was an accentuation of feeling. This
immediately visible in the articles of petition presented by the
"^onVmons to the lords on the next meeting of parliament, November
1584. These articles concern a learned ministry, pluralities and non-

jsr^ence, excommunication, the enforcement of subscription beyond
the law, and an assistance to the bishop in ordination. With the
exception of this last point, the articles are what we generally find
in parliament, but much stronger and more incisive. But notice
the parallel action of the party we are dealing with. Tr avers' book
was reviewed, in expectation, says Strype (with much ungenerous
exaggeration), that the government of the church by archbishops,
bishops, &c., and the book of common prayer would be laid aside.
The reviewed book contained a new platform of ecclesiastical
government agreeable to that of Geneva, and a new form of common
prayer, * and now at parliament time out starteth the book with
great glory.'

I shall have occasion to refer shortly to the caution with which
statements both of Neal and Strype as to this presbyterianism are
to be received. But briefly let it be understood that Strype ex-
aggerates their state of efficient preparedness at any single point of
time, and antedates by some years their actual organising. At this
very time Sparke and Travers held a two days' conference with
Whitgift (to which reference will be made below) ; and it is impossible
that irreconcilable presbyterians could have been satisfied with pre-
ferring the points they did. There had not previously existed an
organised presbyterian party. It was not organised at this time.
This is the time of its formulation. Hitherto there had been a
floating, oscillating mass of dissent, called, let us say, puritanism,
and withal a set of opinions advocating presbyterianism disseminated
only, as yet only published opinion. Now these opinions are taken
up by a section of that puritanism, and within three or four years
a (partially) organised presbyterian faction emerges. The course of
events from 1584 to 1587 is hidden in darkness. There is no doubt the
process was secret. All the members who embraced presbyterianism
and were in the church remained in it. When Cartwright returned
from the Netherlands, in 1585, he applied to Whitgift through his
patron Leicester for a license for preaching, * having professed and
protested to him, the said earl, to take no other course in the dis-
charge of his duty (at the earl's hospital at Warwick), but to draw
all men to the unity of the church.' At the same time Travers
was at the Temple, and preferring charges of unsound doctrine

i

1888 ELIZABETHAN PRESBYTERIANISM 661

against Hooker. The presbyterians were in reality sanguine as yet
of accomplishing their end by peaceful parliamentary means. It
appears from the depositions made in 1591 that a regular system of
espionage and prompting was adopted in regard to parliament. It
was not until 1587 or 1588, four years after this time, that the
book of discipline (Travers' ' Disciphn^ reviewed) was subscribed
by a party of ministers.^ y7) \

Strype's account is this. /'The vigour with which the lower
house in these two parliaments (1584-6) pressed the bringing a new
government and another bookW public/religious worship must be
attributed in a great measure iJQjh^/new disciplinarian ministers,
twenty-four in all, who in two classes (as they called their meetings
for religious matters), one in Warwick and another in Northampton,
had subscribed the book called the " Holy Discipline of the Church
described in the Word of God." '

Neal's account is more circumstantial still. * We have mentioned
their private classes in Essex, Warwickshire, Northampton, and other
parts in which their book being revised was subscribed by the several
members in these words ' — (then follows the form, &c.). Neal gives
the names of forty-nine subscribers, and adds, * and others to the
number of above 500, all beneficed within the church of England,
useful preachers, of unspotted lives and character.' The discrepancy
between the date I assign for this subscription and the dates of
the parliaments mentioned by Strype will of course be observed. I
shall explain it shortly. But there is something still more misleading
in both these accounts, namely, the word ' classes.' This is a mis-
nomer that originated with Strype, and was copied from him by Neal.
There is a similar wrong use of a name in the phrase ' the presbytery
at Wandsworth,' absurdly accounted the beginning of English pres-
byterianism. This latter phrase originated with Heylyn, who has
charged Korah, Dathan, and Abiram with presbyterianism. But
it is absurd. This latter is to be taken as simply a separatist con-
jugation— a creation of the moment, and standing independent, and
one which could not easily take any other form. In the same way,
these meetings that Strype, and after him Neal, call classes are only
extraordinary general secret meetings. There was not any attempt
at a classical system before 1587. There is no trace of it before
that time, and then it was only partial and tentative.

Heylyn gives the account of such a meeting as the above (' Aerius
Eedivivus,' p. 192) : — * A meeting of sixty ministers out of Essex,
Cambridge, Norfolk, was held at Corkvil (Knewstubb's place) to
confer about certain passages of the common prayer book — what
might be tolerated, what refused,' &c.^ The numbers of this meeting

- For the proof of this assertion, see below, p. 666.

' This entry is indicative of the untrustworthiness of these authorities in some of
their dates. Heylyn says, ' Cartwi'ight so far prevailed that in the first year after hia

o&Z

ELIZABETHAN PRESBYTERIANISM

Oct.

and the absence of lay elders preclude the idea of this being a classis,
even if this fact were not certain from the positive conclusions we are
able to draw from the depositions of 1591 as to the extent to which the
classical system was erected and as to the real date of the (partial)
erection of them.

The form of the subscription itself betrays the tentative and
inchoate nature of the movement even at this late date. *We
acknowledge and confess the same to be agreeable to God's most
holy word, and we affirm it to be the same which we desire to be
established in this church, by prayer to God, and humble suit to the
council and parliament, and by all other lawful and convenient
means, to further, so far as the law and peace of the church will
suffer it.' All that remains of history of Elizabethan presby-
terianism is comprised in the next four or five years. The climax
is a rapid one, and then ambiguous darkness comes over the
subject. Hitherto these men had proposed, and actually and
strictly observed, regard for the national peace and unity of the
church. The exasperation caused by continual repression had
broken the bond of this respect, and the defeat of the Spaniards
removed the deterrent plea for national unity. The counsel
of Snecam was that if the magistrate could not be induced to
erect the system by their persuasion, they ought to erect it them-
selves, * because it is better to obey God than man.' ' In this point,'
says another of them, * we have dolefully failed, which now or never
stands us in hand to prosecute without staying for parliament,
where bishoply adversaries bear the greatest sway in God's matters.'

The resolution was carried out. The year of the Armada is
marked by numerous secret classical meetings, and the next by
the Marprelate tracj;^;r>^^^

For some time/the meetings went on undiscovered. It was not
until the middle oi[ 1590 that some of the ministers in Warwick and
Northampton were sunamoned before the ecclesiastical commission.
Articles were exhibited against them by Whitgift on 16 July, and
against Cartwright in particular on 1 September. They refused
the oath ex officio, and were remanded to the Fleet and other
prisons. In the following May (1591) they were brought before the
Star Chamber. The result here was as small, for shortly after
Cartwright was before some of the ecclesiastical commission at the

return . . . this meeting was held May 1582.' Now, in 1582 Cartwright was preaching
to the English congregation at Antwerp, and did not return till 1585. Neal prepos-
terously puts the same meeting under the year 1576. Both these errors arise from a
misconception of the nature of the meetings themselves. I suspect that Strype has
got his number of twenty-four (in the passage quoted above) from a calculation of two
classes with twelve men each. But though twelve is the proper number for a classis
according to the scheme, it appears from the depositions of 1591 that that number
was never observed or reached in fact. This again is the result of Strype's miscon-
ception with regard to the meetings.

1888 ELIZABETHAN PRESBYTERIANISM 663

bishop of London's house. They lay in prison through the winter
of 1591-2.

Whether the prosecution was mainly for the eliciting of infor-
mation, or failed of its vindictive purposes from lack of proveable
charges, is uncertain. But some papers of the classes had been
seized some time before, and at last several of the defendants were
induced to take the oath ex officio, and answer on the queen's
behalf. These were Henrys Alory (fellow of St. John's), T.
Edwards, Ed. Littleton, J. Johnson, T. Barbar, Hercules Cleavely,
and Anthony Nutter*

Their depositions are very important. I shall copy out so much
of them as will show the real^ nature of the movement.

Being examined, whether the defendants have treated that if
the magistrate after petition made for the establishment of the dis-
cipline in question shall still regret that these, the ministers,
may allure the people to put it in practice as they may, and use
other means for the establishment thereof :

Eight of the deponents answer they know of no such thing.
John Johnson saith the classis of Northampton concluded that the
brethren should privately practise the discipline, and by preaching
and persuasion should draw others thereto.

Examined, what meetings of ministers have at any time been
called; classes, conferences, assemblies, or synods for ordinary
debating, and concluding how the discipline may be advanced and
practised :

Mr. Littleton saith that anno (15)88 and 89, Mr. Snape,
Proudlove, Stone, and others met at Northampton, in the house of
Mr. Snape and Johnson, at divers times, about the advancement and
practice of the discipHne in question, which meeting was called
classis, wherein they used to agree of the time of their next
meeting without any other calling.

John Johnson says that about three years past the ministers of
Northampton divided themselves into three classes, wherein Mr.
Snape was of one, Mr. King and Mr. Proudlove of another, and
Stone of another, which three classes agreed to observe the fore-
said decrees till the * Treatise of Discipline ' came forth. ^ Thomas
Stone confesseth a meeting of Mr. Cartwright, Stone, and others
at Cambridge about one or two years past, where the treatise of
discipline was perfected, and a voluntary subscription agreed on.

Examined, what meetings and conferences the defendants have
had about the discipline or any other ecclesiastical matters, or
against the government established :

John Johnson saith that the three foresaid classes sending two
men from each of them made another meeting, which they called an

* There were certain articles in it which were scrupled and had been recommitted
ior examination.

664 ELIZABETHAN PRESBYTERIAN ISM Oct.

assembly, kept usually every six weeks, sometimes in Snape's house.
In which assembly the treatise of discipline was not handled, but
other things generally concerning the church, as writing of letters,
commonly committed to Mr. Snape. In that assembly they con-
cluded to make a survey of the ministers of that shire, and that
every classis should send one or two to parliament, who, joining
with others, should offer disputation, or undertake any other matter
which should be determined.

Examined, whether in time of the assembly of the defendants
there was a moderator, and how chosen, and what was his office :

Wm. Perkins saith that in the foresaid meeting there was a
moderator who propounded questions and noted opinions and
reasons.

John Johnson saith that in the foresaid meeting, after prayer,
a moderator was chosen by scrutiny. This moderator used to call
the meeting as occasion required, and ruled the same. At the
breaking up of the classis meeting they appointed a time for the
next, commonly two or three weeks after.

Examined, which of them came with fiduciary letters and man-
dates from their conferences, they have not therein to say ; only
T. Barbar indefinitely saith some of the defendants had such
letters.

The conclusion of this affair is somewhat uncertain. The
prisoners seem to have been released in the course of the next year
on a promise of quiet and peaceable behaviour. Cartwright was
restored to the hospital at Warwick.

From this point, the data concerning this party are very meagre,
doubtless because there was very little transacted. The history of
Elizabethan presbyterianism is in fact at its close. The party had
received its death-blow from two sides at once. On the one side
the attitude of Barrow and Greenwood was more severely logical,
and the bitter invective which Barrow hurls at the presbyterians
for enunciating principles the logical conclusions of which they
were afraid to draw, did much to make the presbyterians pause.
However many disciples Barrowism and the earlier forms of separa-
tion did make from presbyterianism, their work in driving advanced
puritans or presbyterians back into the church of England was
still more fatal to presbyterianism. A similar effect is to be attri-
buted to the Marpr elate libels.

On the other hand, the action of authority had been decisive.
The execution of Barrow and Greenwood, and the prosecutions in
connexion with the Marprelate tracts, together with the severe act
of 1593, were very effective in dislodging the more unquiet spirits.
It is in 1593 that the separatist emigration to Holland begins.

But what makes most for the assertion that Elizabethan presby-
terianism collapsed at this point is the nature of the movement

1888 ELIZABETHAN PRESBYTERIANISM 665

itself. For a long time it had been simply a system of opinion ;
then it was attempted to be put in action secretly. Now, apart
from the fact that a system which claims to replace a national
system as being itself one equally national, cannot exist in secret,
it is evident from those depositions already referred to that this
presbyterianism never extended beyond the voluntary association of
certain clergymen of three or four counties. Let me again quote
from these depositions.

Examined, whether the matters of the church had been so
handled as of a classis, in a classical and of the province in a
provincial :

They all say they know of no such thing.

Examined, what appeals have been made from a less to a greater
assembly :

They all say they know of no such thing.

Examined, what church hath called a provincial or general
assembly, and whether the orders therein have been registered,
and by whom :

T. Stone saith the moderator gathered the matter into a book
or loose paper ; the rest can say no such thing.

Examined, what censures of the treatise of discipline have been
executed, they all say none. Yet Mr. Stone saith he knoweth
nothing hereof, only of a voluntary admonition to Mr. Johnson.

But John Johnson saith they practised no censure of the treatise
of discipline, but had a secret kind of excommunication for an
interim, viz. an elder should admonish the defender ; then if he
heard not, the elder should take two others with him, whom if he
heard not, the minister should hold him from the communion by
warrant of the common prayer book.

Examined, whether any were examined, elected, or ordained by
order of that book, they all say no.

But John Johnson saith, by hearsay, that Mr. Proudlove
renounced his calling from the bishops and took another from the
classis, as also Mr. Park did.

Examined, whether any part of the eldership was put in use,
they all say no.

Thomas Stone saith many gave voice which never subscribed,
and he knew of no letters fiduciary.

Cleavely and Nutter say voice was given by divers in the con-
ference that had not subscribed.

Examined of the meaning of the defendants' meeting, they say
it was by pure voluntary consent among themselves as might best
stand with their several businesses.

Examined, whether the defendants used to meet in conferences
and synods classical, provincial, and national, according to the order
set down in the book, they answer No : but that the meetings

666 ELIZABETHAN PRESBYTERIANISM Oct.

were free by a voluntary consent as their businesses and occasion
suffered.

Examined y they deny that the defendants did ever elect, ordain,
or confirm any minister, elder, or deacon, or did practise authority
of the eldership, or censured any by suspension, excommunication,
or civil punishment whatsoever, or made or received any appeals
from lower to greater assemblies.

Now alongside of these depositions are to be placed two very
striking facts : 1. The course of the conference at Lambeth in 1584
between Whitgift on the one side and Dr. Sparke and Travers on
the other. The heads of that conference do not contain a single
mention of church government or discipline ; and yet this was more
than ten years after Travers had written his * Disciplina.'

2. Every one of the four leaders of the puritans at the Hampton
Court conference subscribed to the book of discipline in 1587 or
1888. Now at the Hampton Court conference all that was de-
manded under the heads of discipline was this : —

a. That they of the clergy should have meetings once every
three weeks, first in rural deaneries, and therein to have prophe-
sying.

^, That such things as could not be resolved on there might be
referred to the archdeacon's visitation.

7. From thence to the episcopal synod, where the bishop with
his presbyters should determine all such points as before could not
be decided.

Now these are not the demands of determined devotees of
presbyterianism. It cannot but be concluded that these men had
receded from their previous position.

Cart Wright himself died peaceably in the bosom of the church.

* Now of late years,' writes a certain Cranmer, * the heat of men
towards the discipline is greatly decayed ; their judgments begin to
sway on the other side. The learned have weighed it and found it
light ; wise men have conceived some fear lest it prove not the best
kind of government, but the very bane and destruction of all govern-
ment.'

Circumstances had proved too strong for this feeble movement,
and the want of an organiser had told with deadly effect on it ; for
Cartwright was a mere student. But probably of more account
than all this is the nature of the time of the last decade of Eliza-
beth's reign. Under the influence of Bancroft a change was com-
ing over the church, and above all, under the influence of the
Sabbatarian controversy and of the controversy as to reproba-
tion, a change was coming over puritanism. The directly evange-
lical and practical character of this puritanism of the succeeding
period turned the energy which had wasted itself over the vestiarian
and presbyterian controversy into a more fruitful channel. The

1888 ELIZABETHAN PRESBYTERIAN ISM 667

mission of tliis puritanism was the staying the current of seven-
teenth-century immorality.

Whatever the cause, it is plain — and this is the only point that I
am here concerned to establish — that Elizabethan presbyterianism
ends here ; and when again in the history of English dissent presby-
terianism is advocated, it is not the same nor a descendant of the
same, but the outcome under exceptional circumstances of puri-
tanism, not of Cartwrightism.^

Wm. a. Shaw.

* There is one great (apparent) obstacle to the establishment of this point of the
subsidence of Elizabethan presbyterianism into puritanism on the one side and into
separation on the other. In the controversies of the reigns of James I and Charles I
the separatists charge the English puritans with opinions on church government
that are incompatible with the English church settlement. The charge was quite
commonly made by both churchmen and independents. But on careful examination
the charge will turn out to be an anachronism, and the obstacle to be something
the very reverse.

The most elaborate of these attacks is Canne's • Necessity of Separation proved by
the Nonconformist's Principles.'

This appeared at Amsterdam in 1634, and therefore would seem to charge with
presbyterian predilections the puritans of the period between the presbyterianism of
Elizabeth and that of the Westminster assembly. Let us see.

In section i., chapter i., he gives a scheme of the true ministry of Christ according
to the statements of nonconformists as follows : —

1. In the church ; pastors, doctors, elders, deacons, widows — no more, no less.

2. Election of these by free choice of the congregation.

3. Ordination to be by the hands of the eldership.

Now what are the authorities which Canne himself gives for this scheme ? I take
them consecutively as he gives them.

1. Necessity of Discipline. — This was published in 1574.

2. A Christian and Modest Offer of a Conference. — This is probably Henry Jacob's
of 1606. It is almost certain that Jacob had passed into the ranks of the independents
before this. This tract contains sixteen propositions laid down as offered to be main-
tained, of which the eighth reads thus : * The pastor alone ought not to exercise
ecclesiastical jurisdiction over his church, but others ought to be joined in commission
with him by the assignment of the same church ; neither ought he and they to perform
any main and material ecclesiastical act without the free consent of the congregation.'
Jacob's conversion to independency may with great probability be dated about 1604.

3. CartwrigU 1 ^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^ comment.

4. The First Admonition j

5. The Demonstration of Discipline. — This is Udall's demonstration, and belongs to
the Cartwright presbyterian epoch.

6. Defence of Godly Ministers (against . . . D Bridges). — This is Fenner's tract,
and belongs to the same period.

7. Defence of Discipline. — (A defence of the ecclesiastical discipline ordained of
God to be used in his church.) Appeared anonymously 1588.

8. A Learned Discourse of Ecclesiastical Government. — Henry Jacob's, of 1584.

9. Dr. Ames, De Conscientia et ejus Jure vel Casibus, 16301 independents.

10. Bradshaw, English Puritanism, 1604 J

Thus these quotations as to government are from Cartwright-presbyterian writers
who had died out by the time of Canne, or from independents, who of course are not
in the question. If Canne had authorities for this charge contemporary with himself,
why has he not produced them ?

668 Oct.

The Battle of Naseby

IT would appear that historians have hitherto ignored, or at least
overlooked, one of the main factors which contributed to the
success of the army of the parliament at this the nwst decisive action
that took place during the course of the first Civil War. The disparity
in numbers of the two armies engaged is the factor to which refer-
ence is made, and although the usually accurate Sprigg has stated
that such a disparity did not exist, which statement has been
accepted and followed by later historians, it can be shown, I think,
by analysing and comparing the statements of other contemporaries,
that a very considerable preponderance of force existed on the side
of the parliament.

In an investigation of this kind it may be laid down, as a general
rule, in the consideration of statements and estimates which are
often at variance one with another, that the tendency of each
partisan narrator is to magnify the forces of the opposite and to
minimise those of his own party. I propose to apply this rule
while examining the evidence of the authorities who concern them-
selves with points relating to the constitution of the forces engaged
at Naseby. As dates are also important considerations in questions
of this kind, the scope of the inquiry may fitly include some period
of time before 14 June, the day on which the battle was fought.

To commence with the roj^al army. .

On 7 May the king left Oxford and commenced the campaign
which ended for him so disastrously. In the diary of Eichard
Symonds,^ a soldier who accompanied him from the beginning of
his march, among other notices and records are entered from time
to time numerous notes relating to the constitution of the forces
which followed the king. At the times that they were recorded
there could have existed, in the case of Symonds, no inducement to
misrepresent such matters, and the character of his entries must
therefore be considered to be above suspicion. On that account,
therefore, the diary is of great interest and importance. For the
present inquiry the following abstract from its pages will be
sufficient : —

' Quotation is made from the Camden Society reprint ; in the British Museum may'
be seen the original.

f

1888 THE BATTLE OF NASEBY 669

Wednesday, 7 May, to Friday, 9 May. Langdale joins the army
with 2,500 horse ; Astley joins the army with 3,300 foot ; Bard joins
the army with 300 foot, taken out of an abandoned garrison (Camden
House). On the other hand, however, Goring has left for the West
with 3,000 horse.

On this Friday (9 May) Symonds gives a detailed list of the
regiments of foot marching with the army. The amount is 5,300
men in all. A statement of 'horse ' is also made under the same
date, but it is not explicitly stated that the number given comprised
the whole of the horse. Whether or not it w^as so does not matter,
for later on in the diary a very definite muster roll of the cavalry,
when before Leicester three weeks later, is supplied.

Between the 10th and 14th Hawkesley House is besieged and
taken with some little loss, but probably so insignificant in numbers
as to be not worth while including in our computation.

Between the 17th and 20th Bagot joins the army with 300
foot and 200 horse.

On the 28th Sir Richard Willys and Colonel Villiers join from
Newark with 1,200 horse.

On the same day news arrives of the loss of Evesham, taken by
Massey, and therefore of its garrison, which, however, need not be
considered in the account, as the place does not appear to have
been occupied by any additional force detached from the marching
army of the king.

On 29 May (Thursday) the army appears before Leicester.

Here, according to Symonds, the horse of the army amounted
to 5,620 sabres.^ Full regimental details are given, but it is un-
necessary to give here more than the sum total. We may then
conclude that on 30 May, and previous to the storm of Leicester,
the whole force of the king consisted of 5,600 horse and 5,600
foot.3

Excellent corroboration of this estimate occurs in a statement
on the roundhead side. The principal officers of the garrison of
Leicester (Sir Rob. Pye and Major Ennis), in their relation of
the loss of that town,'' conclude their report with the following
passage : ' The strength of the enemy, so far as we could learn,
was not ten thousand Horse and Foot, whereof many ill-armed,
especially their horse.' This estimate is more than a thousand
less than Symonds' s total, but we must prefer his explicit figures
to their vague conjectures. It is, at any rate, valuable testimony
that the royal army, at this time, could not have been nearly so

^ Pp. 181, 182 of the diary reprint. Symonds incorrectly adds up the details to
5,520 only.

=• Field state of 9 May, 5,300 ; add to this Bagot's 300 which joined after this date ;
total, 5,600.

* Thomason Collection, Brit. Mus. E 287.6.

670 THE BATTLE OF NASEBY Oct.

great as 20,000 or 15,000, which are statements made by two
modern historians, both of whom, however, contradict themselves,
within the limits of a few pages of their respective works, by accept-
ing the statements of Symonds.^

To ascertain the king's strength at Naseby it is necessary to
make from this total of 11,000 deductions under the following
heads : —

(1) Casualties at the assault of Leicester.

(2) Desertions with plunder obtained during the sack of that
town.

(3) Royalist garrison left in Leicester when the army marched
again into the field.

(4) Forces detached on other services after leaving the town.
Regarding (1) there is much difference of statement. The

evidence is summed up in Mr. Hollings's interesting little work,^
but the statement of the pamphlet already quoted (Pye and Ennis),
and accepted by Sprigg, that over 700 royalists were actually buried
in Leicester, seems to be the best evidence on this point that is
available. To these 700 must be added, at least, an equal number
who were wounded, and therefore unable to take the field when
the king marched, a day or two after the occupation of the town.
Of these 1,400 at least 1,000 would probably be infantry, which, in
assaults of fortified localities, is an arm of the service more liberally
employed than cavalry. Indeed, the whole might be assumed to be
infantry were it not known that in this particular storm dismounted
cavalry were used to an unusual extent.

Under (2) we have little to guide us except the general state-
ments of Walker ^ and Clarendon ® that the army was much
reduced in number (and it would appear principally in foot), owing
to the men absenting themselves with the plunder gained in the
sack of the town. That this was likely to be the case may be
readily granted, and, for computation, it may be assumed that a
thousand men — six or seven hundred being infantry and the rest
cavalry — became non-effective on this account.

With reference to (3) we have Symonds's statement that two
regiments of cavalry (the regiments of the queen and of Cary,
which amounted together to 350 sabres) and 1,500 foot marched
out of Leicester when it was surrendered to Fairfax a few days after
Naseby.^ It is not quite clear whether Symonds intended to include
in the * foot * the dismounted cavalry, but even putting this con-
struction on his words, and allowing that 500 dismounted cavalry
and horsemen wounded at Naseby, and left in Leicester to recover

* See Warburton's Memoirs of Rupert, iii. 86 and 103, note ; and Markham's Life
of Fairfax, pp. 205 and 216.

* History of Leicester during the Civil War. ' Historical Discourses.
« History of the Rebellion. ' Diary, p. 203.

1888 THE BATTLE OF NASEBY 671

of their wounds/^ were included in the 1,500, it would follow that
1,000 men constituted the infantry garrison of Leicester. Mr.
HoUings, in the work already quoted, states that the royalist garri-
son of Leicester consisted of 1,200 men ; but he does not give the
authority on which his statement is based. When occupied by the
parliament, and before 30 May, its garrison was over 2,000 men,'*
and even then the garrison was considered insufficient for a proper
defence, so that it may be considered well within the mark to
assume that the royalist garrison amounted to 1,000 infantry and
300 or 400 cavalry.

It may be objected to Symonds's statement that the queen's and
Gary's regiments marched out of Leicester on its surrender, that
these regiments are shown on De Gomme's plan '^ as being actually
present at Naseby, and that, therefore j they could not have formed
part of the garrison left in Leicester. But this apparent contra-
diction can be easily harmonised by assuming that it was only after
Naseby that these regiments were placed in garrison, supplying the
place of other horsemen who had been left in Leicester when the
king marched out before Naseby, and who, being fresh, were of
greater use to him when he hastily abandoned Leicester after the
defeat at Naseby.

Against this garrison of 1,000 infantry and 400 cavalry it is,
however, only fair to put, on the other side of the account, the new
levies which were made during the short stay of the king in
Leicester. Slingsby tells us he saw them coming in freely,'^ and,
as he professes to have seen nearly a thousand men enrolled, we
may assume that this number was added to the marching army
in the place of the men left to garrison Leicester. These levies I
assume to have been all footmen.

Finally, as regards (4), the only force detached from the army
after the capture of Leicester was one of 400 horse, sent back to
Newark with Sir Eichard Willys on 4 June.*''

We have then the following data for our calculation of the
royalist force at Naseby : —

Before 30 May the army consists of 5,600 horse and 5,600 foot.
Deductions to be made from these totals : —

'" It may be noted that the roundhead prints state that some 500 horses were
among the spoils of war taken at Leicester. They also state that hardly any infantry
escaped from Naseby to Leicester.

" See Hollings's History.

'' In the British Museum. A copy of the portion which relates to the royal army
is reproduced in Warburton's work.

'^ Diary.

'* Symonds's Diary. Perhaps this fact accounts for the apparent contradiction
between Symonds (1,200) and Walker (800) in stating the strength of the Newark
horse that marched with the king.

672 • THE BATTLE OF NASEBY Oct.

Infantry Cavalry

1. Casualties : killed and wounded in storm of Leicester 1,000 400

2. Desertion with plunder of sack 600 400

3. Garrison left in Leicester, 1,000 infantry and 400

cavalry, but new levies set off against the infantry . — 400

4. Detached on other services — 400

Deductions— totals . . 1,600 1,600

Therefore, at Naseby, the royal army, in all probability, did not
exceed 4,000 horse and 4,000 foot.

Clarendon's figures '-^ amount to 4,100 horse and 3,300 foot.
In such matters he is often, but not always with justice, assumed
to be misleading. Putting his statement aside, however, there is
other evidence to support the probability of my estimates. De
Gomme's plan explicitly states that the royalist army comprised
4,000 foot and 3,500 horse. ^^ He, no doubt, was with the army at
the time, though perhaps not actually on the field. He had, in any
case, the best means of obtaining correct information, and I am of
opinion that his plan is of very great military and historical value.
It is not probable, as positively stated by one writer, ^^ that he
actually marshalled the royal line of battle. Such a duty at that
time belonged to the office of the major-general of the army, a post
filled by Sir Jacob Astley on this occasion. ^^ But he may very well
have obtained a copy of the arrangement made by that distinguished
officer, and may, if present on the field — nay, in this event, as
engineer and quartermaster-general, certainly would — have assisted
Sir Jacob in disposing the troops in line of battle. ^^

The reports of the killed and of the prisoners taken at Naseby
afford another means of testing the probability of my estimates.
These reports, as usual, vary, but not to so large an extent as is " |
commonly the case in the accounts of actions recorded in contem-
porary literature. At Naseby, practically, the whole of the king's
infantry was either killed or taken. Okey ^^ tells us that not two
footmen got into Leicester after the battle; the royalists them-

" History of the Rebellion.

'« In the reproduction made by Warburton from a copy other than that in the
British Museum (see the question discussed by Sir F. Madden in the Illustrated News
of 1856) these figures are reversed ; the cavalry is 4,000 and the infantry 3,500.

'" Markham's Life of Fairfax, p. 216.

'* See also other evidence to prove that Astley marshalled the army given in
Eushworth.

*» De Gomme's plan agrees in all essentials with that given by Eushworth in the
Historical Collections. This, again, is a copy of the plan given by Sprigg. It is a
remarkable fact, as illustrating the circumstance that Astley probably marshalled the
royal army, that Eushworth states that his plan, compiled, so far as the army of the
parliament was concerned, from the information of several of the chief officers on that
side, is, as regards the disposition of the royalists, based on a plan taken in the
following year at Stow, among the papers of Sir Jacob Astley.

■-'» Thomason Collection, E 288.38.

1888 THE BATTLE OF NASEBY 67^

selves are said to have admitted that the number certainly did not
exceed a hundred. As regards the prisoners, Cromwell, in his
letters, says they amounted in all to * about five thousand.' ^i Kush-
worth, a spectator of the fight in the character of the * gentleman
of public employment,' ^^ says that 4,000 prisoners were taken, of
which number 3,000 were infantry, and 400 officers and non-
commissioned officers. Fiennes, who escorted the prisoners to
London, writing to Sir Samuel Luke, governor of Newport, for
assistance in the performance of his duty, says there were 4,000 in-
all.^^ We are also told that after the action, and probably after
Fiennes had started with his convoy, about 500 men (who would,
probably, be all, or mostly, infantry) were taken in the villages sur-
rounding the field.^'' Putting all these statements in comparison,
we may say that of the infantry of the king 3,000 were taken on
the field, 500 were taken in neighbouring villages, 100 escaped inta
Leicester. If to this total of 3,600 be added the killed, which, on
the authority of Eushworth, may be assumed at 500, we get a
total force of infantry of 4,100.^^ This appears to me to be a
remarkable confirmation of the calculation that 4,000 was the
number of infantry brought on to the field.

I can therefore come to no other conclusion than that the royal
army at Naseby effectively numbered not more than 8,000 men in
horse and foot, and may probably, as stated by the royalist autho-
rities, have been actuall}^ only 7,500 in all.

After careful examination and consideration of the statements
of roundhead authorities regarding the constitution of the cavalier
army, I am inclined to attach but little importance to most of the
estimates which have been recorded. Without exception these state-
ments are indefinite, much at variance, and, with only one excep-
tion,26 state numbers considerably in excess of those authoritatively
recorded by Symonds, whose statements are above suspicion. For
the information of others who may wish to compare the statements
of the partisans of the parliament with those of the royalists. I
abstract the roundhead opinion and estimates as follows : —

Sprigg (' Anglia Rediviva ') does not state definite numbers,
except for his own cavalry, which were near 6,000. Between the
two armies, however, there were, he says, ' not five hundred odds.'

Eushworth (' Collections ') follows Sprigg.

Eushworth, as ' gentleman of public employment,* however,
says the enemy was stronger by 2,000 in horse alone.

2' Letter dated ' Harborough, 14 June.' ^2 Thomason Collection, E 288.26.

"^ Ellis's Letters, 3rd Series, iv. 258. ^i Mercurius Civicus, No. 109, E 289.10.

** Eushworth says he ' viewed ' about 700 dead on the field, and that some 300 more
were killed in the pursuit between Harborough and Leicester. These last would bt
almost all horsemen ; of the 700, 500 may be taken to have been infantry.

-'* That of Pye and Ennis, already quoted.
VOL. III. — NO. XII. ' X X

674. THE BATTLE OF NASEBY Oct.

Moderate Intelligencer (E 288.7). King at Naseby 12,000, * we '
about as many.

Kingdom's Weekly Intelligencer (E 288.31). King 12,000, * we '
13,000.

Commissioners of Parliament (E 288.27). King * about'
12,000.

Pye and Ennis (E 287.6). At Leicester, king *not 10,000.'

May (* Breviary '). 'Armies not very unequal,' but no state-
ment as to numbers on either side.

Vicars (* Burning Bush not Consumed'). Numbers about even.
As he states that his own army consisted of 17,000 before the detach-
ment of the Taunton brigade, which may, so far as it was composed
of units from the new model army, be considered to have been
4,000,^^ it would appear that he considered the royalists at Naseby
to have numbered 13,000.

If any conclusion can be drawn from these often vague state-
ments, made, in all but one instance, by non-military men, it can
only fairly be, not that the royalists were 13,000, but that the
parliamentarians on the field at Naseby amounted to at least that
number. This point will receive further illustration in discussing
the actual strength of Fairfax's army at Naseby, which may be now
considered.

The establishment of the new model army comprised 12
regiments of infantry, each nominally of 1,200 men, 11 regiments
of cavalry, each 600, and a regiment of dragoons 1,000 strong.
There were, in addition, a troop of 'life guards' (100) and two
companies of * firelocks ' detailed for the service and escort of the
train of artillery.^^ By the end of April, says Mr. Markham, * the
young general had his new model army in readiness to take the
field.' ^^ But, unfortunately, that army was by no means complete
in numbers. Before the consequences of the battle of Naseby put
matters on a more favourable footing the service was unpopular
with a large section of the people, and the * new noddle,' as it was
contemptuously nicknamed by the cavaliers, despised alike by foe
and friend. Enlistment under these adverse conditions proceeded
with difficulty, and desertion after enlistment was common. It is
only necessary to consider the frequent ordinances that appeared
about this time enjoining soldiers to repair to their colours, and
the numerous complaints and scoffs recorded in contemporary
literature, to conclude that at Naseby every regiment engaged was,
in all probability, considerably below its proposed strength.

2^ Whitlock says 6,000. Wogan, in Carte's Letters, 3,400. So far as regards the units
taken from the new model army only the latter is the better authority, although not a
very good one, as the 1,400 cavalry mentioned by him must have included more than
one regiment of the new model, and yet only one was sent to Taunton. ■

*« See Sprigg, Rushworth, and Wogan.

-9 Life of Lord Fairfax.

i

,1888 THE BATTLE OF NASEBY 675

The following dates and facts are useful in estimating the actual
strength of the new model army at Naseby ; they are stated from
Sprigg and other authoritative sources. On 22 May Fairfax arrived
before Oxford with a view of investing that city. Four regiments
of infantry (Fortescue, Lloyd, Ingoldsby, and Welden) and one of
cavalry (Graves) had already been detached (7 May), with certain
other forces, for the relief of Taunton. By the departure of these
regiments the army was lessened by at the most some 3,600
infantry and 400 cavalry.^'' While before Oxford a force of 2,500
cavalry and dragoons was sent, under the command of Vermuyden,
to join the Scots in the north. This force, however, rejoined the
army at Sherrington on 7 June.

Vermuyden's brigade contained one regiment— that of John
Fiennes — which was not of the new model, so that the void occa-
sioned in the normal and complete establishment by the absence of
Graves's regiment was filled up by the regiment of Fiennes, and
Fairfax had with his force the full number of cavalry regiments
allowed by the establishment. Cromwell, despatched into the Isle
of Ely after the fall of Leicester, rejoined the army with an addi-
tional force of 600 or 700 horse on the morning of 13 June.^'
With the dragoons, firelocks, &c., the army that fought on the
following day was, on 13 June, complete and ready to take up its
allotted positions on the field of battle, the major-general of the
force, to whose office, in accordance with the military custom of the
time, appertained the duty of ranging the troops in battle order,
having been directed by the commander-in-chief, after a council of
war held on 8 June, to prepare the necessary scheme. On this
particular occasion the officer on whom this duty devolved, it is
perhaps needless to say, was the veteran Skippon.^^

''* Wogan makes the new model contingent to amount to only about 2,400 of both
arms ; assuming that the 1,400 horse mentioned by him was intended to comprise
independent cavalry, each infantry regiment sent to Taunton must by his statement
have averaged only 500 men.

'' Not, as stated by Carlyle, on the 12th ; see Letters of Cromwell ; remarks on
Letter XXIX.

^ Mr. Markham [TAfe of Fairfax, p. 217) would have us suppose that to Fairfax's
design is to be ascribed the plan of the line of battle at Naseby. Mr. Markham, in
this part of his excellent account of the battle, makes several assumptions of a technical
character which can be shown to be incorrect. Apart from the fact that it was the
duty of the major-general, and not of the general of an army, to range or marshal the
line of battle, we have, in Lord Orrery's Art of War (p. 153), an explicit statement that
at Naseby Skippon duly performed this part of his office. The passage containing
Orrery's statement may be given at length, as it gives an interesting explanation of
an incident which occurred at the opening of the engagement, and which, by inducing
the royalists to hazard a premature attack, very considerably affected the course of
the action. Orrery says : ' I had been often told, but could scarcely credit it, that at the
fatal Battel of Naseby, after my Lord Fairfax his army was drawn up in view of His
Majesties, it having been judged that the ground a little behind them was better than
that they stood upon, they removed thither ; I had the opportunity some time after
to discourse on this subject with Major-General Skippon (who had the chief ordering

X X 2

676 THE BATTLE OF NASEBY Oct.

A reference to Sprigg's plan of the battle, which in all essentials
is corroborated bj that of De Gomme, will show that there were
present at Naseby 8 regiments of infantry, 11 of cavalry, besides
dragoons, firelocks, &c. Assuming the effective strength of each
infantry corps to have been 900 men, of each cavalry regiment 450
sabres, and of the dragoons 800 men, the strength of the new
model army amounts to 7,200 infantry, 5,050 cavalry including
Fairfax's lifeguard, 800 dragoons, the firelocks, and (say) 600
horse brought by Cromwell. In all, therefore, about 13,500 men,
of whom (neglecting the firelocks) 7,000 were infantry and 6,500
cavalry and dragoons. Let us now see whether this calculation
can be justified by the statements of contemporary authorities.

Taking first roundhead testimony, and distinguishing that made
before the battle from that recorded during and after it— a not un-
important separation, as before the action took place there would,
naturally, be less inducement to exaggerate or diminish numbers
than afterwards, when they might be modified to suit circumstances
which had actually occurred — we have the following results. Be-
fore 14 June there are estimates — for, except in one case to be
specially considered later on, the statements are nothing more — in
several newspapers of the strength of their own army. Such are
those recorded in A Diary or Exact Journal,^'^ the Moderate In-
telligencer,^ and the Exchange Intelligencer.^^ They are all made
about the time Fairfax raised the investment of Oxford— for it
can hardly be considered a siege — and started to seek out the king.
At this time a muster seems to have been taken, and probably
these newspapers obtained some indication of the strength of
the corps present at the muster. But nothing very definite can
have reached them, if we may judge from the confusion and con-
tradictions of the accounts furnished by them. Analysing their
statements, and making due corrections in those cases where the
forces of Yermuyden and Cromwell are not taken into the accounts,
their estimates of the strength of the army at Naseby are found to
give results varying from something over 12,000 to nearly 16,000
men of all arms. Fortunately the statement made by the Scotish
Dove ^^ enables us to dispense with those of the other papers, as it
is singularly definite and circumstantial. It professes to give the
exact result of the muster held on 5 June, when, it is stated, the
whole force then present, exclusive of Vermuyden's brigade, num-
bered 7,031 foot and 3,014 horse. The same paper states further
that with Vermuyden's contingent the whole army would be 13,000.

of the Lord Fairfax his Army that day), and having asked him if this were true, he
could not deny it. And when I told him I almost admired at it for the Keasons before
exprest, he averred he was against it ; but he obeyed the Orders for doing it only
because he could not get them altered.'

^^ T] omason Colhction, E 288.5. "^ Thomaso7i Collection, E 288.7.

3s Thomason Colleciwn, E 2883. ^^ Scotish Dove, No. 8G, Thomason Collectloiu

I

1888 THE BATTLE OF NASEBY 677

I am inclined to accept this statement as being probably correct,
and the more so as all the definite statements made on and after
14 June are found to be in close agreement with it. Adding Crom-
well's Eastern Association horse to the amount, the result would
be that, on the day of the fight, there would be present in all
13,600 men, of whom 7,000 would be foot and 6,600 horse and
dragoons. On and after 14 June, although most of the statements
as to strength are vague and indefinite, there are, as regards the
parliamentary army, two which are not so. One is that of
Whitlock, which, duly corrected for the additional force brought
by Cromwell, amounts to over 13,000. Another is that of the
Kingdom's Weekly Intelligencer,^'^ which amounts to 13,000.

Sprigg, Rushworth, and other roundhead chroniclers do not
commit themselves to numbers, or only partially so in some in-
stances. Sprigg merely states that the two armies were about even,
there being * not five hundred odds ; ' he acknowledges, however,
that the horse of his party were * near ' 6,000. Eushworth, in his
* Collections,' follows Sprigg, but, in the character of the ' gentleman
of public employment,' says that the king had 2,000 horse more
than his opponents. It is matter for suspicion that the statements,
made by partisans of the parliament who were present at the en-
gagement, are all vague. Fairfax, Cromwell, and Okey, all mili-
tary experts, who were certainly in a position to give actual statistics
regarding the forces employed under their orders, say nothing;
Sprigg, Eushworth, and the parliamentary commission, who were
also spectators of the fight, say nothing definite ; Eushworth's two
statements can with difficulty be reconciled. If inference, in con-
nexion with such a question, can be considered fair, I should be
inclmed to suppose that this avoidance of definite statement, on the
part of all those most capable of supplying information, points to
the existence of some special reasons, no doubt considered of im-
portance by all of these individuals, for keeping such knowledge
from the public. But this at present is pure conjecture on my
part, although I am not without hopes of clearing up this mystery
by a further following up of some clues lately obtained.

So far for the roundhead testimony as to the strength of their
own party at Naseby. The cavalier authorities make no definite
statements regarding the strength of their opponents' army.
Clarendon states that the royalist cavalry was overmatched in
numbers. So also says Slingsby, who was on the field.^® Heath ^^
alone, of the royalists, says the forces were about equal, but, as the
whole of his account is a palpable reproduction of that given by
Sprigg, it is evident that he did not take the trouble to verify
the statements of the other historian. This, although some testi-
mony to the reputation for accuracy enjoyed by Sprigg, shows, in

'' No. 104, TJiomasou Collection, E 288.31. ^« -Diary. '■' Heath's Chronicle,

678 THE BATTLE OF NASEBY Oct.

this particular case, a misplaced confidence on the part of Heath.
Sanderson,^^ in concluding his account of the action, has the following
passage: * The king had the better horse, the other the more of foot
and throughout better arms, compleat in ammunition, and in num-
bers overpowered the king both in horse and foot.'

And this appears to be the truth. I believe, with the Scotish
Dove, that the army of the parliament at Naseby numbered some
13,500 men, of whom 7,000 were infantry and 6,500 horse and
dragoons ; that the force of the king, on that day, did not exceed
8,000 men, of whom half were foot and half were horse.

The general course of the action is clearly and impartially
detailed by Sprigg, and indeed by most of the accounts that we
possess. But it has always been difficult to understand how, on
the supposition of the equality of the two armies, the vigorous attack
of the cavaliers, acknowledged by the other side to have been at the
first entirely successful on one wing and in the centre, should have,
ultimately, resulted in so crushing a disaster, by which the whole
infantry of the king, * stout old soldiers,' were lost to him and
captured in a body by the victors. On the supposition of the great
inequality of the armies, the whole matter at once becomes clear.
With one wing of horse off the field in pursuit, with the other held
in check by little more than one half of Cromwell's cavalry, the
gallant and stout old infantry find themselves, although successful
at the first onset, overpowered by an infantry nearly double their
own number, assisted by a cavalry which, together with the dragoons
on their right, who doubtless joined in the unequal combat, pro-
bably numbered not less than themselves. The odds are three to
one, the reserves all used up, and nothing to fall back upon except
a body of ' discouraged ' horse. What soldiery could hope to
retrieve, or rather gain a day under such circumstances ? ^ That
they stood it out so long, * like a wall or (of) brasse ' ^^ — for ' three
hours,' says Cromwell himself, * the fight was very doubtful ' — evokes
admiration now, as it did then from their enemies.

The contradictory statements made as regards the alleged mis-
behaviour of the royalist cavalry of the left wing are also, on my
suppositions, reconcilable. No gallantry on their part was wanting
in their first charge. But, met by Cromwell with vastly superior
numbers, charging down on them with every advantage of ground,
their charge is checked. The combatants stand to it * a pretty while
close joined,' ^^ but numbers here also tell, and the whole wing is
forced back on to the ground, where at the beginning of the action
stood the last (there were three) of the royalist lines, a quarter of a
mile and more behind the first or main line. Here they are held

*» Sanderson, Reign of King Charles.

^' Kingdom's Weekly Intelligencer, No. 105, Tliomason Collection, E 289.3.

^'^ Diary of Slingsby.

I

1888 THE BATTLE OF NASEBY 679

in check by a cavalry still superior, while that able tactician and
cavalry leader Cromwell proceeds, with a large force of cavalry, to
assist his own infantry and complete the destruction of the royalist
foot. There is no infantry left when Kupert, after a sharp tussle
and a victorious pursuit, returns to the field, not ' beat off' by the
valiant firelocks of the train, of whom, unsupported as they were
by pikes {' the only defence against horse,' as an old writer says),
he would, probably, have soon made short work, but because, from
the higher ground by Naseby, he could see how matters stood on
the well-stricken field. The royalist cavalry is rallied and re-formed,
and the king would fain try one more charge. But by this time the
heavy masses of the parliamentary army are again re-formed and
advance in good order. The cavalry have the choice of one of three
courses : destruction, surrender, or a gallop for life. Who can
wonder at the election made by it when positively there could be
no hope of retrieving a lost day ? Better a ride of fifteen miles
on the chance of life and escape than the certainty of, at best, a
roundhead prison.

To a soldier, even though, like myself, he be one whose
sympathies run, as a rule, with the cause of the parliament
(though not always with the means and methods by which that
cause was supported and advanced), there can be no disgrace in
such a defeat. Had the sides been even, as stated by partisan
writers, contemporary and later, there is little doubt, in my mind,
as to what would have been the fate of the new model army, then
despised by all.'*^ That it commenced its ever- victorious career with
all the advantages given by a great preponderance of force in the
first pitched battle fought, and thereby gained, by it, was fortunate,
not only for itself, but for the cause of its masters.

W. G. Boss.

*' * Never hardly did any army go forth to war who had less of the confidence of
their own friends, or were more the objects of the contempt of their enemies.' (May,
A Breviary of the History of the Parliament.)

680 Oct

Notes and Docu7ncnts

THE PARENTAGE OF GUNDRADA, WIFE OF WILLIAM OF WARREN.

It is well known that the first wife of William of Warren, first earl of
Surrey and founder of Lewes priory, bore the name of Gundrada,
and till 1846 she was generally, perhaps universally, believed to have
been a daughter of William the Conqueror and his queen Matilda.
Since 1846 her birth has been the subject of a good deal of contro-
versy. The question is not a very important one in itself, but it is
mixed up with a question of great historical interest and difiiculty,
namely, what was the ground for the papal prohibition of the
marriage of William and Matilda. This last question, I venture to
say, has not yet been answered. And a short time back I would
not have said at all positively that the question about Gundrada
herself had been answered. But a great deal of light has been
thrown on the matter since 1846. And very lately indeed a further
light has been thrown on it, by which a balance of likelihood which
practically amounts to certainty has been left on a side which had
even been thought of in 1846.

^ I examined all that had been said on the matter up to 1869 in
the Appendix to the third volume of my History of the Norman
Conquest published in that year. That appendix I reprinted with
'Bome needful additions in the second edition of that volume published
in 1875. I will now first sum up the case as it -stood then, and
will afterwards go on with some notice of the course taken by the
controversy since.

With regard to the marriage of William and Matilda, it is well
known that it was forbidden by Pope Leo the Ninth and the council
of Rheims in 1049. The words (Labbe, Concilia, vi. 1412) are, InUr-
dixit et Balduino comiti Flandrensi tie filiam sumn Willelmo Normanno
nuptui daret, et illi ne earn acciperet. No reason is given for the
order, but it comes among several other decrees deahng with irregular
marriages. In 1049 then a marriage between William and Matilda
was thought of, but had not yet been celebrated.

Ten years later (see the Life of Lanfranc, p. 289, ed. Giles), Pope
Nicolas the Second, in the second Lateran Council in 1059, granted
a dispensation confirming a marriage which had been already entered

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 681

into between William and Matilda. The date of the marriage there-
fore comes between 1049 and 1059. Of several dates which have
been given or supposed to be given the only possible one is that
in the Tours Chronicle, no great authority in itself, namely 1053.
This date, as Mr. Stapleton has remarked, falls in singularly with the
captivity of Pope Leo at the hands of the Normans of Apulia.

The reason for the prohibition is nowhere directly stated ; but
it is vaguely referred to by several writers as being, as we should
expect, some ground of kindred or affinity. I have, in the Appendix
already referred to, collected a good many modern opinions up to
1875 ; but I may safely say that the descent of William and Matilda
from any common forefather had not been clearly made out then,
and has not been clearly made out now. The truth is that the subject
was one which was not liked in Normandy ; the references to it in
Norman writers are therefore few and vague, and the chief pane-
gyrist of the Conqueror, William of Poitiers, nowhere hints that any
objection was ever made to the marriage. On the other hand, in
Flanders the courtship of William and Matilda became the subject
of several legends.

These are the main certain facts with regard to the marriage.
On the questions with regard to that marriage I do not propose at
present to enter further, except so far as they bear on the birth
of Gundrada, who used to be accepted as a daughter of William
and Matilda. The facts about her, as far as they were known in
1875, were these.

1. On her tombstone at Lewes she was called stirps ducum.

2. In an alleged foundation charter of her husband (Monasticon,
V. 12), he speaks of Queen Matilda as the mother of his wife, but
not of King William as her father. His words are, pro salute animce
mecs et animce Gundredce uxoris mece et pro anima domini mei Willelmi
regis qui me in Anglicam terram adduxit . , , et pro salute domina
mece Matildis regince matris uxoris mece, et pro salute domini mei
Willelmi regis filii sui.

3. In a charter of the Conqueror himself to Lewes priory
(Monasticon, v. 13), WiUiam is said to speak of Gundrada as his
daughter (pro anima Guilielmi de Warrenna et uxoris suce Gundredce
filicB mece).

4. In another Lewes document (Monasticon, v. 14), Matilda is
called mater Henrici regis et Gundredce comitisscB,

5. Gundrada is not mentioned in any list of the children of
WilHam and Matilda, nor is she spoken of as the king's daughter,
or William of Warren as the king's son-in-law, in any writer of
the time. But

6. She is spoken of by Orderic (522 c) as sister of Gerbod the
Fleming, who was for a while earl of Chester. Guillelmus de
Guarenna qui Gundredam sororem Gherbodi conjugem habuit. ^

e82- NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

It followed from all this that there was no evidence beyond that
of the Lewes charters to make Gundrada a daughter either of
William or of Matilda. Whatever other evidence there was looked
the other way. In the epitaph, the words stirps ducum would be
an odd way of describing the daughter of a king. The negative
evidence, the lack of all reference to Gundrada' s royal birth in any
contemporary writer, would of course give way to the smallest direct
positive evidence, but it would be very strong in the absence of such
evidence. And if Orderic was right in calling Gundrada a sister of
Gerbod, she could not have been the daughter of both William and
Matilda ; for Gerbod was assuredly not a son of William.

The first stage of the question then should have been. What was
the value of the Lewes documents as evidence ? and. What did
their evidence prove, if we accepted them as genuine ? But in 1875
the genuineness of the documents was generally accepted ; only a
certain doubt had been thrown on the reading of one of them. But
there had been a good deal of controversy as to their meaning.

Now this is one of the cases in which the question of the mean-
ing of a document and the question of its genuineness cannot be
separated. An undoubtedly genuine contemporary charter, whose
text has not been tampered with, is, for certain classes of facts,
facts of genealogy conspicuously among them, the very highest
evidence that can be had. But the documents in a cartulary,
mere copies of original charters, are of far less authority. As
copies, they are liable to mistake, and they may be actual forgeries.
The amount of trust which we put in them depends largely on in-
ternal evidence. Now among these Lewes documents, the charter of
the Conqueror was undoubtedly a real original ; only it was alleged
that the text had been tampered with. The charter of William of
Warren and the others were at best copies, conceivably forgeries,
which had to be taken at what they were worth. Speaking gene-
rally, they would be enough to prove any alleged fact against
which there was no opposing evidence elsewhere ; but if they con-
tained statements contrary to well-established evidence elsewhere,
we should be inclined to suspect, not the statements resting on
such well-ascertained evidence elsewhere, but the genuineness of
the documents which contradicted them.

In our present case the charter of the Conqueror, if its text
was undoubtedly uncorrupted, was evidence of the very highest
kind. And, accepting its text as uncorrupted, the obvious — not
perhaps the necessary — inference certainly was that Gundrada was
William's own daughter, For, if the text were genuine, he called her
Jilia mea. But, in weighing the value of the other Lewes docu-
ments, it had to be considered what it was that they stated. From
the alleged charter of William of Warren the most obvious inference
certainly was that Gundrada was the daughter of Matilda, but not

1SS8 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS' 683

the daughter of William. The way in which the grantor spoke of
the king and queen was a very strange way for any man to speak
of his wife's parents. He almost pointedly distinguished Queen
Matilda the mother of his wife from King William — not the father
of his wife, but the man by whom he himself was brought into
England. The third Lewes document, if accepted, proved that
Gundrada was Matilda's daughter, but it left the question open as
to her father. And, with the strong likelihood which would thus
seem to be established, the language of the Conqueror's charter, if
accepted as genuine, did not seem necessarily to upset the obvious
inferences from the charter of William of Warren. For King
William to speak of Gundrada as his daughter did not absolutely
prove that she might not have been the daughter of Matilda only.
While no man was likely to speak of his wife's parents as William
of Warren was made to speak of the king and queen, a man might
easily speak of his step-daughter, his daughter for many purposes
of law, as Jilia mea.

Now this inference was made the stronger by the fact that the
words Jilie mee in the Conqueror's charter were affirmed to be an
insertion in a different and a later hand. If this were so, it would
of course at once take away any difficulties arising out of the lan-
guage of that charter. The charter of William of Warren — no one
had as yet doubted its genuineness — seemed to imply that Gundrada
was the daughter of Matilda but not the daughter of William. The
only mention of Gundrada anywhere else, the passage where Orderic
spoke of her as the sister of Gerbod, looked the same way. The
Lewes charter went far to show that William was not Gundrada'a
father. Orderic confirmed that showing, and further suggested a
father for her. W^hoever was the father of Gerbod must be the
father of Gundrada. And this seemed further to imply that, before
her marriage with William, Matilda had been married to the father
of Gerbod and had borne him two children, Gerbod and Gundrada.

I do not know whether anybody had gone through this line of
thought before 1846 ; but that year saw the results of a line of
thought which could not have been very different. A paper on the
parentage of Gundrada and the marriage of William and Matilda
was then published by Mr. Stapleton in the Archaeological Journal,
iii. 1. Mr. Stapleton had studied Norman records as perhaps no
other man had ; no man better knew all the minute facts about
Norman places and persons ; but his power of arranging and making
use of his facts was by no means equal to his diligence and acuteness
in bringing his facts together. He was one of those writers who
hopelessly jumble together statement, argument, and conclusion, so
that it was not always easy to see what his conclusions were. He
never made a clear statement of what he was trying to prove ; he
t\rould assume the thing to be proved in a casual kind of way while

684 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

still in the act of proving it. He seemed never to see the difficulties
on the other side, and he seemed to think that anything that he
asserted was proved unless it could be directly contradicted. The
very title of the paper was strange, puzzling, and misleading. It ran
thus:

Observations in disproof of the pretended marriage of William de
Warren, earl of Surrey, with a daughter begotten of Matildis, daughter
of Baldwin, comte of Flanders, by William the Conqueror, and illustrative
of the origin and early history of the family in Normandy.

Now to say nothing of other queernesses, this heading would
never have suggested to any one the real object of the paper. A
reader altogether ignorant of the matter would certainly have
thought that Mr. Stapleton's object was to disprove a * pretended
marriage ' of William of Warren ; that is, to show that he did not
marry somebody, not to prove something about the parentage of
a wife whom he did marry. And such a reader would hardly take
in that * Matildis, daughter of Baldwin, comte of Flanders,' was
no other than the duchess of the Normans and queen of the
English. I really think that the most obvious meaning of Mr.
Stapleton's heading would be that somebody had said that William
of Warren married a natural daughter of King William, and that
Mr. Stapleton wished to prove that he did not marry her.

But Mr. Stapleton's purpose was very different from this. His
object was to fix, in his own way of fixing, the parentage of Gund-
rada, to show that she was not the daughter of King William,
to show whose daughter she was, and to fix the circumstances
and causes of the papal prohibition of King William's marriage with
her mother. It was hard work indeed — I said so in 1869 and in
1875 — to disentangle Mr. Stapleton's conclusions from his argu-
ments and his casual assertions. But, as far as I understood him,
he seemed to wish to lay down three propositions.

First, Matilda of Flanders, before her marriage with Duke
William, was married to Gerbod, advocate of Saint-Bertin, and had
by him three children, Gundrada, Gerbod, and a certain Frederic,
who appears several times in the second volume of Domesday.

Secondly, the ecclesiastical objection to the marriage of William
and Matilda was not owing — at least not wholly owing— to any
kindred or affinity between them, but to the fact that Matilda, at
the time of William's courtship, had a husband still living.

Thirdly, the delay in the celebration of the marriage was caused
by the necessity of obtaining a divorce between Gerbod and Matilda.

It will be at once seen that the second and third of these
propositions stand quite apart from the first. For the first Mr.
Stapleton had really strong ground to go upon, as long as nobody
doubted the alleged charter of William of Warren. The charter
gave Gundrada a mother in Queen Matilda; Orderic gave her a

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 685

father in the father of Earl Gerbod, that is, as Mr. Stapleton
showed, the elder Gerbod the advocate. But the two latter propo-
sitions were in no way needed to establish the first, and Mr.
Stapleton brought no real proof of them whatever. Considering
the marriage of Gerbod and Matilda to be established, the most
obvious supposition was that, at the time of Matilda's marriage to
William, she was Gerbod's widow.

Mr. Stapleton' s doctrine did not long remain unchallenged.
In the thirty-second volume of the Archaeologia (1847), p. 108,
appeared an article headed, *Kemarks on Matilda, Queen of William
the Conqueror, and her daughter Gundrada.' This was the work
of the South- Saxon antiquary Mr. W. H. Blaauw, a writer whose
services to English history have never been appreciated as they
deserved. He was perhaps bound, as a Sussex man, to say some-
thing on behalf of the Lewes tradition ; and he defended it in full,
making Gundrada the daughter of William as well as of Matilda.
Mr. Stapleton had pointed out that in the alleged charter of King
William, quoted to show that Gundrada was his daughter, the words
Jilie mee were written in a different hand instead of some words
which had become illegible. He held that the true reading was
pro anima Guillelmi de Warenna et uxoris sue Gondrade pro me et
heredibus meis. Mr. Blaauw read it, pro anima Guillelmi de Warenna
et uxoris sue Gondrade Jilie mee et heredum suorum. He brought some
strong objections to Mr. Stapleton's residing pro me et heredibus meis,
and, while admitting that the \YOYds Jilie mee were an insertion in a
later hand, he maintained that they were inserted simply to preserve
the original reading when it had become illegible by the folding of the
manuscript. On some points he attacked Mr. Stapleton's theory
with much force, showing the utter lack of any direct proof for it,
especially for the notion of a divorce, and enlarging on the fact that
all the accounts of William's courtship speak of Matilda as a maid,
puella, pucele, demoiselle. He set aside Orderic's description of Gund-
rada as Gerbod's sister as one of his occasional mistakes in genea-
logy. But perhaps the most valuable part of Mr. Blaauw's inquiry
lay in this, that he saw that the right place to go to for any further
information in the shape of charters was Cluny the mother church
of Lewes. The Lewes documents, or copies of them, would naturally
be sent thither, and there was distinct evidence that they were. Mr.
Blaauw himself mentioned (p. 123 ; Monasticon, v. p. 12) that at
one time, in William Eufus' reign, the monks of Lewes had no
charter, the document being at Cluny. And Mr. Blaauw further
printed one document from Cluny, of which we have heard a good
deal since, but the importance of which neither he nor any one
else seemed to see at the time. This was no other than a genuine
charter older than any strictly Lewes document, namely an
original grant of Earl William to Cluny itself before his foundation

NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct

of the dependent house at Lewes, with the confirmation of King
WilHam. The force of this undoubted and uncorrupted document
is distinct. In it neither King WiUiam nor Wilham of Warren,
though both mention Gundrada, makes the shghtest reference to her
having any kindred either to the king or to the queen. In her hus-
band's charter she is simply Gundreda uxor m^ea ; he and she act con-
silio et assensu domini nostri regis Anglorum Guillelmi ; King WiUiam
acts rogantibus et ohnixe posiulantibus Willelmo de Warenna et uxore
. ejus Gundreda, The signatures (other than those of mere witnesses
which are put separately) are in this form and order.

* Signum Willelmi regis Anglorum.
Signum M. regine Anglorum.
S. Willelmi comitis filii regis.
Signum Willelmi de Warenna.
S. Gundrede uxoris W. de Warenna.'

(The application of the title of ' comes ' to William Eufus is of
importance, but it does not touch our present question.) That Mr.
Blaauw^ could print all this without seeing how it bore on his argu-
ment, and especially on the question about the reading filie mee,
: was certainly very wonderful ; but so it is.

Thus in 1847 the documentary evidence stood thus. There was
a document, not original but a copy, the alleged charter of Earl
, William to Lewes, which called Queen Matilda the mother of Gund-
rada, but did not call King William her father. There was a genuine
document, the charter of King William to Lewes, in which the king
seemed to call Gundrada his daughter ; but the reading was, to
• say the least, very doubtful. There was an undoubted and uncor-
. rupted document, the charter of Earl William to Cluny, with King
William's confirmation, a document in which, if Gundrada had been
the king's daughter, it would have been natural to call her so, but
in which she was not so called, either by her herself or her husband
or her alleged father.

In 1858 appeared Mrs. Green's 'Lives of the Princesses of
England,' in which she gave a chapter to Gundrada without accept-
ing her as the Conqueror's daughter. Mrs. Green pointed out the
lack of any mention of Gundrada anywhere but at Lewes, save
only the passage in Orderic which called her Gerbod's sister. She
pointed out that the reading in the Lewes charter of King William
was doubtful, and that the charter of William of Warren only went
to prove Gundrada to be the daughter of the queen and not of the
king. She saw further the force of the use of ducum, not regum, on
Gundrada's tomb. On the whole, she gave a very good summary
of the arguments that had been hitherto brought on each side ; but
she failed, like Mr. Blaauw himself, to see the part in the argu-
ment which should have been played by the Cluny document which

I

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 687

had been printed by Mr. Blaauw, and which is actually referred to
by herself. Mrs. Green leaned on the whole to the belief that
Gundrada was Matilda's daughter, but not William's ; but she saw
the difficulties involved in that belief.

I next come to myself. And I must here do penance openly
before all men, for not having seen, any more than Mr. Blaauw or
Mrs. Green, the value of the all-important piece of evidence which
Mr. Blaauw had brought to light from Cluny. I went fully into, I
believe, every other side of the question in the Appendix to which I
have already referred. I there drew out Mr. Stapleton's theory in
the form of three propositions, as I have stated it here, and I dis-
tinctly said that of those propositions I accepted the first and re-
jected the second and third. That is to say, I accepted Gundrada
as a daughter of Matilda, but not a daughter of William, and also
as sister of the younger Gerbod. The inference I drew was that
Matilda, at the time of her marriage with Duke William, was the
widow of the elder Gerbod. I argued against the other points of
Mr. Stapleton's theory, for which I could see no kind of evidence.
I went through several opinions as to the cause of the prohibition
of the marriage of William and Matilda, and set forth my own
belief that it must have been some ground of kindred or affinity,
though I held that it had not been clearly shown what that ground
of kindred or affinity was. On a very small matter, I pointed out
that the Frederic whom Mr. Stapleton made a third child of
Gerbod and Matilda was really the brother of William of Warren,
not the brother of Gundrada.

My general position was then on the whole very much that of
Mrs. Green, though I went much more fully into the arguments
than she did. I did not then doubt the authority of any of the
Lewes documents. The alleged charter of William of • Warren
seemed to me to be very strong proof that Gundrada was the
queen's daughter but not the king's; no man, I argued, would
draw the strange distinction between his wife's mother and her
father which William of Warren is there made to draw between the
queen and the king. And I argued that the Lewes charter of King
William did not go against this. The reading Jllie mee was very
doubtful, and, if genuine, it was a way in which a man might very
likely speak of his step- daughter. The charter of Earl William to
Cluny and its confirmation by King William, by what ill-luck I
know not, I wholly passed by.

In that Appendix I argued against Mr. Blaauw on several
points. He had spoken slightingly of the authority of Orderic on
matters of genealogy, and specially of the confusion which he
(like many others) made about WilHam's daughters. I answered
that the mere omission of Gundrada's name in any of his lists
would prove very little against her being William's daughter, but

688. NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

that a great deal was proved by the fact that, the only time
when she was mentioned at all, she was mentioned in a way in
which nobody would ever have spoken of a daughter of the king,
namely as sister of Gerbod. And I argued also against Mr.
Blaauw's strongest point, namely the absence of any evidence (out
of Lewes) for Matilda's former marriage, and the fact that Matilda,
at the time of her marriage with William, is expressly spoken of as
a maid. I pointed out the doubtful and mythical character of some
of the stories of William's courtship ; but I chiefly relied on two
parallel cases in which an earlier marriage which it was incon-
venient to dwell on had been hushed up in the like sort. Duke
Kobert, the Conqueror's father, married Estrith sister of Cnut ;
no Norman writer mentions the fact. So in the Encomium
Emma or Gesta Cnutonis, the first marriage of Emma with
iEthelred is altogether left out; her children by ^thelred are
turned into children of Cnut, and she is daringly called virgo at the
time of her second marriage. From this I argued that the fact
that no one mentioned any marriage of Matilda with Gerbod, and
even the fact that she was called a maid at the time of her marriage
with William, did not disprove, what I held to be established by
other evidence, that Matilda had been married to Gerbod and was
by him the mother of Gundrada.

When I look at my own arguments of twenty years back, they
seem to me to be — assuming what was then the common ground of
all disputants, the authority of the Lewes documents — satisfactory
on all points but one. I made, I repeat it, the same strange omis-
sion as Mr. Blaauw himself. I did not see the force of the Cluny
document printed by Mr. Blaauw. I could hardly have passed it
by altogether ; there it is in Mr. Blaauw's paper, which I had cer-
tainly read. I can only suppose that I looked on Earl William's
charter and King William's confirmation as showing that Gundrada
was no daughter of William, but as not inconsistent with her being
a daughter of Matilda. Still it is strange that I did not bring the
document into my argument.

The next person, as far as I know, to bring the matter up again
was Sir George Duckett in the ' Sussex Archaeological Collections ' for
1878, p. 114. His position was the old local one that Gundrada was
not only the daughter of Queen Matilda but of King William also. He
accepted the Lewes documents as they stand, defending the genuine-
ness of the words filie mee in King William's grant. He also gave
another quotation which I do not remember to have seen elsewhere.

* In the Ledger Book of Lewes are these words :

Iste (William de Warenne) primo non vocahatur nisi solummodo
Willielmus de Warenna, postea vero processu tcmporis a Willielmo rege
et conqucstore AnglicB, cujus filiam desponsavit, plurime honoratus est.
(Watscn's Memoirs, i. 80.)

I

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 689

Sir George Duckett did not tell us the date of the 'Ledger
Book,' and the reference to Watson's Memoirs gave me no light.
He seemingly saw no difficulty in the way in which William of
Warren is made in the charter to speak of the alleged parents of his
wife, and he speaks of the phrase stirps Gundrada ducum as ' con-
clusive of her affinity to the Conqueror.' By this last phrase I
presume that Sir George Duckett meant the opposite to what he
said, as it was the affinity of Gundrada to the Conqueror, asserted
by Mr. Stapleton, against which he was arguing. He then went on
to fix the marriage of William and Matilda to 1049, the year of
Pope Leo's prohibition. They could not have been married so late
as 1053, as otherwise Gundrada could not have been born soon
enough. He alluded, but without quoting or giving the reference,
to a passage of William of Jumieges (vii. 26) which runs thus :

Willelmus dux a quibusdam religiosis scBpius redarguebatur, eo quod
cognatam suam sibi in matrimonio copulassetj missis legatis Romanum
papam super hac re consuluit.

William of Jumieges goes on to add that the pope (who is not
named) feared a war between Normandy and Flanders if W^illiam
and Matilda were obliged to part ; he therefore absolved them on
their founding the two abbeys at Caen. Hence Sir George
Duckett inferred that ' it was not till after the marriage that the
fact of their near relationship was brought to the knowledge of the
pope.' He did not explain how this was consistent with the
prohibition of the marriage by Leo.

Sir George Duckett further told us : * That William of Normandy
was Matilda's first and only husband is plain from the following
facts.' The facts were the legend of Brihtric (which I have fully
examined in the Appendix to vol. iv.), whom Sir George Duckett
made a * son of Earl Algar,' that is a brother of Eadwine and
Morkere. We were referred to * Thierry's "Conquest of England,"
i. 428 (Hazlitt),' a reference which I was and am unable to make,
and which sounds like a translation. Sir George Duckett then col-
lected the passages in which Matilda is called puella and the like,
but without noticing the light thrown on them by the application
of the same kind of language to the undoubtedly widowed Emma.
Lastly, he ruled that, when Orderic speaks of Gundrada as soror
Gerbodi, he must have meant * foster sister,' and he added a discourse
on fosterage. Gundrada, it seems, was William's daughter, but put
to nurse with the wife of the advocate Gerbod. He ended with the
conclusion that he had * thus adduced different unanswerable argu-
ments in favour of the royal parentage of Gundrada.' Of the
charter to Cluny printed by Mr. Blaauw he had never a word to say.

I can hardly fancy that this kind of argument was likely to
make many converts. But both the doctrine of Mr. Stapleton and

VOL. in.— NO. XII. 1' Y

090 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

the elder one which had found a defender in Sir George Duckett
were presently to be vigorously attacked. This was by Mr. Chester
Waters, than whom no man better deserves to be listened to on
any point of genealogy, especially of the Norman genealogy of the
eleventh and twelfth centuries. Mr. Waters wrote two letters in
the Academy on 28 December 1878 and 24 May 1879, the latter in
answer to a letter of mine in February called forth by his former
one. Mr. Waters' position was that Gundrada was no daughter
either of William or of Matilda, a position which he was the first
to assert. He remarked that there was no evidence connecting her
with either except the Lewes documents. Of these he accepted the
charter of the Conqueror as genuine, holding of course the words
Jllie mee to be a spurious insertion. But now came the real turn-
ing-point of the controversy. Mr. Waters was the first to put the
controversy on its real ground by seeing how very slight was the
value of the other Lewes documents, among them of the alleged
charter of Earl William. None of those who had said anything
before him, neither Mr. Stapleton nor Mr. Blaauw nor myself, seems
to have remembered how little a document which is in any case a
copy and which may be a forgery proves when there is any evidence
the other way. Mr. Waters then went about to prove his position
that Gundrada was not the daughter either of William or of Matilda
in a way which to me at least was a little startling. He brought no
direct evidence, positive or negative, but referred to a letter of Saint
Anselm (Lib. iv. ep. 84) to King Henry the First. This contained
nothing directly about Gundrada's parentage, but it mentioned a
proposed marriage between her son, the younger Earl William of
Warren, and a natural daughter of the king. It is plain that, if
Gundrada were the daughter either of William or of Matilda, her
son and Henry's daughter would be first cousins. Anselm forbade
the marriage on the ground of kindred ; but he made no mention
of this near kindred ; he spoke only of one much further off, namely
that they were in the fourth generation of kindred on one side and
in the sixth generation on the other. Cum ipse etfilia vestra ex una
parte sint cognati in quarta generatione et ex altera in sexta. Mr.
Waters held that this fully proved that Gundrada was not a
daughter of either William or Matilda, that is, not a sister or half-
sister of Henry the First. He did not say directly how this proved
the point ; but I understood his argument to be that Anselm would
not have forbidden the marriage on the ground of a distant degree
of kindred when he could have forbidden it on the ground of a much
nearer degree. That is, he would not have used a weaker argument
when he might have used a stronger. This is undoubtedly a very
strong presumption ; but it would hardly upset any good direct
evidence. But the main question of all was now started, Are any
of the Lewes documents, except the charter of the Conqueror in

i

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 691

its genuine text, to be reckoned as good evidence ? Only again
there was nothing said about the charter to Cluny.

Mr. Waters went further into the twofold kindred between King
Henry's daughter and the son of WilHam of Warren and Gundrada.
The kindred in the sixth degree he saw in the descent of the King's
daughter from Gunnor the wife of Eichard the Fearless and of
Earl William from a sister of Gunnor. And he illustrated the mean-
ing of generatio by two letters of Ivo bishop of Chartres (45 and
46) . The first concerned the marriage of Eobert count of Meulan
to Isabel of Vermandois (see Orderic, 723 d, and my William Eufus,
i. 551), which was allowed by dispensation; the second touched the
marriage of Baldwin the Seventh of Flanders, who hardly concerns
us on his own account. It seems plain that, by sexta generatio and
such like phrases, Anselm and Ivo meant strictly the sixth genera-
tion of pedigree, and not what we should call the sixth degree of
kindred. Only then how could anybody have married anybody ?
One does not wonder that King Henry of France sought for a wife
in Eussia.

But there still was the kindred on the other side — that is,
through Gundrada— between Gundrada's son and King Henry's
daughter. In Mr. Waters' view Gundrada, sister of the younger
Gerbod, was daughter of the elder; but he did not provide her
with a mother. He suggested that the advocate Gerbod was in
some way descended from the ducal house of Burgundy, which
would account for his daughter being called stirps ducum. This
was avowedly a conjecture, but Mr. Waters brought several inci-
dental points to show its likelihood. He lastly remarked that, as
Gundrada's son Eeginald took a prominent part in the siege of
Eouen in 1090, she may have been nearly as old as her supposed
mother Matilda. But, on Mr. Stapleton's theory, she must have
been born before 1049, which would make her old enough for the
purpose.

The next writer on the subject, as far as I know, was Mr. Martin
Eule in his ' Life and Times of Saint Anselm,' published in 1883.
He discussed the subject in vol. i. p. 415. I wrote a review of the
book in the Academy, which led to a published letter or two from
the author. Mr. Eule w^as a controversialist of a singular kind.
That he had a good opinion of himself and his work was perhaps
no more than is proved when any one of us puts forth any printed
writing ; only Mr. Eule, like Southey, expressed that good opinion
a little more directly than is usual. And Mr. Eule had clearly
worked hard in some out-of-the-way sources, though he sometimes
strangely missed the most obvious authorities. It was as hard to
make out his conclusions as those of Mr. Stapleton : sometimes
one had to patch them together out of casual scraps up and down
the book. He put forth surmises for which he allowed that he

T T 2

693* NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

had no evidence as if they were truths that had never been doubted ;
he disputed in a dark and mysterious fashion, sometimes implying
that he knew things which he would not tell, sometimes implying
that the disputant on the other side was hiding things in the like
sort. He was always supposing some deep and hidden purpose in
his adversary ; in a passage where I thought that I was speaking
as the simplest seeker after truth, he * noticed my rhetorical devices
and passed on.' This was in the book, before I had written my
review of him ; for Mr. Kule, I know not why, was very angry with
me even then. I think I can live through his anger; but it is
hard to have one's careful statement of a case altogether misrepre-
sented. I had drawn out Mr. Stapleton's three propositions ;
I accepted one, but I rejected two, among them the very impor-
tant one that Matilda had a husband living at the time of her
marriage with William. This Mr. Eule called adopting Mr.
Stapleton's argument ' with slight but immaterial modifications.'
And elsewhere, more hardly still, so much of Mr. Stapleton's view
as I did adopt was called ' Mr. Freeman's conjecture.' But I will
leave personal matters, and deal as well as I can with Mr. Kule's
position in the controversy, so far as I can make it out from his
very singular fashion of statement and argument.

Mr. Eule then, as far as I understand him, accepted all the
Lewes documents — the Cluny charter again he did not touch —
but held that they were to be taken in a mystical sense. Gundrada
was not the child, but the godchild, of both William and Matilda.
Hence the words mater and Jllia. Without any reference to
Mr. Waters, Mr. Eule quoted the same letters of Anselm and Ivo
which Mr. Waters had already quoted, and dismissed them with
the mysterious remark that ' there is little need to consult Yvo of
Chartres or the " Acta Conciliorum ; " for the information I need
may be obtained from domestic sources.' It was almost more
mysterious when Mr. Eule told us :

William the Bastard was in the fifth degree of descent from Duke
Bollo, and Matilda was also descended from Duke EoUo through Adela
the wife of her great-grandfather Hugh Capet.

By the law under which they lived William and Matilda were consan-
guinei, I have not stated that law, and have no more to say about it.

This was hardly enough to satisfy an eager craving after know-
ledge. By Adela wife of Hugh Capet might possibly be meant Adela
granddaughter of Hugh Capet and mother of Matilda, who was
said to have been married or contracted to William's uncle Duke
Eichard the Third. This was one of the ways in which the kindred or
afi&nity of William and Matilda had been explained, and I examined
the subject in my Appendix, p. 657. But this did not trace Matilda's
pedigree up to Eolf. And when Mr. Eule was pressed on that
head (see Academy, 10 March 1883) it appeared that he *had no

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 693

more to say about it.' For all the answer that he gave {Academy,
31 March 1883) was this:

Nor will it avail him to ask me for the pedigree of William and
Matilda. Mr. Freeman can trace their descent from Duke RoUo without
my' assistance.

The descent of William the Conqueror from Rolf I could certainly
trace without anybody's assistance. As to the descent of Matilda
from Rolf I was altogether in the dark— I am altogether in the dark
still — and Mr. Rule refused to enlighten me.

Mr. Rule had also a discovery of his own, to show who
Gundrada was. In the Bermondsey Annals, under the year
1098, a certain Ricardus Guet, frater comitissce Warennce, appears
as a benefactor of that abbey (see Planche, ' Conqueror and his
Companions,' i. 136). This had been taken as giving Gerbod and
Matilda yet another son. Mr. Rule made Gundrada the sister of
Richard * Wet or Wette ; ' but he did not say how this made her
stirjps ducum.

The next year, 1884, Mr. Waters came on the field again. He
put forth a little book, dedicated to Bishop Stubbs, headed * Gund-
rada de Warrenne ' (Exeter, Pollard). In this he went again
through his main arguments in the Academy, repeating more dis-
tinctly his conviction of the spuriousness of the alleged charter of
William of Warren and of the inserted words Jilie mee in the
genuine charter of King William. He then disposed of Sir George
Duckett's notion about soror meaning * foster-sister.' He next came
to Mr. Rule, whom he cruelly spoke of as ' the last and worst writer
on Gundred's parentage.' He showed that the meaning which
Mr. Rule gave to matei- Sind Jilia was impossible, and reminded him
— Mr. Rule was scrupulous about canon law — that, as a man and
his wife could not (for obvious reasons) be godparents to the same
child, Gundrada could not be (in this sense) Jilia to William, if
Matilda was (in this sense) mater to Gundrada. Mr. Waters was
no better able than I was to trace the descent of Matilda from Rolf ;
but he did what I could not have done, he explained the reference
to Richard Guet in the Bermondsey Annals. The Countess of
Warren there spoken of was not Gundrada, but a second wife of
Earl William, a daughter of the house of Goet, lords of Mont
Mirail. Mr. Waters lastly expressed his belief that the matter
might be fully cleared up from the records of Cluny. He did not
seem to have noticed, any more than I had noticed, how much
Mr. Blaauw had already unconsciously done towards clearing up the
matter from that source.

In 1886 Sir George Duckett came forward again in several shapes,
to do, yet more unconsciously than Mr. Blaauw, what Mr. Waters
had suggested might be done. He appeared in Sussex, in York-
shire, and in a privately printed volume. What he said in Yorkshire

694' NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

I know only from a writing of Mr. Waters ; but from that I presume
that it was much the same as he said in Sussex. He there (' Sussex
Archaeological CoUections,' xxxiv. 121) took no notice of either Mr.
Kule or Mr. Waters, and he still clave to the belief that Gundrada
was the daughter of William and Matilda. But Sir George Duckett
did more. He printed again, with no small rejoicing, as altogether
a fresh discovery, the charter of Earl William to Cluny with the con-
firmation of King William, the same which Mr. Blaauw had printed
thirty-nine years before. His text was in some things more correct
than Mr. Blaauw' s ; he printed the original contractions ; he filled
up with the name Scanberga a blank which Mr. Blaauw seemingly
could not read ; he filled up with the word faciunt another blank
where Mr. Blaauw had guessed construxerunt, and he corrected
donavimus into donamus. But in all material points, in every-
thing that proved anything, Sir George Duckett 's text was Mr.
Blaauw' s text over again. Yet its printing was a direct gain ; for
somehow or other both Mr. Waters and myself, and I dare say
others as well, began, as soon as the charter was printed by Sir
George Duckett, to give to it the heed which we had so unluckily
failed to give to it when it was printed by Mr. Blaauw. We became
more alive to the fact that in this undoubtedly genuine document, the
text of which had never been tampered with, neither King William
nor Earl William had a word to say about Earl William's wife being
King William's daughter, while Gundrada herself signed in a way
in which a daughter of King William never could have signed.
This was perhaps not exactly the result which Sir George Duckett
looked for from his labours, but we could thank him for it all the
same.

In the * Sussex Archaeological Collections ' Sir George Duckett
added a note which was a little mysterious :

Researches in the archives of Cluni have not only resulted in the
above deed of gift, but in a yet more important record, the Inspeximus
and exemplification of Earl Warenne's charter of foundation. This
attested and collated copy conclusively ends further controversy as to the
words matris uxoris mece. There is no room for further argument on
that head.

Surely it was hard to draw this tempting picture of a document
which was to prove so much, and not to let us profit by it, even in
the shape of a translation or a summary. This is what Sir George
Duckett did, as far as the Sussex Archaeological Transactions were
concerned. He told us about the * Inspeximus and exemplification,'
but, so far from printing them, he did not distinctly tell us in what
direction all further controversy was conclusively ended. We had
to infer their contents from Sir George Duckett's abiding belief in
Gundrada as the daughter of both king and queen. But the
revelation which was deemed too precious for the public eye, or at

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 695

least for the South- Saxon eye, was made open to a select few in the
shape of a thin privately printed volume : * Eecord Evidences among
Archives of the Ancient Abbey of Cluni. By Sir G. F. Duckett,
Bart. Printed for the author, 1886.' Here we learned all about
the * Inspeximus and exemplification,' which were printed in full.
The copy of the alleged charter with which we had hitherto been
dealing was made in 1444; the * Inspeximus and exemplification ' was
a little earlier. It was made in 1417 by Thomas Nelond, prior of
Lewes, and it professes to contain copies of the foundation charter
of Lewes priory by the first Earl William of Warren, and of the con-
firmation of it by his son the second earl. This last Sir George
Duckett did not print ; but he printed part of the other ; * the
parts,' he says, ' which appear of most interest.' So far, it was, as
Sir George Duckett said, word for word with the later copy with
which we had been dealing all along. It therefore contained
the passage which spoke of Queen Matilda as the mother of the
earl's wife and the passage which did not speak of King William as
her father.

We now knew, by Sir George Duckett 's help, what the Cluny
records really supplied. We now knew what the whole of our
documentary evidence was. There was, as we knew or might have
known before, a genuine charter of King William which did not call
Gundrada his daughter, but which practically implied that she was
not his daughter. There was also, what we knew in another shape,
a fifteenth century copy of an alleged charter of Earl William which
called Queen Matilda the mother of Gundrada, but which did not
call King William her father. That is to say, the evidence was
much the same as it was after the publication of Mr. Blaauw's
paper ; only we knew more certainly that there was no undoubted
contemporary evidence to make Gundrada the daughter of Matilda.
For Sir George Duckett had shown that all the documents which
called her so were at best copies made in the fifteenth century.

I suppose that Mr. Waters could hardly have wished for any-
thing more to his purpose than these discoveries — for in a certain
sense they really are discoveries — of Sir George Duckett. Yet it
turned out that there was at least one man besides Sir George
Duckett who thought otherwise. A review of Sir George Duckett's
privately printed volume appeared in the Academy for August 28
1886, under the signature of ' W. Sykes.' The writer seemed to
know nothing of any stage of the controversy earher than the ap-
pearance of Mr. Waters, who was in his eyes the first person who had
doubted that Gundrada was the daughter of both the king and
the queen. Mr. Waters had * invented a theory ; ' but his theory had
* failed to meet with general acceptance, owing to its being in direct
contradiction to all ancient documents containing mention of
Gundreda's name.' Mr. Waters had suggested that the document

60G NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

"which contained the words matris uxoris mee were what Mr. Sykes
calls a * monkish forgery.' This charge, according to Mr. Sykes,
was * disposed of ' by Sir George Duckett's discovery of another
fifteenth century copy a little older than the fifteenth century copy
which was already known. Mr. Sykes also spoke of the ' oldest
deed of all — the original grant of Earl William ' — that is, his grant to
Cluny — without eaying a word as to the evidence which it supplied.
In the same year, 1886, Mr. Waters put forth a ' Postscript ' to his
little book on Gundrada, pointing out the way in which the Cluny
documents went to strengthen his view and not that of Sir George
Duckett. But Mr. Waters still spoke of Mr. Blaauw's old dis-
covery, the first charter of Earl William with King William's
confirmation as ' brought to light ' — as in a certain sense it was —
by the * researches ' of Sir George Duckett. Still, better late than
never, he pointed out, what we ought all to have seen forty years
ago, that the Cluny charter was as distinct against Gundrada being
William's daughter as any piece of indirect or negative evidence
could be. He also pointed out, what also had not before occurred
to himself or to anybody else, that the passage in Orderic was not
the only place in which Gundrada was spoken of as Gerbod's sister.
He quoted another passage from that singular history printed in the
* Liber de Hyda,' many of whose statements it is impossible to believe,
but all whose statements are worth examining, as their writer's
account seems always independent. At pp. 295, 296, the Hyde writer
has a good deal to say about Gerbod and his brother Frederic, and
he speaks of Gerbod as a brother of Gundrada. The book was not
printed till 1866 ; so the earlier writers could not make any use of it.
I made use of its statements about Gerbod, Frederic, and William
of Warren in the narrative in my fourth volume (pp. 470, 535,
ed. 2), but I seem not to have noticed them when I wrote the
Appendix to the third. Mr. Waters was the first to bring these
statements into the present controversy. As for their value, the
Hyde writer is yet more likely to make a mistake than Orderic,
but he is not likely to have copied from Orderic, and the two
were not likely to make the same mistake. And after all the
value of the statement that Gerbod and Gundrada were brother
and sister was negative. We were not trying to prove that
Gundrada was Gerbod's sister, but that she was not King William's
daughter, and for that purpose even a mistaken statement of her
sisterhood to Gerbod would prove a good deal. If she had' been the
daughter of the king and queen, it could not have come into any
man's head to speak of her as sister of Gerbod ; no one would speak
in that way of Countess Adela or any other of the king's known
daughters. Two independent statements that Gundrada was sister
of Gerbod went a long way indeed to show that she was not the
daughter of King William.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 697

Mr. Waters went on with some matter about William of Warren's
earldom, and about the various spellings of the name, Warren,
Warrenne, Warenne, and any other— I have always, writing in
English, used the common English form. He lastly summed up the
evidence from his own point of view. But he should not have spoken
of * the judicial declaration of Archbishop Anselm that Gundrada was
not the king's daughter.' Anselm did not say a word about her being
the king's daughter or not. He forbade a marriage between Gund-
rada's son and King Henry's daughter on grounds which he was not
likely to have taken if Henry and Gundrada had been brother and
sister. But he made no 'judicial declaration' as to Gundrada's
parentage. According to Mr. Waters' case, a * judicial declaration '
that Gundrada was not the king's daughter could not have been
needed, because nobody had thought that she was.

Lastly, in this present year 1888 Sir George Duckett has
appeared yet again, in the shape of two volumes of * Cluni Charters
and Eecords.' They are still not for the general public, but only
* for subscribers.' But the adventurous will find them in the Bodleian.
I have gone thither to look at them, but I did not find anything on
our matters which was not in Sir George Duckett' s smaller book.
I did however look at some other matters, and I found that Sir
George Duckett, as a maker of cribs, runs the most eminent per-
formers in that line very hard. It is a light matter to translate
Dux Normannorum and other titles of that class by *Duke of
Normandy ' and the like ; but it would need real genius to outdo
the translation of reges Latini by ' kings of the Latin Empire.'

And now what is the state of the controversy ? Very different
certainly from what it was when I discussed the matter in 1869 or
even in 1875. The evidence now stands thus.

1. No original writer asserts or implies that Gundrada was the
daughter either of King William or of Queen Matilda.

2. Two independent writers call her the sister of Gerbod, which
is inconsistent with her being the daughter of King William.

3. Saint Anselm, in forbidding the marriage of Gundrada's son
with King Henry's daughter, speaks in a way in which he is most
unlikely to have spoken if Henry and Gundrada had been brother
and sister.

4. The ages of Gundrada's sons, the younger of whom played
a distinguished part in 1090, make it unlikely that she was the
daughter of parents who were certainly not married in 1049, and
were most likely not married till 1053.

5. The tombstone of Gundrada calls her stirps ducum, which is
not likely if she had been the daughter of a king.

6. In an undoubted charter of Gundrada's husband, confirmed
by King William, she is spoken of simply as- the wife of William of

698 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

Warren, not as the daughter of King William, and she signs in a
way in which a daughter of King William would not have signed.

7. In another undoubted charter of King William, he appears
to speak of her as his daughter ; but the words which call her so
are inserted in a later hand.

8. There are several Lewes documents which directly call
Queen Matilda the mother of Gundrada, but which do not call
King William her father. But none of these documents are
originals ; they are all at best copies of the j&fteenth century.

Now, in weighing the force of this evidence, we may safely
put aside the notion that the words sorovy mater, filia, are to be
taken in some mystical or metaphorical sense, to express, not
natural kindred, but artificial affinity by gossipred or fosterage.
We may be sure that soror means ' sister,' that mater means
* mother,' that jilia means * daughter,' in the ordinary and natu-
ral meaning of those words. Those words were all likely enough
to be used in addressing persons who stood in the relation of
gossipred or fosterage ; they would not be so used in legal docu- |
ments or in ordinary narrative. If either William of Warren or §
the monks of Lewes in his name called Queen Matilda the mother "
of Gundrada, the meaning intended to be conveyed was that she
was her mother. When Orderic and the Hyde writer called
Gundrada sister of Gerbod, they meant that she was his sister.
Above all, Mr. Waters has unanswerably disposed of Mr. Kule's
astonishing notion that Matilda could have been mater to
Gundrada, and Gundrada at the same time Jilia to William in
the sense of spiritual affinity. Such a relation as Mr. Kule implies
would make the birth of our English iEtheling Henry many degrees
more improper than the birth of his father the Bastard. The only
conceivable question is as to the force of Jilia, in case any one
still looks on that word as part of King William's charter to Lewes.
I still think, as I thought in 1869, that that word alone would not
upset Mr. Stapleton's doctrine ; it might surely be used of a step-
daughter. On the other hand, considering the early ages at which
girls were married, I do not see much strength in the argument
which I have marked 4. But Mr. Waters' case can do very well
without it.

As the evidence now stands, there is really no ground either
for the old belief that Gundrada was the daughter of King William
and Queen Matilda, or for Mr. Stapleton's doctrine, which I formerly
adopted, that she was the daughter of Matilda but not the daughter
of William. There is absolutely nothing to make her William's
daughter, except the words Jilie mee said to be in King William's
charter to Lewes. Those words are not inconsistent with Mr.
Stapleton's theory ; but then their genuineness is so doubtful, or
rather their spuriousness is so clear, that they are of no value to

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 699

support any theory. We may say without any kind of doubt that
Gundrada was not the daughter of WiUiam. She is nowhere called
the king's daughter, nor is her husband called his son-in-law, even
where it would have been most obvious, as in the Cluny charter, to
call them so. In the only two passages of any writers where
she is mentioned, she is not called the daughter of William, but
the sister of Gerbod. Her tombstone records her descent from
dukes, not her birth as the daughter of a king. If she was the
king's daughter, no one had the slightest interest in denying the
fact ; many people had an interest in asserting it. It is wonderful
indeed that, if it had been so, the fact should have remained un-
known, or at least unrecorded, everywhere beyond the precincts of
Lewes priory. And when we get within those precincts, we find
nothing but a charter, genuine indeed in the rest of its matter,
but whose text has been tampered with on this particular point.
After this, with no real evidence on one side, with so much evidence
on the other, we may set aside the notion of Gundrada being King
William's daughter as so unlikely, so devoid of all proof, that we
may fairly call it impossible ; and surely it is not that kind of im-
possible which makes one say credo quia impossihile.

We now come to the documents contained in the Lewes cartulary,
and above all to the alleged foundation charter of William of
Warren, and as to the amount of value to be attached to them.
Now, first of all, if these documents be trustworthy, what do they
prove ? They clearly tell in favour of Mr. Stapleton, not of Mr.
Blaauw or of Sir George Duckett. It was the alleged charter of
William of Warren which made me formerly accept the theory of
Mr. Stapleton. A genuine document which called Matilda the
mother of Gundrada, but which did not call William her father,
would, when coupled with the description of Gundrada as sister
of Gerbod, certainly go a long way towards the belief that Gund-
rada was the daughter of Matilda and of the father of Gerbod.
That is, it would go a long way to prove that Matilda, when she
married W^illiam, was the widow of the elder Gerbod. It must be
distinctly understood, what does not seem always to be understood,
that this document can never be quoted to prove that Gundrada
was William's daughter : if it is allowed to prove anything, it
proves quite the other way. Only can it be allowed to prove
anything? That is the point on which the whole question is
now brought to turn. The later document from Lewes and the
earlier document from Cluny are both confessedly not originals.
They may be true copies of originals or they may be forgeries.
Now we should naturally assume them to be true copies, if there
was no reason to think otherwise. Only is there not reason enough
to think otherwise ? If Gundrada and Gerbod were the children
of Matilda by a former marriage with the -elder Gerbod, how is it

700 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct:

that there is no mention anywhere of such marriage or parentage ?
How is it that Orderic, so fond of genealogy, when speaking of Gerbod
and Gundrada as brother and sister, does not speak of both of them
as children of Matilda ? How is it that every writer who mentions
the marriage of William and Matilda speaks of Matilda as a maid
at the time ? I felt these difficulties in 1869 and in 1875 ; one of
them I did my best — with, I think, a provisional success — to dispose
of. But, accepting, as I did, the genuineness of William of Warren's
charter, I thought that its direct statement outweighed them all.
Since then the further difficulty is added that, when it would have
been specially to Anselm's purpose if he could have spoken of Gund-
rada and Henry the First as sister and brother, he says nothing
of any such near kindred, but grounds his prohibition of the mar-
riage of their children on a kindred far more remote. Now that
the possibility of forgery in the charter has once been suggested by ^
Mr. Waters, I do not see how its genuineness can be maintained in M
the teeth of such a mass of difficulties and improbabilities as this. ^

There is only one difficulty the other way. If Earl William's
charter be a forgery, if its intent was, as it doubtless would be, to exalt
the dignity of the foundress, why did the forger not distinctly speak
of William as the father of Gundrada as well as of Matilda as her
mother ? Believing, as I did, in the genuineness of the charter,
this was the argument which, more than any other, made me accept
Mr. Stapleton's theory. Earl William, I argued, would never make
this strange distinction between the parents of his wife. And it is
undoubtedly strange that the forger should do it. But it is less
strange that a forger, seeking variety in the turn of his phrases,
should speak of the queen in one way and of the king in another,
than that Earl William should do so in a serious document in
which he had no object but to state facts. At any rate we cannot
allow a singularity of expression of this kind to establish the
genuineness of the charter in the teeth of such a mass of evidence
the other way.

The conclusion therefore is this. There is nothing to show that
Gundrada was the daughter either of King William or of Queen
Matilda ; there is a great deal to show that she was not. The little
that we know of her comes to this, that she was the sister of
Gerbod earl of Chester, that is, the daughter of the elder Gerbod
the advocate, and that she had a pedigree which in some way
entitled her to be called stirps ducum. Who her ducal forefathers
were we may hope that Mr. Waters will some day find out. In
any future edition of the History of the Norman Conquest I
shall think it my duty to alter every passage which implies a belief
in any part of the theory of Mr. Stapleton. My belief in that
theory was a good deal shaken by the arguments of Mr. Waters ;

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 701

but it is Sir George Duckett whom I have specially to thank for
sending me definitely over to Mr. Waters' views. I ought to have
seen the force of the charter to Cluny when it was first printed by
Mr. Blaauw; as I did not do so, I am thankful to Sir George
Duckett for printing it again, and thereby bringing it more strongly
home to my mind. I ought perhaps, without Mr. Waters' help,
to have thought of the possibility of the documents in the Lewes
cartulary being forgeries. But, as I did not do so, while I can
thank Mr. Waters for first suggesting the thought, so I can no less
thank Sir George Duckett for so opportunely strengthening that
thought as he has done by printing the whole story of the Inspexi-
mus and exemplification from Cluny. By the joint help of Mr.
Waters and Sir George Duckett, a piece of history, perhaps of no
great importance in itself, but of some interest, if only on account
of the controversy which it has awakened, has been, we cannot ex-
actly say cleared up, but at any rate freed from a long-standing
error.

There still remains the question as to the nature of the kindred
or affinity between William and Matilda. Mr. Eule, who says that
he knows what it was, will not tell me, because he says that I know
it already. I do not know it already ; but I hope that Mr. Waters
may some day find it out ; he, I am sure, will tell me when he does.

One word more as to the name Gundrada, Gundred, or what-
ever we are to call her. I have, from habit, followed the spelling
on her tombstone, as the one that I first happened to see. I hope
that no one who is, what I am not, particular about spelling will
on that account call me * a pedantic nuisance ' or a * disgrace to
literature.' Bather than be called such hard names, I would gladly
spell the name in any other way that may be less pedantic and more
literary, say Gundthryth, which would certainly be the English
form, if there were one, or Guntrut, which I am sure I have seen
somewhere. The name is one of the endless names from the root
gund, now understood to mean battle. Forstemann reckons up about
twenty different spellings of it. Einhard spells it as I do as the
name of the granddaughter of Charles the Great. For I must
still, with Shakespeare and other ' disgraces to literature,' so call
the first German emperor, for in history * Charlemagne ' is, as
Shakespeare seems to have known, not his name, but the name of
his younger brother. One is sorry to give offence, even in these
small matters ; but we cannot make the facts ; we must take them
as we find them. It may be more serious if I, or if Mr. Waters,
should offend any of those who have hitherto rejoiced in a fancied
kingly pedigree on the strength of a real or imagined descent from
William of Warren and Gundrada.

Edward A. Fkeeman.

702 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

CARUCAGE.

Students of * early Plantagenet ' history will doubtless be grateful
to Mr. Eound for bringing to their notice the interesting extracts
from * Testa de Nevill ' which he has reprinted in the July number of
this Eeview ; and I in particular should be glad to be allowed to
offer him my thanks. I should feel still further indebted to him if
he would explain more fully certain other matters touched upon in
his note. If I understand him rightly, he holds that under the
Norman and Angevin kings there was levied at intervals a tax upon
the land, the unit of assessment varying at different times, but in
the reigns of Kichard and John consisting of a carucate, ploughland,
or wainage for one plough ; and that under Henry III there was
substituted for this a new form of tax, to which alone the name of
* carucage ' rightly belongs, and which was levied not upon the land
at all, but upon the ploughs owned by the tax-payers, wholly irre-
spective of their use (above, pp. 506, 507). Compared with such a
novelty as this, the mere change in the mode of computing the
extent of the carucate, introduced in 1198, would be a very small
matter ; and although, of course, the real importance of the impost
(whatever it is to be called) of 1198 depends far less upon its
financial aspect than upon the advance in the development of the
representative system, marked by the altered character of the
machinery whereby the survey was made, yet when viewed simply
as a landmark in the history of financial administration, it must
sink into insignificance beside the carucage of 1220, if the character
of this latter was indeed what Mr. Bound represents. I say * of
1220,' because he appears to date the introduction of the new basis
of assessment in that year, and the earliest historical use of the
word * carucage ' in 1224 (p. 507, n. 22) ; although I do not under-
stand his reason, for the term * carucage ' is found in the Close
Eolls as early as 1217, and again in 1218.^ Whatever its exact
date, it is surely very strange that so great an innovation as he
represents to have been introduced under Henry III should have
hitherto entirely escaped, as it seems, the notice of historians both
medieval and modern. The description of it quoted by Mr. Bound
from Matthew Paris shows just as little consciousness of anything
new in the form of the tax as does the silence of later writers concern-
ing it. But is it absolutely certain that the substitution of the word
caruca for carucata from 1220 downwards implies what Mr. Bound
supposes it to imply ? He says that in 1200 ' we find Hoveden em-
ploying the very same formula as in 1198,' and quotes in a note the
words * cepit de unaquaque carucata totius Anglice tree solidos.' The
reference added, * iv. 167,' is of course a misprint for ' iv. 107.' But
there we find that although one MS. of Boger of Howden has the

» Caruag., Rot. Claus. i. 310, a. 1 Hen. Ill ; de carnicagio, ibid. 348, a. 2 Hen. IH.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 703

reading quoted by Mr. Bound, another — that which Dr. Stubbs has
chosen for his text — reads caruca instead of carucata ; and we after-
wards (p. 140) find the same writer caUing the same tax denarios
carucarum ; while Ealf of Coggeshall ^ describes it as a demand * ut
qucelibet caruca arans tres persolveret solidos.' Yet Mr. Eound seems
to reckon the impost of 1200 among those levied on the ploughZa/i^,
not on the plough. If, then, * caruca ' could be used as a synonym for
* carucata' in 1200 — as he apparently admits — what evidence is
there to show that it was no longer so used twenty years later ? I
can see none in the passages which he quotes ; if he possesses such
evidence, I at least should be grateful to him for publishing it.

Further difficulties, however, remain. According to Mr. Eound's
view, the name * carucage ' belongs only to the era of taxation by the
plough. But he makes this begin in 1220, and the era of ' carucage,'
eo nomine, seems to have begun in 1217. There is here an apparent
discrepancy, which he will doubtless be able to reconcile. Still more
puzzling to me are the closing words of his note (above, p. 507,
n. 22) : * The receipts in Oxfordshire, by hundreds and parishes,
from the carucage {eo nomine) of 1228 will be found in ** Testa de
Nevill" (pp. 131-133). In it the "carucate" and "bovate" no
longer appear, but only the plough team (caruca).'' I recognise
only a few of the local names in * Testa de Nevill,' pp. 131-133,
but those few are all names of places in Berkshire ; and I cannot see
how to reconcile the date 1228 with the heading, Hec est recepta
carucagij ultimo assisi anno regni R. Henr' fcij q'nto. Moreover, in
these pages, amid payments pro . . . carucis, pro , . . carucis et dimid\
or et p'te caruce, I find the following : De Eton WilVi de Hastings
pro X caruc* tWe xx s. — De Sandon pro x carucis terre xx sol, Caruca
terrce seems a strange representative of a * plough team ' ; and when
I also find the witnesses at an inquisition on one of the manors
belonging to Kamsey Abbey, apparently about 1230, stating that
ibi sunt in dominico duce carucce terrce, nesciunt quid contineant (Cart.
Eames. ii. 42), I am tempted to question whether throughout the
reign of Henry III, as well as in those of his father and his uncle,
caruca and carucata, like virga and virgata, were not occasionally
synonymous after all.

I venture to think that Mr. Eound somewhat misinterprets what
he calls ' the accepted view ' of the survey made for the levy of 1198.
He seems to think that its devisers are supposed to have specially
aimed at substituting a heavier for a lighter taxation. I do not
know where or by whom such a view has been stated ; for the pas-
sage which he quotes (p. 506) from the introduction to the * Select
Charters ' clearly refers to the tax of 1194, not to that of 1198.
Historians have generally assumed — and thus far Mr. Eound will
probably not differ from them — that as a matter of convenience for

' See Sel. Chart, third ed. p. 272.

704 . NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

purposes of registration and calculation, ' the substitution of a uni-
form for a variable carucate was,' as Bishop Stubbs says, ' a great
advantage to the exchequer ' ; but no one, that I am aware of, has
suggested that it was necessarily a disadvantage to the tax-payers
as a body, whatever it may have been to individuals among them ;
on the contrary, ' the allowance of a hundred acres to the plough
was not an illiberal measure towards the cultivators.' ^ Those of
the six Warwickshire manors of which Mr. Eound gives the details
must certainly have had good cause to rejoice at it. Indeed, if the
new assessment diminished the proceeds of the levy all over the
country in anything like the same degree as on these manors, the
financial results of the survey must have been of a character start -
lingly unlike that which we are accustomed to attribute to the
administration of Hubert Walter, and we might almost wonder that
his successors waited twenty years or more before casting aside
such an unlucky precedent and falling back upon the easier though
less scientific device of simply counting up ploughs. Prima facie,
however, there seems a possibihty that the new reckoning of 1198
might tell as heavily in favour of the exchequer in some dis-
tricts as it told against it in others, if old-fashioned * carucates,'
varying in extent as greatly as the ' hides ' with which they had
once been identified, were measured out, and cut up into uniform
tracts of a hundred acres apiece. If Mr. Eound can furnish any
evidence to show whether or not there was any such redressing of
the balance, he will confer another benefit upon historical inquirers.

Kate Norgate.

THE visitation OF THE MONASTERY OF THAME, 1526.

An appeal has been made in a recent book on the English monas-
teries from the judgments passed on the religious houses in the
time of Henry VIII by the visitors employed to inquire into
their condition, to the statements to be found in the episcopal
registers, which record the results of the visitations made by the
bishops and their injunctions based upon such visitations. In the
work alluded to, though much stress is laid upon these episcopal
visitations, none of them is quoted at length. It seems desirable,
therefore, that some specimens at least of these inquiries, which
have never yet been printed, should be laid before the public, that
they may be able to judge how far they clear the monasteries from
the imputations cast on them at the time of the dissolution. In
the register of John Longland, bishop of Lincoln, 1521-1547, there
are a good many records of these visitations relating to houses both
of monks and nuns. From these the following has been selected
both as being the earliest in the register, being under the year
1526, and also as exhibiting the method of dealing with an exempt

» Pref. to R. Hoveden, iv. 93.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 705

house, instances of which do not often occur in episcopal registers.
According to Mr. Gasquet, the author alluded to above, * There is
no reason whatever to suppose that the condition of the exempt
religious was in any way worse than the rest. ... It is not too
much to regard the evidence furnished in the pages of these epi-
scopal registers as giving a faithful picture of the state of the
religious houses' (i. 35-36).

The house of Thame was founded by Alexander, bishop of
Lincoln, in the twelfth century, for the order of Cistercian or Ber-
naruine White Monks. The first house of this order founded in
England was at Waverley in Surrey (founded 1128) ; hence the
abbot of Waverley, as the mother house, was the visitor of the
houses of the order in England by papal privilege and exemption ;
and the bishop of Lincoln, wishing to correct the irregularities of
Thame, was obliged to proceed through the abbot of Waverley,
reserving to himself the right, when the visitation was completed,
of making his own comments on it. The whole process is given
below in full detail.

Contra Ahbatem de Thame.

1. Inprimis articulamur tibi domino abbati quod propter affec-
tionem et amorem nimium quem erga J. Cowper babes tu expulisti
quosdam tenentes tuos, et easdem terras et tenementa dimisisti
eidem Cowper.

2. Item tu vendidisti eidem Cowper nonnullas arbor es circa
monasterium tuum, pulchriores praecipue et grossiores, et ad mag-
num numerum, in detrimentum magnum et dedecus dicti monas-
terii, et hoc non justo, sed vili precio et premio.

3. Item tu habes semper in consortio tuo, in mensa et cubiculo,
et undequaque, juvenes et pueros, quo nonnulli de te male et sus-
piciose suspicantur et fabulantur.

4. Item tu habes vel habuisti puerum aut filium Cowper, aut
alium, tecum in lecto dormientem, saepius jacentem, et pernoc-
tantem.

5. Item ipse Cowper quondam equiductor tuus erat, et quasi
nuUius reputationis, tuis tamen auxiliis et bonis monasterii tui
valde jam dives efficitur.

6. Item promovisti H. Symonds ad firmam grangisB tuae prop-
ter banc causam quod ipse duceret in uxorem quandam mulierem
nomine Cornyshe.

7. Item quidam voluerunt dare pro fine ejusdem grangiae xx li.
et majorem redditum annualem quam iste Symonds reddit, et
noluisti accipere, in prejudicium domus non parvum.

8. Item monasterium tuum, grangiae, maneria et tenementa
extremam patiuntur ruinam, et majorem quotidie minantur, nee
manum apponis in reedificationem.

VOL. III. — NO. xn. 2 z

706 • NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

9. Item tua incuria et negligentia monasterium tuum in extre-
mam ducitur paupertatem et egestatem, et indebitatur multis
creditoribus viz. Vicario de Thame, Davidi Lewes, Eich. Lambarte,
Magistro Dawns et aliis.

10. Item tu permittis quaedam quorundam animalia in pasturis
tuis depasci, et libere et absque aliqua pecmiia, in magnum monas-
terii tui detrimentum, nee habes animalia sufficientia ad repletionem
earundem, sed pauca aut nulla habes.

11. Item tu in promotionem ad matrimonium famulorum
tuorum, et aliorum amicorum tuorum inutiliter eonsumpsisti bona
monasterii tui viz. ad matrimonium Cowper, Thomse Barbour,
Nicolai Wag et aliorum.

12. Item tu nunquam fecisti compotum inter fratres tuos, nee
aliter, directe contra decreta pairum et institutionem religionis, sic
quod nullus confratrum tuorum statum jam domus dinoscit.

13. Item tu nimis laute et sumptuose convivaris, et nimiam
familiam habes et frequentiam extraneorum, in magnam depau-
perationem monasterii, nee circumspectionem aut provisionem
aliquam habes, neque boves, neque oves, triticum aut brasium, ad
manutentionem communarum domus, ita quod ultima aestate ac-
commodabat tibi Henrieus Baw^dewen de Grindon et oves et brasium.

14. Item in magnum dispendium domus tuse nutris multos
pueros juvenes, et alias otiosas personas, quo domus depauperatur.

15. Item tu filium Cowper continuo nutris et semper est in
prsesentia et conspectu tuo, in mensa, et cubiculo, ita quod vicini
malum de te suspicantur.

16. Item alii juvenes frequentant consortium confratrum tuorum,
die et nocte, publice et secrete, in occasionem ruinse confratrum, et
magnam infamiam et domus et religionis.

17. Item magna et nimia est frequentatio mulierum in mon-
asterium ad religiosos, in perniciosissimum exemplum aliarum
domorum, occasionem mali inter fratres, et dedecus et infamiam
religionis.

18. Item tu ignarus es, et fratres nescii ordinis religionis et
sanetarum ceremoniarum ejusdem, nee ullus fratrum regulas
Saneti Benedicti scit aut cognoscit.

19. Item tu non corrigis fratres delinquentes, sed permittis illos
contra regulam ad libitum monasterio exire, et publice inter iaicos
sagittare in campis de Thame, ubi saepius publice et laute in
tabernis et domo Cowper convivantur, directe contra decreta sanc-
torum et regulas saneti Benedicti.

20. Item finitis visitationibus nullse fiunt punitiones nee refor-
mationes, sed juxta antiquas libertates et eonsuetudines malas in
libertate majori vivunt monachi tui quam laici in quibus demor-
antur, et vicini. dicunt quod nullae reformationes in visitationibus
hie fiunt, sed de malo in deteriora progrediuntur monachi.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 707

21. Item tu sinis dominum Chynnor, monachum tuum, ad libi-
tum suum quo velit abire, quo multi male suspicantur de eo, et de
vita et continentia ejusdem.

22. Item tui monachi inhonestis vestimentis et fractis incedunt.

Contra Dompnum Chynnor,

1. Item tu nimis sumptuose expendis pecuniam domus, ita quod
nonnullis debes certas summas pecuniarum viz. Archdiacono Leices-
trensi, Darby famulo magistri Dawns, fratri tuo, et aliis.

2. Item nimis suspiciose frequentas domum et consortium uxoris
Thomse Barbour, mulieris non bonae famse ratione tuae et eonfratrum
tuorum consuetudinis ad eandem.

3. Item tu nimis frequentas villam de Thame in scandalum tui,
cum saepius ad te ad illud oppidum qusedam mulier nomine N. non
bonae famae accedit, et tu ad illam.

4. Item tu in ditationem fratris tui Cowper consumis et res et
pecunias et bona monasterii.

5. Item tu eras per spatium duarum vel trium ebdomadum
tanquam capellanus serviens in domo Lentall et die et nocte ibidem
commorantem [sic] in infamiam et scandalum tuum.

6. Item tu contra regulam monasticam eras Oxonii, tempore
sessionis Justiciariorum, publice in praetorio inter juridicos ad pro-
curandum et indictandum archidiaconum Leicestr. et quatuor
famulos suos, ubi judices publice te increpabant, in scandalum
religionis tuae.

7. Item tu ad omne quasi verbum juras, et membra Christi
nominas irreverenter, in pessimum aliorum exemplum et tui dedecus.

Contra Dom, Edmundum,

Item tu eras causa quod Joannes Mundy de Sydnam duceret in
uxor em mulier em grangiae, ex quo tempore nimis frequentasti domum
ejusdem, et erexisti ibidem varias edificationes.

Contra Priorem^

1. Item tu negligens es in instructionem fratrum in regulis,
ceremoniis et aliis requisitis religionis tuae.

2. Item tu permittis fratres ad libitum deambulare, sagittare;
tempus consumere, et tua negligentia nullus eorum doctus est aut
expertus neque Uteris neque scientia, neque grammatica, nee gravi-
tate, neque in regulis, ceremoniis, nee aliis requisitis religionis tuae,
nee observant silencium aut studium in claustris nee alibi.

3. Item quando ultimo Londinium petiisti tecum deportasti
clavem sistae sigilli communis monasterii contra regulam tuam.

z z 2 -

708 • NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

Eespofisiones ad dictos articulos.
I. Abbatis.

Pater et religione et circumspectione venerabilis, patientia prius
captata, requisitis et impositis liber am respondendi facultatem
humiliter expetimus.

1. Primus iste articulus non movet nos utcunque. Etenim
et vere, apposita in librum manu, nos ne nimio erga Joannem
Cowper amore quidem afiici, immo, ut solemus erga proximos, eum
ipsum mediocri quodam amoris et dilectionis vinculo prosecutos,
profitemur, ex ante tenentes nostros in illius conciliandam graciam
coegisse compelli dicimur, et eadem tenementa eidem dimisisse et
confirmasse, ipsius duntaxat commodo consulentes. Imprimis Deum
ipsum, deinde superos omnes protestamur nos in nullum quorum-
cunque livorem incitatos, immo in amplioris (quoniam longe pluris
valuerunt) annualis nobis redditus coacervationem persolvendi sum-
mopere nitebamur ; et id quidem congruum opinabamur ut qui domum
nostrum in tenementum susceperat, eidem terras illas proximius
domui adjacentes libere quidem annecteremus.

Secundo arbores non adeo proceras neque pulchras, aut tam
grossa quadam corporum mole, sive tam magni (ut fertur) numeri ;
quas quondam et nuper a nobis mercaturam fuisse constat, quocirca
minim e nos in uni versa haec reos, quibus damnum monasterio in-
feratur, agnoscimus ; nam neque a nobis agnitus est quispiam, qui
vel nobis plus afferret pecunise ; et nos in ista hsec coram vobis,
pater visit ator, ad id astricti juramus.

Tertio in loco puerorum et juvenum consortia quam hilariter in
posterum evitare conabimur, similiter id juramento professi.

Quarto obnoxios nos confitemur, unde et posthac solerti cura
resecabimus, juramento utcunque servato.

Quinto Cowper predictus nunquam quidem nostra ex qua creaba-
mur tempestate, nostris equis praefuit ; ceterum bonis monasterii, id
est rei familiaris domesticse sive forensis, ditatum seu locupletatum
vere et juste quidem negabimus — nempe subtili et suo ingenioso
acumine (quod verisimilius dicitur) dum inter mundana negotia
modo cum uno rursum cum alio pasciscitur, convenit, atque identi-
dem cum altero idem contrahit, quo fit ut nonnihil divitiarum brevi
exaggerat in crumenam. E quidem in hiis sicut in omnibus jura-
mento sumus obligati, it a in omni psene negotio ab ipso Cowper,
quocum ssepe tractavimus, nos vacuos juramus.

Jam ut sexto respondeamus Simonem Sinclerum ad grangiam
promovisse id fama habet. Et quidem certum est hoc hominis
moris est, quod benigne, perquam humane et honeste gerit se ; non
enim nostra (quod vulgariter ganniunt) invigilantiaet opera grangiam
assequebatur, ut in vidusB illius (quod absit) copulam traheremu^
efifectum est : immo diserte Magistri Bolls, nostri quidem pro sua

i

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 709

virili semper amantissimi, ut omnem firmse prsedictae situm obtineret
summa cum diligentia elaboratum est. Etenim ipse Simon con-
scientia teste, salvo quod prsestitimus juramento, in illius jam
dictaB mulieris, quae Cornicii quondam erat, exarsit amore.

Nos autem ne quenquam quidem novimus, quanquam quam
plurimi secus jactitant, qui vel sesqui decem libras nobis numerare
voluisset. Praeterea, pater visitator, pollicebimur, atque etiam
religiositati vestrse per jusjurandum asserimus, quicquid terrarum,
tenementorum, grangiarum nobis est, si ubicunque in illis ad
monaster ium pertinentibus ruinse periculum minatur, longe copiosius
ad eorundem sustentationem quam abbas quispiam ante nos actum
est [sic] manus adjutrices apposuimus, et pro modulo jam indies
usquequaque opem laturi sumus. Item vero fatemur non adeo
fuisse activos, pervigiles et industrios re familiari et maxime rus-
tica, quantum oportuit, decuit et debuimus. Eursum creditoribus
illis nos obligatos non negemus. Eeliquum quod est ut prospecto
monasterii commodo (quod per nos in omnibus quidem strictissime
jurati operari tenemur) iisdem creditoribus quam propere queamus
ex integro satisfacturos.

Decimo in articulo expansa ad librum manu quicquid pecorum
sive animalium in dominicalibus nostris in praesentiarum depascitur
aliena [sic] modo fuit, abegimus et abigimus, non sinentes in
posterum vel prae gracia vel precio istiusmodi animalia in nostris
pascuis saginari.

Porro famulis ad conjugium delibatis pauculum contulisse fate-
mur, non adeo graciosum impartiti sumus munusculum, quod
monaster io vel quidquam prejudicet ; sed tali in dando usi sumus
libertate quae non dehonestaret, sed qua domus, dum longe
ampliori fama, honore non onere, commodo non incommodo, hono-
raretur, sicubi astringebamur juramento, pro nostro virili conati
sumus.

Ceterum ut de monasterii rebus et statu integro rationem demus,
non fratribus, immo patri visitatori tantum, ex statutorum decreto
nos manifestissime constat obligari.

Neque tamen adeo opipare ut fama est reficere solemus ; tes-
tantur etiam ipsi convivae ; protestamur enim ex juramento praestito,
deinde citatis ad id testimonii fratribus profitemur, nos et con-
vivas cum adfuerint (utinam adessent) vocari, non more abbatis,
immo in modum colonis [sic] magna penuria et grossis cibis epulari,
ita ut peregrini, superioresque et pares, id fastidiunt, et erubescunt
familiam [?] (commodo adductus paulatim) . Sane quidem peregrinos
monasterium frequentantes qua fronte propellam ignoro. Item ex
Domini Benedicti regula hospitibus suscipiendis nonnihil constricti
sumus ; ex ante ex Baldwino Grindonensi ipso nos mutuum sump-
sisse omnibus in promptu est. Fatemur nos non adeo mundanis
divitiis locupletatos quod non interdum mutuasse cogamur.

710 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

Otiosos vero quis non alit ? Atqui huic morbo summo conatu
obviare studebimus ; pueros et juvenes alios, nisi qui nobis valde
necessarii sunt, a dome nostra exulabimus.

Infantulum Cowper, quo de nobis tanta orta est suspicio, posthac
neque in aedibus nostris, neque in cubiculo neque alibi associabimus.

Et quum apud fratres identidem juvenes frequentabunt obser-
vabimus fideliter, sicut in prsecedentibus et subsequentibus solem-
niter juravimus, illi in futurum morbo prospecturi emendationem
facientes.

Mulierum autem frequentiam, quibus religioni nihil perniciosius,
a fratribus omnibus et a nobis ipsis quantum decebit summopere
destituemus.

Kursum qualitercunque peritia Latinitatis rudes sumus nos
tamen et fratres nostros non adeo vel inscios vel ignaros opinamur
ut ordo ceremonise et sacra ipsa religio funditus ignorarentur, et id
aliorum judicio relinquimus.

In super summe dolemus, atque psenitet admissi, qua [quare ?]
jure veniam subnixe quidem petimus, quandoquidem delinquen-
tes (ut oportuit) non castigavimus. Eur sum eos et oppida et
villas, secularium et laicorum consortia colloquiaque, ludos publicos,
crapulas, commessationes et lautiores et ssepius quam par est et
oportuit, non omnino negabimus. Atqui si posthac rursus hujus-
modi iniqusB vacationes licuerint fatemur nos non inique paenas
luituros.

Eeformationes omnium nobis recitatorum in his duntaxat quibus
culpa in nobis est, fient, additis debitis correctionibus si qua in
posterum prisco et inveterato more resurgant aut pullulent enormia ;
et nos confidimus paternitatem vestram jam nunc vere profiteri
visitationem factam et reformationem, studebimusque non de pejori
in deterius progredi, sed in quantum valemus de sancto in sanctius
passim ire et perfectius.

Observabo per jusjurandum ne Chynnor frater amplius divagetur.
Id enim discrecio vestra praeter cetera illi injuncta instituit, ut
semper in conventu, in oratorio, in claustro, in refectorio, in dor-
mitorio, et aliis locis regularibus, castigatissime et prae religiose
diversetur, inflicta ei si alias fecisse comperiatur condigna puniti-
o.ne.

Si qui vero monachi nostri inhonestis operiantur vestibus, demi-
ramur satis, nempe solitum quidem stipendium (ut solebamus)
singulis erogavimus, dabimusque operam ne de cetero in scandalum
nostri adeo lassis [? laceratis] incedant vestibus.

Equidem ad singulorum articulorum observationem adeo jura-
mento constringimur arete ut si aliquando ex lluxo et fragili sensu
aut tarda oblivione ad prisca ilia et antiqua errata delabimur, mox
juramenti memores ab iniquo coeptu pedem retrahere non elonga-
bimus.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS^ 711

Responsio fratris Chynnor.

Venerande pater, primo petita venia, sic respondeo. Fateor me
Magistro Archidiacono Lecestriae sive fratri etiam meo pecuniae
debere nihil, porro famulo Magistri Dawns pauculum quiddam
debeo, et id quo inter utrumque etiam prope determinatum est.
Secundo ad sancta evangelia jam invitatus appono manum, ne me
unquam quidem (ita me deus adjuvet) seu diabolica mente qualiter-
cunque uxorem Thomse Barbour, seu lascivo verbo, nedum signo
iniquo eam exacuisse, domum autem vel villulam ipsam praeter
Abbatis potestatem unquam [? nonnunquam] me intravisse fateor.
Praetereamulieremquampiam cujuscunque villae, sive in villa Tamensi
sive alibi, ad me concursum habere, vel etiam mihi quovis secreto
pccurrere pacto ne unquam aut invitavi, quod absit, aut optaverim.
Quarto nil unquam rei monasterii seu magni sive etiam parvi
momenti me unum quidem denarium, immo ne obolum, vel etiam
quadrantem, in fratris mei commodum et locupletationem ex isto
juramento coram, et ex corde illato vel blando, precibus aut dolo
quovis me promovisse aut contulisse fateor.

Apud Lentall certis diebus tanquam sacellanum intervallo eb-
domadarum trium, concessa ad id prepositi mei voluntate, celebrandi
gratia pernoctasse, tamen extra monasterium. ; quanquam sera
interdum domum redisse constat [?], fateor.

Imperio abbatis mei et confratrum simul in re et causa monas-
terii ut decuit me ad Oxonias contuli, ubi tum temporis et judices
consessere publice, et quatuor illi archidiaconi famuli juridicis
interfuere, quibusdam illorum pro injuriis coenobio illatis ne ullis
sane verbis obviare potuerim, neque me judices (quoniam et ego
ilHs, et ipsi mihi ne unum quidem verbum fecerunt) increpabant
aut arguebant.

Juramenta non enim ad omne (ut fertur) quasi verbum ex ore
decidunt, sed non sponte, immo incogitantia, inter loquendum non-
nunquam decidunt verba non bene sonantia. Tamen in his sicut in
omnibus, sicuti me condecebit, obedientiae jugo astrictus, quo jure
quaque injuria, indicioni, decreto, injunctioni, ordinationi, constitu-
tioni reverendae paternitatis vestrae collum meum et subjicio et
substerno.

Responsio Prions.

Mea negligentia et remissa officii nobis commissi observatione
et executione confratres hujusmodi ceremonias quae adnostri ordinis
perfectionem atiinent audaciores transgrediendi fieri non injuria mihi
imponitur ; qua in re pudore correptus, pater religione [venerabilis],
emendationi et reformationi in omnibus quae et mihi et confratribus
meis a paternitate vestra imponantur deinceps infallibihter a nobis^
niehus solito, adimplendo, collum meum substerno.

Et etiam clavem sigilli communis mecum Londinium apportard

712- NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

fama est ; testantur confratres mei istiusmodi accusationi minime
me obnoxium, et id paternitati vestrae (ex juramento praestito)
veraciter et fideliter intimo.

Responsio Edmundi.

Non unquam cujusvis matrimonii contractui interfui, nee cui-
quam matrimonio uspiam aut profui aut obfui. Et quod domus
ibidem tum reparabantur matrimonium non in causa erat, immo
majoris ruinae periculum ad reedificationem nos movebat, et prse-
positi mei jussu illis operariis ssepenumero et profui et interfui.

Injunctiones Abhatis de Waverley in dioc, Winton.

Nos frater Joannes monasterii Sanctae Virginis Marie de Waver-
leya Dei graeia perhumilis abbas, ordinis Cistercii Winton Diocesis,
non solum pro sancta auctoritate Eeverendissimi in Christo patris
domini domini Thomae miseracione divina tituli Sanctae Cecilie
sacrosanctae Eomanae ecclesiae presbiteri Cardinalis, Eboracensis
Archiepiscopi, Angliae primatis, et apostolicae sedis non modo nati,
sed etiam de latere legati, ipsiusque regni Angliae cancellarii, super
certis monasteriis hujus incliti regni Angliae in nostra commissione
patenter expressis et nominatim commissis ; verum etiam paterna
jurisdictione nostra, qua etiam in hac parte modo fungimur, secundo
die mensis Februarii, anno Dni millesimo quarengentesimo vicesimo
quinto, pro prospero religionis statu, et ampliori monasterii com-
modo, monasterium de Thame personaliter visitantes, pariter et
reformantes ; ad laudem et gloriam summae et individuae Trinitatis,
honoremque beatissimae Dei genetricis, nostri antedicti ordinis
singularissimae protectricis [?] et conservatricis, nonnulla statuta
subsequentia, prehabita deliberatione matura, edidimus, et ordina-
tiones fecimus quae ab omnibus et singulis regularibus personis
predicti monasterii prout aliqualiter tangunt et concernunt, fideliter
firmiterque observari in virtute sanctae obedientiae volumus et
districte praecipiendo mandamus. Imprimis, licet autem satis tarn
in regula divi Benedicti quam in jure sit pro visum quomodo
monachi nostri ordinis convenire debeant ad divina officia (diurna
videlicet et nocturna) necnon legere et psallere in eisdem (quae
tamen haec negligent er omittuntur inter dum) volumus et etiam
ordinamus ut universi et singuli monachi prelibati monasterii cum
gravitate et modestia humiliter et devote singulis horis consuetis et
debitis ad divina officia persolvenda interesse studeant, his dun-
taxat exceptis quos abbas sua indulgentia, et magna monasterii
utilitate, seu praegravi corporis valetudine, et devote [sic] absentare
voluerit. Ipsaque divina officia cum devocione sincera, tractim,
distincte concinantur, et debite celebrentur in hac domo, melius
solito, juxta beati patris Bernardi formam et regulam in materna
nostra domo Cistercii, inviolabiliter observantes, r.on transcurrendo

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 713

aut sincopando, et quod alia quae hiis impediuntur aiferrent [?]. In-
hibemus quod, sub poena excommunicationis contradicentibus in-
fligenda, seculares sive laici cantores, tarn viri quam pueri, tempore
divinorum ab ipso choro conventuali excludantur. Et cant us
fractus, Anglice Pryke Songe, cum pulsatione organorum per
hujusmodi seculares personas cum fratribus chorum intrantes, una
cum ipsis ibidem sedentes, confabulantes, dissolutiones moventes,
amodo dampnamus, et domino Abbati sub paena contemptus simi-
liter mandamus ut diligenter et districte provideat hujusmodi nos-
trum statutum inviolabiliter observari. Permittimus tamen quod
religiosi viri inter se, exclusis semper predictis laicis cantoribus,
aliquam melodiam super simplicem cantum diebus dominicis et
natalibus sanctorum in missis et vesperis cum pulsatione organorum,
per aliquem fratrem aut honestum secularem facerent, ita quod non
habeat cum fratribus nimiam familiaritatem. Similiter in missis
Beatae Mariae cotidianis extra chorum permittimus faciendum a
fratribus ibidem exist en tibus. Ceremoniae debita reverentia im-
pleantur, summum silentium servetur, lustrationes oculorum in
parietibus evitentur, oculis in terram defixis, manibus in modum
crucis plicatis, Deum . . . mentis praecordiis intuentes, proster-
nationibus et inclinationibus nequaquam postpositis. Omnes
quoque et singuli, hiis solummodo exceptis, quos apud se justa
causa monasterii abbas retinere voluerit, ad Salve Kegina post
completorium in ecclesia decantari consuetum ad sonitum con-
veniant, chorumque intrent beatissimae Dei genetrici obsequium
gratum oblaturi, quo decantato, aqua benedicta primitus aspersi
dormitorium petant fratres, ubi usque ad vigiliarum pulsationem
ullo absque egressu, nisi ingens necessitas sive evidens utilitas
cum speciali facultate exitum [causaverit] in summo silentio,
singuli in singulis lectis, jaceant atque dormiant, iUis duntaxat
exceptis videlicet injfirmis, aut legitime ab abbate excusatis. Atque
etiam prohibemus ut ullus ibi secularis cujusvis aetatis fuerit,
pernoctare, expectare, intrare aut exire permittatur. Atque abbati
damns in mandato ut quam cito poterit in dormitorii repa-
racionem manum apponere non dissimulet. Ibidemque lampadem
jugiter et praesertim hiemali tempore ardere faciat, ut fratribus ad
necessaria per agenda noctu gradientibus lumen exhiberi valeat :
fiatque scrutinium a presidente noctanter per lectos singulorum, et
qui ibi repertus non fuerit pro fugitivo habeatur, hiis autem
exceptis quibus Abbas egritudinis causa, aut aha justa causa,
dispensare decreverit. Item statuimus et districte precipiendo
mandamus, et sub pena regularis disciplinae domino sacristae
infligenda ordinamus, quatenus ad vigilias pulset, ut festivis diebus
hora tertia, ferialibus autem hora quarta fratres simul in chorp
convenire valeant, ne ad celeriorem quam decet cantandi festi-
nantiam cogantur, sub pena superius limitata aut ad prioris vel

714 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

alterius presidentis arbitrium pro delicti qualitate infligenda :
cunctaque intervalla ab omnibus et singulis regularibus personis
infallibiliter fore observanda decernimus ; in quibus vero lectioni in
claustro singuli (excusatione legitima minime praetensa) jugiter
vacent, praesertim diebus dominicis et festis in quibus regularis
disciplina sit studiosius exercenda : aliis diebus cum expediens
yidebitur interdum labori manuali sedulo insistant, et a quibus-
libet vagacionibus et discursu et ludis inhonestis hujusmodi
temporibus diligentissime religiosos compescere domino abbati aut
ejus vicem gerentibus sub virtute sanctse obedientiae injungimus.
Item quod continuum lumen puri cordis aut boni operis coram Deo
ardere debeat, nos idcirco firmiter precipiendo statuimus et etiam
prdinamus quod abbas accuratius provideat ante tempus quadra-
gesimale, sub poena contemptus, quod tres lampades semper habe-
antur et accendantur in oratorio ad vigilias, prout expressius in
libro usuum designatur, et quod una ipsarum die noctuque coram
summi sacramento altaris incessanter ardens habeatur, ebdoma-
darius servitor jugiter invigilet, sub pena regularis discipline
districte mandamus. Sacerdotes non intitulati, prius confessionis
et penitentiae balsamo se pungentes, ter in ebdomada ad minus
celebrare seipsos disponant. Non [sic] sacerdotes dominicis et
sermonum diebus communicent, nisi ex causa quam Abbati, priori,
aut penitentiariis monasterii non differant intimare, eorumque
judicio vel abstineant vel accedant, sub pena levis culpae quam
utrumque reum tam sacerdotem quam non sacerdotem sustinere
decernimus. Silentiumque continuum quod clavis religionis
fore indicatur semper in locis debitis et consuetis ab omnibus et
singulis monachis, perfectius solito, sub pena in statutis trans-
gressoribus limitata districtissime observari mandamus. Etiam
lirmiter statuimus et ordinamus ut Abbas die noctuque longe
vigilantius et commodius solito provideat quod bona et competenti
hora ostia cujuslibet officinae claudantur, serentur, aperiantur, et
presertim ostia dormitorii et promptuarii, per quod cujuslibet
introitum omnino prohibemus. Damnamusque deinceps omni-
modas potationes et commessationes, presertim in promptuario, in
coquina, aut alibi, per conventum sive seculares, et praecipue horis,
nocturnis et non competentibus, nisi fratres nonnulli fortassis siti
laborantes, aut alia causa legitima, ad exitum de dormitorio per
presidentis facultatem quandoque coarctabuntur ubique sine stre-
pitu ; necnon cantus et clamores in domo conventuali prope ostium
dormitorii aut alibi omnino prohibemus : volumus etiam et in
virtute sanctae obedientiae precipiendo mandamus abbati quod in
refectorio feriis quartis, necnon in omnibus festis diebus, loco ut
quam primum queat ad hoc apparato, fratres ibidem reficere faciat
Qum graciarum actionibus ante et post refectionem, solemniter et-
debite decantando. Instituimus etiam quod regula divi patris

I

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 715

Benedict!, liber usuum, deffinitiones antiquse et novellae, una cum
benedictinis, a priore, subpriore, vel ab aliquo fratre ad hoc docto
et idoneo, annuatim integraliter et attente perlegantur, etiam, si
opus fuerit, vulgariter exponantur ne quis frater ignorantia aut
inscitia se excusare valeat. Et quia mulierum ingressus et nomi-
natim per loca regularia (quae secundum declarationes Benedictinas
domus sive loca ilia sunt quibus monachi debent residere) nisi forte
fuerit tam reverenda persona et honesta quod ei sine gravi scandalo
et ingenti damno monasterii convenienter nequeat denegari ^

•Item statuimus quod quilibet administrator sive officiarius
regularis omnia bona, jocalia, pecuniam, utensilia, necnon alia ad
eorum officia pertinentia, tam infra quam extra monasterium, in
grangiis aut alibi, in scriptis de abbate aut ejus deputato recipere
habeat : necnon de eisdem ad minus in quolibet anni termino, aut
cum opus fuerit, aut expediens per abbatem censebitur, plenam et
lucidam reddere computacionem diligenter studeat, coram conventu
et senioribus monasterii : et semel in anno tam abbas quam ejus
officiarii claram et generalem patri visitatori fecerint computa-
cionem de omnibus et singulis receptis, expensis et debitis per
parvas et minutas portiunculas ; et antequam quispiam ad ad-
ministrationem admittatur praestare habeat jur amentum, caveat-
que abbas deinceps ne cito manus apponat suas profiuis et
superfluis nemorum silvarum aut arborum vendicionibus, immo
eorundem vastationibus et spoliationibus, sub pena contemptus.
Abbati sub eadem pena absque assensu conventus aut seniorum
domus consilio, tenementa sive firmas aut terras magni precii,
licet pro magno et ingenti precio possit exponere [non]
liceat. Et ne vicium proprietatis locum vendicet et possideat man-
damus ut unusquisque fratrum de omnibus et singulis quae penes
se habere dinoscitur, semel in anno schedulam veram faciat et
scribat, eamque abbati ante dominicam in ramis palmarum tradat
ne sentencise excommunicationis (quod absit) ipso die fulminandae
particeps fiat. Etiam ne ignorantia, virtutum noverca, monasticae
vitae dissipatrix, locum in religiosis obtineat, districtius domino
abbati precipimus ut instructor em juvenum doctum at que idoneum
ad illos docendos in grammaticalibus a tali opere tam celesti et
laude digno [instituat] et sister e permittat. Districte etiam precipi-
mus abbati et ejus absentia presidenti ut nulH de cetero egrediendi
licentia a monasterio tribuatur, nee ad villam de Thama, nee alibi
sagittandi gracia cum secularibus nee quacunque causa, nisi pro
magna necessitate vel evidenti domus utilitate, culpabiles autem,
tam mittentes quam missi, tribus diebus pro qualibet vice penam
peragant levis culpae. Tamen recreationes honestae et rehgiosaa
itctque fiant infra libertates monasterii, funditus exclusis secularibus,
duobus tribusve diebus in ebdomada, vel certis illorum dierum horis

' Sentence appears to be unfinish£cl.

716 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

limitatis ad abbatis discrecionem permittantur. Et si quis rebellis
aut maledicus repertus fuerit (quod absit) abbati, priori, aut sub-
priori, in penis quomodo aut qualiter infligendis seu imponendis
penam peragat levis culpae, alioquin ipso facto suspendatur, donee
penitentiam peragat injunctam. Et quod superfluum fore constat
jura et leges condere nisi debits executioni demandentur, domino
abbati sub pena contemptus, sic priori et subpriori sub ordinis
censuris mandamus ut haec nostra salubria instituta, religionis
observantiaB valde congrua et salubria, inviolabilia observent et a
singulis quos tangunt et concernunt sic observari faciant, trans-
gressores vero sic penis affligant ut delinquendi metus ceteris omnino
prebeatur. Etiam quod carta visitationis legatur per cantorem
quater in anno mandamus coram fratribus in capitulo, ac in sequenti
visitatione coram nobis patenter ostendatis qujB sunt fideliter
observata. Demum omnes in Christi visceribus obnixius hortamur
et monemus quatenus dominum abbatem diligant, religiosam ducere
vitam ad eifectum studeant, levitates morum devitent, modestiam
gravitatemque proferant, mutuam semper charitatem teneant,
divinis obsequiis accurate intendant, obedientiam sine mora exhibere
non omittant, lectionibus opportunis temporibus insudent, vaga-
tiones ac ludos inhonestos conculcent, officinasque indebite minime
ingrediantur, necnon ceremonias ordinis et hujus monasterii hac-
tenus honeste et laudabiliter observatas, studiose debite custodiant,
sicque in hujus mundi stadio cur sum suum peragant ut tandem
eternse felicitatis bravium merito adipisci valeant. Insuper inhibe-
mus omnibus et singulis in virtute sanctae obedientiae et sub pena
excommunicationis latae sentencise ne praesentem cartam et haec
nostra instituta monasticam vitam concernentia audeat quidpiam
infringere, seu de hac domo asportare, absque nostra facultate
speciali. Dat. in eodem monasterio de Thama sub appositions
sigilli nostri pastoralis officii die et anno superius.

Literce Visitatoris videlicet Ahbatis de Waverley.

En, pater venerabilis et sanctse religionis amantissime, omnibus
articulis tuis fidelia et non ficta filiorum tuorum humillima re-
sponsa. En quoque licet rudem, tamen secundum ordinis nostri
form am dictatum visitationis nostras actum dignissimis manibus
vestris offerimus — id quidem a paternitate vestra subnixius expe-
tentes quatenus perlectis singulis eundem ipsum rursus ad manus,
ne ordinis arcana alterius religionis sive laicorum patefiant personis,
remittere dignemini. Confidimus namque dignationem vestram
tutorem ac defensorem nostras religionis fore. Assit honori tuo
Sanctus Spiritus.

Ex monasterio nostro scriptum decimo tertio die mensis
Februarii.

Tuiis, quantus est, orator assiduus,

Joannes perhumilis Abbas.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 717

Rescribii dominus Episcopus Lincoln, mentemsuam ad omnia pradicta
Ahbatis de Waverley.

1. Abbas primo responso persuadere conatur terras quas a
prioribus conductoribus submovit et Joanni Cowper locavit, longe
minoris justo annuo precio prius fuisse locatas, et banc ipse causam
praedicat quod in amplioris coacervationem (ut suis verbis utar)
terras illas domui Joannis Cowper proximas libere ipsi domui
adjunxerit. Haec quod frivola sit excusatio quis est qui non videat ?
si enim amplioris spe redditus adductus locandas has terras curavit,
et ut ipsemet fatetur libere has terras domui Joannis Cowper
adjunxit, fieri non potest ut in major em usum vel in ampliores
annales redditus curavit locandas. Quod enim libere datur precium
non dilatat nee auget. Itaque ex tali rusticorum praediorum ex
urbanis divisione sequitur necessario magna urbani praedii jactura,
cum ruri non forma, aut domus situ, sed rei rusticse exercitio
vivitur. Non igitur prudens aut circumspectus rei domesticae admin-
istrator habendus aut judicandus est qui sic rustica ab urbanis
dividit ut uni consulens alteram perditum iri sinat.

2. Quum negat proceras et magna in copia vendidisse Joanni
Cowper arbores, miror plurimum hominis audaciam, qui quod
omnibus luce clarius patet fucis tamen ac coloribus adumbrare
nititur. Sic enim prima responsionis parte non vendidisse sa
arbores, postea tamen fatetur ex harum venditione nihil intulisse
coenobio damni aut mali, cum nuUus melior harum estimator in-
veniretur. Non equidem censentur boni rerum curatores qui
magna corporum mole arbores, in usum et vetustarum domuum
edificationem a majoribus multos annos consignatas, solum eam ob
rem praestant, ac minime quidem quod liberalior harum licitator
ad manum non occurrit.

3. Tertio poUicetur se deinceps abdicaturum pueros quibuscum
nimis conversabatur et in mensa et in lecto. Sed quia contra re-
gulas sanctorum patrum juvenes coUectaneos habebat, ex quo gra-
vissime mala fama laborabat, nihil in hac visitatione contra eum
statuitur. Quanta tamen pericula indies ex tali concubitu religiosis
accidunt personis tam est manifestum ut scandalizentur ex eo
religiosa loca quamplurima. Quod vicium quia vigebat in capite
ad confratres ejus exemplo perventum est.

4. Quarto responso pollicetur se posthac non concubiturum cum
filiolo Cowper ' juramento utcunque signato.' Quid important haec
verba 'juramento utcunque signato' nisi jurato tahter qualiter
signato non intelligo, quod juramenta, quorum violatio in pericu-
lum tendit, non taUter qualiter, nee utcunque, sed firmissime^
diligentissime ac fidelissime sunt servanda.

5. Quinto negat abbas Joannem Cowper quocum ssepe pactus
est, aut contraxisse per eum, aut bonis monasterii locupletatum esse.

718 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

Fatetur tamen ipsum Cowper nuper pauperem fuisse, cum eo fre-
quenter et identidem convenisse et contraxisse, at contractibus quos
cum uno atque altero fecit brevi tempore fecit magnam divitiarum
vim accumulasse. Itaque qui fieri potest quin ex tam mala, impru-
denti ac incauta abbatis administratione Joannes Cowper, porro
aliquis callidus, ex mutuis suis ac abbatis contractibus magnas
opes ac ingentem pecuniae vim contraxerit ?

6. Certam famam eorum esse quae sextus articulus habet nee
fatetur libere ipsum eam ob causam suasisse Simoni Sinclero ut
grangiae curam sumeret quia relictam uxorem Corny she duceret,
salvo tamen juramento affirmat hoc quod fama refert verum non
esse. Ecce, pater visitator, quam insincera immo ut verius dicam
quam perplexa est haec responsio ' salvo suo juramento.' Ista paria
sunt, fateor famam de hac re valere sed nolo jurare an verum sit
necne, quod haec fama [refert]. Ac mihi longe aliter cogendus
videtur facti veritatem manifestare, nolensque respondere mediante
juramento habetur pro confesso, praeterea confitenti se infamatum
indicanda esset canonica purgatio, sed nullum istorum hucusque
factum video.

7. Septimo dicit se non novisse quempiam qui pro grangiae
firma plus Simone Sinclero daret quousque locatio absoluta fuisset ;
modo tamen fatetur complures esse qui jactitant sese multo plures
pecunias pro annuo redditu grangiae daturos fuisse. Qui boni et
utiles sunt dispensatores non statim, non praecipitanter, praedia sua
locant, sed licitatores complures expectant, et priusquam praedia
sua demittant, naturam, valorem, fructum et omnem commoditatem
earundem diligenter explorant ; sed iste bonus vir, ut fatetur, licita-
tores non expectavit, nee quae debuit ante locationem exploravit.

8. Octavo protestatur se curiose prospexisse minis monasterii
sui, restaurationes et aedificationes domorum fecisse, poUicetur et se
facturum posthac. Sed quoniam arbor es prope omnes aedificationi
necessarias vendidit, et debita monasterii aut aequantur annuis
redditibus, aut ut fama est ipsos redditus superant, non video
quomodo speremus eum minis tam variis subvenire posse in
futurum.

9. Nono, cum talis debet esse abbas qui religione ceteros ante-
cellat, et in curandis monasterii negotiis ceteris prepolleat, hie abbas
fatetur se non fuisse adeo active pervigilem et industriosum in
re familiari et maxime rustica quantum oportuit, decuit, et decuisset
esse : fatetur insuper se diversis creditoribus indebitatum esse, et
revera nova debita contraxit, et ilia quidem satis magna. Si ergo,
pensatis omnibus, redditus monasterii satis ampli, et silvamm
grossammque arborum venditiones tot annis quibus dicto coenobio
praefuit, sibi non sufficiant ut ex illis onera consueta et necessaria
supportet, non est dubitandum quoniam non sit bonus et pervigil
administrator, ex temporis cursu paitlatim monasterium istud in

1

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 719

tantam |5aupertatem et debitorum molem redigetur, ut cum non
amplius habeat mobilium quod vendat, ipsa etiam prsedia sua
cogetur hypothecare, aut penitus distrahere ; ac insuper cum abbas
ideo prseficitur ut prosit non ut prcesit solum, qui non potest prodesse,
ut fatur, monasterio, quare eidem praeesse permittitur ? Non debet
insuper abbas mutuum contrahere, nisi cum capituli sui consensu,
et pecunia inde recepta non suis sed confratrum manibus in utilita-
tem monaster ii servanda et dispensanda est. ' Omnia fac cum
consilio, et post factum non paenitebis.'

10. Decimo ' expansa ad librum manu ' etc. quid sibi volunt
hsec verba non intelligo. Non enim qui manum expansam ad
librum llabent jurare dicuntur nee poUiceri ; promittit tamen
quod neque prece neque precio aliena animalia in suis pasturis
deinceps saginabuntur. Cum ergo propria monasterium animalia
non habeat quae pascuis sufficiant, nee sunt ibidem pecuniae unde
tot animalia comparentur, quid faciet abbas cum tam amplis pascuis
in quibus neque propria neque aliena pecora gratis, aut convento
precio, depasci debeant ?

11. Undecimo loco dicit abbas quod in dandis suis amicis et
famulis pecuniis ea usus est liberalitate quae non dehonestavit, sed
quae domus domini longe ampliori fama, honore non onere, commodo
non incommodo honor aretur, sicuti dicit se juramento astrictum
fuisse. Prudentibus est ita suo ut alieno non egeant [uti]. Non
prius aliis dandum esse quam providerimus nobis non deesse quod
necessarium erit. Non video qua ratione honoretur domus Dei,
quo pacto bona fama hujusmodi coenobii acquiratur, quibus modis
commodum huic monasterio ex hujusmodi donis procuretur,
propter quae dona indiget abbas, gravatur aere alieno indies, novis
creditoribus antiquo debito non soluto obnoxius fit, ac ita ut
onera supportanda quae indies magis magisque ingruunt non queat
sufferre. Servitoribus sua stipendia sunt solvenda, et id honori
coenobii congruit et utilitati. Qui dat dilapidator est, cum postea
ipse indigeat. Quam profuse etiam suis famulis dat vel ex hoc
constare possit quod ipse abbas semper egeat, et famuli sui statim
locupletes fiunt.

12. Duodecimo asserit se statutorum decreto teneri solum
visitatori rationem administrationis reddere. Quod si verum est
vestra statuta contraria sunt juri communi. Et quoniam, ut dicitis,
ratio et computatio a visitatore solum examinandae sunt, constat
quod in hoc coenobio longe frigebat superioris industria, hie nempe
neque abbas (ut ingenue fatetur) novit praeesse rei familiari, neque
idoneos substituit rerum curatores, qui quoniam administrationis
rationem reddere hactenus non fuerunt constituti bona monasterii
penitus dissipaverunt.

13. 13*"° fatetur famam esse quod opipare epulatur, dicit tamen
quod more coloni grossis utitur nutrimentis, adeo quod peregrin

720 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

fastidiunt et erubescunt refectionibus suis interesse. Nescit insuper
qua fronte propellat peregrines, quos suscipere ex domini Benedict!
regula astrictus est ; sed mulieres vicinae et alii complures vix
miliari tertio a coenobio distantes non sunt peregrini censendi, qui
frequentes ad monasterium accedunt et die noctuque inter monachos
conversantur, nee est prsesumendum illos fastidire mensam abbatis,
qui assidue apud eum reperiuntur. In hoc insuper loco fatetur se
brasium et pecora familiae suae necessaria a Baldwino Grendonensi,
cum de propriis non haberet, accepisse. Quomodo igitur ut utilis
dispensator toleratur, qui grangias locat proprias et interim victui
necessaria aliis cogitur mutuare ?

14. Excusationis loco dicit * Otiosos quis non alit ? ' Certe
qui prudens est nuUos, et maxime ubi rei familiaris angustia
cruciat, et sere alieno plus satis gravatur, fovebit; ac ocium in
monasticis personis, quoniam mater et nutrix est omnium malorum
summopere fugiendum est.

15&16. 15&16 articulos abbas fatetur et in his nihil actum
videmus.

17. Mulierum accessus ad coenobium quantum decebit, ut dicit,
prohibebit; sed de praeteritis quid actum est? Talis impunitas
delicti incentivum praebet delinquendi. Et quotiens, quaeso,
decebit, claustralem Bernardinum monachum cum mulierculis
conversari ?

18. Cum oporteat abbatem esse doctum lege divina ut sciat et
habeat unde undo proferat nova et Vetera, hie abbas fatetur se
ignarum penitus latinarum literarum, per quas ad cognitionem
divinae legis pervenitur. Et etiam abbas ex regulae vestrae exigen-
tia satis profieiendus est qui vitae merito et sapientiae doetrina
ceteros anteeellat. Et si aliter malorum consilio factum erit, epi-
scopus diocesis illius, aut populus ipse cui talia innotescunt, prohibe-
bit malorum prevalere consensum, et domini dei dignum procurabit
dispensatorem.

19. Fatetur abbas [quod] fratres delinquentes per disciplinam
regularem non castigavit, oppida, villas, secularium et laicorum
consortia frequentantes non cohibuit, ludis publicis adesse permisit,
crapulas et commessationes lautius et saepius quam par est aut opor-
tuerit suis monachis non negavit. Quid ergo ultra in perniciem et
dispendium sanctae religionis, et corruptelam monasticae vitae facer e
potuit quod non fecit ? Hoccine est boni pastoris ofl&cium sinere
omne genus malorum inter monachos coalescere et altas radices
per consuetudinem ponere et dissimulare. Abbatis quippe est
arguere, obsecrare, increpare, non dissimulare peccata subditorum,
sed mox ut ceperunt oriri radicitus ea amputare, miscens tempori-
bus tempora, terroribus blandimenta, dirumpendo [?] magnum
periculum, patris ostendens affectum ; et tu quidem, pater reforma-
tor, dum visitas subditum coenobium, ac ille pastor dum praeest

I

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 721

gregi, memores debetis esse periculi habiti sacerdotibus, peccata
filiorum dissimulantibus.

20. Vicesimo loco pollicetur reform ationes adhibendas per eum
in his duntaxat in quibus ipse reus: expresse ergo et manifests
recusat officium abbatis exercere in reformatione fratrum, si ali-
quando aut sua fragilitate lapsi fuerint. Ante omnia tamen abbas
debet prospicere saluti animarum sibi commissarum, quarum in ex-
tremo judicio rationem redditurus est, et alium blandimentis, alium
suasionibus aggredi debet, ut secundum uniuscujusque mores ita se
omnibus conformet et aptet ut non solum detrimenta gregis sibi
commissi non patiatur, verum etiam incremento virtutum eos
augeat.

21. Demiratur quod monachi sui ruptis, pertusis, squalidis et
inhonestis incedant vestibus, cum ipsi solitum accipiunt stipendium.
Si vero monachi ab uno vestiario et uno cellarario pascerentur et
vestirentur, non de stipendio tam soliciti essent ; sed dum ipse
adeo miretur monachos suos integras non habere vestes, ego plane
non miror, quoniam in 19 responso idem abbas fatetur se permis-
isse fratribus ut ludos publicos frequentent, villas, oppida et tabernas
visitent, commessationibus et crapulis frequentius indulgeant, qu88
omnia absque largitione pecuniae et sumptis fieri nequeunt. Cum
ergo exiguum illud stipendium brevi momento hujusmodi illecebris
consumitur, quid restat quin ipsi miselli aut nudi aut pertusis ves-
tibus incedant necesse erit ? Vestiuntur tamen aliqui ex monachis
satis splendide, quorum vita et conversatio magis tabernaria est
quam monastica, et his prsecipue summa rei familiaris et omnis
dispensatio et cura ejusdem committitur, quo fit ut simul in hoc
coenobio perierunt sancta regularis vita et prudens et ordinata
temporalium administratio.

Tsedet me, religiose pater, in aliis persistere responsis, quoniam
aut non conveniunt interrogatis, aut minus plena est responsio, et
si fuerint confessiones nihil contra confessorem agitur sed subjici-
untur injunctiones quaedam, in quibus decernitur ut pro maximis
offensis penam levis culpae si rursus delinquant, incurrant. Abbas
ignarus et inutilis toleratur, religio violata non restauratur, bona
monasterii paucula quae ex olim amplissimis super sunt, brevi
momento, nisi aliter de opportune remedio provideatur, consumentur,
de exoneratione mutui recepti nulla facta est provisio, instat
aequalis vel major necessitas novi mutui contrahendi, et quia non
sunt ibidem pignora jam jam devenietur ad praedia, delicta abbatis
et confratrum quae publica [sunt], et nulla tergiversatione celari aut
adumbrari possunt, impunita remanent. Injunctiones quae fiunt
nihil aliud sunt quam novae commemorationes regularum vestrarum
et quarundum constitutionum et canonum, quae quidem injunctiones
ipsis regulis et constitutionibus vestris multo sunt imperfectiores.
Cum igitur jure ecclesiae meae Lincoln, ipsius coenobii fundator existo,

VOL. III. — NO. XII. 3 A

722 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

non possum sinere (nisi cum scrupulo societatis occultae nolim
manifestis facinoribus obviare) ut hoc monasterium infra diocesim
nostram constitutum, olim sancte probis et religiosis viris illustratum,
possessionibus satis amplis donatum, et in hujus usum constructum
ut vitae sanctitas, devota religio, regularis observantia et divinum
officium assidue et perpetuo servarentur, ibidem jam jam sub malo
pastore et parum religioso grege in desolationem vergat. Curet
igitur paternitas vestra, idque mature et absque fraude et con-
niventia, ut quae de jure constitutionibus patrum fieri debent, aut
condigna reformatione interponantur, aut certe nos absque opera
vestra de remedio cogitabimus. Et si in tantum deviare vultis ab
institutis sanctorum patrum, ut ex Bernardinis monastice viventibus
hoc nostrum coenobium restaurari non possit, possessiones illas ad
usum Deo magis acceptabilem apphcabimus. In animo habebam
praedictae regulae addere varia adhuc loca : quod non licet abbati
silvas caeduas aut ahas vendere, locationes ad multos annos facere,
mutuum contrahere nisi prius consulto conventu,nisi etiam consensu
visitatoris sui. Et non convenit honestati vestrae ut vos qui
nigrorum monachorum reformatores appellamini in ipsis statutis
vestris et constitutionibus videamini ignari.

After the bishop's criticism follows in the register an inventory
of all the goods of the monastery, which he had probably caused to
be taken, and then a declaration from John Cowper (in English) as
to his dealings with the abbot. The whole of the entries are under
the year 1525-6, commencing in Bishop Longland's Memorandum
Eegister, folio 34. Geokge G. Pekry.

CROMWELL AND THE INSURRECTION OF 1655. A REPLY TO MR. FIRTH.

Part II.

Cromwell's imprisonment of Major-General Overton, pronounced
by parliament to be * illegal and unjust,' was one of the methods by
which, *as a statesman, Cromwell happily rose superior to the
chivalrous disregard of personal safety which had been fatal to
Caesar, William the Silent, Henry IV, and Buckingham.' The
caution given by the Scottish proverb * He that sups brose wi' the
Deil, shu'd tak a lang spune ' is specially applicable to any dealing
with Cromwell ; and Mr. Frederic Harrison might well have borne
in mind that warning, when he made that bold and brilliant asser-
tion. The most despotic among those men of renown, had he chosen
to put out of the way an opponent by unjust imprisonment, would
have done so on his own responsibility ; he would not have justified
the act by a false and trumped-up charge ; and they all would have
preferred death to a life continued by some of the contrivances to

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 723

which Cromwell resorted for the preservation of himself and his
protectorate.

Before the disclosure of a few more of such contrivances can be
reached, I must fulfil an undertaking to deal with incidents to which
Mr. Firth refers as a sort of antecedent proof of the reality of the
insurrection of March 1655, namely, ' a plot ' formed by the royalists

* directed against the castles of Denbigh and Beaumaris,' and their

* organised plan of buying arms in London,' during the winter of
1654-5. As regards the design upon the Welsh castles, I offered
to prove that it was a farce, and to show that Cromwell's hand is
visible in the distribution of arms among the royalists.

This undertaking must be begun by reverting to the condition
of England during the winter of 1654. The preceding months, it
will be remembered, formed, according to Godwin, the * grand
epoch ' of the Protectorate, and Cromwell closed that * grand
epoch ' by the abrupt dissolution of his parliament, declaring that
their conduct had fostered amongst us ' woeful distempers ' and

* real dangers ' at the hand of the bloodthirsty cavalier and the
revolutionary leveller. These * real dangers,' Cromwell assured his
hearers, were as obvious and as * true as any mathematical demon-
strations are or can be.'

I propose to take Cromwell at his word, and to test, by the

* mathematical demonstrations ' contained in his own state papers,
the truth of the statements made in the following extract from the
speech with which he dispersed the parliament. * I say unto you,
Whilst you have been in the midst of these Transactions, that
Party, that CavaHer Party . . . have been designing and pre-
paring to put this Nation in blood again, with a witness. They
have been making great preparations of arms; and I do believe
it will be made evident to you that they have raked out many
thousands of arms, even all that this City could afford, for divers
months last past. But it will be said, " May we not arm ourselves
for the defence of our houses ? Will anybody find fault for that ? "
Not for that. But the reason for their doing so hath been as explicit,
and under as clear proof, as the fact of doing so. For which I
hope, by the justice of the land, some will, in the face of the Nation
answer it with their lives : and then the business will be pretty
well out of doubt. Banks of money have been framing, for these
and other such like uses. Letters have been issued with Privy-
seals, to as great Persons as most are in the Nation, for the advance
of money, — which *' Letters " have been discovered to us by the
Persons themselves. Commissions for Eegiments of horse and
foot, and command of Castles, have been likewise given from Charles
Stuart, since your sitting.' *

The insurrectionary preparations of ' that Party, that Cavalier

> 22 Jan. 1655. Carlyle, iii. 426.

3 A 2

724 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

Party ' stand first for consideration. What evidence could Crom-
well produce showing that the royalists, under commissions from
Charles II, were preparing to put England into blood ? He could
produce two commissions for regiments of horse and foot, and one
commission to govern a castle in Wales ; and he could call the
holders of those commissions, two Welsh gentlemen, prisoners in
St. James's Palace. The principal conspirator was Mr. Bayley,
and the accessory, his kinsman Mr. Bagnal. Their depositions
were most straightforward. Bagnal declared that during the
autumn of the past year Mr. Bayley * did acquaint him that there
was a design for bringing in the King, meaning Charles Stuart, and
that an army would very speedily be landed from France on behalf
of the said King.' Bagnal, thereupon, accepted a commission from
Bayley, signed ' Charles Stuart,' to command a regiment of 1000
horsemen; though, as no occasion arose for using the commission,
he buried it * near his house, in a box, in the ground.'

And this is the outline of Bayley's story. Being called to
London, during the previous November, by * some private occasion
of his own,' as he was ' one morning walking in Gray's Inn Walks,'
he fell into discourse with an unknown gentleman. Their conjoint
royalist sympathies soon inspired a wish for further acquaintance.
Mr. Thomas Hart (that was the tempter's name) and Mr. Bayley
accordingly met ' at the Castle Tavern in the Strand.' They * had
not sat long, but ' Hart * drew out a paper ' which, as he told his
companion, he would not show to any one but * a gentleman, and
very honest man.' The paper was a letter * uppon the top whereof
was written C. K.' authorising the bearer to act in * C. K.'s' behalf.
And ' from that time ' Bayley * took ' Hart * for an agent.' These
artless conspirators, who trusted each other at first sight, and
plotted together in a tavern, next day committed an act of high
treason in as public a place as they could select, *the Piazza.'
They met there, and Hart, assuring Bayley that they * should be
in action shortly,' handed over to him a royal commission for him-
self, and another for his kinsman Bagnal, over regiments of horse
and foot, and a document appointing Bayley governor of Denbigh
Castle, * of which ' fortress he had undertaken * to give a good
account.' Hart then disappeared : as he was * somewhat shy ' in
answering an inquiry * wher his lodging was,' Bayley * pressed him
no farther.' Nor did Bayley hear more either from or about the
* agent,' except by a letter warning him * not to stir,' because * that
business ' * was put off for three months.' ^

2 I have allowed Bayley to tell his own story, in the confession he made to the
Protector. Bagnal asserted, however, that he was told by Bayley that he received the
commissions not from Mr. Thomas Hart in London, but from a Colonel Stephens in
Wales. Mr. Firth assumes that this Stephens was a genuine royalist, who worked
for the king throughout the Protectorate. No proof exists to support Mr. Firth's
statement. On the contrary, it is hardly likely that a true loyalist conspirator should,

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 725

Bayley took the hint, *and did not stir.' Bagnal, however,
was more enterprising. During his sojourn in St. James's Palace,
Thurloe received a letter from the governor of Beaumaris Castle,
announcing that * I have discovered a Plott, that was to surprise
both these garrisons '—the garrisons, it may be presumed, of the
town and castle of Beaumaris — ' which if I had not been careful!
in preventing, by lyeing in the castle myself, it would have been
effected ere this.' And the governor warned Thurloe that 'he
that was to surprise mee, is secured in London, one Mr. Nicholas
Bagnal.'

Though the chief of this brace of conspirators who had plotted
against him, Cromwell treated Mr. Bayley very leniently. After a
few weeks' detention he * returned home amongst his neighbours,'
to the surprise of the governor of Conway Castle, who wonders that
one * so far engaged in this inhuman business ' should have been
* so soon cleared ' ; though the reason for that course, as the
governor remarks, is 'best known to his Highness.' That was just
the case : Mr. Bayley had served the turn that his highness required,
and was therefore dismissed from attendance in .St. James's Palace.
And as Mr. Bagnal was neither executed by Cromwell nor sold for
a slave by Thurloe, he also, in all probability, returned safely home
amongst his neighbours.^

"We have rather kept down than heightened the absurdities of
Messrs. Bayley and Bagnal's revelations ; but still, ludicrous as they
may seem, these two gentlemen were the only cavaliers Cromwell
had in custody during January 1655, authorised by * C. E.'s ' com-
mission to put England ' in blood again, with a witness,' and we
have given all the evidence on which Mr. Firth could base ' the
existence of a plot in North Wales, directed against the castles of
Denbigh and Beaumaris.'

The ' many thousands of arms ' which, according to Cromwell,
the royalists had raked together must now be exhibited. And
after the Bayley and Bagnal revelation, it may occasion no surprise
if it be found that, like the worldly-wise steward, the Protector
took the account his informers supplied, and multiplied it by * four-
score.' Thus far his statement is correct. Arms were bought
during December 1654 by royahst agents, and in a very cavaher
fashion, for an observer remarked that they took into their con-
fidence * a large number of persons, many mean in parts and
condition, and many drunk,' ^ and many an informer also. Every

according to Bagnal, ' be going for Ireland, concerning raising men for Spain ' : the
export of that species of war material was a source of profit granted by the govern-
ment. Sir E. Willis, for instance, when in the Tower (Aug. 1654), begged for ' a license
to transport some Irishmen to serve the Venetians against the Turks ' (Cal. S.P. 1664,
p. 293). Nor is Stephens an uncommon name : a Stephens served in CromweU's Irish
army.

' Thurloe, iii. 125, 127, 128, 169. * Clarendon Papers (Bodleian), Cal. iii. 20.

726 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

person engaged in the transaction seems to have come before
Thurloe : the men that sold and bought the arms, the porters who
piled the arms-chests upon the carriers' carts, and the countrymen
who unladed them. Full reports were received from the soldiers
who accompanied the chests to their destination, and broke open
the boxes, as soon as they touched the ground.

Careful analysis of this mass of evidence has yielded the follow-
ing result. The * many thousands of arms, even all that this City
could afford,* were purchased at two city gunsmiths', by four men —
Major Norwood, Mr. Kowland Thomas, and Messrs. Custice and
Glover — and were deposited in a warehouse in Lime Street.
Chests containing arms were forwarded thence to the houses of
three country gentlemen, in the counties of Worcester, Stafford,
and Derby ; to Sir H. Littleton of Hagley, Mr. Walter Vernon of
Stokely Park, and Mr. Browne of Hungry Bentley. And those
chests yielded to the soldiers, who broke them open at the moment
of delivery, fifty- six brace of pistols and seven blunderbusses.
Forty brace of pistols were also found in Sir H. Littleton's study,
lying * in a place easy enough to be seen,' bought, as he declared,
*to accommodate 'the escort that he was bound to provide for the
judges, * being then sheriff of Worcestershire.' And to these, the
only weapons actually handled by the Government searchers,
should, perhaps, be added fifty carbines, bought by Custice and
Glover, which may have been in five chests and two trunks, found
in the Lime Street warehouse.

Sir H. Littleton justified himself very fairly regarding his forty
brace of pistols : but Mr. Yernon and Mr. Browne needed no justifi-
cation regarding the arms seized at their doors. Not the slightest
responsibility in the matter was brought home to them. They did
not see the seven blunderbusses and the pistols ; they were not
present when the soldiers, who accompanied the carriers' carts,
opened, closed, and carried off the arms-chests. No attempt, even,
was made to implicate those gentlemen in the purchase of the
pistols and blunderbusses. The senders, * P. Green' and * T.
Taylor,' admitted in their accompanying letters that they were
strangers who had made bold to send Mr. Vernon and Mr. Browne
* some things.'

A distinct link, however, did appear which connected that con-
signment of arms with a person whose name, at least, was well-
known to those gentlemen, and that was their Protector. He sent
a military convoy to attend the cart containing the arms to be
delivered at Mr. Browne's door. This most significant circum-
stance was brought to light by Thomas Allen, the carrier's man,
whose cart brought that arms-chest from London to Asburn. To
prove his innocence regarding its contents, he deposed that it was
only after he had left London that he learnt from the * soldiers, as

J

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 727

he supposes them,' who * went along with him ' during the journey,
that the trunk was * full of arms.'

What was the purpose of that escort ? Highway robbery was
barely possible. Nor was the escort needed to ensure discovery.
He who sent the soldiers knew the destination of the carrier, for
the messenger who summoned the guard from Lichfield to meet the
chest at Hungry Bentley must have passed it on the road. That
being so, no other object can be assigned to that disguised military
escort, save to secure that the seizure of those weapons should take
place in Derbyshire rather than in Lime Street, to satisfy * good
peoples' minds in the evil design intended by the malignants.' ^

Those who are unversed in the contents of the Thurloe papers
may be surprised at the marked discrepancy between the re-
sults disclosed by Cromwell's documents and the statements made
in his speech. It seems almost impossible to believe that the
Protector's * mathematical demonstrations ' should prove so con-
temptible, that the * many thousands of arms, even all that this
city could afford,' turn out to be only seven blunderbusses, ninety-six
brace of pistols, and perhaps fifty carbines, and that the only proof he
possessed of a cavalier conspiracy were Messrs. Bayley and Bagnal's
depositions. Yet we have done our best to establish the Protector's
accuracy; and we are confident that we have before us all the
evidence that he possessed against the royalists. Thurloe, indeed,
it may be suggested, might have received information of plots and
conspiracies far beyond those disclosed by the documents now
extant. But evidence, both direct and indirect, contradicts that
supposition. The composition of the Thurloe papers disproves
that idea. The sequence and relative bearing of those documents,
one towards the other, is uninterrupted.

External evidence also exists, showing that, as regards the
supposed conspiracies of December 1654, dependence may be placed
on Thurloe's papers. Ludlow distinctly attributes Cromwell's
knowledge of the royalist intrigues of this season to the revelations
of * one Bayley, a Jesuit who discovered his kinsman Mr. Bagnal,
together with his own brother, Nicholas Bayley.' ^ The * News
Letters,' also, of the time, contain repeated accounts of their con-
spiracy, and those descriptions contain, almost without exception,
no names other than those which we have mentioned. The arrest
is announced of Major Norwood and his associates, Eowland
Thomas, Custice, and Glover; of the Vernons, Littletons and
Sir J. Packington. And those doughty conspu-ators, Messrs.

Bayley and Bagnal, are thus referred to. ' Wales. — Mr. B a

gentleman of great fortune. And Mr. Bayley, son to the late
bishop of Bangor, which B is a notorious papist. Prisoners

» Thurloe, iii. 65, 68, 72, 78, 82, 89, 90, 96, 104, 129.
' Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 217.

728 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

at Jameses.' ^ So complete, indeed, is the verbal agreement be-
tween the account of these events continued in the weekly journals
and in the Thurloe papers, that it is obvious that Thurloe himself
supplied the news. If more startling information wherewith to
serve his patron, and to terrify England, had been at hand, the
secretary would have used it. And as regards the weapons of war
in the hands of the royalists, Cromwell himself may be cited to
prove that we possess the whole of his story. If those stores of
arms had reached in the slightest to the dimensions that he pic-
tured to parliament, he surely would not have nursed so carefully
the passage of that trunk to Mr. Browne's at Hungry Bentley ?

These were the * mathematical demonstrations ' of that royalist
conspiracy for which Cromwell cast blame on parliament. One
form of proof, however, that the ' Cavalier Party ' had been design-
ing * to put this Nation in blood again ' Cromwell lacked. He
expressed a hope that * by the justice of the land some will, in the
face of the Nation, answer it with their lives ; and then the busi-
ness will be pretty well out of doubt.' Not a single royalist on this
occasion suffered more than imprisonment, save Eowland Thomas,
who, priced at lOOZ., was sold * into the Barbadoes ' by Mr. Secre-
tary Thurloe.^

What purpose, it may be asked, is answered by these details
respecting the arms-chests, and Messrs. Bayley and Bagnal's doings?
These details prove, it may be replied, that the royalists, as a body,
were in the winter of 1654-5 peaceful and quiescent, else Cromwell
would not have accused them of designing ' to put this Nation in
blood ' on such miserable pretexts, and that he habitually used
the grossest exaggerative artifices to persuade his subjects that the
cavalier cutthroat was ever ready to burst forth, and that in the
Protector alone was their refuge from the ' old enemy.'

As implicit faith in Cromwell's words is the prevailing fashion,
a further illustration of the lies to which he deliberately gave
currency in furtherance of his policy may be expedient. In his
account of the devices of the royalists he asserted that to over-
throw his government, and to renew the civil war, * banks of money
have been framing for these and other such like uses ' ; ^ and in the
* Declaration (October 1655) upon the Occasion of the late Insurrec-
tion,' this statement received the following amplification. Cromwell
took that opportunity to assert that a council of royalists, resi-
dent in London, had untertaken * to raise a considerable Bank of
Money to be employed for buying of armes, defraying other ex-
penses incident ' to an insurrection, * and for the maintenance
of Forces, and for this 100,000L was propounded for England alone,
besides what was to be had in Wales ; ' and that * a constant Contri-

' Several proceedings in state affairs, 4 Jan., 11 Jan. 1654, 1655.

" Thurloe, iii. 453. Burton, iv. 258. » Speech, 22 Jan. 1655. Carlyle, iii. 427

i

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 729

bution of money' to Charles Stuart by his English friends had
been * so well prosecuted,' that ' he hath had many thousands a
year paid him from hence for these three years past.'

That the royalists, ruined by war and sequestration, had any
money to spare for their king was most improbable ; that they had
not, is proved by all the letters, both in print and in manuscript,
which form the Hyde and Nicholas collections. Their correspon-
dence teems, especially during the years 1654-6, with complaints
of their own and their master's poverty. They rejoice over lOOZ.
received from England. This being the case — and that it was so,
no one knew more accurately than Cromwell— on what kind of
foundation could he have based his assertion that the king had
received * many thousands ' from his English friends ? And, as
Cromwell seldom relied solely on his imagination for his facts, but
based, if he could, his assertions on some kind of external support,
our curiosity was aroused to discover the foundation for so daring
a statement. '° At last our search was rewarded. The striking
description of the royal bank of England and Wales was furnished
to Cromwell by Colonel Bampfield, based on gossip that he picked
up at Paris.

As we have traced Bampfield's career from the beginning to the
end, we can assert, without hesitation, that there was no truth in
him. Even as a spy he was found so utterly untrustworthy, that he
was driven by Charles from his service, and by Cromwell from
England. In his arts, however, Bampfield was surpassed by his
patron. The royal bank was, according to Cromwell, an existing
institution ; Bampfield's information, on the contrary, showed that,
in all probability, the bank was a bank only of the imagination. The
annual royalist contribution of * many thousands ' was, according
to the informer, a definite sum of 15,000/., and limited to two
years ; but his * two ' was made by Cromwell into * three,' and the
amount was left to the imagination of his hearers. And Bampfield
possibly did not wilfully deceive : the royalists were a boastful
generation. Cromwell, on the contrary, knew, from documents in
his possession, that without doubt the king's English revenue did
not exceed 1,000Z. a year ; that, owing to poverty, Charles could not
redeem his jewels from pawn ; that he would welcome any * small
relief from Cromwell's purse, administered by the hands of the
spy Manning ; and that at the very time when the speech of January
1655 was made,' the king was in great straits for want of money."

'» Cromwell's multiplication of the king's levies from 1,000 to ' 7 or 8,000 men'
may be excused as a lie politic. Speech, 17 Sept. 1656. Carlyle, iv. 303. Lingard,
vii. 222. Thurloe, vi. 605, 672.

" Thurloe, ii. 510. For Bampfield's justification, it may be mentioned that
Manning and another spy reported to Cromwell during June 1655 that certain
Yorkshire • Lords, in their cups,' had furnished ' large sums ' towards the abortive
rising on Marston Moor ; and that an exiled leader of that attempt had asserted that

730 ' NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

Having completed the promised scrutiny into the supposed in-
surrectionary action taken by the levellers and the royalists in the
winter of 1654-5, and into Cromwell's statements thereon, I propose
to examine the several conspiracies that appeared and reappeared
during the course of his protectorate, for the purpose of ascertain-
ing how far Cromwell was responsible for these various projects.
Similarity of circumstance attends these conspiracies. In every
instance where the initiation of the plot can be assigned to one or
two men, they always escape scot-free. No plot threatened im-
minent danger to Cromwell, so completely were the conspirators
in his grasp. They plied their task within his sight uninter-
ruptedly for months, even for years. Two noted conspiracies were
superintended by Cromwell's agents. As in ancient Egypt monu-
mental lines of images bearing alike the same portentous and
uncanny aspect led up to a colossal repetition of the same form,
so during the Protectorate plot after plot arose, bearing alike the
impress of craft, fatuity, and treachery, moulded by one hand, until
Cromwell revealed himself in the last and typical example of his
policy, the death of Sir Henry Slingsby. ^

The first plot, February 1654, figured handsomely in the news- fi
papers. An army 30,000 strong was to fall on all parts of England
at once. The Lord Protector, his life guard, and his councillors
were to be murdered. The king was in London. Whilst puritans
and religious people, that were zealous protestants, were to be
strictly handled, to papists and popish priests should be granted
free exercise of their religion.

This big affair, on examination, shrivels into nothing. The plot
was got up by one Pritchard, otherwise Captain Dutton. He tempted
about a dozen obscure men to form a royalist council at various
taverns, in fancied subordination to a supreme council of * persons
of honour, that did act in a design far above them, who should list men
to seize on the Parliament, Whitehall, James's, and the Tower, and
raise insurrections in other parts of the kingdom.' Oaths of secrecy
were administered, the conspirators drank a quart or two of wine,
ate * some sawceages,' and agreed to promote, * according to their
ability,' the restoration of king, church, and laws. Their first step
in that direction was their last ; they decided to send two envoys
to the king. That effort broke up the conspiracy. * The charges
of them that were to go to C.S.' was 60L, i.e. over 2001. of present
value, a suspiciously large sum, and the demand produced the

* 40,000Z. lay in York, for the prosecuting the design.' Similar rumours also existed,
for Lord Hatton, writing from Paris, 2 Nov. 1655, inquired of Nicholas ' if he had
heard that 30,000Z. was paid by the well-affected in England for H.M.'s service,
within the space of some months before the last design.' The secretary's answer,
judging by the uniform tenor of his letters, must have been in the negative. Cal.
S.P, (1655), p. 216. Thurloe, iii. 530. Egerton MSS. Brit. Mus., 2535, fo. 523. Cal.
8.P. (1654), p. 408 ; (1655), p. 60, 193, 216. Thurloe, iii. 19, 69, 78, 548.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 731

natural result. A call of 3L per plotter was made ; some responded
to the call, and their contributions disappeared in the pocket of the
receiver. Their associates refused to follow suit, declaring * that
they were cheated.' The last act of the council was a resolution
not * to send any person to C. S., or to raise any money ; ' and, finally
the conspirators were called together * by a noate,' sent apparently to
obtain their arrest. They were carried off, eleven in number ; * one
or two very penitent, who cried, and took on lamentably.* The
captives were never tried ; their detention doubtless was of no long
duration ; and so the tears of the penitents, and the wine and
* sawceages ' of the plotters, form the most substantial features of
this conspiracy. ^2

Five months after plot Number One, plot Number Two appeared
upon the scene, a much more tragic affair. In June 1654 John
Gerard, a young gentleman of a royalist family, twenty -three years
old, Peter Vowel, a schoolmaster, and Somerset Fox, a young city
apprentice, were placed before the high court of justice. The charge
against them was the assassination of Cromwell, the destruction of
his council, the seizure of the Tower, the proclamation of the king.
This charge sounds much ; but is rested only on wild, contradictory,
and vaporous talk. The evidence satisfied the court. Fox made
an ingenuous confession, and escaped ; Gerard and Vowel were
executed.^^

The justice or injustice of their fate cannot be now considered.
Justice must be done to Cromwell and to a Major Henshaw: to
Cromwell, mostly for his conduct towards Gerard, partly towards
Henshaw, and to Henshaw as the originator of the conspiracy.
Henshaw, assisted by Mr. Wiseman, his half-brother, was the pro-
voker-general of the project. That to Henshaw was due * the first
hatching of the plot' was asserted by Cromwell's counsel at the
opening of the case, and was proved by six or eight witnesses.
Having started the design, Henshaw was the active spirit therein
to the end. With reckless indifference to his safety, he thrust
upon such as would listen to him assurances that he was ex-
pressly commissioned by the king, both by word and in writing,
to undertake the assassination of the Protector; and Henshaw
would suggest that Cromwell might be shot down on the road to
Hampton Court, or that the soldiers on guard in Westminster
might be surprised. Then Henshaw, to encourage his hearers,
would assure them that he had enlisted 700 men for the enterprise,
that he would surprise the Tower with five associates, and that
parties of royalists two hundred strong were told off to seize White-
hall, the city, Southwark, and Westminster. Heedless of con-
sequences to himself, though Cromwell had come to the front and

'2 Several proceedings of state affairs, 16-23 Feb. 1054. Thurloe, ii. 95, 105, 115.
'» State Trials, v. 518-531.

732 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct

had arrested Gerard, Henshaw would not cease.. He went about
London declaring ' that the business might go on, for all it was
discovered,' that many regiments were ready to> rise, and that
Prince Kupert was expected on the Sussex coast vrith a large army.
At last Henshaw despaired ; he was met in Holborn, euirsing Gerard,
* in much passion,' for having hindered the design, and declaring
that he would * be gone, and leave them to destruction ; ' and so he
did. After a temporary retirement in the Tower, imder Cromwell's
protection, Henshaw reappeared in Paris.

Suspicion somehow fastened itself upon Henshaw ; his talk, it
was remarked, * did not flavour like truth ; ' it was even asserted
that he had been * set on by the Protector.' These doubts Henshaw
sought to dispel. To prove his integrity, and that he was not set
on by the Protector, he fought a duel with his accuser. Henshaw
also could appeal with confidence to all the circumstances of his
mission. When he began his practices on the London royalists
Henshaw announced, with the authority of a military man who ' had
served in the French army,' and who was on intimate terms with
the king, that he was upon the start for Paris to discuss * some
business ' with Charles Stuart. Having thus advertised his inten-
tion, when he returned to London he had seen the king, who,
after consultation with him, and with Prince Eupert, gave him
that express instruction to kill Cromwell, on which the plot was
founded. The king also authorised him to promise large rewards
to his associates, and to offer them the posts of royal * querries
or pensioners ; ' and Henshaw assured one of his hearers that,
when his name was mentioned, Prince Kupert replied, with kindly
recognition, that * he had once given him a dog.' ^* Upon this
basis Gerard was convicted; he was put to death for taking
part in a plot to kill the Protector which the king himself had
enjoined upon Henshaw. Then arose the not unexpected dis-
covery; it became notorious that Henshaw had never seen the
king, had certainly never spoken to him. Gerard was executed
on 10 July 1654, and in the following August Henshaw wrote
a * vindication' of himself against 'several senseless pamphlets,
which named him as chief contriver ' of the late conspiracy. That
charge Henshaw declared could not be true, because * his alleged
discourse with the king is entirely false ; ' and as Cromwell subse-
quently confirmed that statement, its correctness may be accepted.
Henshaw also denied that he had received money from Cromwell
for the journey to Paris, or for the betrayal of the conspirators ;
and charged one of Cromwell's officers with the invention of the * pre-
tended plot,' in return for 1001. down, and the promise of a pension.^*

'* A True Account of the late Bloody Consinracxj, (fee, 1654. Evidence of Colonel
Aldrich, F. Fox, John Minor, Jos. Alexander, T. Tuder.
'* Clarendon MSS. Cal. iii. 387.

1^88 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 783

With the truth or falsity of Henshaw's statements we have no
concern ; what we have to consider is Cromwell's position towards
Henshaw and Gerard. Regarding Henshaw, it is certain that
Cromwell examined him, adopted his story, concealed him, set him
free, and was, perhaps, deceived by him. That some connexion
existed between Henshaw and Cromwell was known during the
trial. The assertion we have mentioned, that Cromwell had ' set
on Henshaw,' appears among the depositions, and Gerard on the
scaffold declared that * he confidently believed that Henshaw is in
their hands.' Contemporary observers, also, were of opinion that
Cromwell * formed ' the plot * to draw some honest credulous persona
of the royalist party to their destruction.' >^ So notorious was this
belief, that the reason why Charles refused to give audience to
Henshaw was because * he was employed out of England from the
king's enemies to betray him.' '^ The precise degree of Cromwell's
complicity with Henshaw in the deception he practised on the con-
spirators is, however, comparatively a matter of little account. If
Gerard's death was not directly compassed by Cromwell, he cer-
tainly tried to destroy Gerard's reputation. Regardless of the
evidence given at the trial, and equally regardless of the truth,
Cromwell thought fit, about fifteen months after Gerard's death, to
defame him, to give 'the lie to his declaration made in the sight of
God and of death's presence, that ' I know no more about any such
design, but only what I have often acknowledged, that it was
motioned to me by Henshaw ; ' that * I debated it twice or thrice,
w^hen I was with him, but I never entertained it at all, and at the
last flatly disowned it.' '^

That solemn appeal Cromwell contradicted in his * Declaration
upon the Occasion of the late Rebellion,' October 1655. He states
therein that although * it is true that the king refused to speak with
Major Henshaw concerning the design,' still it has * come to Our
knowledge ' that the king * himself spoke to Gerard concerning ' the
assassination plot with utmost approval. That Charles, so far from
stimulating his English followers into action, sent a message to
them by Gerard exhorting them 'to be quiet and not engage
themselves in plots,' Cromwell may have been unaware ; ^^ though
curiously enough he probably did know that Charles had expressed
that desire ; for Henshaw, to enliven the pretended talk between
himself and the king, having heard that Charles had given that

>« Thurloe, ii. 416; State Trials, v. 534. Baker's Chronicle, 551. Sir T. Gower
wrote to Sir E. Leverson (18 Feb. 1653-4) that a plot had been discovered, and that a
member of the Council of State told him that they had known of it ' three months
last past,' for they ' had one among them daily.' ' Some wise men believe,' Gower
remarked, ♦ that a couple of decoy ducks drew in the rest, who were employed to that
purpose, that the execution of a few mean persons might deter more considerable
people.' Hist. MSS. Com. 5th report, appendix 192.

" ThurloQ, ii. 533. '« State Trials, v. 534. . '» Clarendon, Hist., ed. 1839, 845.

734 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

advice, worked it up into his report of their imaginary conversation.^^
Cromwell, however, must have known, that * the True Account,'
published by his * special command, of the late bloody Conspiracy
against H.H. the Lord Protector,' that the depositions taken by
Thurloe in the Tower from Henshaw, and from his dupes, and that
the evidence on which Gerard was condemned to death, conclusively
proved that it was Henshaw alone who, in the king's name, set the
design on foot and enforced the project upon Gerard and his fellows.
That Henshaw acted under the king's directions must have been
Gerard's conviction, or he would not have disobeyed the command
he had so recently received from the king to tell the royalists to
keep quiet. Gerard was a hot royalist, burning to overthrow
Cromwell and restore the monarchy : if Charles had ordered Gerard
to begin the plot, he would not have left that duty to Henshaw.

What motive impelled Cromwell to engraft this deception about
Gerard upon the deception practised by Henshaw ? The assertion
that the king had directed Gerard to kill the Protector was based
on the unsupported word of Bampfield, a spy wholly unconnected
with the court, despised even by his spy associates. ^^ It was a
statement which stultified the decision of the high court of justice,
which was on the face of it utterly false, and that cruelly touched
the good repute of a young man, for whose lamentable fate Crom-
well was largely responsible. The Protector's motive in that state-
ment is as obvious as is the object of that * Declaration of His
Highness.' That Declaration was published to justify the appoint-
ment of the major-generals. Cromwell invested them with arbitrary
authority over their fellow-Englishmen, because * nothing but the
Sword will restrain ' the royalists * from blood and violence.' To
prove that this was * the Case between Us, and the late King's
party,' Cromwell revealed * such part ' of the * walks of that sly,
and secret Generation as may be of use to make public'

Among those * hidden works of darkness ' plotted by the
cavaliers, which * the goodness of God ' had brought to hght, the
plot for which Gerard died ought by right to have afforded a most
effective illustration. It was full of striking details, looked well
on paper, and was accredited by the handiwork of the hang-
man and the headsmen. But the plot was discredited. It was
believed that Cromwell * employed ' Henshaw as a * decoy duck to
draw on the rest ' ; it was known that he had never seen the king,
that the king had nothing to do with the design. The king was
never active in encouraging his subjects to resistance: proofs of
his influence in * the hatching of disturbances ' Cromwell had not
many. Charles was cleared of the Gerard conspiracy : he reluc-
tantly sanctioned the insurrection of 1655 : the methods by which
in 1657 he was tempted into action will be described. The Gerard-
"• State Trials, v. 524. ". Thurloe, ii. 512, 633.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 786

Vowel plot must therefore be rehabilitated and brought home to
the king, that Cromwell might be better able to ' appeal to God
with comfort,' that * We should have been wanting in our Duty to
God and these Nations,' if we had not dealt so, with that malignant
generation. We must now make a leap over about two years and
a half, as the * woeful distempers ' of the winter of 1654, and the
insurrection of March 1655, have already been scrutinised.

During the years 1657-8 five attempts were projected against
Cromwell's hfe and government: his assassination by Miles Sinder-
combe, 7 Jan. 1657 ; the armed rising by the fifth monarchy men,
April 1657 ; the royalist rising in the south and south-eastern
England, for which Dr. Hewet suffered, June 1658; the surprisal
of London and Westminster by the London apprentices, May 1658.
The case of Sir H. Slingsby, June 1658, closes this catalogue.

As our object is to reveal Cromwell at work behind the conspi-
rator, the doings of the fifth monarchy men and of the London
apprentices can be briefly reviewed. These projects were the work
of honest fanatics, and honest fools, that Cromwell watched until
they supplied him with an effective finale. If the fifth monarchists
had not been subject to Cromwell's strict control, these men, the
relics of his Ironsides, might have given him an unpleasant * rouse
up.' The 'prentice plot was of the ordinary cavalier type, and con-
sisted only of consultations between hot-headed lads and older knaves
who met not in prayer but in taverns.^^ Slight glimpses, however,
are gained of the Protector watching the apprentices from behind
the cloud. They were incited and led by Colonel Manley : Colonel
Deane was second in command. Of Colonel Deane, Cromwell's
agent writes to Thurloe, * You was pleased to signify that you had a
mind to have Deane. I know his lodging ; therefore I refer it to
your consideration, whether you will stay for further occurrences,
or will have him apprehended presently.' ^^ Thurloe preferred to
* stay for further occurrences,' and so Deane' s licence to conspire was
continued for about six months. Of Manley, the head-centre of
the plot, the following account was forwarded to the king. He was
informed that Manley, who, having been twice captured during the
arrest of the 'prentices, had twice escaped scot-free, was now boast-
ing at Flushing that he had * spent 2,000Z. in the king's business,
and had 20,000Z. to spend ' in his cause ; though Mr. Thompson, the
king's informant, states, * I know he is not worth 20 shillings.*
Thompson adds that * most of those now in limbo mistrust him
to be the knave that betrayed them ; and I think so by his dis-

^ Clarendon mentions that 'the putting many gentlemen's sons as apprentices into
the city, since the beginning of troubles, had made a great alteration, at least in the
general talk of that people. It was upon this kind of materials that many honest
people did build their hopes, and upon some assurances they had from officers of the
army, who were as little to be depended upon.' Hist. ed. 1839, 399.

■■" Thurloe. i. 712.

736 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

course with me in London, where he seemed to me an absolute
fool, or an arrant knave.' Knave Manley was, most probably, for
he certainly was in league with one Hutchinson, a Cromwellian
informer. 2^*

The Sexby and Sindercombe assassination plot, Jan, 1657, and
Dr. Hewet's royalist revolt, of the winter and spring 1657-8, must
be considered together. The interlacement of these two projects, in
appearance quite disconnected, forms an important feature in our
inquiry. Though last in order, the Hewet project claims first con-
sideration. It was nearly two years old when brought to a close in
April 1658, having been originated in May 1656. The initiators were
a Sussex gentleman. Col. Henry Bishop, and our old friend the noted
anabaptist. Major Wildman. Bishop undertook the incitement of
the English royalists; Wildman acted on them indirectly by large
offers of help to the king.

Attention should be given to the influence Wildman brought
to bear on the political situation, for it is of utmost importance.
Introduced to Charles by a well-accredited royalist, Wildman, in May
1656, conveyed to the king valuable seeming information disclosing
widespread disaffection among Cromwell's soldiers, and assurances
that the levellers had at their disposal several seaport towns and
garrisons, and that Deal could be put into the king's hands. Wild-
man accompanied these assurances with a pledge that, * his endea-
vours only tend to the king's service.' To this most attractive infor-
mation Charles replied, that he gave * full credit to all that ' Wild-
man * says.' '^-^

Wildman shortly afterwards redoubled the effect of that message
by repeating it, June 1656, through Sir E. Shirley, who reported to the
king that, though Wildman * seems to comply with the canting party,
which he wholly rules, he desires chiefly to raise himself by the
king's favour.' Wildman's * desires,' in the following October, took
definite shape. Using Sir K. Shirley as their agent, the levellers
offered to the king, not Deal, Wildman's original offer, but Ports-
mouth, if the king would remit them 15,000L ; and they threw into
the bargain an undertaking * in a short time ' to stab Cromwell and
Lambert. The names of the levellers engaged in this transaction do
not appear, but the moving spirits therein are obvious. The 15,000/.
was to be handed over to Colonel Bishop, and * one who knows the
levellers well' advised that 1,000L should be paid to Major Wildman ;
money well earned, if, * as they affirm, a large part of the navy was
theirs already.' ^^

Simultaneously with the assurances that Charles received from
Wildman himself and from his associates, the levellers, as a body,
Wildman assisting, also placed themselves before the king, and ' left

2* Thurloe, i. 712 ; vii. 98, 148. Cal Doni. S.P. 1658, 1659, p. 39.

" Clarendon State Papers, iii. 300. " Clarendon AISS. Cal. iii. 142, 192.

I

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 737

themselves at the feet of his mercy.' Their address was presented
to him, July 1556, stating that ' many thousands of your Majesty's
most humble servants ' would * hazard our lives and all that is
dear to us for the restoring and re-establishing Your Majesty on the
throne of your Father.' Ten names represented those *many
thousands,' of whom only the first two are recognisable, namely,
a Mr. Wm. Howard and Major John Wildman.

This address was framed throughout in scriptural phrases, so
extravagant and so incongruous as to seem an intentional parody
upon puritan ' slang,' and also as if designed to obscure the source
whence the document came. Though the address assures the king
that ' every man's hand is on his loins,' that ' their bowels are
troubled,' that ' they fly like hunted partridges,' and *were chastised
with scorpions,' the designation of the beings who were thus
tormented is not mentioned, nor is any explanation given how the

* we ' who disdained ' mean thoughts of our own private safety '
proposed to hazard their lives for the king.^^

This deficiency, however, was made good by Mr. W. Howard.
He accompanied the address by a businesslike letter describing the

* rage and just indignation of the people ' against Cromwell ; claim-
ing to have gained over * many of the chief of ' those who ' suffer under
the opprobrious name of Levellers, to the assistance of Your Majesty's
cause and interest ; ' and suggesting an ' advance of 2000L' A few
weeks after the receipt of that letter, Charles was visited by Howard,
who was welcomed as a valuable recruit. He had been expelled
from Cromwell's lifeguard because of his political opinions ; he was,
also, a young gentleman who, ' though an anabaptist, made himself
merry with the extravagancy and madness of his companions,' and
possessed ' very extraordinary parts, sharpness of wit, and volubility
of tongue.' Howard * corresponded with the king very faithfully
with his professions ; ' his services, however, never extended beyond
letter-writing, and this, at last, was brought to a close. The inter-
course between Charles and William Howard was disclosed to
Cromwell, and Howard was imprisoned in St. James's Palace from
the beginning of 1658 until the Protector's death.^"*

Nor, among the levellers who devoted themselves to the king,
should Colonel Sexby be forgotten. During the years 1656-57 he
also was dedicating to Charles and the king of Spain his own services
and the services of the levellers.^® Sexby's offers, namely, Cromwell's
overthrow by a military and naval mutiny, and the opening the sea-
ports to the king, were, however, only Wildman 's offers over again ;
though this fact and the connexion between Sexby and Wildman
were, as far as possible, kept from the knowledge of Charles and his

•-• Clarendon, Hist. 903, ed. 1839. Clarmdon MSS. CaL iii. 145.
'" Thurloe, v. 393, vi. 706, 749. Clarendon State Papers, iii. 4*22.
'^' Clarendon State Papers, iii. 311, 315.
vol.. III. NO. XII. ^ ^

738 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

adherents. And being the same offers, their result was the same,
namely, nothing. This circumstance did not, however, shake the
king's faith in Wildman. As Charles, in September 1656, regarded
Wildman * as author of all the good fortunes that can befall him,' so
to the end, Wildman 's brave assurances were accepted, that ' we
are as active as ever,' and that * Cromwell must fall or some thou-
sands of us, for we have gone too far to retreat.' ^°

Colonel Bishop, as I mentioned, undertook the English depart-
ment of the conspiracy. He imitated closely the tones and attitude
of his ' great famihar ' Major Wildman, and whilst he was devoting
himself to the king Bishop simultaneously tendered his services to
the royahsts. During May 1656 he visited Major Smith, a leading
Sussex royalist, and disclosed to him a most cheerful prospect.
' Major Wildman,' Bishop declared, * and others of the levelling
party had a correspondence with Charles Stuart in order to
making an insurrection in the Nation,' and that 'in order thereunto
the royal party need not appear, till they, the said Levellers, had
gotten into arms.' Bishop also showed that the levellers were ripe
for action, were ready sword in hand, for he warned Major Smith
that * it would be very shortly a time for the Koyal Party to show
themselves.' Bishop also during this season appeared not only as
one in authority among the levellers, but as an ardent royalist, who
could speak for his fellow cavaliers. About the time when he called
on Major Smith, Bishop also called on Mr. Mills, another royalist
agent in the south of England, and sought to engage him in ' a
design ' that was ' on foot for raising a party for the King.' Mills
replied * that he would think about the proposal,' and saw Bishop
* no more for a twelvemonth.'

Bishop's second appearance before Mills as a conspirator arose
naturally enough ; for it was then that the Sussex royalists found
Bishop again amongst them renewing his temptation, though in an
altered form. In March 1657 he reappeared before Major Smith.
Keverting to his suggestions of the previous year, Bishop now
asserted * that the levelling party found themselves not able to do
so great a work ' as to rise unassisted against Cromwell, ' but did
require 1500 horse to join with them, which Bishop said would be
raised about the City of London, whereupon there would be some
action suddenly.' The choice of the city as a likely insurrection
ground was plausible enough.

At Bishop's suggestion. Smith placed before Colonel Gunter, an
eminent Sussex royalist, and * Sir Edward Hyde's brother-in-law,'
this * proposed conjunction of the Levellers and the Royalists.' That
conjunction, however, Gunter * did by no means approve, not only
because he feared that the Levellers were but Decoys to draw the

»" Clarendon MSS. Cal. iii. 173, 192. Clarendon State Papers, iii. 300, 317,
335.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 739

Royal party in,' but also because he had ' lately received intelligence
from Sir Edward Hyde that the King hopes very shortly to land
a considerable force in England,' and because, * to Gunter's know-
ledge,' Portsmouth would be surrendered to the king. Bishop must
have been interested by this proof of the successful influence of
his partner Wildman over the king.^'

The result of the Bishop, Smith, and Gunter consultation was
that the royalists should * sit still and not act anything ' until the
king sent orders. As Bishop knew full well, this prudent resolve
was unmaintainable. Colonel Gunter, with Major Smith, Dr.
Hewet, and other zealous associates, all alike unconscious of the
fact that the king was but the crank by which Wildman wire-pulled
the English royalists, and a Mr. Cocker, also, who claimed to have
held a commission under Charles I, and to be Charles H's * agent
for the east parts of England,' were at this very time busily engaged
in spreading the belief that the king would shortly appear in
England at the head of an army, 'that would be able to do his
business.' Nor did Bishop himself follow the advice of his royalist
friends; he equally pushed on the plot business, advertised that
the king's landing was nigh, and that the marquis of Hertford was
appointed ' generalissimo ' of the royal forces. ^^ Thus the move-
ment that Wildman and Bishop had commenced during May 1656
and had renewed in the spring of 1657 ran apace. The cavaliers met
and talked, and sought after recruits, and passed to and fro commis-
sions initialled * C.R.' throughout the summer and winter of 1657 and
on into the spring of 1658. Urgent messages also were sent to the
king telling him that the English royalists were in such a state of
* universal readiness,' that they would not stay for the king's arrival,
but ' would begin the work themselves.' ^^ And so the game went on
in England and in Flanders until April 1658, when Cromwell put
a close to the sport by the arrest of the conspirators.

The motives that actuated Wildman and Bishop in their
demeanour towards Charles and his followers must receive, if
possible, some explanation. It would seem that for self-interest
Major Wildman, whilst he retained his position as leader of the
levellers, became a royalist. His anxiety ' to raise himself by the
king's favour,' the suggestions that Charles should give him 1,000/.
or * a large estate,' confer a business-like aspect on his devotion to
the king. And that Wildman utterly deserted the republican idea
is proved by his conduct during the crisis when, after the death of
OUver Cromwell, England was struggling towards monarchy. He
then became ' as much an enemy to the king as he was before a
seeming friend, not on account of a Commonwealth, for he met

" Thurloe, vii. 80, 93. »- Ibid. vii. 65, 74, 77, 81, 88, 93, 98, 103.

" Clarendon, Hist. 898, ed. 1839.

, ' 3b,2

740 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

every day repulses from that party, but because he hoped to set
up the interest of the Duke of York against the King.' 3"*

Colonel Bishop was a more complex politician : he was a leveller
sometimes, sometimes a royalist. It was as a leveller that Bishop,
in April 1655, when Cromwell frightened Colonel Sexby out of
England, ' conveyed ' him and Kichard Overton ' oversea,' from the
Sussex coast ; and at the same time, as a royalist, he was manager
of ' all the affairs of C. S., which related to Sussex, since the battle
of Worcester.' Thus it was that whilst Bishop ' held a commission
from C. S. to treat with the Levelling party,' as a leading leveller,
Bishop treated in their name with the royalists. As an anabaptist,
he was esteemed * the best friend the king had, in dividing the
army ; ' and as a cavalier, Bishop sat in the royalist councils, and
abetted a royalist insurrection. His last appearance in the Thurloe
papers proves that, on the eve of the Eestoration, he was esteemed
a stanch royalist.^^

A description of Wildman and Bishop's political position still
does not explain their course of action. If Wildman and Bishop
were true royalists, why did they cajole the king by promises that
never touched the verge of fulfilment, and urge his followers upon
courses that could lead only to the scaffold ? They must have known
when the plot drew to a close, February 1658, quite as well as
Thurloe did, that, though Charles's levies were being brought down
to the coast, and ships were bought for their transport, the king
would not be * able to accomplish any great matter at this time.'
And for a very good reason. The royalists were to the end utterly
unprepared for action : their projects began in talk and abode in
talk ; the only definite action taken in the conspiracy was the arrest-
ing touch of Cromwell's soldiery. Thurloe knew that the cavaliers
had neither men, money, and arms, nor any set course of action,
and that Ormond, sent by Charles during February 1658 to Lon
to test the truth of their urgent messages, found ' that things do
not answer his expectation ; ' and Wildman and Bishop, with equa
certainty, must have shared in Thurloe's knowledge. That feeble,
Ue-begotten conspiracy for which Dr. He wet suffered, even among
ihe royalists excited much feeling of disbelief. In April, when Crom-
well put on the extinguisher, it was flickering out. He did not
arrest the conspirators because they were on the verge of outbreak :
lie knew^ <on the contrary, that they were so ' discouraged in their
intended invasion ' that the attempt had been put off to the following
•.September. Even when Cromwell lay dying, Thurloe had no fear
of ' Charles Stuart's party.' ^

"• Clarendon State Papers, iii. 311. Clarendon MSS. Cal. iii. 142, 192. Cooper
ito Hyde, 20 May 1659. .Clarendon State Papers, iii. 475.
s"' Thurloe, vii. 65, 98, 109, 86.6,
»« Ibid. .vi. 628, 806; ,vii. 63, 81, 83, 103, 110, 364. Clarendon State Papers, iii. 400.

I

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 7tH

Presuming; still that Wildman and Bishop were true royalists,
they were also men of extended and powerful influence, and it is
impossible to suppose that they were as rash and thoughtless as
the cavalier ' Wildrakes ' their associates ; or that with even greater
folly they brought their necks under Cromwell's grasp for no purpose
at all. The example afforded by another royalist, and by another
leveller who, under circumstances similar to those experienced by
Wildman and Bishop, anticipated their conduct precisely, and acted
as they did, affords the readiest solution of the riddle offered by
Wildman and Bishop's proceedings.

The royalist and the leveller whose conduct Wildman and
Bishop imitated were Sir K. Willis and Mr. Richard Overton.
Willis, the noted royalist, was sent to the Tower in May 1654, for
supposed complicity in the Gerard and Vowel conspiracy. During
the following August he prayed for his release, assuring the Pro-
tector that what most afflicted him was * the fear of being fallen
into his displeasure,' and that he ' would express his gratitude by
obedience.' Willis was set free ; and the way he displayed his
gratitude to Cromwell was to act, throughout his protectorate, in
almost undisturbed comfort, at the head of the most important
group of Cromwell's enemies, the * Sealed Knot.' At the same time,
however, when a prisoner in the Tower, Willis was on such good
terms with the government that he begged to renew an application
for ' a license to transport some Irishmen, to serve the Venetians
against the Turks,' a profitable undertaking reserved for those on
good terms with the Protector.^^

In like manner it may be remembered how Richard Overton,
the leveller, signalised his return to the Protector's service. Directly
after Cromwell received his offers of devoted help, Overton straight-
way undertook to provoke Cromwell's northern army to mutiny,
and the seizure of his general. On the faith of that undertaking,
whilst Richard Overton escaped scot-free, Cromwell imprisoned
Major-General Overton.

The precedent set by Sir R. Willis and by Richard Overton was
closely imitated, with equal immunity, by Wildman and Bishop ►
Bishop spent part of the winter of 1655-6 as one of Cromwell's,
suspects, ' strictly kept in a sad prison.' He was released ; and he
addressed to Thurloe a letter protesting that it was to Thurloe he
owed his life, and that * there is nothing I desire more, than to
appear faithful to the present Government.' That letter was dated
3 April 1656, and a few weeks afterwards Bisho-p was actively
conspiring against Cromwell, warning Major Smith to be ready for
action when the levellers began the fray, and Bishop was doing
his best to entice the cavaliers into revolt. But it must not be
supposed that Bishop felt he had been in this unfaithful to the
" Cal State Papers, 1654, pp. 21», 2^.

742 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

Protector. During the following September Thurloe received from
Bishop a letter of renewed devotion, stating that * I must ever
acknowledge to live by your favour ' and * to attend your com-
mands ; ' 3* yet, all the same, Bishop persists in acting as though
he were ready to die for Charles Stuart.

And Wildman followed suit with Willis, Eichard Overton, and
Colonel Bishop. Wildman, a prisoner since the moment when,
with dramatic effect, he was found by Cromwell's soldiers composing
a proclamation * against the Tyrant Oliver Cromwell ' (February
1655), was on 26 June 1656 released from the Tower. He gave

* security for 10,000Z. to return in three months, and meantime not
to act against the State.' ^^ Yet Wildman, as we know, even before
he left the Tower, had renewed his allegiance and offered his services,
not to Cromwell, but to his king. And so Wildman continued
after his release ; in October 1656 he offered to stab Cromwell ;
in January 1657 he superintended Sindercombe's assassination
scheme ; in the following November Wildman again proposed Crom-
well's murder, and to the end of the plot chapter he was the king's
devoted servant .'^^

It is impossible not to recognise our old metaphysical friend the

* argument of design ' in the parallel courses taken by these four
men. Whether royalist or leveller, alike they make their peace
with Cromwell, and then work in different though analogous ways
to effect Cromwell's destruction. Inspiration from one source, the
guidance of a superior being, who protected them while they served
his purposes, must have directed these four men by diverse routes
to the same end.

That Cromwell and Sir E. Willis leagued together is notorious ;
and it is quite certain that throughout their practices Cromwell
knew what Wildman and Bishop were after. A letter dated London,
13 June, 1656, just twelve days before Wildman's release from the
Tower, describing the * match ' that had been * propounded be-
tween Major Wildman and the King,' and written by the match-
maker, exists among Cromwell's state papers.'*' Mr. Corker, the
royalist recruiting agent, and king's manager over the eastern
counties, was also Cromwell's salaried agent, and supplied him with
a continuous narrative of the intrigues between Wildman, Bishop,
and the cavaliers, and of the various schemes wherewith, as Corker
pleasantly remarks, * we,' royalists, ' feed ourselves withal, and
animate those fools that will believe us.' ^^

The conclusion is irresistible that Wildman and Bishop, in their
seemingly ungrateful return for the freedom they received from
Cromwell, acted according to his wishes. I can, however, offer

. '8 Thurloe, iv. 673, v. 442. »» Cal State Papers, 1655, 1656, p. 387.

*" Cla/rendon MSS. Cal. iii. 192, 388.
*' Cal. State Papers, 1655, 1656, 372. '- Thurloe, i. 707-720.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 743

satisfactory evidence proving that Cromwell, Wildman, and Bishop
were in thorough complicity. During the spring of 1657, when they
were proposing to Major Smith an armed union with the levellers, a
warning was sent from the Tower by Major- General Overton to the
Eoyalists ' that Wildman holds secret correspondency with the
Protector,' and the major-general, from past experience, was not
unqualified to form a judgment about Wildman. In the following
October, a leading English royalist was * somewhat troubled ' by
hearing that Major Wildman had appeared at Gravesend with 'a
pass in the name of John Jones, signed with Cromwell's signet, to go
beyond sea; ' that the over-zealous port official, knowing who Mr.
John Jones was, had committed him to the ' block house,' and that
Cromwell sent orders to release Mr. Jones, to provide a ship for
him, and a skipper who would * not question him, but to carry
him wheresoever he should direct.' " And in February 1659 the
cavaliers were jeered at by the levellers for being * once more out-
witted ' by Wildman, so notorious was the deception that he had
systematically practised upon them."**

These surmises received in the end full confirmation by a most
competent witness. The complicity between Cromwell and Wildman
and Bishop became clearly estabUshed when the disclosure of the
secret was made possible by the death of Cromwell. As soon as
that event was an ascertained fact, ' for Sir Eobert Stone hath seen
the carcase,' Mr. Wm. Howard, the king's humorous young anabaptist
visitor of the autumn of 1656, then a prisoner in St. James's Palace,
renewed his correspondence with him, hoping to be the first to tell the
welcome news. In his letter Howard mentions that ' the old tyrant
had boasted that he was acquainted with all my actions,' and ' that
he had this information from one that was my chief confidant.'
That the confidant must be Wildman, Howard maintains, because
the information that Cromwell had gained was known only by
Wildman. That Wildman was the traitor was proved, however, by
plainer demonstration. Howard writes word that * since my con-
finement, I have had some discourse with one that was implicated
in Dr. Hewet's conspiracy, and he, not knowing that Wildman was
known to me, made it plain by many circumstances, that Wildman
and Colonel Bishop were the first discoverers of the design to
Cromwell.' *^

What a simple but disagreeable interpretation of the visions and
disappointments of the last two years was acquired by Charles from
this announcement ! So he had been gulled all that time by the

*» Clarendon MSS. Cal. iii. 375. Thurloe, i. 708, 711. Clarendon State Papers,
iii. 526.

** Clarendon State Papers, iii. 442. Wildman was committed to the Tower
November 1661, Historical Register, 567, 602.

** Clarendon State Papers, iii. 408.

744 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

' author of his good fortunes,' ' the wisest and honestest ' of the
levellers, and had never found out the trick, or why Wildman was
so large in promises and so small in results.

Much also that might perplex the historian of the Protectorate
is thus explained. If from 1656 to 1658 Wildman, Sexby, and
Bishop had been really able, in the name of the levellers, to offer to
Charles, the king of Spain, and the English royalists the ports of
Dover, Deal, Portsmouth, Hull, and Yarmouth, to divide Cromwell's
army, and to hand over his navy, the Protectorate was not worth
half an hour's purchase.

The unreality of these assurances needs no proof, as they were
made by Cromwell's agents, Wildman and Bishop. That they
were a fraud is also proved by the tenor of the Protectorate history
throughout those years. An army, navy, and people infected with
widespread disaffection could not have been purged of that humour
save by violent and conspicuous remedies. Nothing of the kind
took place. Cromwell, in his speech of September 1656, though he
knew that Wildman, Bishop, and Sexby, and seemingly the whole
party of the levellers, were offering at that very time to Charles
and to his followers to overthrow the Protectorate, expressly ex-
onerated that party from complicity with the king, and according
to the speech of January 1658, the ' old enemy ' was the only source
of danger. Not a trace of uneasy feeling regarding the army and
navy is found Thurloe's letters during 1655-57. He mentions in
December 1657, with indifference, that, ' to our knowledge,' the
royalists were ' tinkling with some of our garrisons to obtain one of
them for a landing-place,' and writes confidently to Lockhart that
England was never in a better temper with the Protector. "^^

Meantime the delusion that the anabaptists were able to
overthrow Cromwell was persistently spread by Wildman and
Sexby throughout Europe and England. Had not Charles been
saved from its influence by the dictation of good sense and his
instinct for good living, he might have shared his father's fate.
Charles I was wrecked by the prevalent belief that Strafford's Irish
papist army was on its way to England.''^ Had Charles II embarked
a single regiment of foreign mercenaries for our shores, all the
then slumbering hate and fear of the papists would have flamed out
afresh ; England would have risen against him as one man ; here
and there a few cavaliers would have appeared in arms to their
destruction ; the royalists would have been redecimated ; and
Cromwell's dynasty might have been established on the Enghsh
throne.

The league between Cromwell and Wildman also throws new

*• Thurloe, vi. 697, 806.

*' As an excuse for this assertion I must refer to ' The Fall of the Monarchy of
Charles I,' Quarterly Review^ vol, cliv. no. 307.

^1

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 745

light on the career of Colonel Sexby. This was why he volunteered
his services to the king, for Father Talbot, a knave with whom
Wildman corresponded, was their go-between.''^ This explains also
the failure of Sexby' s attempt to kill Cromwell by means of Miles
Binder combe. That was a businesslike- seeming project ; the stout
trooper and leveller Sindercombe was furnished with ample funds :
he bought horses and arms, and hired houses for his purpose : he
did his best, and yet he was constantly baffled. As leader of the
anabaptists Wildman had Sexby and Sindercombe under his control.
And thus it was that when Sindercombe had repeatedly ridden forth
in vain to shoot down Cromwell, on the high road, and in the park, it
was Wildman who turned him aside into the safer way of placing

* a basket of wildfire made up of all combustibles, as tar, pitch, tow,
gunpowder, &c., in little pieces,' in the chapel of Whitehall Palace ;
a device which had the double advantage of being harmless as
regards Cromwell, and useful as a startling advertisement of the
dangers that surrounded him. The ' firework ' met with objection
from Sexby and his emissaries, ' there being no reasonable hope
that it would succeed,' but ' Wildman was opinionated in the busi-
ness, and his authority prevailed.' ^^

So the day was appointed. In the morning, Cromwell's in-
former, who attended on the conspiracy from the beginning to the
end, warned him of the coming event ; in the afternoon, Sinder-
combe placed the basket in the chapel ; and during the evening it
smouldered some three hours, and then it was duly smelled out.
Every way the * firework' fully justified Sexby's distrust. The

* wildfire ' proved a very fizzenless mixture ; it failed to effect the
intention of its contrivers, which was to set Whitehall on fire, that

* their party ' might perceive ' that they were not idle, but were at
work to accomplish what they had designed.' Nor did the experi-
ment satisfy those who watched it on Cromwell's behalf. The
wretched thing would not burn, or show itself off. They even ' pur-
posed,' in their disappointment, *to have set some seats in the
Chapel on fire, and doubled the Guard, and so watched the conse-
quence : but this was thought to raise too great a tumult, and call
down the City ; and make the people believe it was only a purposed
plot to try men's spirits ; ' a notion that had a wide circulation, for
the English at Antwerp were ' of opinion that the powder-plot is a
simple invention of the Protector.' -^^

Nor at its deadliest was the project intended to compass the
Protector's death. Sindercombe's assistant, who with him laid the

* firework ' in the chapel, stated that its object was to show that
'they were not idle.' They left it to take care of itself; were
allowed to go home, where next day they were arrested. ' It was

*« Clarendon MSS. Gal. iii. 40, 413. Clarendon State Papers, iii. 652, 579.

*' Clarendon State Papers, iii. 321, 335. *» Thurloe, v. 776, 794. Burton, i. 332.

746- NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

only if the fire did not take ' that Sindercombe proposed * to set
upon the Protector, to take away his Hfe.' ^^ Wildman was acting
his part when he ' insinuated ' to the king that the enterprise was
designed ' not only to destroy Cromwell, but that if he should
chance to escape, the setting Whitehall on fire was to be the watch-
word to a rising.' ^'^ Had that been the case, Cromwell's councillors
would certainly not have * purposed ' their sensational conflagration
in the chapel and the sudden call to arms. The guards would have
been mustered round Whitehall to a very different purpose.

The last of these illustrations of Cromwell's ' prudent, heroic,
and honourable managery ' is now reached in his dealing with Sir
Henry Slingsby. As it is, however, an established Cromwell myth
that he was scrupulous, almost tender, in the infliction of the death
penalty, and that he made, as Mr. F. Harrison tells us, noble
efforts * to impress his own spirit of toleration on the intolerance
of his age,' I must preface Sir H. Slingsby 's sad story by going
back in time to 28 June 1654. On that day an aged Eomish
priest, Southworth, was executed amid a crowd of sympathising
Londoners, who * all admired his constancy.' Southworth was
arraigned in 1654 upon a sentence of banishment passed in the
year 1617. He knew the consequences of the plea; he acknow-
ledged that he held priest's orders, but maintained his innocence
of treason. Southworth was accordingly condemned to death.
The Portuguese ambassador went to Whitehall and received Crom-
well's assurance, in God's name, that his hand should not * be
consenting to the death of any for religion, and did promise a re-
prieve.' Next evening, however, the ambassador was notified by
Cromwell that * his council advised him that the laws should be
executed to which he had swore ; ' so the ambassador had to con-
tent himself with buying * the quarters of the priest from the hang-
man for 40s.' Southworth was put to death to revive the popular
hatred against the papists. During the year 1654 efforts were made
to place the duke of Gloucester into a Jesuit college, which, as Lord
Hatton remarked to secretary Nicholas, * would be worth an army
to Oliver Cromwell.' ^^ And Slingsby was 'ripened,' by Cromwell's
orders, for the scaffold, to convince England that Charles ' in the
great papist interest' had almost made good a landing on our
shores.

This is the outline of Slingsby's story. An incident may be
remembered in the insurrection of March 1655, namely, a midnight
ride taken by some Yorkshire squires over Marston Moor, and
their prompt return home, because the insurrection proved, in
vulgar phrase, *a thorough sell.' Those gentlemen were thrown

" Thurloe, v. 774. « Clarendon State Papers, iii. 321.

' " Lingard, vii. 163. Thurloe, ii. 406. Symond's MSS. quoted Notes and Queries,
2nd series, vii. 142. Nicholas Papers, Egerton MSS. 2534, 60, 294.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 747

into York jail ; and if Cromwell could have had his way, they
would have figured on the scaffold. Cromwell did not have his
wish; his judges were doubtful * whether in point of law' that
midnight ride was an act of treason. The judges were ' put out of
their places,' and the lives of those squires were saved. Such as
he chose Cromwell detained in jail, and amongst them was Sir H.
Slingsby. He was, at the opening of this narrative, December
1657, a prisoner in lodgings in Hull, under the custody of an officer
of the garrison; he was shortly afterwards transferred to Hull
Castle, and, finally, on 8 June 1658, to a scaffold on Tower Hill.

Slingsby's crime of high treason against the Protector, as told
in court by Cromwell's witnesses, is positive enough. Those wit-
nesses were three officers of the Hull garrison. Major Waterhouse,
Captain John Overton, and Lieutenant Thompson. They proved
that for about three months, from the close of December 1657 to
the opening days of April 1658, Sir Henry tempted them with
entreaties, bribes, and offers to join the king's service, and that on
2 April, Slingsby delivered, in Overton's presence, to Major Water-
house, a royal commission appointing him governor of Hull Castle.
Thereupon Slingsby was sent up to London.

According to Major Waterhouse and Captain Overton, Slingsby
persistently, wilfully, and of his own accord, without any incitement
on their part, forced upon them his treasonable proposals. So eager
was he, that Slingsby commenced his persuasions with no previous
attempt to ascertain how his overtures would be received. So reck-
less was he in the game of treason that he wrote his seditious
messages on the open leaves of a table-book, and sent, according to
Major Waterhouse, the first of these notes to him when upon the
hunting-field. This was strange conduct on the part of one who
was described by Clarendon as a man * of good understanding, but
of a very melancholic nature, and of very few words.'

Slingsby's conduct, however, is not strange, when explained by
the letters about him that passed between Cromwell, Thurloe, and
Colonel Smith, governor of Hull Castle. The fact was that during
those three months Slingsby was * dancing in a net ' spread for
him by Cromwell and Colonel Smith. The device was simple
enough ; the governor at the castle, who posed before Slingsby as
an adherent of Charles II, directed Major Waterhouse to trepan
Slingsby. Obeying the governor's orders, Waterhouse sought him
out and did his best. At first Waterhouse was unsuccessful. From
December to 1 Jan. 1658, no written evidence could be drawn from
Slingsby against himself, except those notes written on the leaves of
his table-book. At this point in the transaction the Protector makes
his appearance. The governor had reported to him the correspond-
ence between Slingsby and Waterhouse ; but those notes were not
enough for Cromwell. He required a delivery, in the presence

748. NOTES AXD DOCUMENTS Oct.

of two witnesses, by Slingsby of a commission from Charles
Stuart.

The governor therefore reported to the Protector * that accord-
ing to your Highness's commands, I have endeavoured, by all the
ways and means that is possible I could, to get further proof
against Sir Henry Slingsby, besides Major Waterhouse, but cannot
by any means accomplish it, for the present. I have desired the
Major to use all the arguments that he could, to persuade him
(Slingsby) to give way to the Major to engage a friend of his in the
plot, w^ho should be as a messenger betwixt them, for the better
carrying on of the business, but he would not condiscend to it,
telling the Major it would be dangerous to both of them to have
any other made privy to it, till nearer the time of putting things
in execution.' ^^

Though his highness's commands of course received due
attention, a letter to Thurloe from the governor shows that in
his opinion Cromwell was over- scrupulous and needlessly slow in
taking Slingsby's life. Cromwell's desire, it would seem, had been
anticipated by the governor, for he remarks, ' I believe if His High-
ness had given way to it, the Major might have had a Commission
very shortly from " C. S." by the means of the gentleman formerly
mentioned (i.e. Slingsby), which would have been good evidence
against him, and have convinced others.' ^^

The Protector, however, would not give way ; and the governor
had to try other devices against Slingsby. So he took a step
which, if Slingsby had been in the hands of honest men, would
have put him out of reach of temptation, and saved his life. He
was removed from lodgings in the town, and remitted to close im-
prisonment in Hull Castle. But the tighter Cromwell's net was
drawn round his victim, the more lively in the meshes did he
become. Close imprisonment, an obvious sign that suspicion was
rife against him, provoked Slingsby to unwonted activity. With
himself and his papers under the immediate supervision of the
governor, Slingsby cast aside all hesitation. He ' had not been
many days ' in the castle * but that he had manifested his malicious
treachery against his Highness, endeavouring to engage Captain
Overton, as he had formerly Major Waterhouse.' '"^

Cromwell had now got his second witness. Then a hitch
occurred in the business of maturing Slingsby for the scaffold.
Some five days elapse, and the governor has to inform Cromwell
that Slingsby * had not proceeded so far with Overton as he did
with Major Waterhouse.' The Protector's sickle, however, did not

** Letter from Colonel Smith, Hull, 4 Feb. 1658. Thurloe papers, vi. 777, vii
123, 125.

" Letter from Colonel Smith, 5 Feb. 1658. Thurloe, vi. 780.

*« Colonel Smith to the Protector, 1.3 March, 1658. Thurloe, vi. 870.

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 749

pause long when once in full swing. In about a fortnight he
was informed that Slingsby was at last trapped, 'according to
H.H.'s commands,' and that ' the business is ripe.' Assuring
Cromwell that he had acted ' in pursuance of his Highness's instruc-
tions,' the governor reports that ' this evening Sir Henry delivered
the inclosed commission to Major Waterhouse, in the presence of
Cap. Overton. I do humbly conceive that there is now sufficient
evidence against him concerning the whole business.' ^^ The busi-
ness unquestionably was ' ripe ' enough ; Cromwell's ' former com-
mands ' and his ' instructions ' had been obeyed : the net was drawn
over Slingsby's head.

The chain of evidence is without any flaw. The Protector in-
structs his officer. Colonel Smith, throughout * the business.'
Major Waterhouse stated that ' he never visited the prisoner,
but by Col. Smith's commission.' Captain Overton was Major
Waterhouse's ' friend in the plot ; ' and the third witness. Lieu-
tenant Thompson, who ' was not forward in the work,' prefaced
his disagreeable task in the witness-box by this excuse for his
appearance there: 'I was desired to go and see Sir Hy. Slingsby; ' ^*
and the prisoner confirmed the lieutenant's statement by a tragi-
comic account of the manoeuvres whereby he was tempted into
taking Thompson into his confidence; how Waterhouse brought
them together at dinner, and sneered at Slingsby's neglect in gain-
ing over a fellow-conspirator. With Cromwell and his servants as
witnesses, it is hardly necessary to confirm their evidence by the
testimony of contemporary historians. They state, however, that
those three officers of Cromwell's army ' were sent unto Slingsby
to make the motion to him, and sift out his mind with purpose to
betray him.' ^^ They did their work well : * the sleight of hand
and cunning craftiness' that tricked Slingsby's head off his
shoulders was almost, to the end, invisible to him. Even the
strangeness that Hull Castle should furnish him with a hiding-
place for a commission from Charles II, and serve him as an
enlistment-ground for soldiers to surprise the castle, aroused no
suspicion.^^ Slingsby trusted in his friend the governor. It was
not till the trial was drawing to a close that Slingsby's eyes were
opened, and he exclaimed, ' I see that I am trepanned by those two
fellows : I never sought to them, but they to me.'

The attorney-general, at SHngsby's trial, in the demand for
judgment, declared that * he was sorry that people should be thus
seduced, and drawn into designs, which he was confident would
never take, for their seducers bring them to the gallows, and then
laugh at them.' A most just remark; for the seducer of the
prisoner in the dock was his highness the Lord Protector.

" Colonel Smith to the Protector, 2 April, 1658. Thurloe, vii. 46.

" State Trials, v. 879. " Baker, 561 ; also Heath,' 403. «*" Thurloe,. vii. 111.

750 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

It may be urged that Cromwell lured Slingsby onward, fearing
his capacity for mischief, and that it is justifiable to avert peril
from the state by bringing a dangerous conspiracy to a premature
end. Such an excuse would, on this occasion, be ludicrous. That
penniless, landless prisoner was not the centre of a vast conspiracy,
or of any conspiracy at all. He was perfectly harmless ; he had no
adherents, save those that Cromwell provided for him. So resource-
less was Slingsby, that three followers were all that he could offer for
the fancied surprise of Hull Castle, and of these three, only one visited
him in the castle. So ignorant was he of the outside world, that he
gravely asserted that Major-General Overton was engaged to bring six
regiments to the king, and that he was to enjoy what he had, and
a pardon for what he had done, quite unconscious that the major-
general was safely under lock and key.

Not an effort was made at Slingsby's trial to prove the existence
of a plot, or of any scheme for the seizure of Hull. If a far-off
danger of such an attempt had been suspected, Cromwell would
not have * lain in wait to deceive,' and kept Slingsby on the ply
for over three months. Even the governor's ingenious device for
supplying Slingsby * very shortly ' with a commission from ' C. S.'
would have hardly met the occasion. Cromwell was willing to wait
until his two witnesses would prove that the king had appointed a
governor over Hull Castle.

A general review of Cromwell's plot policy must be reserved
for another occasion. This point, however, in our investigation
has been reached. It is made obvious that, with the co-operation
of Sir K. Willis, the chief English royahst, and of Major
Wildman, the chief leveller, Cromwell was easily and safely able to
persuade his subjects and his historians that, to use Mr. Frederic
Harrison's words, * during the Commonwealth there was, we may
say, one continuous plot to assassinate the Protector, and to restore
the Stuarts.' In this Cromwell was successful ; but the result of
his policy was not such a success. During the last eight months
allotted to him in this world, Cromwell, for the first time, felt the
touch of the real * red terror.' To save himself, in a transport of
rage and fear, he dissolved his last parliament ; and his hearers,
who replied by their defiant * Amen 'to his challenge, * Let God
judge between me and you,' were soon able to see that London
itself bore witness to the fulfilment of their appeal. So disaffected
were Cromwell's soldiers that he himself gave sudden orders, in
the middle of the night, to change the Whitehall guard ; so moved
were the people, that, for the first time, he stationed a considerable
army-corps near London ; ' many troops of horses, trumpeting to
and fro, and companies of foot, grumbling with their drums,' were
seen and heard ' daily in the streets.' ^' Within the three months

•' IlUit. MSS. Com. 5th report, appendix, 180.

d

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 751

that preceded Cromwell's death, the citizens of London saw five
men put to death for conspiracy — a number that exceeded, by more
than twice, the death-roll of those who had suffered for treason
w^ithin the city walls, during the previous four years of Cromwell's
rule. These were the sights and sounds that signalised the Pro-
tectorate when, according to Mr. Frederic Harrison, it was * in the
zenith of its power.'

And as regards Cromwell himself, Slingsby's death went before
him unto judgment. The true nature of the man was evident.
Cromwell's subjects knew that conspiracies formed an important
feature in his statecraft ; they suspected that he utilised Henshaw
to obtain the death of Gerard and Vowel; in Slingsby's death
there was no disguise. The cry of Cromwell's prisoner, * I see that
I am trepanned ' — the sight of the helpless, luckless man, ensnared
by Cromwell's servants — made manifest to the people of England
how like, in thought, act, and deed, their Protector was to that old
Tempter who deceived in order that he might destroy, and destroyed
to found on his deception a spacious supremacy, that 'murderer
from the beginning,' who ' stood not in the truth, because there
was no truth in him.' Eeginald F. D. Palgrave.

(To be continued.)

LETTERS OF THE REV. WILLIAM AYERST, 1706-1721.

The following letters, which have been transcribed from the
originals in the Bodleian Library, seem to me of some interest as
throwing fresh light on the attempt to introduce episcopacy and a
liturgy on the Anglican model into Prussia at the beginning of the
eighteenth century ; and as containing some minute details of Lord
Strafford's diplomatic career, and of the negotiations in which he
bore a part, which have not been previously recorded. Ayerst was
a shrewd observer, and seems to have rightly gauged the character
of the news-loving master of University, to whose eager curiosity
we are indebted for the rich and varied contents of the Ballard
correspondence. The letters have occupied so much space that it
has not been found practicable to annotate them. But most of the
allusions will require no explanation to readers of ' The Life of
Archbishop Sharp,' by his son archdeacon Sharp ; of * The Went-
worth Papers,' selected and edited by J. J. Cartwright, in which
several mentions of Ayerst occur ; and of Hearne's * Eemarks and
Collections,' now in course of publication by the Oxford Historical
Society. As Ayerst has not found a place in the * Dictionary of
National Biography,' I have prefixed to his letters the account of
his life which he forwarded to Dr. K. Rawlinson for insertion in his
proposed continuation of Wood's * Athense -Oxonienses.' If any

ik

752 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

other unpublished letters of Ayerst written during the negotiations
which led to the peace of Utrecht are still extant, they may contain
matter of greater importance than those here printed.

C. E. DOBLE.

Autobiography of William Ayerst. {From Raivlinson's MS. Collec-
tions for a Continuation of Wood's ^ Athence,' Rawl. J. fol. 16,
105 sqq.)

* William Ayerst, son of Thomas Ayerst, some time Scholar of
University College Oxford and afterwards Vicar of Shorn in Kent
(in the Chancel of which Church he lies buried with the follow-
ing Inscription, which being placed over him by His Son William,
of whom we are speaking, and containing an Account of the Eight
of this Family to the Four Scholarships of University College founded
by M^ Eobert Gunsley Eector of Tilsey in Surry by his Will dated
30*^ June 1618, is here thought proper to be inserted. . . .)

* This William was born at Shorn aforesaid the 10*^ of August 1683,
and educated at the Grammar Schools of Eochester & Maidstone,
at the Latter of which he was elected in 1698 into one of M*" Gunsley's
Scholarships, matriculated as a Member of University College the 20^*"
March Ifgi, took the Degree of B.A. 21 Oct^ 1703, and had That of
A.M. confer 'd on him by Diploma dated the 7*^ Nov : 1707 being
then abroad with the Queen's Ambassador at Berlin. He received
Deacon's Orders at Fulham from the Bp of London the 2** Dec*"
1704 and Priests at the same place & from the same Bishop the
30*^ May 1708. In 1705 he was appointed Chaplain to Thomas
Lord Eaby Queen Anne's Ambassador to Frederick the First King of
Prussia. In 1711 he attended His Excellency in the same Quality
on His Embassy to the States General, and in 1712 to the Congress
of Utrecht, (at which that Lord, then created Earl of Strafford, was
appointed one of Her Majesties Plenipotentiaries) during which
Congress he became His Excellency's Secretary, and was afterwards
appointed Her Majesties Secretary to the British Embassy to the
States General by patent under the Great Seal dated 18*^ May
1714. In which post he continued some time after the accession
of King George to the Crown, and upon his Eevocation had the
customary Present from the States of a Gold Chain and Medal. In
April 1716 he was collated by D'' Eobinson Bp of London to the
Eectory of Birch Magna in Essex. June the 15*^ 1717 he took the
Degree of B.D, said by mistake in the Oxford Catalogue to be that
of D.D, and the same Month went out ad eundem at Cambridge,
when he was admitted to a Fellowship in Queen's College, to which j
he had been elected some years before, while abroad in the service *'
of the publick : which Fellowship he resign 'd the year following, -i
upon Bishop Eobinson's generously purchasing in his favour and

II

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 753

uniting for ever the Rectory of Birch Parva to that of Birch Magna.
In 1720 he attended His ExcelP^ S^ Robert Sutton, in his Embassy
to the French King Louis XV, in quahty of Chaplain & Secretary,
and upon his Return home was, by the Recommendation of Arch
Bishop Wake, presented by the Lord Chancellor to the Rectory of
Gravesend, to which he was instituted by Rp Atterbury in the
Tower of London the 31^* Jan : 172| ; and at the same time was
also presented by the King to the adjoyning Vicarage of Northfleet,
to which he was instituted the 23 Feb^ following & inducted the
26**^. In Oct'' 1724, upon the Death of D^ Bowers B? of Chichester,
he was likewise presented by His Majesty to a Prebend of Canterbury
and instaird Nov^ 5*^. The 3''^ of October 1726 he resign'd
Gravesend & Northfleet in favour of Tho: Harris, M.A. in ex-
change for the Rectory of Stourmouth in the Diocess of Cant^, to
which he was presented by D'' Bradford Bp of Rochester, instituted
the 15*^ Octob'* and inducted the 2^ of Nov^ following. The 25*^ of
the same Month he was presented by the Dean & chapter of Canter-
bury to the united Rectorys of S* George the Martyr & S* Mary
Magdalen in the City of Canterbury, to which he was instituted the
8*** & inducted the 12 Dec"" following.

* He was created D.D. by Arch Bishop Wake the 5* June 1728,
confirm'd by patent under the Great Seal the 7*** of the same
month. In Nov"" 1729 he was presented by the Dean & Chapter of
Canterbury to the united Rectorys of S* S within London- Stone &
S* Mary Bothaw, to which he was instituted & inducted the 19*
Dec"" following, and resign'd the Rectory of Stourmouth, by the
Leave of Rp Bradford, in favour of Hopton Williams, M.A. in
exchange for the united Rectorys of North Cray & Rokesby in the
Diocess of Rochester, to which he was presented by S'' Thomas
D'Aeth, instituted the 24*^ and inducted the 28*^ Dec^ 1729. He
has publish'd, 1. C. Crispi Sallustii Quae supersunt cum Indicibus
et variis Lectionibus, in 12'' printed at the Theater at Oxford 1701,
and dedicated to S"" Joseph Williamson, afterwards republished by
the Bookseller without the Dedication. 2. The Duty & Motives of
praying for Peace. A Sermon preach'd before their Excellencies
the Lord Privy Seal and the Right Honourable Thomas Earl of
Strafford Her Majesty's Plenipotentiaries at the Congress of Utrecht
in S* John's Church Utrecht a:';}g|;l IH- publish'd by their
Excellencies Command at Utrecht 1712 in Quarto, and repubHsh'd
at London in 1712 in Octavo, on Psalm 122, Vers. 6, 7, 8, and
dedicated to the two Plenipotentiaries.'

* Canf^ April the 18t>« 1738.

'Rev^: Sir— M"* Isaac Terry having deliver'd me the Paper,
You sent through his hands, concerning my self ; I have, according
to Your permission, taken the Liberty to alter it, & return it in the

VOL. III. — NO. XII. 3 c

754 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

contained in the Inclosed. Your account of Gunsley's Will is not
altogether exact, and I once design'd to have sent You an Abstract
of it, & will do it still, if you think it material. But having put
over my Father an Inscription on purpose to perpetuate the Memory
of my Family's Eight to M"" Gunsley's Scholarships, I hope Insert-
ing That may do as well, and better answer my Intention, since it
will probably remain in your Book, when the Marble or at least the
Inscription shall be worn out. Or if you think it improper to insert
it in the Body of the Narration, you may do it at the Bottom of
the page in a Note. The precise Time of my Election into one of
these Scholarship's I have no Memorandum of, but as I staid at
School (according to the Direction or permission of the Founder's
Will) about 2 years after my Election before I went to the
University, I am pretty sure I am right in the year 1698. But
University College Eegister will inform you more exactly, if it be
worth while to consult it upon such a Circumstance. The Days
likewise of my Institution & Induction to Birch Magna, and of
the Union of Birch Parva to it, I cannot find any Memorandum of,
having lost or mislaid those Instruments ; But these Circumstances
may be found in the B? of London's Eegister, the first in April
1716, and the Latter in 1717 or 1718. The Eest of the Dates I
have taken from the Instruments themselves, by which You will
see there is a double mistake in the Oxford Catalogue with respect
to my degrees ; my Diploma for my Master's being dated not the
3* but 7*^ Nov"" 1707, and that said to be the Degree of DD. was
only of B.D. The Sallust dedicated to S'* Joseph Williamson,
was afterwards republished by the Bookseller, without the Dedi-
cation, or any mention of me, which perhaps may be the occasion
of Your omitting it. You having never perhaps seen the first Edition,
which was sold off in a very little time, as being of a convenient
form for Schools, nor have I seen a copy of it for several years,
besides one I have by me.

* I thought proper to accompany the Paper with these Eemarks,
& if in any thing else I can be of any Use to you, you may freely
command * Sir

* Your most Humble Servant

*W": Ayerst.

* I did not succeed D*" Bowers upon his being made a Bishop,
he holding the Prebend in Comendam. Nor did I succeed to S'
Swithin's upon the Death of M^ Elstob. He was succeeded by M""
Wroughton, and I succeeded the latter. But this Circumstance I
think is not necessary to be mention'd, nor That of my succeeding
M*" Cook in S^ George's Canterbury. Nor are perhaps my Ex-
change's of Livings with M^ Harris & M^ Williams, tho' These I
have mention'd in the Narration, but You may put them out or let

!

I

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 755

them stand, as You think best, as the whole is submitted to Your
Correction.

* Upon 2^ Thoughts I have subjoined an Abstract of Gunsley's
Will, which may not be improper to follow the Narration by way of
Note, and have scored the passages on which my Family claims a
preference.' ^

Endorsed : ♦ Kecd 19 April 1738 by me R. R/

Ballard MS. Letters (vol. xvn.)
11.2 JY, Ay erst to Dr, A. Charlett,

•Berlin, Feb. y 26. N.S. [1706].

* Eeverend & Hon^ S*" — The last Honour You did me of Jan.
28*^ came to my hands y® 20*^ Instant. I was Yesterday to see D'
Jablonski, who is highly sensible of y® great esteem You are
pleas' d to express of any Services he may have done to our Church,
& is no less ravish'd at y® seasonable Declaration Geneva has so
publickly made in its favour : He hopes to draw some good Use
from it in y® Cause in w*"^ he is engag'd : He was a Sunday or two
ago at My Lords at Dinner & afterwards at Chappel with us, &
asseure's us He will very often do it to give y® People of y® Country
an Example, who yet whether thro' Curiosity or Devotion dont
much want it : He y° & since gives me still Hopes y* now this
Marriage & Hurry at Court is over, y® projected Design of a
Liturgy & Conformity w*^ y® Church of Eng. may go on. For
some particular Eeasons, concerning y* matter, he desires mightily
to know something of y® Customs of our Queen's Chaplains, &
particularly whether there be any set Form of an Order or Manda-
mus in use when y^ Queen or y® Dean of y® Chappel wou'd command
y™ to meet together, or upon any other occasion of y' Nature. He
knowing Your self to be one of y™ has desired me to write & beg y®
favour of an Information especially in y* point.

* As for y^ Faith d Practise of a C. of E. man w'^^ y® D"" asseured
me was translated & to be presented to all y^ Reformed on New
Years Day last, twas unfortunately not finish'd time enough, &
therefore is now reserv'd either to y® next New Year, or some more
favorable Opportunity when y® Design of y® Liturgy shall be farther
Advanc'd. Tho' as for a good opinion of y® Ch. of Eng. neither
Reformed nor Lutherans do so much want for y* as Love to one
Another to unite under its Form. They contend openly in Print

» Rawl. J. fol. 18. 29, adds little but the remark : * These two preferments [North
Cray and St. S within' s] with his Prebend he now holds, living, or rather existing, in
his prebendal House, without ever seeing His two parishes, and with great difficulty
even keeping his Residence in the Cathedral according to the Statutes.' Ay erst died
9 May 1765 (Le Neve-Hardy, Fasti, i. 50).

^ The letters have been here placed in chronological order, and the folios in some
oases disarranged.

3 c 2

756 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

for y® suffrage of y® C. of Eng. to y"" Communion ; but will hear of
no Union. Especially y® Lutherans seem to be very positive y*
they cannot make one step towards y® other, nor yeild y® least
point or Ceremony without offending God & y® memory of y'' B.
Luther, as one of y"" affirm'd in a scandalous Pamphlet w'^^ y® K.
order 'd to be burnt by y® Com. Hangman.

* This Week we have receiv'd y^ Admirable Sermon of y® Bp of
Sarum on y® Thanksgiving Day, w'^^ upon my Lords Desire to
shew it y® King I have got M"" Siedly (a Young Gentleman y* had his
Degree lately given him at Oxford at y® Francfurt Jubilee) to translate
it into High-Dutch. M"" Siedly says he has y^ Honour to be known
to you & desires his most humble Eespects. He has waited here
several months for y® Preferment y^ K. has promis'd him, thro' y^
tedious Delays of those y* have y^ Church affairs here in y^ hands,
he hopes tho' shortly to have all y^ writings & things perfected, till
when he defers writing to D"" Lancaster & his Friends in Oxford.

* I beg leave to say one word concerning my self. S*" W™
Windam, who, I presume You know, is a true & close Church-Man,
& is for having it make as good an Appearance as may be in this
place to y® People y* especially at this Juncture frequent our
Prayers, has put it in my lords Head y* I ought to wear an Hood
upon my Surplice when I read Prayers. My excuse was y* I had
not yet taken my Masters Degree, but He says he thinks it very
possible, y* being now of longer standing in y^ University y° is
requir'd for y* Degree, I might by y^ means of such Friends as D''
Charlett, & a Letter of my L*^' to y® D. of Ormond, have y* Degree
confer 'd upon me in my absence, for w'^** he brought an Instance
of one of Queens Coll : who had it so, as he had heard, when
Chaplain to S"" Joseph Williamson in foreign Parts. If such a
thing can be, I do by no means question Your kind Assistance &
Direction in it, & if it be necessary his Lordship's Letter to y®
Duke, & M^ Arnauld, my L^« Brothers Interest w*^ y® Vice Chanc^
D^ Lancaster, I believe will not be wanting ; if S"" W™ is mistaken
I beg pardon for having propos'd it to You. All y® exercise I have
done for y* Degree besides Determining is y* I have been examin'd
y® Paper of w^^ I have by me.

* There's no News stirring here, but various reports of y* great
Designs of y® Neighbouring Sweeds & Saxons, but nothing as yet
certain. Y^ Articles of y^ Peace are now Printed by force in Lipsick
by y^ Sweeds, while K. Augustus was out a Hunting.. There's just
now a report y' he is gon again to y® Moscovites.

* My humble Eespects to y^ Society, and particularly D'' Hudson
who was so kind as to remember me. y® Account of y^ State of Learn-
ing or rather No Learning at Berlin w*^** he desires I shall send Him
this or next Post, tho' I question whether I shall find enough to fill a
Letter to him.' . . .

I

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 757

12. The Same to the Same.

• Berlin, April j' 10"* 706, N.S.

* Hon'^ S^ — His Excellence having at length made his long ex-
pected Entry on Wednesday last & finish'd y® ceremonie by his
Audience of y® King & Eoyal Family this Day, I thought it my
duty to let You know of it before it grew old News. The Procession
began on Wednesday about 3 in y® afternoon from a House of y*
Kings just without y^ Town. There were 37 very fine Coatches w*^
six Horses, w*^^ being now out of mourning made a very Noble show,
to as far as I can understand y^ satisfaction of y^ whole Town &
much to y® Honour of England, before my Lords Coatches went first
2 Eunning footmen w*^ feathers in y^ caps & staves in y'' hands
after y® fashion of this country, one of y"* a Black dress'd after y*
Manner y® Blacks are said to go in Virginia & such like y"" native
places w*^ Petticoat-Breeches &c. Next followed 20 footmen two &
two who wanted for no lacing to make y"" fine. & to brink up y"" rear
2 High-Dukes dress'd very richly, but after so monstrous a fashion
y* I can not pretend to describe y™. Next foUow'd my Lords Master
of y® Horse & his 6 Pages on Horsback, y"" cloaths embroader'd w***
sylver & who I think made as handsome a figure as any thing in y«
show. 2 of my L^ Coatches followed next w*^ my L^^ Gentlemen
& my self in y"" & then y® Body Coatch w*^^ tho' y® others were ex-
cessive Eich quite eclips'd every thing in y® Procession or indeed
any Coach I ever yet saw, twas cover'd on y® Top w*^ red velvet
embroader'd, my L"^'^ Arms, as I take it, finely done in y® middle,
coronets round y® Edges & a deep Gold Fringe & Tossels hanging
down round .y® sides. 2 of these Coatches were drawn w*^ eight
Horses y® other w*^ 6. Next foUow'd y® King's Coatches w*'^ he had
sent out to meet my L^ as is usual to Ambassadours. He did not
send his best because He wou'd not eclipse my L^% w*^^ He cou'd
very well have done, he having as tis thought some of y® finest
Coatches in y® world, finery & Splendour being y® whole Delight of
this King & Court & indeed of y® whole Town, where a man is
amaz'd to see in a poor barren country as this is y® riches of y®
Indies in appearance. In one of y® King's Coatches my Lord had
got England Scotland France & Ireland as he himself said. There
being an Irish Lord, Lord Peisley, His Governor a French man, a
Scotch Gentleman, & an EngHsh one. Last of all came my L^
himself y® Master of y® Ceremonies & a privy Councellor. They
past thus through most of y* cheif Streets of y« Town to y« House
y* is appropriated for y® reception of Ambassadors, where He has
been treated ever since w*^ all y^ magnificence imaginable, attended
by y« Kings Pages & Footmen & a Gaurd of his Switzers, who
like our Beef-eaters in England are kept for y^ Largeness. These
Switzers put me in mind of w* I had before forgot, of 2 Switzers of

758 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

my L^* y* walk'd on each side his Body Coatch w*^ y"^ Halberts &
broad Bills after y® manner of y® Kings Guards. He had y® Kings
Violins Kettle Drums & Trumpets at his Dinner & Supper, y*
Trumpets sounding & Drums beating Every health they drank w^**
according to y^ manner of y® Germans were not a few, & spar'd y®
other Musitians a great deal of pains they seldom finding an
interval to Play. I shou'd be tiresom to tell you how handsomly
my L*^ & his Servants were treated & w' efforts y® Court made by
going this week out of Mourning to appear in all its splendour &
show how welcom an English Ambassadour (especially my L"^ Raby)
was to it. When y® King saw my L^ coming in to day in such
State to him & gravity, he cou'd scarse keep his Countenance to one
yfth ^hom he has been so frequently familiar. His Speech was so
low I cou'd not hear it & y® King's answer I cou'd not understand,
they both stood w*^ y*^ Hats on. My L^ had one y* y^ King pre-
sented him w*^ when he took his Leave last summer as Envoy w*^
a very rich Diamond Button. The King had another Diamond for
a Button to his, y* we are told cost 25 thousand Pound. He has
another Stone in his Crown, w'^^ I saw y® other day, y* they told us
cost very near as much, w*"^ if it did & y® rest of y® Diamonds were
proportionable I am shure his Kingdom wou'd not buy his Crown
BO thick is it set w*^ y™. It must have been a long Descent of
Ancestors y* cou'd have amass'd together such a Treasure w'^^ we
there find turn'd into Stones. I was astonish'd more at y® recital
of y® Price y" at y® Dazling of y^ Stones, & make w* seeming I cou'd
to please y® showers I cou'd not admire y® Crown so much as y*
Vanity of Buyers who for things so worthless in appearance wou'd
expend such an infinite treasure, only because they are scarse. But
I forget who I am a writing to, & therefore heartily beg Pardon for
this long hasty scrowl & as a sincere Gratitude & desire of pleasing
was y® cause of it so I beg it may be its excuse. . . .

*1 y® other Day saw M"" Grabe's Brother who very kindly
offer'd me any Service he cou'd do me here telling me his Brother
had engag'd him so to do, to w''** Gentleman I must humbly return
my thanks & to your self as y® Author of y* Favour. I shou'd be
doubly oblig'd if M"" Grabe wou'd do me y® same good office to M"^
Jablonski.

* I desire You wou'd please to give my humble Service to D**
Hudson & [tell] him y* I have imploy'd a Friend to see after his
Books but do not find they are to be got. If I meet with y™ I shall
be glad of doing him y® Service to send y"^ into England.

* I am afraid M'' Denison is either dead or gon from College,
since I scarse believe y* all my Letters have miscarried & I am
shure he bears me too much kindness not to answer y™ had he been
at Oxford.

' i have writ some time since 2 to Your self about y^ Conveyance

I

1888 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 759

of my Letters by M^ Delafait at y« Secretaries office, I know not
whether You rec^ y"*. At Present I am forc'd to convey y^ by my
L^'« Steward M^ ElKson at y« Whitehall Coffee house in Bucking-
ham Court near Chearing Cross, whether if You at any time do me
y« favour of a Letter I desire You wou'd direct, till I can find a more
convenient way.'

13. The Same to the Same.

• Berlin, Dec y« 22'', 706.
* Keverend S"*— I beg pardon for having intermitted so long my
Duty of writing to You, but 'tis really for want of any thing extra-
ordinary worth Your hearing happening at this place, & to trouble
You too frequently w*^ more protestations of Honour & Kespect I
imagin'd might be to want it to a person of so great a Character &
Business; however least I shou'd offend in y« other extreme I
resolv'd to take y« opportunity of y« great marriage y* has here
lately been celebrated to let You hear from me. I waited till y«
whole Eejoycings of 21 Days were over y* I might give You y« better
account of it, but most of y« things have fallen so short of expecta-
tion y* I shant presume to trouble You w*^ a very particular
Eelation. On Saturday y« 27*^ of Nov. y^ Entry was made w^^ was
very long & very magnificent. On Sunday y^ 28*** y® Ceremony of
y® Marriage was perform'd in y« Chappel by y« Bp. The Form was
only a sort of Speech of y« Bp'« to y™ & y" demanding whether they
agreed to w* had been done at Hannover by y"* selves & Ambassadour.
At Night there was a Kingly supper & after supper y® Hymen-Dance
^th Torches. On Monday y^ 29. they receiv'd y® Congratulations.
Teusday y® 30*^ Little else but Feasting & Dancing. Wednesday
ye 1st of j)egr ye Thauksgiving Day. Thursday ye 2^ The Great
Masquerade of y^ 4 p*^ of y^ world w*^^ they say was very Eich.
Friday y® 3*^ The Opera prepared upon y® occasion at y® K'^ charge.
Saturd. y^ 4*^ A Tour alamode in Coatch & six & so to Charlottene
bourg a Country Palace of y® Kings so call'd in honour of y®
Late Queen, about a Dutch mile out of Town. Sunday y® 5^ y®
cheif thing was y® Dedication of a Magnificent Chappel. There was
no form as I can understand of Consecration but only y® Bp first
preach'd a Sermon & y° pronounced y® place sacred. Mond. a
Comoedy at Charlottenbourg. Tuesday, a Masquerade of all sorts
of Masques. Wednesday y® Fireworks were to have been plaid,
but it being bad weather 'twas put off till Thursday when y® wind
bringing y® smoke in our Eyes, hinder'd y® sight of y® cheif p* of
w* they say cost y® K. near 20 thousand Dollars & seem'd indeed
to promise much before twas lighted. Friday y® 10*^ y® Opera was
repeated. Saturday, a great concert of Musique at Court. Monday
was y« Fighting of y® wild Beasts at y^ Amphitheatre w*'^ did by no
means answer Expectation. Teusday a remarquable Feast given

760 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS Oct.

by y^ King in a Hall dress'd up to represent y^ Spring w^^ was very
magnificent. Wednesday were y^ great Illuminations to be but
were put off to Friday to conclude y® Ceremony & was indeed one
of y^ best p*' of it, I think y« way of y"' is wholly unknown in
England, at y® cheif places in y® Town were very large Peintures
w*^ Devises & motto's suitable to y® occasion behind w^^ some
hundreds of Lamps being plac'd made a very glorious representa-
tion. The Operas & Masquerades & other such Diversions were
almost Every Night, & I suppose will continue for y® most p* of y®
Winter, y® K. they say is mightily pleas'd w*^ his Daughter &
invents all imaginable Diversions to please her & shew his Joy.

* You'll pardon S*" y® imperfect account I give You of y® Appear-
ance & state y* this Marriage has occasion'd, but 'tis because I dare
not trouble you w*^ one more particular, for tho' y® things were
some of y™ well enough to see yet I am sensible they are very
Insipid in a Kelation especially from such a Pen as mine.

t gr ^m "W^indam returning from his travails is now in this Place.
He tells me he had y® Honour to know You at y® University & gives
his service, He has bore p* in most of y^ Diversions during y^ time
of this solemnity & does shortly design to go hence toward England.

* The business of y® Common Prayer has gon on here this half
year very Coldly y® pretence is y® Courts having been taken up w*^
y® Preparations for this Marriage but I fear there's something else
in it. Dr. Jablonski labours hard for it but I understand y® rest of
y® Chaplains are not so forward, y^ 2 Parties of y® Lutherans &
Eeform'd seem obstinate, & y® Princess to set an example Eeceives
not w*^ y® K. but at a Lutheran church. I gave Dr. Jablonski B?
Beveredges sermon on y® Com: Prayer w^^ he has translated into
Dutch to be publish'd by way of Appendix to y® 2^ Edition of our
common Prayer in y* Language. He has lately translated too y*
Faith d Practise of a Church of Eng. man w''^ is to be presented
on New Years Day to all y^ People as a New years Gift. He has
now in y® Press too a T[r]anslation of y® Account of- y® Society for
Propagation of y® Gospel together w*^ all y® Sermons y* have been
hitherto preach'd before y* Society. In a word y® D^ spares no
pains to bring y® People to y^ same veneration he him self has for
y® English Church, & if ever something like it be brought about
here 'twill be owing wholly to his stirring in it.

* My humble Eespects to y* society particularly D"" Hudson &
M*" Dennison. I fear I shant have y® Happiness of seeing Oxford
*till a Peace. My L** was a going hence to Vienna about 2 months
ago, after his Ketum from y® Campaign he made in Flanders, but
M'" Spanheim's Commission being renew'd my L<^'^ is too for this
place where no doubt he will remain yet some time. . . .

' I beg my Respects to my Unkle if You happen to see him.'

{To be continued.)

I

1888 761

Reviews of Books

The Theory of Law and Civil Society, By Augustus Pulszky, Pro-
fessor of Law at the University of Budapest. (London : T. Fisher
Unwin.)

Professor Pulszky's book is a treatise most comprehensive in its aims,
containing the results of a very full study on the subject, and showing
throughout a well-sustained vigour of independent thought. It was
originally published in Hungarian, and has been translated into EngHsh
mainly, I understand, by the author himself — partly from a ' conviction
of the inaccessibility of the Hungarian language to any wide circle of
readers,' partly as an ' acknowledgment of a debt of gratitude ' to English
thinkers, especially Maine and Herbert Spencer. It deserves the atten-
tion of serious students of the philosophy of law and civil society ; but
it is hardly to be recommended as an elementary treatise for English
readers — partly because the translator, though not often showing a
distinct deviation from English idiom, is liable to employ English words
and phrases in a somewhat unfamiliar way and thereby to impair the
lucidity of his exposition.

The treatise is divided into two books, of which the first is intro-
ductory. This begins with a chapter on * Science and its classification,'
which ranks the philosophy of law and civil society as one of four
branches of sociology, or the social science, the other three being ethics,
political economy, and politics. Then follows a discussion on the method
of science, particularly social science, in which special value is attached
to the application of the * genetic method,' with the aid of psychological
analysis, to form a theory of human aims and ideals : since the * ideals of a
certain age which are, at the same time, the final form of its thinking . . .
serve the purpose of supplying existing blanks and afford a key to history.
. . . We may infer the circumstances of a generation, whose other memo-
rials are lost, from its ideals,' and thus be ' enabled to read the laws of the
different periods by means of the system of ideals.' In a third chapter the
philosophy of law and civil society is distinguished from other branches
of sociology as dealing * with the conditions and forms of social co-
existence . . . the laws of the relations springing up between society
and its members with reference to the sphere of their action and to their
form of proceeding.' Its task (chap, iv.) is, like that of every other science,
to * account for that which is, and infer from it that which is to be ; ' but
since, in social phenomena, * that which is to be comes up partly in the
form of that which ought to be,' it also belongs to the philosophy of law
and civil society to define * the ideal of law and state ' or the * conditions

762 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Oct.

of perfect sociality ; ' while bearing in mind that all such ideals are
' essentially relative and of a subjective character ' and ' undergo a con-
tinual transformation in the course of history.' Finally (chap, v.), the
subject is divided into its different heads, and the * scientific sequence ' in
the discussion of its topics is determined. * The most concrete funda-
mental notion is that of society embracing ail the universal phenomena
of human consciousness. From this may be deduced the notion of the
state as that of the ruling form of the society. . . Objective law fore-
casts itself next as the will of the state, whilst subjective rights, as
corresponding spheres of freedom, appear as its consequences.' This is
the order observed in the discussions that occupy the rest of the treatise.
The original part of these discussions is, according to the author's own
prefatory statement, chiefly to be found in the ' inquiry into the idea
and characteristics of society ' which occupies the first three chapters of
Book II. (chaps, vi. vii. and viii.) ; and accordingly, feeling the difficulty
of discussing — or even summarising — adequately so comprehensive a
treatise, I shall confine my attention to these chapters. The subject so
limited will be found, I think, sufficiently extensive.

The first of these chapters (vi.) gives the author's general view of
social development. As man's natural sociality continually develops, it

* constantly exceeds the sphere of absolute necessity,' so that we can

* always distinguish two groups in the social relations of man — one in
which social co-existence answers some absolute need,' and another * em-
bracing such points of intercourse as do not correspond with any definite
interest, but are responsive to an indefinite mass of inclinations.' The
sphere of the latter may be called * society in a general sense ; ' while

* that mass of relations which refers to definite aims and to absolute
necessity may be distinguished as belonging to some organic society. An
organic society always arises from the indefinite spheres of society in
general, and constantly encroaches on its ground. Society in general
forms thus in a manner the original matter from which definite societies
develop, but which no social formations can ever exhaust ; for, in pro-
portion as one department of social relations comes to be embraced in a
definite society, human relations simultaneously expand into new fields,
and their mass, remaining thus undiminished, continues to supply nou-
rishment and a foundation for further definite societies to be called into
life at a stage of higher culture.' In this way, as mutual interdependence

ncreases with this development of * organic societies,' the primitive
selfishness of man is gradually transformed into public sentiment.

It will occur to the reader that a human interest may be * definite '
without having the characteristic of absolute necessity ; and in a later
passage the author admits this, and proposes to confine the term society
— for the purpose of his inquiry — to ' associations of men bound together
by the tie of some permanent recognised and vital interest.' The origin
of such a society depends * upon the recognition of the vital interest
forming its foundation. Whenever some human want which has become
of main importance at a certain period of culture cannot be fully satis-
fied,' there arises first a vague feeling of some want and almost instinctive
efforts after change ; then a more or less definite ideal in the minds of a
few ; then some one of * the great pioneers of civilisation ' discovers the

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 768

internal and external conditions for effecting the realisation of the ideal ;
and thus — under favourable circumstances — * a permanent sphere of
society will open out for such as recognise that particular interest as the
substratum of their lives.' The new society thus formed — if it thrives —
has to absorb masses of individuals whose recognition of the vital interest
in question is more indefinite than that of the founders ; and it has to
' struggle against all those conceptions, habits, and incUnations which
have sprung from selfish interests hitherto gratified within the established
spheres of the hitherto dominant society ; ' but in fulness of time, the
importance of its principle being generally admitted, 'the new society
assumes its ruling garb and presents itself as the state,' and ' realises and
maintains the conditions of its existence and development as compulsory
laiu.' But its course is not yet ended : gradually the consciousness of the
benefits derived from the society, aided by tradition and custom, remove
the necessity for coercion, and the society ' reaches the highest point of
public utility ' when its organisation is * no longer founded on the com-
pulsion of law but on universal public conviction ; ' though * henceforth
its part as an independent society is done,' and ' some other society of a
wider sphere and higher order has meanwhile become dominant,' within
which it takes its place as a subordinate organisation.

Thus (chap, vii) the ' dominant society of the state ' — in the later
stages of social development — contains within its sphere subordinate
societies of two kinds : (1) those representing vital interests of a lower
order, which have once been dominant, but have now dropped into a
subordinate position, as secondary social agencies under the protection of
the state ; and (2) those of a higher order, which are in a stage of prelimi-
nary development, struggling to become dominant. The conflict hence re-
sulting is complicated by struggles of a different kind among the members
of each society, * with regard to their participation in the advantages re-
sulting from its vital interest,' caused by the unequal division of social
consciousness and social power among the members ; whence arise aris-
tocracies and privileged classes, which, however, tend to cease when the
rule of a society is established beyond doubt. The government of every
society is at first monarchical, from the importance of individual initiative
in its formation ; it tends to be aristocratic during the struggles of its
development, as such struggles demand energetic leadership, which is
naturally supplied by the individuals most imbued with a consciousness
of its principle, and best fitted to adapt themselves to its requirements ;
but, becoming dominant, it becomes again monarchical, from the need
of unitary leadership to reduce old and new elements into harmonious
order ; then after being a long time dominant it tends to become in peace
democratic, but to degenerate into despotism if attacked by a new society.
It is to be observed, moreover, that though the aristocracy of a develop-
ing society is normally composed of a class of persons different from that
of the dominant society preceding it, still, when the new society becomes
dominant in its turn, the vantage-ground occupied by the old aristocrats
gives them a good chance of perpetuating their influence by conforming
to the new conditions ; hence the * continuity of aristocracies, which is
one of the most striking phenomena in history.' Further, it is to be ob-
served that the regular cycle of sequences of forms of government is

764 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Oct.

seriously interfered with by the struggles of dominant societies not only
with subordinate societies within their own sphere, but also with other
ruling societies existing contemporaneously outside, sometimes based
on the same, sometimes on a different, vital interest ; in the last case
the external struggle tends to be internecine.

In chap. viii. this general theory of social development is employed
as a key to universal history. It is first explained that as * the great
mass of human wants and wishes . . . has in one or another form been
immanent in man since the first dawn of history,' the * vital interests '
that form the bonds of human community must be understood to be
* in reality connected clusters of interests, differing less in their number
and variety than in the mutual proportion of ' their elements. So con-
ceived, *the series of vital interests and spheres of society afford the
spectacle of a sequence, in which the conceptions, the conduct and co-
operation of mankind are being adapted to the requirement of those
ideals of humanity which . . . correspond with its wants of a progres-
sively higher order,' But to trace this sequence clearly in actual facts,
we require * the whole length and breadth of universal history,' since in
the history of any one people the sequence is liable to be obscured and
modified by the influence of subordinate societies within the society of the
state and of neighbouring dominant societies ; and also to be interrupted
by ' conquests, the exhaustion of nations, the contact between cultures of
various degrees and tendencies.' Taking, then, the widest possible area
of observation, we cannot doubt that the most primitive organic society
is the * consanguineous society ' based on the ' vital interest of kinship ; '
the development of which — following McLennan ^ cautiously — we can
dimly trace from its matriarchal phase, through ' exogamy ' and ' endo-
gamy,' polyandry and polygyny, into its most perfect patriarchal form.
While this process is going on, chieftainship grows and becomes stable ;
the mode of subsistence becomes more regular, as the little group of
kinsmen learns pastoral life and primitive agriculture ; the group is
enlarged and its fundamental conception modified by the introduction of
slavery ; religion strengthens the habit of obedience. This habit is also
strengthened by the constant wars with neighbouring societies. But a
more important effect of these wars is to change the bonds of commu-
nities ; since several groups, with no ties of kinship between them — or
only a vague tradition of kinship — are led to make common cause against
a common enemy ; and so we get the * tribal society ' founded not on
kinship, but on the * interest of local contiguity,' within which the old
consanguineous groups continue to exist as subordinate societies. It is
true that the fiction of common kinship is sure to arise in the tribe,
however alien the elementary groups out of which it is compounded ;
still its real bond of cohesion is neighbourhood and the united action
of neighbours. Then, when these * societies of local contiguity, in the
course of their progressive development, add foreign intercourse and
commerce to agriculture,' they * assume forms of a much higher order ; '
the tribe passes into the ' city-community ' or * communal society ; '

• I gather, however, that Prof. Pulszky thinks he is following Mr. Spencer, and
that he is hardly aware how secondary Mr. Spencer's work is, in this department,
as compared with McLennan's.

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 765

within this communal society the old ties inherited from the consan-
guineous society gradually evanesce : first goes the monarchy, resting on
patriarchal tradition ; then the nobles, representing subordinate spheres
of kinship, lose their privileges ; until at length the predominance of
democracy exhibits * the final victory of the interest of local contiguity.'
It is in this communal state that civilisation is first able to ' advance
towards aims self-consciously marked out ; ' the dominant aim being to
* render the communal state absolutely independent and self-sufficient.'
Hence, however, arises a fatal inclination to expansion and conquest ;
the society becomes predatory and imperial, and the leading aim of the
leading citizens comes to be the * interest of amassing wealth for con-
sumption.' The resulting type of society is exemplified by the Athenian,
Carthaginian, and Koman empires ; but it is to be observed that the
tribal as well as the communal society may become conquering and
imperial — as is shown by the Egyptian, Assyrian, Babylonian, Persian,
and Macedonian empires. In any case the ' society founded on the
interest of amassing wealth for consumption ' tends naturally to exten-
sion of slavery and to an empire governed by a despot with a bureau-
cracy ; in which — though civilisation gains through the development of
law and civil equality and increased facilities of communication — there
is an inevitable tendency to social decay and discontent, through the ac-
cumulation of wealth by the few and the impoverishment and oppression
of the masses.

Then, amid the resulting widespread sense of the vanity of worldly
Hfe, ' men's minds revert to their inward aspirations ; ' and, within th©
sphere of the empire founded by conquest, a new society forms itself, of which
religious faith is the uniting bond. This religious society, growing in
numbers and organisation, becomes formidable to the dominant society of
the empire, which vainly tries to crush it ; then, a rapprochement takes
place between the church and the world, and * the conquering state adds re-
ligious aims to its own aims ; ' then, as * the weight of the church is con-
stantly decreasing while that of the state is dwindling,' the state comes
to * lose its supremacy ' and even * its independence ; ' in time we find
that ' the state has completely changed its texture and its central prin-
ciple ; its common tie and its society have become strictly ecclesiastical."
The phase of domination, however, is less marked in the case of the
ecclesiastical society than in other cases — largely because the ecclesiastical
society does not manage its secular affairs immediately, but through other
societies that serve as its organs. This, together with the absorption of
the best capacities of the society in ecclesiastical work, is unfavourable to
secular interests ; and ' this may account for the phenomenon, attending
every period of ecclesiastical rule, that the subjected secular society is-
broken up into spheres of a much lower order . . . and institutions spring
up which ' — like feudalism— have a marked resemblance to more primitive
organisms. We find, too, that these inferior secular societies under eccle-
siastical domination tend to go through the phases of development above
characterised; we have new communal states, though imperfectly inde-
pendent, and new attempts at conquering societies. The church, struggling
to keep its supremacy over these new formations, is led to maintain a
balance of power among them and insure their co -existence ; and then

766 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Oct.

gradually * this motley mixture of the groups of interest and the incessant
frictions and collisions between these spheres of various orders, grades,
and kinds, and their mutual absorption of each other within the periphery
of a common civilisation,' lay ' the foundation of the rise of another new
vital interest ' — nationality — * and of a society embracing the same.'

It may seem that the sphere of national interest is narrower than that
of religion ; but * a rigorous analysis will render it at once evident that
the national society — taking as it does the idea of liberty from the com-
munal society, that of equality from the conquering society, and that
of brotherhood from the ecclesiastical society ' — is founded on a group of
vital interests wider and more comprehensive than that of any preceding
society. Thus, as in other cases, *it is not within the church,' when
dominant, ' that the religious interest asserts itself most completely, but
during those later phases of the religious society, when the latter presents
itself as a subordinate component of the subsequent national society.'
The national society is, of course, the dominant type of our present
period, but it is not the goal of social development. Beyond it lies, as
the ideal of the future, the federation of mankind ; which can only be
realised — so far as it is ever destined to be realised — by ' some vital
interest constituting a common and universal tie ' being ' raised as a
leading one above the interest of nationality.' The only interest of this
kind presented in our days is ' that of universal intercourse, trade and
commerce, and of extensive economical considerations ; ' and there are
many signs that a vast organic society is even now being formed on this
basis, in which the divisions of existing nations will gradually come to
occupy a subordinate place. We have, however, no means of forecasting
in detail the process by which this economical society of the future will
attain dominance, or its degree of perfection ; but ' of one thing we may
be sure, that the totality of human aims will not be thereby exhausted,'
and that still higher vital interests — e.g. the promotion of science and
art — will in the far-off future become the cherished objects of dominant
social organisations.

In this brief summary of about a hundred closely written pages much
has necessarily been omitted which in the writer's view is very important,
iand without which it would hardly be fair to criticise his theory closely. I
cannot think that he has solved the vast and difficult problem that he has
attacked ; his general conception of the process of social change seems to
me to combine characteristics that severally belong only to special kinds
of change, and not to be really applicable without violence to the historical
series of transitions which he gives as exemplifying it, even according
to his own conception of these transitions ; while at the same time he is
led, in applying his general scheme, to take a paradoxically one-sided
view of some of these changes. For instance, it is surely too paradoxical
to treat the barbarian invasions as a phenomenon of secondary importance
in the transition from the Roman empire to the ecclesiastical society of
the middle ages. And throughout he seems to mix up awkwardly what
are really generalisations based on a comparative study of history with
descriptions of the particular processes of old Graeco-Italian and modern
west-European development. Still I think that what is novel in his view
includes much that is suggestive and interesting.

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 767

The remainder of the treatise — in which the independent work of the
writer occupies a proportionally smaller space — contains a full discussion
of the origin, aims, and sphere of the state, of the notions and fundamental
principles of law and right, the psychological development of the notion
of right, and the sources and forms of law ; with a comprehensive view of
the chief theories relating to these topics. Henry Sidgwick.

Selections from Poly bins. Edited by James Leigh Strachan-Davidson,
M. A., Fellow and Tutor of Balliol College, Oxford. (Oxford : Clarendon
Press. 1888.)

With the gradual extension of the hitherto somewhat limited field of
literature upon which the classical student at our public schools or
universities is permitted to browse, it was natural that Polybius, in spite
of the unclassical quality of his style, should be brought within the
charmed circle. But it is somewhat curious that, after so long a period of
neglect in this country, two books on the subject should have appeared
almost simultaneously^Mr. Capes's ' History of the Achaean League ' and
Mr. Strachan-Davidson's * Selections from Polybius ' — while a third, namely
a translation of the whole extant portion of the work by Mr. Shuckburgh, is
in process of publication.

Mr. Strachan-Davidson's ' Selections ' consists of about a third of the
extant portion of the work, annotated and accompanied by eighty pages of
Prolegomena and forty of Appendices. These latter, being the most im-
portant and interesting part of Mr. Strachan-Davidson's work, may be
noticed first. The Prolegomena consists of eight essays, entitled respectively
* Peculiar Uses of Words,' ' Astronomical Notes of Time,' 'Roman Army
List,' ' Battle of Cannae,' ' Achaean League,' * Carthaginian Constitution,'
' Carthaginian Treaties,' and ' Jove^n lapidem jurare.' The Appendix
comprises the * Site of Spanish Carthage,' the ' Life and Writings of
Polybius,' and an ' Additional Note on Carthage.

The first essay deals with certain words and phrases which frequently
occur in Polybius with very varying shades of meaning, and forms a use-
ful introduction to the reading of the author. We learn from it very clearly
one of the chief causes of Polybius' s defective style, a hopeless lack of
precision in the use of words. In fact his style suggests the thought whether
that noble but difficult instrument the Greek language, which when
played on by a skilful performer can give forth the most exquisite and
subtle harmony, may not in the hands of a bungler produce sounds of dis-
cord and flatness hardly surpassed by those which modern Germans evoke
from a language possessing many of the capabilities of ancient Greek.
Polybius's style, however, though totally destitute of charm and distinc-
tion, is by no means at the bottom of the scale, and Mr. Strachan-David-
son in his essay in * Hellenica ' (as he would probably now himself admit)
hits him unduly hard.

The second essay would appear to establish satisfactorily the following
points with regard to Polybius's astronomical signs of time : that the Eis.
ing of the Pleiades corresponds to about 12 May, and the Setting to about
9 Nov. ; the Rising of Orion to about 4 July and that of Sirius to about
28 July.

768 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Oct.

The third essay is a discussion on the Roman Army List given by
Polybius for the year B.C. 225 (ii. 24), a subject which Mommsen has
dealt with in an article reprinted in his * Romische Forschungen ' (ii. 382 £f.).
Mr. Strachan-Davidson is probably right in holding, against Mommsen, that
Polybius's second list includes the armies in the field, and that consequently
the number of Roman citizens on the army list at this time was 273,000 and
not, as according to Mommsen's computation, 325,000. But the attempt to
reconcile these numbers with those of the census as given by Livy is by
no means so convincing. Mr. Strachan-Davidson's conclusion is that the
difference between Livy's numbers for the year B.C. 234 (namely, 270,713)
after being first reduced by the subtraction of the males over 46 to 200,000
(Mr. Strachan-Davidson is here no doubt right and Mommsen wrong), and
then increased by the addition of those on foreign service to 223,000, and
the numbers given by Polybius represent the effective military force of the
cives sine suffragio. But there would seem to be two unwarrantable as-
sumptions underlying this argument. One is the assumption that be-
tween B.C. 234 and 225 there was no increase in the number of Roman
citizens in spite of the Agrarian Law of C. Flaminius passed in b.c. 232
and of any natural increase that may have taken place —an assumption
difficult indeed to disprove absolutely, but the evidence against which
certainly preponderates. Secondly, can it be proved tliat the cives sine
suffragio were not on the census-roll ? Mommsen thinks probably they
were not (* Staatsrecht,' ii. 350) but though the Campani were apparently
rated separately (Liv. xxxviii. 28. 4), it does not follow that the other cives
sijie suffragio were, and still less does it follow that because they were
rated separately their numbers were not added to that of the general
census-roll, and that their names did not appear on it.

The fourth essay is a very valuable discussion on the battle of Cannae,
as to the exact spot where it was fought. It is an instance of the enor-
mous pains which Mr. Strachan-Davidson has taken in the preparations
of his book. An ignoramus on military matters can only add that to an
ignoramus the writer's view that the battle was fought on the left and
not on the right bank of the Aufidus seems thoroughly sound and tenable.
It has at any rate this strong prima facie argument in its favour, that on
such a simple question it is extremely unlikely that a man of Polybius's
extreme accuracy and carefulness, whatever may have been his defects as
a geographical observer, should be wrong. His account is perfectly consis-
tent and perfectly intelligible, and had it not been for the supposed un-
suitability of the ground for the operations of cavalry no one would have
thought of questioning it.

The fifth essay — on the Achasan League — shows very plausibly that
after the war with Perseus the assemblies of the league were held in
February and August, and the elections (followed immediately by entry
on office) at the August meeting. A useful summary of the institutions of
the league follows. The next essay — on the Carthaginian Constitution —
contains nothing novel or important and was hardly worth inserting. It
is, however, very short.

Then follows an important essay on the much-vexed question of the
treaties between Rome and Carthage before the First Punic War. Again
Mr. Strachan-Davidson successfully shows that there is no reason for

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 769

doubting Polybius's express statement, and that the first treaty should be
assigned to B.C. 509. The date of the second treaty is much more doubt-
ful. Does the condition of the Latins as disclosed by the treaty suit
B.C. 348 ? Mr. Strachan-Davidson contends that it does not, and, though
he does not give sufficient weight to the consideration that the league was
reconstituted in B.C. 358, greatly to the disadvantage of the Latins, the
evidence is on the whole in his favour. On the other hand, as he admits,
if we assign the treaty to b.c. 306 there is a great difficulty in the men-
tion of Antium and Tarracina as subject Latin towns at that date. Per-
haps the true explanation lies in Mr. Strachan-Davidson's suggestion that
treaties, ' if they merely renewed the oaths and confirmed existing arrange-
ments, may well have been accepted as tralaticia without much regard to
the circumstances of the moment.' On the whole the earlier date seems
to present the least difficulties.

The discussion on the site of the Spanish Carthage is equally
thorough and lucid with that on the battle of Cannae. It is an excellent
instance of the spirit with which Mr. Strachan-Davidson has approached
his author, the spirit of interpretation rather than of contradiction. He
evidently holds most firmly to the idea that Polybius is much more likely
to be right than wrong, and that the proper way of dealing with appar-
ently difficult and doubtful statements is, not to meet them with a bare
contradiction, but to examine them carefully, even at the cost of a long
and laborious research.

The other essay which is placed in the appendix, on the life and writ-
ings of Polybius, is a little diasappointing, partly because there is not more
of it, and partly because what there is of it is too much taken up with
controversy. Mr. Strachan-Davidson begins by giving a short outline of
Polybius's life ; he then determines the dates of the publication of the history,
concluding that Books I. and II. were published before and the rest after the
Achaean war ; and finally he defends his political views on the subject of
the league and the relations generally of Greece to Eome. The reader
misses an estimate of Polybius's merits as an historian. It is a pity that
Mr. Strachan-Davidson's modesty should have deterred him from any
reference to his former essay on Polybius, contributed to ' Hellenica,' or that
he should not have introduced into this essay, with such modifications and
improvements as would naturally have suggested themselves, the portion
of the former essay which dealt with this important subject.

For Polybius, it may almost be said, beyond any ancient writer is
the most fitting historian to put into the hands of a young student, as an
example of the historical mind. With no charm of style, without those
high moral qualities of Thucydides or Tacitus which make them so pro-
foundly impressive, without the splendid narrative power of the one, or
the equally splendid dramatic power of the other, Polybius has some
advantages over each of the two greater men. His history is not like
that of Thucydides, a monograph : it is the history of a great empire, and
however much his indifferentism in morals put him below Thucydides as
a moral exponent, his political insight is probably sounder and is certainly
more impartial. Between him and Tacitus in this respect there can be no
comparison, for Tacitus had no political science, and he was as impartial
as Lord Macaulay.

VOL. III. — NO. XII. 3 D

770 EEVIEWS OF BOOKS Oct.

It remains to speak of the body of Mr. Strachan-Davidson's work, the
selections themselves. It seems an ungrateful thing to say after all his
labours, but the first question that naturally arises is whether the book
as a whole is likely to serve a useful purpose. Speaking from the point
of view of Cambridge, I am afraid this is very doubtful. The ordinary
classical student will never read Polybius, and for the special student of
ancient history selections will not suffice. If Polybius is one of his
authorities he must read that portion of his work which concerns him
continuously and not in extracts. For such students an edition of some
complete portion of the extant work — say, for instance, of all that deals
with the period from the end of the second Punic war, the period for
which Polybius is really most instructive — would have been far more
useful. Still an Oxford editor and the Clarendon Press must know the
wants of Oxford men better than an outsider, and it would be idle to
criticise further a plan which has produced so much excellent work.

Granted the principle, the selections appear to be made with sound
judgment. I have compared the latter part — all after the second Punic
war — with the original, and, on the whole, there are few criticisms to
make as to insertions or omissions. A few chapters might have been left
out, viz. 234, 242, 297, 300, 330, 381 ; and section xxxiv., though import-
ant as showing the changed attitude of Kome towards the east after the
battle of Pydna, might have been shortened with advantage. On the
other hand, a place might have been found for the Gallo-Galatian war,
and the account of Demetrius, the son of Philip (Pol. xxiv. 1-3).

The general principle — and it is a sound one —is to give several con-
tinuous extracts, so that each episode may be complete in itself, but some-
times Mr. Strachan-Davidson unnecessarily stops short before the end of
the episode ; as, for instance, at p. 441 he omits Pol. xviii. 21, 22, which gives
the conclusion of Flamininus's arrangements in Greece after Cynoscephalas.
It would have been better, too, if Polybius's order had been sacrificed, as it
has been in some places, in order to present a continuous treatment of
the third Punic and the Achaean wars. These, however, are mere dif-
ferences of opinion.

Further, it may be suggested that it would have been useful to have
put in the place of omitted portions a note stating exactly what had been
omitted ; or, better still, to have given a short analysis of it. The his-
torical introductions at the beginning of each episode are perhaps hardly
full enough. On the other hand, there is an admirable running analysis
in the margin. The notes must have been a difficult matter, for the
space available for them is too limited to admit of as much explanatory
matter, historical and linguistic, being introduced as the text might seem
to require. But, on the whole, Mr. Strachan-Davidson seems to have
done this part of his work judiciously. He has given enough to stimulate,
and not enough to supersede, further research on the part of the student.
Finally, it may be noted that the text of Hultsch has been taken as a
basis, but that the editor has occasionally exercised an independent judg-
ment in the choice of readings, though he has not himself worked at any
MSS. or made any emendations. Arthub Tilley.

I

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 77I

1. VDl^^i^—Hebreio Deeds of English Jeios before 1290. Edited by M.
Davis. (Office of the Jewish Chronicle. 1888.)

2. Papers read at the Anglo- Jewish Historical Exhibition, 1887 (Same
Office.)

8. Das Judenschreinbuch der Laurenzpfarre zu Koln. Unter Mitwirkung
von MoRiTz Stern herausgegeben von Robert Hoeniger. (Berlin :
L. Simson. 1888.)

Beginning with the Enghsh works, we have two volumes forming Nos. 1
and 2 of the pubHcations made under the auspices of the Anglo-Jewish
Historical Exhibition. Two others, viz. the catalogue of the objects
exhibited, and the guide to Anglo-Jewish history, are more of a bibHo-
graphical than of an historical character, so that in noticing them here
we should be abusing the hospitahty of this Review. The more important
of the two contains the deeds written in Hebrew. The number of them
is about 210, collected by Mr. Davis from Westminster Abbey, the Record
Office, the British Museum, and from various books and periodicals.
Amongst the 210 deeds, Norwich is concerned with 94, next comes Not-
tingham with 51, Lincoln with 24, Canterbury with 14, London with 11,
York with 6, Colchester with 1, Oxford with 2 (some are here omitted),
Winchester with 1, and finally two without indication of localities. Mr.
Davis has classified the deeds according to localities, as mentioned above ;
from the historical point of view it would have been more advantageous to
have had the documents in chronological order. The classification of locali-
ties might have been added in the index. The editor omits even to give a
table of the chronological order of the deeds, by which alone they could
be made serviceable for the historian, if they can be so at all. Indeed,
their historical value is doubtful. The deeds contain uniformly accounts
of transactions in houses and land, and in a few of them of transfer
of debts, as well as marriage contracts. We believe that when once
the fact is established that the Jews were allowed to possess houses and
land, it is of slight importance whether Abraham the son of Jacob or
Jacob the son of Abraham is the party concerned. The names of the
christians mentioned in the deeds, whether as magistrates, or sellers and
buyers and witnesses, may be useful for genealogical purposes ; but this
is not the case for the present Jewish families, who are mostly of
Hispano-Dutch descent on the one side, or Polaco-German on the other.
Scarcely any literary name can be traced in the deeds. But in order to
make the deeds useful for the genealogies of christian families, all their
names should have been enumerated in the brief English summary which
Mr. Davis gives for each document, and they ought to have had their
place in the index. The same is the case with the topographical
details of the streets where the houses were situated, and the names of
the localities with which the transactions in land were concerned. The
transcriptions of names are arbitrary, indeed they cannot be correctly
given without the Latin documents on the subject, which are for the
greater part in existence. For instance, the name Stephen Le Jouvene
(deed 33) is certainly Juvenis ; Hev'ham (50) is no doubt Heverham ;
Draheswerd (56) is probably Drawsword ; Burni (67) is a misreading for
Burui — at least we should have expected a mark of interrogation, in order

3 D 2

772 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Oct.

not to mislead the antiquary who knows no Hebrew ; whilst Shipdam
(70), which is right, has a query, and the same is the case with Dover
(182), of which the reading is not doubtful. Why is Nicholas Buck, clear
in the Hebrew, transliterated into N. de Bunk ? Beaufou (189) must be
read, according to the Hebrew, Beaufey. Lumbard is rather Lombard.
The Hebrew texts, although in general correct, in some passages require
correction. In the numerous instances where the boundaries of houses
or land are mentioned, the word nVD must be always read 1)iD, ' boundary.'
The word xno: (15 and elsewhere) is evidently N3D3, ' a piece.' The name
^nm (107) must be ''iir. What is the meaning of the sic after IJ^D on
p. 257, 1. 4 from the bottom, when the word is quite correct ? The unin-
telligible words \2hn p^nD seem to be p^n nK'D, ' Moses hal-Laban ' (not

* le Blund ; ' Laban is a well-known family name). Many words left in
blank could be filled up from the documents themselves or by comparison
with other passages. The English summary of the Hebrew deeds,
besides the omission of names in many instances, is incorrect and difficult
to be understood. * To pay a retaining fee ' (3) ought to be ' a quit-rent.'
What is the meaning of ' derelict ' (19 and elsewhere, in the sentence,

* should any or each of the brothers prove derelict in carrying out his pro-
mise ') ? Is it ' deficient,' or ' failing to carry out ' ? William the knifesmith
(33) would have been better ' the cutler.' Nails of cloves (35 and else-
where) instead of ' cloves.' In consideration of hi^ forfeiting ' ten marks '
for ' paying ' ten marks. Why is not * gersuma ' (51 and elsewhere)
explained to mean earnest paid beforehand ? Is ' langable ' (64 and
elsewhere) land gavel or land tax ? The word ' tenure ' (82) appears
to be used for ' reserved rent.' * Receptacle ' (n2^n) ought to be ' ark.'
Pascha Floria (102) stands for Floridum. 'Notaries' would be more
intelligible than * chirographers.' But, above all, the index is made
without any method and is incomplete, and names are repeated with-
out any object. Abraham fil' Josce (123, 124) is the same as Josce
Crespin, and Josce in the document is written Joseph. Jocepin in 156
is not to be found ; Judah son of Meir is given here as Judah fil' Milo ?
Berachiah is given as Benedict, while Baruch remains in Hebrew.
Jehozadak (180, written Jehoizadak and therefore misplaced in the
index) is made a rabbi and preacher ; the words which Mr. Davis con-
siders as titles are provided with points above ("jbi jn not l^b*" ), which
indicates an abridged formula for the blessing of the dead father, whose
name was also Jehozadak. Such instances are numerous, and conse-
quently the index is really misleading. It would have been better to
give the Hebrew documents alone without any translation and to append
a Hebrew index, leaving it to a specialist to make use of them in con-
nexion with the Latin documents.

The volume of papers is of a miscellaneous character. Of historical
contents there are Mr. Joseph Jacob's article, ' The London Jewry, 1290,'
which is done with remarkable clearness and is based on manuscript
documents. The author has appended to it a sketch of annals of the
Jews in England before the expulsion. He begins with the year 1070,
when the Jews came from Rouen at the invitation of the Conqueror.
Why not mention the existence of Jews in England before that time
from ' Theodori Archiep. Cant. Liber Poenitentialis,' § 42, and the Laws

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 773

of Edward the Confessor, § 29 or 48 ? Mr. Lucien Wolf proves to
demonstration in a following paper the existence of Jews in England
between 1290 and 1656, when Menasseh ben Israel prevailed upon Crom-
well to repeal the edict of expulsion. Mr. Walter Rye gives a complete
summary of the persecutions of the Jews in England, and Dr. Charles
G-ross has an admirable and exhaustive essay on the exchequer of the
Jews of England in the middle ages, from which many points in the
Hebrew deeds may receive elucidation. Dr. Graetz's paper on * Historic
Parallels in Jewish History ' is pleasant reading, but does not contain new
facts. We may mention also Dr. H. Adler's history of the chief rabbis
of England, which will be useful, when more complete and less conjectural,
for the literary history of the Franco-German Jews in England.

The Cologne Hebrew documents, for which we are indebted to Herr
Stern, are of a later date than the English ones. They begin about 1255 a. d. ,
and reach the year 1347. They are about 100 in number, and nearly all
were given in part by Dr. C. Brisch as an appendix to the second part of
his Geschichte der Juden in Coin und Umgehung, and from this book the
existence of these documents became known. But as Herr Stern (the
editor of the Hebrew part, the rest being the work of Dr. Robert
Hoeniger) rightly observes, Dr. Brisch, by not paying attention to the
chronological order of the documents, and by publishing them in an
arbitrarily abridged form, injured their historical value. The present
edition is very scholarly, the Latin text is close to the Hebrew documents,
and the German translation is given in full. The introductions by both
the editors give all necessary information concerning the documents, and
a history of the rights of the Jews at Cologne to the middle of the four-
teenth century. There is a table of concordance between the documents
as published in Dr. Brisch's book and in the present volume. The indexes,
which are very full and admirably done, contain, first, names of persons
(Jews and Christians) and localities ; secondly, those of the Jewish town-
councillors in Cologne ; thirdly, words used in the documents, with a
separate glossary for unusual Hebrew words. Besides, the euphemistic
formulae have a distinct table with explanations, as far as the editor was
able to give them, for some of them are still enigmatical. To conclude,
the German book is edited by trained historical scholars who took their
time over it, whilst the English one, in spite of its good intentions is a
somewhat amateur and hurried performance. A. Neubauer.

A History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages. By Henry Charles
Lea. Three vols. (London : Sampson Low & Co. 1888.)

A GOOD many years ago, when Bishop Wilberforce was at Winchester,
and the earl of Beaconsfield was a character in fiction, the bishop was
interested in the proposal to bring over the Utrecht Psalter. Mr. Dis-
raeh thought the scheme absurd. * Of course,' he said, * you won't get it.'
He was told that nevertheless such things are, that public manuscripts
had even been sent across the Atlantic in order that Mr. Lea might write
a history of the Inquisition. ' Yes,' he repHed, ' but they never came
back again.' The work which has been awaited so long has come over
at last, and will assuredly be accepted as the most important contribu-

774 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Oct.

tion of the new world to the rehgious history of the old. Other books
have shown the author as a thoughtful inquirer in the remunerative but
perilous region where religion and politics conflict, where ideas and in-
stitutions are as much considered as persons and events, and history is
charged with all the elements of fixity, development, and change. It is little
to say, now, that he equals Buckle in the extent, and surpasses him in
the intelligent choice and regulation, of his reading. He is armed at all
points. His information is comprehensive, minute, exact, and everywhere
sufficient, if not everywhere complete. In this astonishing press of
digested facts there is barely space to discuss the ideas which they exhibit
and the law which they obey. M. Molinier lately wrote that a work with
this scope and title ' serait, a notre sens, une entreprise d peu pres chi-
m&rique.' It will be interesting to learn whether the opinion of so good
a judge has been altered or confirmed.

The book begins with a survey of all that led to the growth of heresy,
and to the creation, in the thirteenth century, of exceptional tribunals for
its suppression. There can be no doubt that this is the least satisfactory
portion of the whole. It is followed by a singularly careful account of
the steps, legislative and administrative, by which church and state com-
bined to organise the intermediate institution, and of the manner in
which its methods were formed by practice. Nothing in European liter-
ature can compete with this, the centre and substance of Mr. Lea's great
history. In the remaining volumes he summons his witnesses, calls on
the nations to declare their experience, and tells how the new force acted
upon society to the end of the middle ages. History of this undefined
and international cast, which shows the same wave breaking upon many
shores, is always difficult, from the want of visible unity and progression,
and has seldom succeeded so well as in this rich but unequal and dis-
jointed narrative. On the most significant of all the trials, those of
the Templars and of Hus, the author spends his best research ; and the
strife between Avignon and the Franciscans, thanks to the propitious aid
of Father Ehrle, is better still. Joan of Arc prospers less than the dis-
ciples of Perfect Poverty ; and after Joan of Arc many pages are allotted,
rather profusely, to her companion in arms, who survives in the disguise
of Bluebeard. The series of dissolving scenes ends, in order of time, at
Savonarola ; and with that limit the work is complete. The later In-
quisition, starting with the Spanish and developing into the Koman, is
not so much a prolongation or a revival as a new creation. The medi-
aeval Inquisition strove to control states, and was an engine of government.
The modem strove to coerce the protestants, and was an engine of war.
One was subordinate, local, having a kind of headquarters in the house of
Saint Dominic at Toulouse. The other was sovereign, universal, centred
in the pope, and exercising its domination, not against obscure men
without a literature, but against bishop and archbishop, nuncio and
legate, primate and professor ; against the general of the Capuchins and
the imperial preacher ; against the first candidate in the conclave, and
the president of the ecumenical council. Under altered conditions, the
rules varied and even principles were modified. Mr. Lea is slow to take
counsel of the voluminous moderns, fearing the confusion of dates.
When he says that the laws he is describing are technically still in force,

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 775

he makes too little of a fundamental distinction. In the eye of the po-
lemic, the modern Inquisition eclipses its predecessor, and stops the way.
The origin of the Inquisition is the topic of a lasting controversy.
According to common report, Innocent III founded it, and made Saint
Dominic the first inquisitor; and this behef has been maintained by
the Dominicans against the Cistercians, and by the Jesuits against the
Dominicans themselves. They afiirm that the saint, having done his
work in Languedoc, pursued it in Lombardy : Per civitates et castella
Lombardice circuibat, prcedicans et evangelizans regnum Dei, atque contra
hcBreticos inquirens, quos ex odore et aspectu dignoscens, condignis
suppliciis puniebat (Fontana, ' Monumenta Dominicana,' 16). He trans-
ferred his powers to Fra Moneta, the brother in whose bed he died, and who
is notable as having studied more seriously than any other divine the
system which he assailed : Vicariurn, suum in munere inquisitionis delegerat
dilectissimum sibi B. Monetam, qui spiritu illius loricatus, tanquam leo
rugiens contra hcereticos surrexit. . . . Iniquos cum hcereticos ex corde
insectaretur, illisque nullo modo parceret, sed igne ac ferro consumeret.
Moneta is succeeded by Guala, who brings us down to historic times,
when the Inquisition flourished undisputed. Facta promotione Guallce
constitutus est in eius locum generalis inquisitor P. F. Guidottus de Sexto,
a Gregorio Papa IX, qui innmneros propemodum hcereticos igne consum-
psit (Fontana, * Sacrum Theatrum Dominicanum,' 595). Sicilian in-
quisitors produce an imperial privilege of December 1224, which shows
the tribunal in full action under Honorius III : Sub nostrce indig-
nationis fulmine prcesenti edicto districtius prcecipiendo mandamus,
quatenus inquisitoribus hcereticce pravitatis, ut suum- libere officium
prosequi et exercere valeant, prout decet, omne quod potestis impendatis
auxilium (Franchina, ' Inquisizione di Sicilia,' 1744, 8). This document
may be a forgery of the fifteenth century ; but the whole of the Dominican
version is dismissed by Mr. Lea with contempt. He has heard that their
founder once rescued a heretic from the flames ; * but Dominic's project
only looked to their peaceful conversion, and to performing the duties of
instruction and exhortation.' Nothing is better authenticated in the life
of the saint than the fact that he condemned heretics and exercised the
right of deciding which of them should suffer and which should be spared.
Contigit quosdam hcereticos captos et per eum convictos, cum redire
nollent ad fidem catholicam, tradi judicio sceculari. Cumque essent
incendio deputati, aspiciens inter alios quemdam Baymundum de Grossi
nomine, ac si aliquem eo divince prcedestinationis radium fuis set intuitus,
istmn, inquit officialibus curice, reservate, nee aliquo modo cum cceteris
comburatur (Constantinus, * Vita S. Dominici,' Echard, ' Scriptores 0. P. '
1. 33). The transaction is memorable in Dominican annals as the one
link distinctly connecting Saint Dominic with the system of executions,
and the only security possessed by the order that the most conspicuous
of its actions is sanctioned by the spirit and example of the founder. The
original authorities record it, and it is commemorated by Bzovius and
Malvenda, by Fontana and Percin, by Echard and Mamachi, as well as
in the ' Acta Sanctorum.' Those are exactly the authors to wh©m in the
first instance a man betakes himself who desires to understand the incep-
tion and early growth of the Inquisition. I cannot remember that any

776 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Oct.

one of them appears in Mr. Lea's notes. He says indeed that Saint
Dominic's inquisitorial activity * is affirmed by all the historians of the
order,' and he is a workman who knows his tools so well that we may
hesitate to impute this grave omission to inacquaintance with necessary
literature. It is one of his characteristics to be suspicious of the Histoire
Intime as the seat of fable and proper domain of those problems in
psychology against which the certitude of history is always going to
pieces. Where motives are obscure, he prefers to contemplate causes in
their effects, and to look abroad over his vast horizon of unquestioned
reality. The difference between outward and interior history will be felt
by any one who compares the story of Dolcino here given with the account
in Neander. Mr. Lea knows more about him and has better materials
than the ponderous professor of pectoral theology. But he has not all
Neander' s patience and power to read significance and sense in the musings
of a recklessly erratic mind.

He believes that Pope Gregory IX is the intellectual originator,
as well as the legislative imponent, of the terrific system which ripened
gradually and experimentally in his pontificate. It does not appear
whether he has read, or knows through Havet, the investigations which
conducted Ficker to a different hypothesis. The transition of 1231 from
the saving of life to the taking of life by fire was nearly the sharpest that
men can conceive, and in pursuance of it the subsequent legal forms are
mere detail. The spirit and practice of centuries were renounced for the
opposite extreme ; and between the mercy of 1230 and the severity of
1231 there was no intervening stage of graduated rigour. Therefore it
is probable that the new idea of duty, foreign to Italian and specifically to
Koman ways, was conveyed by a new man, that a new influence just then
got possession of the pope. Professor Ficker signals Guala as the real
contriver of the regime of terror, and the man who acquired the influence
imported the idea and directed the policy. Guala was a Dominican prior
whom the pope trusted in emergencies. In the year 1230 he negotiated
the treaty of San Germano between Frederic II and the church,
and was made bishop of Brescia. In that year Brescia, first among
Italian cities, inserted in its statutes the emperor's Lombard law of 1224,
which sent the heretic to the stake. The inference is that the Dominican
prelate caused its insertion, and that nobody is so hkely totave expounded
its available purport to the pontiff as the man who had so lately caused it
to be adopted in his own see, and who stood high just then in merit and
in favour. That Guala was bishop-elect on 28 August, half a year before
the first burnings at Eome, we know ; that he caused the adoption of
Frederic's law at Brescia or at Rome is not in evidence. Of that abrupt
and unexplained enactment little is told us, but this we are told, that it
was inspired by Honorius : Leges quoque imperiales per quondam Frederi-
cum ohm Bomanorum imperatorem, tunc in devotions Bomane sedis
persisfentem, procurante eadem sede, fuerunt edite et Padue promulgate
(Bern. Guidonis, * Practica Inquisitionis,' 173). At any rate, Gregory,
who had seen most things since the elevation of Innocent, knew how
Montfort dealt with Albigensian prisoners at Minerve and Lavaur, what
penalties were in store at Toulouse, and on what principles Master
Conrad administered in Germany the powers received from Rome. The

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 111

papacy which inspired the coronation laws of 1220, in which there is no
mention of capital punishment, could not have been unobservant of the
way in which its own provisions were transformed ; and Gregory, whom
Honorius had already called magnum et specials ecclesie Romane memhrum,
who had required the university of Bologna to adopt and to expound the
new legislation, and who knew the archbishop of Magdeburg, had little to
learn from Guala about the formidable weapon supplied to that prelate
for the government of Lombardy. There is room for further conjecture.

In those days it was discovered that Arragon was infested with
heresy ; and the king's confessor proposed that the holy see be applied to
for means of active suppression. With that object, in 1230 he was sent
to Rome. The envoy's name was Raymond, and his home was on the
coast of Catalonia in the town of Pennaforte. He was a Bolognese jurist,
a Dominican, and the author of the most celebrated treatise on morals
made public in the generation preceding the scholastic theology. The
five years of his abode in Rome changed the face of the church. He won
the confidence of Gregory, became penitentiary, and was employed to
codify the acts of the popes militant since the publication of Gratian.
Very soon after Saint Raymond appeared at the papal court the use of
the stake became law, the inquisitorial machinery had been devised, and
its management given to the priors of the order. When he departed he
left behind him instructions for the treatment of heresy, which the pope
adopted and sent out where they were wanted. He refused a mitre, rose
to be general, it is said, in opposition to Albertus Magnus, and retired
early, to become, in his own country, the oracle of councils on the watch
for heterodoxy. Until he came, in spite of much violence and many laws,
the popes had imagined no permanent security against religious error, and
were not formally committed to death by burning. Gregory himself,
excelling all the priesthood in vigour and experience, had for four years
laboured, vaguely and in vain, with the transmitted implements. Of a
sudden, in three successive measures, he finds his way, and builds up the
institution which is to last for centuries. That this mighty change in the
conditions of religious thought and life and in the functions of the order
was suggested by Dominicans is probable. And it is reasonable to suppose
that it was the work of the foremost Dominican then living, who at that
very moment had risen to power and predominance at Rome.

No sane observer will allow himself to overdraw the influence of
national character on events. Yet there was that in the energetic race
that dwell with the Pyrenees above them and the Ebro below that suited
a leading part in the business of organised persecution. They are among
the nations that have been inventors in politics, and both the constitution
of Arragon and that of the society of Jesus prove their constructive science.
While people in other lands were feeling their way, doubtful and debonair,
Arragon went straight to the end. Before the first persecuting pope was
elected, before the Child of Apulia, who was to be the first persecuting
emperor, was born, Alfonso proscribed the heretics. King and clergy were
in such accord that three years later the council of Girona decreed that
they might be beaten while they remained, and should be burnt if they
came back. It was under this government, amid these surroundings,
that Saint Dominic grew up, whom Sixtus V, speaking on authority

778 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Oct.

which we do not possess, entitled the First Inquisitor. Saint Raymond,
who had more to do with it than Saint Dominic, was his countryman.
Eymerici, whose ' Directorium ' was the best authority until the * Practica '
of Guidonis appeared, presided during forty years over the Arragonese
tribunal ; and his commentator Pegna, the Coke upon Littleton of inquisi-
torial jurisprudence, came from the same stern region.

The 'Histoire Generale de Languedoc ' in its new shape has supplied
Mr. Lea with so good a basis that his obligations to the present editors
bring him into something like dependence on French scholarship. He
designates monarchs by the names they bear in France — Louis le
Germanique, Charles le Sage, Philippe le Bon, and even Philippe ; and
this habit, with Foulques and Berenger of Tours, with Aretino for Arezzo,
Oldenburg for Altenburg, Torgau for Zurich, imparts an exotic flavour
which would be harmless but for a surviving preference for French books.
Compared with Bouquet and Vaissete, he is unfamiliar with Bohmer and
Pertz. For Matthew Paris he gets little or no help from Coxe, or Madden,
or Luard, or Liebermann, or Huillard. In France few things of import-
ance have escaped him. His account of Marguerite Porrette differs from
that given by Haureau in the * Histoire Litteraire,' and the difference is
left unexplained. No man can write about Joan of Arc without suspicion
who discards the publications of Quicherat, and even of Wallon, Beaucourt*
and Luce. Etienne de Bourbon was an inquisitor of long experience, who
knew the original comrade and assistant of Waldus. Fragments of him
scattered up and down in the works of learned men have caught the
author's eye ; but it is uncertain how much he knows of the fifty pages from
Stephanus printed in Echard's book on Saint Thomas, or of the volume
in which Lecoy de la Marche has collected all, and more than all, that
deserves to live of his writings. The ' Historia Pontificalis,' attributed to
John of Salisbury, in the twentieth volume of the ' Monumenta,' should
affect the account of Arnold of Brescia. The analogy with the Waldenses,
amongst whom his party seems to have merged, might be more strongly
marked. Hominum sectam fecit que adhuc dicitur heresis Lumhar-
dorum. . . . Episcopis non parcebat oh avariciam et turpem questum,
et pier umque propter maculam vite, et quia ecclesiam Dei in sanguinihus
edificare nituntur. He was excommunicated and declared a heretic. He
was reconciled and forgiven. Therefore, when he resumed his agitation
his portion was with the obstinate and relapsed. Ei populus Bomanus
vicissim auxilium et consilium contra omnes homines et nominathn contra
domnum papam repromisit, eum namque excommunicaverat ecclesia
Bomana. . . . Post mortem domni Innocentii reversus est in Italiam, et
promissa satisfactione et obediencia Bomane ecclesie, a domno Eugenio
receptus est apud Viterbum. And it is more likely that the fear of relics
caused them to reduce his body to ashes than merely to throw the ashes
into the Tiber.

The energy with which Mr. Lea beats up information is extraordinary
even when imperfectly economised. He justly makes ample use of the
* Vitas Paparum Avenionensium,' which he takes apparently from the papal
volume of Muratori. These biographies were edited by Baluze, with notes
and documents of such value that Avignon without him is like Athenaeus
without Casaubon, or the Theodosian Code without Godefroy. But if he

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS ■ 779

neglects him in print, he constantly quotes a certain Paris manuscript in
which I think I recognise the very one which Baluze employed. Together
with Guidonis and Eymerici, the leading authority of the fourteenth cen-
tury is Zanchini, who became an inquisitor at Eimini in 1300, and died
in 1340. His book was published with a commentary by Campeggio, one
of the Tridentine fathers ; and Campeggio was further annotated by
Simancas, who exposes the disparity between Italian and Spanish usage.
It was reprinted, with other treatises of the same kind, in the eleventh
volume of the Tractatus. Some of these treatises, and the notes of Cam-
peggio and Simancas, are passed over by Mr. Lea without notice. But
he appreciates Zanchini so well that he has had him copied from a manu-
script in France. Very much against his habit, he prints one entire sen-
tence, from which it appears that his copy does not agree to the letter
with the published text. It is not clear in every case whether he is using
print or manuscript. One of the most interesting directions for inquisi-
tors, and one of the earliest, was written by cardinal Fulcodius, better
known as Clement IV. Mr. Lea cites him a dozen times, always accu-
rately, always telling us scrupulously which of the fifteen chapters to con-
sult. The treatise of Fulcodius occupies a few pages in Carena, ' De
Officio S.S. Inquisitionis,' in which, besides other valuable matter, there
are notes by Carena himself, and a tract by Pegna, the perpetual com-
mentator of the Inquisition. This is one of the first eight or ten books
which occur to any one whose duty it is to lay in an inquisitor's library.
Not only we are never told where to find Fulcodius, but when Carena is
mentioned it is so done as to defy verification. Inartistic references are
not, in this instance, a token of inadequate study. But a book designed
only for readers who know at a glance where to lay their finger on * S.
Francis. Collat. Monasticae, Collat. 20,' or ' Post constt. IV. XIX. Cod. I. v.'
will be slow in recovering outlay.

Not his acquaintance with rare books only, which might be the curi-
osity of an epicurean, but with the right and appropriate book, amazes
the reader. Like most things attributed to Abbot Joachim, the ' Vaticinia
Pontificum ' is a volume not in common use, and decent people may be
found who never saw a copy. Mr. Lea says : * I have met with editions
of Venice issued in 1589, 1600, 1606, and 1646, of Ferrara in 1591, of
Frankfort in 1608, of Padua in 1625, and of Naples in 1660, and there
are doubtless numerous others.' This is the general level throughout ;
the rare failures disappear in the imposing supererogation of knowledge.
It could not be exceeded by the pupils of the Gottingen seminary or the
Ecole des Chartes. They have sometimes a vicious practice of over-
topping sufficient proof with irrelevant testimony : but they transcribe
all deciding words in full, and for the rest, quicken and abridge our toil
by sending us, not to chapter and verse, but to volume and page, of the
physical and concrete book. We would gladly give Bluebeard and his
wife— he had but one after all— in exchange for the best quotations from
sources hard of access which Mr. Lea must have hoarded in the course
of labours such as no man ever achieved before him, or will ever attempt
hereafter. It would increase the usefulness of his volumes, and double
their authority. There are indeed fifty pages of documentary matter hot
entirely new or very closely connected with the text. Portions of this,

780 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Oct.

besides, are derived from manuscripts explored in France and Italy, but
not it seems in Kome, and in this way much curious and valuable material
underlies the pages ; but it is buried without opportunity of display or
scrutiny. Line upon line of references to the Neapolitan archives only
bewilder and exasperate. Mr. Lea, who dealt more generously with the
readers of ' Sacerdotal Celibacy,' has refused himself in these overcrowded
volumes that protection against over-statement. The want of verifiable
indication of authorities is annoying, especially at first ; and it may be
possible to find one or two references to Saint Bonaventure or to
Wattenbach which are incorrect. But he is exceedingly careful in
rendering the sense of his informants, and neither strains the tether nor
outsteps his guide. The original words in very many cases would add
definiteness and a touch of surprise to his narrative.

If there is anywhere the least infidelity in the statement of an
author's meaning, it is in the denial that Marsilius, the imperial theorist,
and the creator with Ockam of the Ghibelline philosophy that has ruled the
world, was a friend of religious liberty. Marsilius assuredly was not a
whig. Quite as much as any Guelph, he desired to concentrate power, }

not to limit or divide it. Of the sacred immunities of conscience he had
no clearer vision than Dante. But he opposed persecution in the shape
in which he knew it, and the patriarchs of European emancipation have
not done more. He never says that there is no case in which a religion
may be proscribed ; but he speaks of none in which a religion may be
imposed. He discusses, not intolerance, but the divine authority to
persecute, and pleads for a secular law. It does not appear how he
would deal with a Thug. Nemo quantumcumque peccans contra disci-
jplmas speculativas aut operativas quascumque punitur vel arcetur in hoc
scRculo prcBcise in quantum huiusmodi, sed in quantum peccat contra
prcsceptum humance legis. . . , Si humana lege prohibitum fuerit hcereticu7n
aut aliter infidelem in regione manere, qui talis in ipsa repertus fuerit,
tanquam legis humance transgressor, poena vel supplicio huic transgres-
sioni eadem lege statutis, in hoc sceculo debet arceri. The difference is
slight between the two readings. One asserts that Marsilius was tolerant
in effect ; the other denies that he was tolerant in principle.

Mr. Lea does not love to recognise the existence of n^uch traditional
toleration. Few lights are allowed to deepen his shadows. If a stream
of tolerant thought descended from the early ages to the time when the
companion of Vespucci brought his improbable tale from Utopia, then ^

the views of Bacon, of Dante, of Gerson cannot be accounted for by the jj

ascendency of a unanimous persuasion. It is because all men were born
to the same inheritance of enforced conformity that we glide so easily
towards the studied increase of pain. If some men were able to perceive
what lay in the other scale, if they made a free choice, after deliberation,
between well-defined and well-argued opinions, then what happened is
not assignable to invincible causes, and history must turn from general
and easy explanation to track the sinuosities of a tangled thread. In
Mr. Lea's acceptation of ecclesiastical history intolerance was handed
down as a rule of life from the days of St. Cyprian, and the few who
shrank half-hearted from the gallows and the flames were exceptions,
were men navigating craft of their own away from the track of St. Peter.

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 781

Even in his own age he is not careful to show that the Waldenses opposed
persecution, not in self-defence, but in the necessary sequence of thought.
And when he describes Eutychius as an obscure man, who made a point
at the fifth general council, for which he was rewarded with the patri-
archate of Constantinople — Eutychius, who was already patriarch when
the council assembled ; and when he twice tears Formosus from his grave
to parade him in his vestments about Eome, — we may suspect that the
perfect grasp of documentary history from the twelfth century does not
reach backwards in a like degree.

If Mr. Lea stands aloft, in his own domain, as an accumulator, his
credit as a judge of testimony is nearly as high. The deciding test of his
critical sagacity is the masterly treatment of the case against the Templars.
They were condemned without mercy, by church and state, by priest and
jurist, and down to the present day cautious examiners of evidence, like
Prutz and Lavocat, give a faltering verdict. In the face of many credulous
forerunners and of much concurrent testimony Mr. Lea pronounces
positively that the monster trial was a conspiracy to murder, and every
adverse proof a lie. His immediate predecessor, Schottmiiller, the first
writer who ever knew the facts, has made this conclusion easy. But the
American does not move in the retinue of the Prussian scholar. He
searches and judges for himself ; and in his estimate of the chief actor in
the tragedy, Clement V, he judges differently. He rejects, as forgeries,
a whole batch of unpublished confessions, and he points out that a
bull disliked by inquisitors is not reproduced entire in the * Bullarium
Dominicanum.' But he fails to give the collation, and is generally
jealous about admitting readers to his confidence, taking them into con-
sultation and producing the scales. In the case of Delicieux, which
nearly closes the drama of Languedoc, he consults his own sources, in-
dependently of Haureau, and in the end adopts the marginal statement
in Limborch, that the pope aggravated the punishment. In other
places, he puts his trust in the ' Historia Tribulationum,' and he shows
no reason for dismissing the different account there given of the death
of Delicieux : Ipsum fratrem Bernardum sibi dari a summo pontifice
petierunt. Et videns summus pontifex quod secundum accusationes
quas de eo fecerant fratres minores justitiam postularent, tradidit eis
eum. Qui, quum suscepissent eum in sua potestate, sicut canes, cum
vehementer furiunt, lacerant quam capiunt bestiam, ita ipsi diversis
afflictionibus et cruciatibus laniaverunt eum. Et videntes quod neque
inquisitionibus nee tormentis poterant pompam de eo facere in populo^
quam qucerebant^ in arctissimo carcere eum reduxerunt, ibidem eum taliter
tractantes, quod infra paucos menses, quasi per ignem et aquum transienSy
de carcere corporis et minorum et prmdicatorum liberatus glariose trium-
phans de mundi principe, migravit ad coalos.

We obtain only a general assurance that the fate of Cecco d'Ascoli is
related on the strength of unpublished documents at Florence. It is not
stated what they are. There is no mention of the epitaph pronounced
by the pope who had made him his physician : Cucullati Minores recen-
tiorum Peripateticorum principem perdiderunt. We do not learn that
Cecco reproached Dante with the same fatalistic leaning for which he
himself was to die : Non e fortuna cui ragion non vinca. Or how they

782 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Get.

disputed : A71 ars natura fortior ac potentior existeret, and argument
was supplanted by experiment: Aligherius, qui opinionem oppositam
mordicus tuebatur, felem domesticam Stabili objiciebat, quam ea arte insti-
tuerat, ut ungulis candelabrum teneret, dum is noctu legeret, vel coenaret.
Cicchius igitur, ut in sententiam suam Aligherium pertraheret, scutula
assumpta, ubi duo musculi asservabantur inclusi, illos in conspectum felis
dimisit ; quce natures ingenio inemendabili obsequens, muribus vix in-
spectis, illico in terram candelabrum abjecit, et ultro citroque cursare ac
vestigiis prcBdam persequi instituit. Either Appiani's defence of Cecco
d'Ascoli has escaped Mr. Lea, who nowhere mentions Bernino's ' Historia
di tutte r Heresie ' where it is printed ; or he may distrust Bernino for
caUing Dante a schismatic ; or it may be that he rejects all this as
legend, beneath the certainty of history. But he does not disdain the
legendary narrative of the execution : * Tradition relates that he had
learned by his art that he should die between Africa and Campo Fiore, and
so sure was he of this that on the way to the stake he mocked and ridi-
culed his guards ; but when the pile was about to be lighted he asked
whether there was any place named Africa in the vicinage, and was told
that that was the name of a neighbouring brook flowing from Fiesole to
the Arno. Then he recognised that Florence was the Field of Flowers,
and that he had been miserably deceived.' The Florentine document
before me, whether the same or another I know not, says nothing about
untimely mockery or miserable deception : Aveva inteso dal demonio
dover lui morire di morte accidentale infra VAffrica e campo di fiori ;
per lo che cercando di conservare la reputazione sua, ordind di non andar
mai nelle parti d'Affrica ; e credendo tal fallacia e di potere sbeffare la
gente, pubblicamente in Italia esecutava Varte delta negromanzia, et
essendo per questo preso in Firenze e per la sua confessione essendo gid
giudicato al fuoco e legato al palo, nd vedendo alcun segno delta sua
liberazione, avendo prima fatto i soliti scongiuri, domando alle persona
che erano air intorno, se quivi vicino era alcun luogo che si chiamasse
Affrica, et essendogli risposto di si, ciod un fiumicello che correva ivipresso,
il quale discende da Fiesole ed d chiamato Affrica, considerajido che il
demonio per lo campo de' fiori aveva inteso Fiorenza, e per VAffrica quel
fiumicello, ostinato nella sua perfidia, disss al manigoldo che quanto prima
attaccasse il fuoco.

Mr. Lea thinks that the untenable conditions offered to the count of
Toulouse by the council of Aries in 1211 are spurious. M. Paul Meyer has
assigned reasons on the other side in his notes to the translation of the
* Chanson de la Croisade,' pp. 75-77 ; and the editors of Vaissete (vi. 347)
are of the same opinion as M. Paul Meyer. It happens that Mr. Lea reads
the Chanson in the editio princeps of Fauriel ; and in this particular
place he cites the * Histoire du Languedoc ' in the old and superseded
edition. From a letter lately brought to light in the 'Archiv fiir
Geschichte des Mittelalters,' he infers that the decree of Clement V affecting
the privilege of inquisitors was tampered with before publication. A Fran-
ciscan writes from Avignon when the new canons were ready : Inquisitores
etiam heretice pravitatis rcstinguuntur et supponuntur episcopis — which
he thinks would argue something much more decisive than the regulations
as they finally appeared. Ehrle, who publishes the letter, remarks that

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 783

the writer exaggerated the import of the intended change ; but he says it
not of this sentence, but of the next preceding. Mr. Lea has acknowledged
elsewhere the gravity of this Clementine reform. As it stands, it was
considered injurious by inquisitors, and elicited repeated protests from
Bernardus Guidonis : Ex predicta autem ordinatione seu restrictione
nonnulla inconvejiientia consecuntur que liberum et expeditum cursum
officii inquisitoris tarn in manihus dyocesanorum quam etiajn inquisitorum
diminuunt seuretardant. . . . Que apostolice sedis circumspecta provisione
ac provida circumspectione indigent, ut remedientur, aut moderentur in
melius, seu pocius totaliter suspendantur propter nonnulla inconvenientia
que consecuntur ex ipsis circa liberum et expeditum cursum officii inquisi-
toris.

The feudal custom which supplied Beaumarchais with the argument of
his play recruits a stout believer in the historian of the Inquisition, who
assures us that the authorities may be found on a certain page of his
' Sacerdotal Celibacy.' There, however, they maybe sought in vain. Some
dubious instances are mentioned, and the dissatisfied inquirer is passed
on to the Fors de Beam, and to Lagreze, and is informed that M. Louis
Veuillot raised an unprofitable dust upon the subject. I remember that
M. Veuillot, in his boastful scorn for book learning, made no secret that
he took up the cause because the church was attacked, but got his facts
from somebody else. Graver men than Veuillot have shared his conclu-
sion. Sir Henry Maine, having looked into the matter in his quick,
decisive way, declared that an instance of the droit du seigneur was as
rare as the Wandering Jew. In resting his case on the Pyrenees, Mr.
Lea shows his usual judgment. But his very confident note is a too easy
and contemptuous way of settling a controversy which is still wearily
extant from Spain to Silesia, in which some new fact comes to light
every year, and drops into obscurity, riddled with the shafts of critics.

An instance of too facile use of authorities occurs at the siege of
Beziers. ' A fervent Cistercian contemporary informs us that when
Arnaud was asked whether the catholics should be spared, he feared the
heretics would escape by feigning orthodoxy, and fiercely replied, "Kill them
all, for God knows his own." ' Caesarius, to whom we owe the locus classi-
cus, was a Cistercian and a contemporary, but he was not so fervent as
that, for he tells it as a report, not as a fact, with a caution which ought
not to have evaporated. Fertur dixisse : Ccedite eos. Novit eni^n
Dominus qui sunt eius ! The catholic defenders had been summoned to
separate from the Cathari, and had replied that they were determined to
share their fate. It was then resolved to make an example, which we are
assured bore fruit afterwards. The hasty zeal of Citeaux adopted the
speech of the abbot and gave it currency. But its rejection by the French
scholars, Tamizey de Larroque and Auguste Molinier, was a warning
against presenting it with a smooth surface, as a thing tested and ascer-
tained. Mr. Lea, in other passages, has shown his disbeUef in Caesarius
of Heisterbach, and knows that history written in reliance upon him would
be history fit for the moon. Words as ferocious are recorded of another
legate at a different siege (Langlois, * Begne de Philippe le Hardi,' 156).
Their tragic significance for history is not in the mouth of an angry
crusader at the storming of a fortress, but in the pen of an inoffensive

784 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Oct.

monk, watching and praying under the peaceful summit of the Seven
Mountains.

Mr. Lea undertakes to dispute no doctrine and to propose no moral.
He starts with an avowed desire not to say what may be construed in-
juriously to the character or feelings of men. He writes pure history, and
is methodically oblivious of applied history. The broad and sufficient
realm of fact is divided by a scientific frontier from the outer world of
interested argument. Beyond the frontier he has no cognisance, and
neither aspires to inflame passions nor to compose the great eirenikon.
Those who approach with love or hatred are to go empty away ; if indeed
he does not try by turns to fill them both. He seeks his object not by
standing aloof, as if the name that perplexed Polyphemus was the proper
name for historians, but by running successively on o]Dposing lines. He
conceives that civihsed Europe owes its preservation to the radiant centre
of religious power at "Rome, and is grateful to Innocent HI for the vigour
with which he recognised that force was the only cure for the pestiferous
opinions of misguided zealots. One of his authorities is the inquisitor
Bernardus Guidonis, and there is no writer whom, in various shapes, he
quotes so often. But when Guidonis says that Dolcino and Margarita
suffered per juditium ecclesie, Mr. Lea is careful to vindicate the clergy
from the blame of their sufferings.

From a distinction which he draws between despotism and its abuse,
and from a phrase, disparaging to elections, about rivers that cannot rise
above the level of their source, it would appear that Mr. Lea is not under
compulsion to that rigid liberalism which, by repressing the time-test and
applying the main rules of morality all round, converts history into a
frightful monument of sin. Yet, in the wake of passages which push the
praises of authority to the verge of irony, dire denunciations follow. When
the author looks back upon his labours, he discerns * a scene of almost
unrelieved blackness.' He avers that * the deliberate burning alive of a
human being simply for difference of belief is an atrocity,' and speaks of
a * fiendish legislation,' * an infernal curiosity,' a ' seemingly causeless
ferocity which appears to persecute for the mere pleasure of persecuting.'
The Inquisition is ' energetic only in evil ; ' it is * a standing mockery of
justice, perhaps the most iniquitous that the arbitrary cruelty of man has
ever devised.' :

This is not the protest of wounded humanity. The righteous resolve
to beware of doctrine has not been strictly kept. In the private judgment
of the writer, the thinking of the middle ages was sophistry and their
belief superstition. For the erring and suffering mass of mankind he has
an enlightened sympathy ; for the intricacies of speculation he has none.
He cherishes a disbelief, theological or inductive it matters not, in sinners
rescued by repentance and in blessings obtained by prayer. Between
remitted guilt and remitted punishment he draws a vanishing line that
makes it doubtful whether Luther started from the limits of purgatory or
the limits of hell. He finds that it was a universal precept to break faith
with heretics, that it was no arbitrary or artificial innovation to destroy
them, but the faithful outcome of the traditional spirit of the church. He
hints that the horror of sensuality may be easily carried too far, and that
Saint Francis of Assisi was in truth not very much removed from a

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS ;7B5

worshipper of the devil. Prescott, I think, conceived a resemblance between
the god of Montezuma and the god of Torquemada ; but he saw and sus-
pected less than his more learned countryman. If any life was left in the
Strappado and the Samarra, no book would deserve better than this de-
scription of their vicissitudes to go the way of its author, and to fare with
the flagrant volume, snatched from the burning at Champel, which is still
exhibited to unitarian pilgrims in the Rue de Richelieu.

In other characteristic places we are taught to observe the agency of
human passion, ambition, avarice, and pride; and wade through oceans
of unvaried evil with that sense of dejection which comes from Digby's
'Mores Catholici ' or the 'Origines de la France Contemporaine,' books which
affect the mind by the pressure of repeated instances. The Inquisition is
not merely ' the monstrous offspring of mistaken zeal,' but it is * utilised
by selfish greed and lust of power.' No piling of secondary motives will
confront us with the true cause. Some of those who fleshed their swords
with preliminary bloodshed on their way to the holy war may have owed
their victims money ; some who in 1348 shared the worst crime that
christian nations have committed perhaps believed that Jews spread the
plague. But the problem is not there. Neither credulity nor cupidity
is equal to the burden. It needs no weighty scholar, pressed down and
running over with the produce of immense research, to demonstrate how
common men in a barbarous age were tempted and demoralised by the
tremendous power over pain, and death, and hell. We have to learn by
what reasoning process, by what ethical motive, men trained to charity
and mercy came to forsake the ancient ways and made themselves cheer-
fully familiar with the mysteries of the torture-chamber, the perpetual
prison, and the stake. And this cleared away, when it has been ex-
plained why the gentlest of women chose that the keeper of her conscience
should be Conrad of Marburg, and, inversely, how that relentless slaughterer
directed so pure a penitent as Saint Elizabeth, a larger problem follows.
After the first generation, we find that the strongest, the most original,
the most independent minds in Europe— men born for opposition, who
were neither awed nor dazzled by canon law and scholastic theology, by
the master of sentences, the philosopher and the gloss— fully agreed with
Guala and Raymond. And we ask how it came about that, as the rigour
of official zeal relaxed, and there was no compulsion, the fallen cause was
taken up by the council of Constance, the university of Paris, the states-
general, the house of commons, and the first reformers ; that Ximenes
outdid the early Dominicans, while Vives was teaching toleration ; that
Fisher, with his friend's handy book of revolutionary liberalism in his
pocket, declared that violence is the best argument with protestants ; that
Luther, excommunicated for condemning persecution, became a persecutor ?
Force of habit will not help us, nor love and fear of authority, nor the
iiriperceived absorption of circumambient fumes.

Somewhere Mr. Lea, perhaps remembering Maryland, Rhode Island,
and Pennsylvania, speaks of * what was universal public opinion from the
thirteenth to the seventeenth century.' The obstacle to this theory »
as of a ship labouring on the Bank, or an orb in the tail of a comet, ia
that the opinion is associated with no area of time, and remains unshaken.
The Dominican democrat who took his seat with the Mountain in 1848

VOL. III. — NO. xii. ' .^ -^

786 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Oct.

never swerved from the principles of his order. More often, and, I
think, more dehberately, Mr. Lea urges that intolerance is implied in the
definition of the mediasval church, that it sprang from the root and grew
with ' the very law of its being.' It is no desperate expedient of author-
ity at bay, for * the people were as eager as their pastors to send the
heretic to the stake.' Therefore he does not blame the perpetrator, but
his inherited creed. * No firm believer in the doctrine of exclusive salva-
tion could doubt that the truest mercy lay in sweeping away the emis-
saries of Satan with fire and sword.' What we have here is the logic of
history, constraining every system to utter its last word, to empty its
wallets, and work its consequences out to the end. But this radical doc-
trine misguides its author to the anachronism that as early as the first
Leo * the final step had been taken, and the church was definitely pledged
to the suppression of heresy at whatever cost.'

We do not demand that historians shall compose our opinions or re-
lieve us from the purifying pains of thought. It is well if they discard
dogmatising, if they defer judgment, or judge, with the philosopher, by
precepts capable of being a guide for all. We may be content that they
should deny themselves, and repress their sentiments and wishes. When
these are contradictory, or such as evidently to tinge the medium, an
unholy curiosity is engendered to learn distinctly not only what the
writer knows, but what he thinks. Mr. Lea has a malicious pleasure in
baffling inquiry into the principle of his judgments. Having found, in
the catechism of Saint Sulpice, that devout catholics are much on a par
with the fanatics whose sympathy with Satan made the holy office a
requisite of civilisation, and having, by his exuberant censure, prepared
us to hear that this requisite of civilisation * might well seem the inven-
tion of demons,' he arrives at the inharmonious conclusion that it was
wrought and worked, with benefit to their souls, by sincere and godly
men. The condemnation of Hus is the proper test, because it was the
extreme case of all. The council was master of the situation, and was
crowded with men accustomed to disparage the authority of the holy see
and to denounce its acts. Practically, there was no pope either of Eome
or Avignon. The Inquisition languished. There was the plausible plea
of deference to the emperor and his passport ; there was the imperative
consideration for the religious future of Bohemia. The reforming divines
were free to pursue their own scheme of justice, of mercy, and of policy.
The scheme they pursued has found an assiduous apologist in their new
historian. ' To accuse the good fathers of Constance of conscious bad
faith ' is impossible. To observe the safe-conduct would have seemed
absurd ' to the most conscientious jurists of the council.' In a nutshell,
* if the result was inevitable, it was the fault of the system and not of the
judges, and their conscience might well feel satisfied.'

There may be more in this than the oratorical precaution of a scholar
wanting nothing, who chooses to be discreet rather than explicit, or the
wavering utterance of a mind not always strung to the same pitch. It is
not the craving to rescue a favourite or to clear a record, but a fusion of
unsettled doctrines of retrospective contempt. There is a demonstration
of progress in looking back without looking up, in finding that the old
world was wrong in the grain, that the kosmos which is inexorable to

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 787

folly is indifferent to sin. Man is not an abstraction, but a manufac-
tured product of the society with which he stands or falls, which is
answerable for crimes that are the shadow and the echo of its own nobler
vices, and has no right to hang the rogue it rears. Before you lash the
detected class, mulct the undetected. Crime without a culprit, the un-
avenged victim who perishes by no man's fault, law without responsibility,
the virtuous agent of a vicious cause — all these are the signs and pen-
nons of a philosophy not recent, but rather inarticulate still and
inchoate, which awaits analysis by Professor Flint.

No propositions are simpler or more comprehensive than the two,
that an incorrigible misbeliever ought to burn, or that the man who burns
him ought to hang. The world as expanded on the liberal and on the
hegemonic projection is patent to all men, and the alternatives, that
Lacordaire was bad and Conrad good, are clear in all their bearings.
They are too gross and palpable for Mr. Lea. He steers a subtler
course. He does not sentence the heretic, but he will not protect him
from his doom. He does not care for the inquisitor, but he will not
resist him in the discharge of his duty. To establish a tenable footing on
that narrow but needful platform is the epilogue these painful volumes
want, that we may not be found with the traveller who discovered a preci-
pice to the right of him, another to the left, and nothing between. Their
profound and admirable erudition leads up, like Hellwald's Culturgeschichte,
to a great note of interrogation. When we find the Carolina and the
savage justice of Tudor judges brought to bear on the exquisitely complex
psychological revolution that proceeded, after the year 1200, about the
Gulf of Lions and the Tyrrhene Sea, we miss the historic question. When
we learn that Priscillian was murdered (i. 214), but that Lechler has no
business to call the sentence on John Hus * ein warer Justizmord ' (ii. 494),
and then again that the burning of a heretic is a judicial murder after all
(i. 652), we feel bereft of the philosophic answer.

Although Mr. Lea gives little heed to Pani and Hefele, Gams and Du
Boys, and the others who write for the Inquisition without pleading
ignorance, he emphasises a Belgian who lately wrote that the church
never employed direct constraint against heretics. People who never
heard of the Belgian will wonder that so much is made of this conventional
figleaf. Nearly the same assertion may be found, with varieties of caution
and of confidence, in a catena of divines, from Bergier to Newman. To
appear unfamiliar with the defence exposes the writer to the thrust
that you cannot know the strength or the weakness of a case until you have
heard its advocates. The liberality of Leo XIII which has yielded a
splendid and impartial harvest to Ehrle, and Schottmiiller, and the Ecole
FranQaise, raises the question whether the Abb6 Duchesne or Father
Denifle supplied with all the resources of the archives which are no
longer secret would produce a very different or more complete account.
As a philosophy of religious persecution the book is inadequate. The
derivation of sects, though resting always upon good supports, stands out
from an indistinct background of dogmatic history. The intruding
maxims, darkened by shadows of earth, fail to ensure at all times the
objective and delicate handling of mediaeval theory. But the vital parts
are protected by a panoply of mail. From the Albigensian orwsade to tha

3 ii 2

788 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Oct.

fall of the Templars and to that Franciscan movement wherein the key to
Dante lies, the design and organisation, the activity and decline of the
Inquisition constitute a sound and solid structure that will survive the
censure of all critics. Apart from surprises still in store at Eome, and
the manifest abundance of Philadelphia, the knowledge which is common
property, within reach of men who seriously invoke history as the final
remedy for untruth and the sovereign arbiter of opinion, can add little
to the searching labours of the American. Acton.

Select Pleas of the Crown. Vol. I. A.D. 1200-1225. Edited for the Selden
Society by F. W. Maitland. (London : Quaritch. 1888.)

This is the first publication of the youthful and flourishing Society
which owes its existence to the Domesday Commemoration of 1886, and
which has already established branches in the most distant quarters of
the world. In the learned editor of ' Bracton's Note Book ' the society-
has been fortunate in securing the very man for its work, and has effected
in the volume before us a brilliant start.

The main point made by Mr. Maitland in his introduction to these
Pleas is that, contrary to the belief hitherto generally accepted, at least in
the time of John, if not even earlier, the Curia Begis comprised two co-
existent courts, the one composed of the judges who followed the king,
the other consisting of the judges who were left at Westminster, and over
whom the justiciar presided : the former heard the pleas which are recorded
as * coram rege ; ' the other was known as as * the Bench.' Thus there
were, virtually, already two sets of Rolls, those * coram rege,' and those
* de banco.' This tendency to cleavage in the Curia Regis became, perhaps, '
less marked towards the end of the reign, possibly from political causes,
and was rudely checked in the early years of his successor's reign by the
fact that Henry was an infant, incapable of hearing pleas coram rege.
Thus the curia, during his youth, came to be represented only by * the
Bench' sitting at Westminster, which heard common pleas under the well-
known clause in the Great Charter, and pleas of the Crown in the absence
of any other court, while the king's council exercised an undefined super-
visory power. In 1224 pleas of the crown began to be again heard coram
rege, on Henry assuming power, and some ten years later we find the dis-
tinction between the plea rolls coram rege and de banco well esta-
blished. Under Edward I the judges who followed the king began to be
known as * the King's Bench,' but the * Bench' from first to last was that
which sat at Westminster and heard common pleas. Such, briefly stated,
are Mr. Maitland's conclusions. In dealing with the eyres {itinera) he
insists on the development and variation in their character down to the
reign of Henry III. Fiscal, judicial, statistical business, all could be and
was accomplished by the eyre system. Widened at one time, narrowed
at another, the general tendency, we cannot doubt, was to extend the
sphere of the commissions and to issue them with greater regularity.
It is not, however, till the reign of Henry III that the eyre rolls can be
properly classified. The original official view that the eyre was merely
the * curia regis in itinere ' makes distinction difficult, and further compli-
cation is caused by eyres held by the king in person. There is reason to

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 789

believe that such a court was held by Henry II on the occasion of the
great council of Northampton, at which he promulgated * the Assize of
Northampton,' in January 1176. If so, it is not impossible that 'the
Assize of Clarendon ' (1166) was marked by the holding of a similar court
held before the king himself, under its own provisions.

Mr. Maitland, tracing the development of the * eyre,' writes : — ' The
commissions of assize and gaol -delivery seem to have steadily grown in
favour, while the general eyres which required the presence of all the free-
holders of the county and the representation of every hundred and town-
ship became very burdensome and hateful.' This view is based, it will be
seen, on that orthodox theory as to freeholders' attendance which the
writer has since been led to question (see above, p. 417).

Besides their value as material for the legal history of the period, the
pleas selected by Mr. Maitland will be welcomed for the glimpses they
afford us of the social life of the time. To such a writer as J. R. Green
thei^e stories would have been quite invaluable. The allusions to the
ordeal by iron and by water are specially interesting, occurring as they
do in the last days of that institution. In her recently published ' Henry
II ' Mrs. Green speaks of ' the almost certain condemnation of the ordeal
by water' (p. 117), and asserts that if the accused * were condemned to
the ordeal by water, his death seems to have been certain ' (p. 54). Mr..
Maitland, on the contrary, holds that ' success at the ordeal seems to have
been far commoner than failure ; indeed, only one single case of failure
has been found.' Here is a notable conflict of opinion on a really inter-
esting point. I think that the long lists in the Pipe Roll of 1166, of those
who * failed ' under the Assize of Clarendon, are at variance with Mr. Mait-
land's view, and that the only cases on which we can pronounce positively,
are those in which the accused is recorded to have actually failed {''periit ')
or the reverse (* purgavit se ') ; a mere ' vadiavit legem ' is ambiguous.

As we might expect in this period, some curious surnames are found.
On p. 115 we meet with * Monoculus ' and ' Atetonesande,' which latter the
editor has repeated literally, though it is an early form of ' Townsend '
(At the town's end). * Hugh Hoppeoverhumbr' ' is a misleading name.
Just as the Thomas * de UUrausa ' of Rot. Pip. 22 Hen. II is a Latinisation
of ' d'outre Ouse ' (like the modern French * d'outre Loire '), so I think we
have in Hugh a man who came from ' Up over Humber ' (i.e. a North-
umbrian).

It only remains to add that the whole apparatus of the book adds
greatly to its value and is, it may unhesitatingly be said, a credit to English
scholarship. J. H. Round.

Polychronicon Bamdphi Higden. Edited by the Rev. J. Rawson
LuMBY, D.D. Vol. IX, containing a continuation of the Polychronicon
by Johannes Malverre. (London : Pubhshed under the direction of
the Master of the Rolls. 1886.)

Malvern's continuation of Higden makes no important addition to our
knowledge of the history of Richard II. The independent part of it now
printed by Professor Lumby runs from 1381 to 1394 ; and the editor in
his introduction makes a comparison between it and Walsingham's

790 . REVIEWS OF BOOKS Oct:

history, with the view of forming an estimate of its value. But it is plain
that, in order to arrive at a fair conclusion, the comparison should have
been extended at least to the * Vita Eicardi ' of the monk of Evesham
and to Knyghton's chronicle ; and when Dr. Lumby speaks of Walsing-
ham's history as ' the only one yet included in this [the Kolls] series
which relates to the times of Eichard II ' (intr. p. ix), he seems unaware
of the existence of the ' Chronicon AngliaB ' which gives the earliest and
most original account of what may be called the St. Albans view of public
affairs as far as 1388, and which was actually published in the Eolls series
by the present principal librarian of the British Museum in 1874. Had
Dr. Lumby thus enlarged his field of comparison, the number of notices
left peculiar to Malvern's record would have been considerably reduced.

Among the points of interest presented by it we may notice the
passage on p. 37, which has been partially erased, and offers positive
evidence of the process of * correction ' to which the chronicles of this
time were subjected to please the Lancastrian party. On p. 42 there is a
curious story of a dispute between the archbishop of Canterbury and the
bishop of Exeter, when the latter, on being cited by the primate, made
his messenger eat his summons. The ' counteraction of the archbishop's
supporters,' as Dr. Lumby gently puts it, was not less vigorous : * in
quasdam nundinas ingressi quendam scutiferorum prcefati episcopi
ibidem inventum summitates sive aculeos sotularium suorum masticare et
deglutare coegerunt. At p. 259 we find a miracle play performed by the
London clerks * apud Skynnereswell,' which lasted four days. Generally
speaking, the chronicle, although the work of a monk at Worcester, is
particularly well informed of London events. But the amount of new data
of positive value contained in Malvern's compilation is really inconsider-
able. Still, if it was to be published, we have a right to demand that
some pains should have been bestowed on the edition. But Dr. Lumby
does not seem to have thought this worth while. For instance, marginal
headings are surely intended to give the reader a clue to the contents of
the text ; to repeat its obscurities or peculiar spellings m such notes is
to take away half their usefulness. But here we have a ' Council held
at Eadyng (pp. 10, 60) ; * Edryk forest ' (p. 64) ; and yet, on the same
page, ' Newbottle ' for the 'Newbotel' of the text, * the earl of Ostrenantz '
(p. 241), and 'count Darmenak' (p. 259) ; to give only a few specimens
of what may be illustrated from almost every page. In some cases Dr.
Lumby has added new mistakes of his own, of which * Barnabo king of
Milan ' (p. 59) is a very bad example. The omission of a running date at
the head of each page is also very inconvenient ; the account of the year
1388 occupies, for instance, twenty-three pages (pp. 172-205), and for all
this interval there is no indication of the year.

Nor is the text less carelessly produced than the side-notes. The
punctuation is frequently faulty, and the number of scriptural blunders
is so great as to suggest a doubt whether Dr. Lumby read his proof-
sheets at all ; e.g. p. 3, at foot, indicio for judicio ; p. 7, 1. 6 from foot,
hujuscemodcB ; p. 9, 1. 10, voto for vota ; 1. 3 from foot, pertacti for prce-
tacti (also elsewhere, as p. 15, 1. 14 from foot) ; p. 10, 1. 14, aulicum (?) ;
p. 14, 1. 3, terramotus ; p. 16, 1. 16, Wyndeshoram for WyndeakorcB ;
p. 20, 1. 1, sit for sic ; p. 21, 1. 13 from foot, Fuerat for Fuerant ; p. 23,

less REVIEWS OF BOOKS 71)1

1. 8, duas menses ; p. 86, 1. 17, quid (?) ; p. 39, 1. 9, putrefactione for
putref actionem ; p. 175, 1. 17, fidem jus sores ; p. 182, 1. 17, guaderet for
gauderet. No doubt some of these mistakes may occur in the manuscript,
but they are such as an editor ought to set right in his text and mention
only in his foot-notes. The index which Dr. Lumby has added combines
the faults of his text and margin. Some names appear in duplicate, e.g.
'Berwick,' and 'Berwick-upon-Tweed,' 'London, tower of,' and 'Tower
of London,' 'Paul's, St.,' and ' St. Paul's Cathedral '—each with different
sets of references : Bruges has two successive entries. * Darmenak ' is
given, but not 'Armagnac' 'Pounce, dominus de,' is left unexplained.
' Burdegalia ' — we can scarcely credit our eyes — is translated ' Portugal.'
Other headings are almost as surprising : ' English, a victory of the,'
' King and parliament, differences between,' ' Lord mayor, wise conduct
of,' * Rebels, unwonted restraint among,' ' Sanctuary taken,' ' Sanctuary,
many flee into,' ' Verolamia, a seat of rebellion ' — in none of these cases
is there any indication of the date or place to which the notices refer.
* Friar Minor, a, is a surgeon,' is a gem in its way. Finally, Richard II
has just four references under his name, though the entire chronicle
relates to his reign. The perfunctory manner, to use the mildest word,
in which the whole book has been edited is the more to be regretted,
since the same editor has announced the preparation of a new edition of
Knyghton in the Rolls series ; and it will be a matter of serious concern
to students if a record of substantive importance like Knyghton's is treated
to no more scholarly handling than the work before us.

The History of Selkirkshire, or Chronicles of Ettrick Forest. By T.
Cbaig-Brown. Two vols. (Edinburgh : Douglas. 1886.)

Mr. Craig-Brown in his preface says that his book 'claims to be a
more or less careful compilation by a man of business rather than a literary
effort by a man of letters.' His modesty has certainly misled him ; for
the literary qualities of his handsome volumes are at once their merit and
their defect. It is a good deal to say of a county history that it can be
read through with pleasure ; yet this can certainly be said of Mr. Craig-
Brown's pages, which are never deficient in interest. On the other hand,
we miss the footnotes and the plenitude of charters and documents that
lend a value to county histories which are entirely lacking in literary pre-
tensions. Mr. Craig-Brown gives his documents in extracts in the text, and
prefers translations to the original Latin. He picks out the plums, and
rejoices in condensed abstracts. Moreover, he has a system of giving refer-
ences in the margin to whole paragraphs and not to particular statements,
and he gives his references by means of alphabetical abbreviations, which are
only intelligible by constantly consulting his preface. In fact, his literary
skill is somewhat an impediment to his reader's appreciation of his eru-
dition. This does not imply that the erudition is not there, but it is not
the erudition of an antiquary or an archseologist. In fact, Mr. Craig-Brown
is neither of these, but is rather a social historian. It is the life, the
manners and customs— above all, the literature and the character— of the
dwellers in Ettrick forest which attract him. About the problems of
early liistory, of land tenure and municipal organisation, he has not much

702 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Oct.'

to say. He is rather a disciple of Professor Veitch than of Mr. Skene, to
whose researches about Celtic Scotland he has not paid much attention.
Still his careful study of the locality gives considerable weight to his sug-
gestion concerning the Catrail, that it ' simply marks the best strategic
road between the greater forts constructed by the Romanised Britons to
check the wave of Saxon invasion rolling in upon them from the east.'
Such a suggestion is one which would not occur to the professed anti-
quary, but would present itself to the eye of a sensible man who surveyed
the ground without any prepossession.

There are several points on which Mr. Craig-Brown has not sufficiently
informed himself of the results of modern investigation. Thus, in dealing
with the municipal history of Selkirk, he does not seem to be aware of
the difference between merchant guilds and craft guilds, or of the develop-
ment of the municipal council out of the merchant guild. Nor does he
seem to know anything of the history of ' pele towers ' outside the district
of which he treats, nor has he allowed his constructive imagination
to play round the subject. In fact, the antiquaries of the border have
liot yet turned their attention sufficiently to the discovery of a connected'
system of border defence. It is much to be wished that the archaeological
societies of the border would search out the remains of * peles ' which
can be discovered, and mark their places on a map. The act of the
Scottish Parliament of 1535, enacting that every man having a hundred
pounds in land * sail big ane sufficient barmkyn upon his heritage and landis,
and all uther landed men of smaller rent big pelis for sailing of their
selvis,' might have given him a hint for a more complete picture of
border hfe than he has drawn. The 'barmkyn,' or enclosure made of
earth or palisade, sufficed for a shelter of cattle against a plundering raid.
If the attack were more serious, and the barmkyn were forced, the fugitives
could take refuge in the pele, which was probably entered on the first
story by a ladder which could be drawn up when necessary. The ground
floor, with its vaulted roof of stone, was not, as Mr. Craig-Brown calls it, a
dungeon, but was a cellar, accessible by a trap-door from the room above.
It had a stone roof, because the only means of siege was by fire, and
tliough the walls were strong enough to resist the violence of flames, yet
the penetrating power of smoke was more perilous, and the chief risk of
the garrison was that of being smoked out. It was rarely in the power
of marauders to lay a determined siege to a pele, and was never worth
their while ; so that the purpose of the tower was served if it could afford
shelter for a few hours and offered no opportunity for a surprise.

We do not, however, wish to find fault with Mr. Craig-Brown for his
omissions when he has given us so much. His skill grows with the
copiousness of his material, and he is at home in the records of border
life in the sixteenth century, and in the changes which have passed over
it since then. The exploits of the Scots of Buccleuch, the settlement of
the land when war ceased after the accession of James VI to the English
throne, the stern discipline of presbyterianism to which Scotland owes
so much, above all the literary development which has set Ettrick and
Yarrow among the classical places of the earth — in all these things
Mr. Craig-Brown is at home. He has a thorough sympathy with this
part of his subject, and liis pages abound with good stories and interesting

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 793

bits of detail. His family histories, his selections from municipal records
and from the sessions books, his lives of ministers and of natives of
renown, are excellent. He tells in prose much that Scott and Hogg have
told in rhyme, and weaves into a consecutive narrative the materials
which they used as their fancy prompted. On one point only is Mr.
Craig-Brown somewhat too modern in sentiment to do justice to the
past : he is revolted by the stern aspect of Calvinism, and denounces the
discipline of the kirk session as little better than that of the inquisition.
Yet that discipline, repugnant as it is to modem ways of thinking, did
much towards forming the strong character of the Scottish people.
Without it the wild border folk would never have been changed into the
sterling, upright people with whom we are familiar. If the idea of
righteousness which was enforced by presbyterianism was narrow and
not altogether lively, it still upheld a high idea of rectitude, and the kirk
did a civilising work which there was no other agency to undertake.
There can be no doubt that its discipline .retained all the strength of
character which had been generated in the unquiet times of border war-
fare ; there can be little doubt that only a stern and vigorous system
could have given a moral direction to that strength. The records of the
kirk sessions tell us more of the process of the purification of national
character than they do of religious fanaticism.

If Selkirkshire has had to wait some time for an historian, it has cer-
tainly found in Mr. Craig- Brown one who has spared no pains to make
its history intelligible and claim for it an adequate recognition.

M. Ceeighton.

The Tragedy of Gowrie House, a Historical Study. By Louis A. Barbe.
( Paisley and London : Alex. Gardner.)

This book is not what it assumes to be or what it author evidently hopes
it is. * We approached our task without any preconceived theory,' Mr.
Barb6 says in summing up. That may have been, but the result is never-'
theless a piece of special pleading on behalf of the Ruthvens. Consequently
we seek in vain for any candid treatment of king James or his version of
the tragedy. Indeed, Mr. Barbe not only shows himself wanting in judicial
impartiality, but displays the far more serious fault, from the historical
point of view, of failing to form a just estimate of his authorities. Calder-
wood, the historian of the kirk, the English ambassadors and agents, and the
French State Papers are all quoted with a simple trust that is not a little
astounding. The assumption seems to be that all of them were contem-
porary and therefore certain to be veracious. It is at least sure that they all
tell against James, and that suits the special pleading on which Mr. Barbe
is engaged. These fundamental errors vitiate the whole work. He attri-
butes to the garrulous, tedious, pedantic James, the capacity of acting
with the bloodthirsty subtlety of a Louis XL The whole drift of the
' Study ' is to fasten on the king a charge of deliberately plotting the
death of the Ruthvens and fabricating a story to make it appear that they
were slain in self-defence. An impartial examination of the character
and actions of James will not bear out such a contention. If one thing is
plain in the whole case it is that the king honestly believed himself to

794 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Oct.

have been the object of a plot. Finding it impossible to directly disprove
the royal statement, Mr. Barbe does his utmost by much minute criticism
to throw doubt upon the truth of that statement. His theory blinds him
to the fact that no amount of adverse circumstantial evidence can do
away with the statement, and hence that statement has been accepted
by all historians, even by so cautious a one as the late Dr. Burton,
whose legal training gave him peculiar advantages in dealing with such
mysteries. Nor is the work justified by any new light it casts on the
subject. One or two new facts are adduced which only serve to make
the darkness more visible, and the mystery is not one whit less of a
mystery for all Mr. Barbe's arguments.

Here is one example out of many that might be given of the want of
common fairness displayed by Mr. Barbe towards the royal statement.
* We have shown,' he says in his concluding paragraphs, ' that abroad,
where neither partiality nor prejudice can be stqjposed to have exercised
undue influence over men's minds, his official declaration was openly
ridiculed' — the italics are our own. No one but a special pleader could
have^jJiSBned that sentence. By ' abroad ' is simply meant the two courts
of England and France, at the former of which Queen Elizabeth detested
James as her heir, and at the latter of which James was still more heartily
detested as a protestant.

But Mr. Barb^ is unable to effectually dispose of two cardinal points
in the evidence against Gowrie and his brother ; indeed, in the latter he
conspicuously avoids all remark.

The manner in which Gowrie acted at the crisis was exceedingly wild,
to say the least of it. He was in the garden picking cherries with Lennox,
Mar, and others when his servant Cranston came to him with a report that
the king had ridden to the South Inch. Instantly Gowrie turned to leave
the garden and raised a cry for his horses, though he must have known
very well that they were at his usual residence. Scone. When Cranston
reminded him of the fact he pretended not to hear him and continued his
clamour. Lennox then asked the porter if James had ridden forth, who
answered that he had not ; upon which Gowrie broke violently in with, * Thou
liest ! He is forth at the back-gate and through the Inch.' The porter's
reply was that it could not be, as he himself held the keys of all the gates
in the place. Still declaring the king had ridden forth, Gowrie pretended
to go and make sure, only to return almost immediately and assure them
that he undoubtedly had gone. Upon this Gowrie and the nobles went
to the main gate, and hardly had they arrived when the king's cries were
heard. Sir Thomas Erskine and his brother at once turned on Gowrie
and struck him to the ground, crying, * Traitor, this is thy work ! ' And
the earl, who had just been asseverating in the face of everybody and
everything that James had ridden forth to the Inch, now exclaimed, ' What
is the matter ? I ken nathing.'

What is Mr. Barbe's explanation of all this lying and contradiction ?
Gowrie, he says, * was harassed with doubts and fears as to the real motive
which had brought the king to Gowrie House,' and was anxious to scatter the
royal p^rty. In short, he feared arrest or assassination. The theory is
one of I'^e many extracted by Mr. Barbe himself from the few words of
some authority. But even if it was a certified fact it did not necessitate

1888 BE VIEWS OF BOOKS 795

Gowrie calling for horses that were at Scone and insisting in the teeth of
the porter's denial that the king had ridden forth. It was bold lying on
the earl's part, and such actions generally have some urgent cause. It is
no doubt logically correct to say, as Mr. Barbe does, that the admission of
such a charge does not carry with it acknowledgment of a plot on the part
of the earl. But the surrounding circumstances must guide our judgment,
and in this case those circumstances are suspicious.

In the second case Mr. Barbe is lamer still. When Alexander
Ruthven was slain he is reported with his latest breath to have cried, * Alas,
I had na wyte of it.' Mr. Barbe does not deny the statement, yet curi-
ously enough he passes by without one word of comment an exclamation
which, on the face of it, seems to the candid reader highly incriminatory.
He gives the meaning of ' wyte' as * knowledge,' though it is probably
more commonly taken to mean * blame.' But, either way, the question
confronts us. No wyte of what ? And the special pleader does not even
attempt a reply to so natural an inquiry. What, then, is the reader to
think ? T. W. Cameron.

Er Frederik IPs Datter Anna, Dronning af Storbritannieh, gaaet over
til Katholicismen ? (Was Frederick II 's daughter Anne, Queen of
Great Britain, a convert to Catholicism ?) By W. Plenkers.
(Copenhagen: 1888.)

This reprint of an elaborate and interesting articte tsontributed by Father
Plenkers to the Danish * Historisk Tidsskrift ' furnishes me with a welcome
opportunity of confessing that in my notice of Anne of Denmark in vol. i.
of Mr. Leslie Stephen's * Dictionary of National Biography ' I was guilty
of an excess of caution as to the question of the queen's relations to
Rome. On the appearance of that volume. Father Plenkers directed my
attention to the evidence, formerly known only to Danish readers, but
recently rendered more widely accessible by Father Stevenson in the
' Month and Catholic Review ' (February 1879), and by Dr. Bellesheim in
his * Geschichte der katholischen Kirche in Schottland' (vol. ii. 1883).
At home in Denmark, Nyerup had as early as 1795 made public
* Father Robert Arnberben's ' account of the queen's conversion ; and
Miinter in his ' History of the Danish Reformed Church ' (1802) had again
drawn attention to it. The genuineness of this narrative is borne out
by adetter enclosing a copy of it {ap. Bellesheim) dated 1612, and written
by the well-known German Jesuit Gretser from Ingolstadt to John Stuart,
prior of the Benedictines at Ratisbon, which refers to an account by Uie
'Scottish Father Robert,' recently received from Poland, de hodiertid
regind Scotice et Anglice. This letter and its enclosure were discovered
by Rostgaard in the Colbert (now part of the National) Library at Paris.
The name of the writer of the narrative is here varied as ' Arnbernberry ; '
his real name was Father Robert Ahercromhy.

Nobody has ever doubted the strong incHnation of Anne of Denmark
towards the church of Rome, or the general nature of the influences by
which this feeling on her part was, if not originally inspired, at all events
sustained and intensified. The Jesuits, active at so many European courts
during the period of Queen Anne's residence in Scotland, wore not Iciist

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Reviews of books

Oct;

strenuous in their efforts at the Scottish court itself, on which the re-
h'gious future of more than one kingdom might depend. And the queen,
as the title of Mr. Plenkers's tractate reminds us, was the daughter of the
Danish king Frederick II, who, unlike another Frederick II, issued an edict
that in his dominions nobody should go to heaven unless m the way-
according with the king's pattern ; so that an abhorrence of Calvinism ran
in her very blood. But, instead of dwelhng on these familiar facts, or on
the insufficiency of the basis supplied by them for the conclusion which,
in common with writers of higher authority, I was not prepared to face,
1 will briefly state the substance of Abercromby's narrative as reproduced
by Fathers Stevenson and Plenkers, and more or less corroborated by
collateral evidence.

Father Robert Abercromby, who fourteen years earlier had been sent
by Laynez to Braunsberg in Poland, to take part in the working of the
college established there by Cardinal Hosius, reached Scotland in 1588.
But it was not till 1600 that Queen Anne began to think of renouncing
the Lutheran faith and becoming a Roman catholic. The conversion to
presbyterianism of her Lutheran chaplain, Sering, had first shaken her
faith, for she hated Calvinism ; and she had already (as is well known)
made herself unpopular in Scotland by testifying to this aversion, especially
in the matter of the education of her children. She also called to mind
that when in her early childhood she was herself being educated at the
house of a catholic princess of high rank, she had daily heard a priest
say mass. This recollection, taken in connexion with her affection for
the princess, who (says the father), if I am not mistaken, was a grand-
child of Charles V, led her to the idea of herself embracing the catholic
religion.^ The Jesuits being not unfrequently admitted to court, and even
invited to dispute on religious subjects with protestant divines, the queen
began to be disturbed by religious doubts, and consulted some of her catholic
friends, and more especially a certain earl (greve)'^ as to the course of conduct
which she should adopt. It was this nobleman who recommended to
her Father Abercromby, then over seventy years of age, as her spiritual ad-
viser. ' Some time after this, I was summoned to her, and conducted to the
palace, where I was concealed during the day in a private closet. Every
morning she paid me a visit for the purpose of instruction, her ladies
meanwhile remaining in the antechamber. She made a sliow of repair-
ing to this room as if to write letters ; and in order to deceive the ladies,
returned with the papers in her hand. Not until she had, on the third
day, heard mass and received the holy communion, did I abandon my
hiding place.'

Father Abercromby states that he remained in Scotland not more than
two years after the queen's conversion, though he appears to have been

' This passage has given Mr. Plenkers much trouble, which I fear was not light-
ened by my suggesting to him that the grandchild in question might be Elizabeth,
consort of King Charles IX of France, and daughter of Mary, wife of the emperor
Maximilian II, who retired to Austria after the death of her husband in 1574.
When the meeting with Elizabeth (if she it was) took place, it is difficult to guess.

^ Here again a conjecture would probably be more or less idle. According to Con
it'was the muntess of Huntly and other noble catholic ladies who exercised a deter-
mining influence upon the queen. •

.^888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 797

■still in the country when she crossed the border in June 1603 with her
eldest son Prince Henry, who is said to have borne so striking a resem-
blance to her. He states that during the interval between her conversion
and her departure for England, * unless he be mistaken, she on nine
occasions partook of the sacrament of the altar according to the catholic
ritual. She regularly chose for this purpose the early morning hours.
. . . After communicating, she passed the time in religious conversa-
tion, often expressing a wish that her consort might likewise become a
catholic, and also that her son might be brought up under the eye of
the pope at Eome. She frequently extolled the monastic life, and uttered
a hope that she might be enabled to end her days in a convent. . . .' The
account proceeds to state that the king, perceiving the manifest change
for the better in his consort, began to suspect the truth. * She herself
told me, that he addressed her one night in the following words: "I
see a great change in thee. Thou art become more serious, modest,
and devout, and I shrewdly suspect that thou hast dealings with some
catholic priest." When she had admitted the charge, and named Father
Abercromby to the king, he simply entreated her, if the relation had
become a necessity to her, to keep it as secret as possible.' This is con-
firmed by G. Con, * De Duplici Statu Religionis apud Scotos,' cited by
both Stevenson and Plenkers. From Rostowsky's records of the Jesuits
in Lithuania, it appears that by way of precaution the aged Father
Abercromby was hereupon appointed falconer to the queen (according to
Father Stevenson, 'keeper of his Majesty's hawks'), without, however,
being able very successfully to hoodwink the courtiers.

Shortly after the accession of James and Anne to the English throne,
the queen's confessor seems to have followed her to England and to court,
where, though carefully concealed, he did not remain unobserved. Soon
the times grew terribly perilous in England for the members of his order,
and, according to Rostowsky, a large sum was set upon his head in espe-
cial. He remained in concealment for some time, and finally withdrew
from England to Braunsberg. It is not known how long he survived the
composition of his narrative, which was written in September 1608 ; pro-
bably he died before it was sent to Ingolstadt in 1612 or a little earlier.

The question as to Queen Anne's conversion to the catholic faith can,
in Father Plenkers's judgment, hardly be discussed without reference to the
further question, whether she died a catholic. On this head the most
direct evidence is that with which I was able to supply Mr. Plenkers in the
curious manuscript in the collection of Sir James Balfour, entitled, * Madam
the Queen's Death and Maner thairof,' and printed in the ' Abbotsford
Miscellany.' As Mr. Plenkers says, the sole point of importance from the
present point of view in this narrative, which purports to be that of an
eyewitness, is the statement that Queen Anne returned a distinct
affirmative to Abbot's inquiry whether. she put confidence in her own
merits or in those of the saints, or in the merits and blood of the
Saviour only, adding : * I renounce the mediatioun of all Santes, and my
awen mereits, and [ ] only rely upone my Saviour Chryst, who has re-
deamed my saull with his bloode.'

The fact of this answer, and of the satisfaction conveyed by it to the
prelates present, seemed to me to have a significant bearing upon the

798 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Oct.

question at issue. I gather, however, from Father Plenkers's cautious
treatment of the point (Father Stevenson does not refer to it), that the
queen's implied denial of the advantage of invoking the saints would in
his eyes not involve a renunciation of her profession (granting it to have
been made) of membership of the church of Eome. On this subtle issue
I shall certainly risk no opinion, more especially as I hold that Father
Plenkers and his English predecessor have satisfactorily proved their
main contention. A. W. Ward.

A History of England, 1837-1880. By the Rev. J. France Bright, D.D.,
Master of University College, Oxford. (London : Rivingtons. 1888.)

General Garfield wrote in his diary : *No country has made nobler
progress against greater obstacles than this heroic England in the last
hundred years.' At the same time, Gratry described the admirable spec-
tacle of a nation turning from its sordid carnal ways to make reparation
for centuries of profitable wrong. Just then, too, Prevost Paradol, with
the same scene before him, said that we all know at what stage of existence
people begin to feel remorse, settle their affairs, and try to atone for their
misdeeds. Dr. Bright has seen these things, and has found in them the
keynote of the reign of the queen. He crowns the history of England
with the age of conversion and compassion, of increased susceptibility in
the national conscience, of a deepened sense of right and wrong, of much
that, in the eye of rivalry, is sentiment, emotion, idealism, and imbecility.
He has shown how the nation, the constitution, the empire were formed ;
but his heart is not in the striving, stumbling past, in the siege of Ascalon
and the coronation at Paris, with Drake and Olive, but with those who
administer the inheritance of power and responsibility, the treasured ex-
perience, and the imperial arts, to the needs and claims of three hundred
millions of men. He is the historian of living forces and present cares.
His intense consciousness of duty and difficulty in the discharge of such
a trust makes this book vivid and impressive beyond his former volumes,
although it lacks the dramatic element. We do not keep the weary watch
on the rampart of Jellalabad for the army that is no more ; and when
O'Connell is saved by a flaw we do not learn how the error which had
escaped the law officers and the judges, the Irish bar, and the cunning
prisoner himself, was detected by a young lawyer in London who had
nothing to do with the case, and whose fortune it made to this day.

Gneist pleasantly describes us as floundering in a transit of socialism.
What he calls Uebergang in das Jahrhundert der Socialreformen und der
Sojialbills, Dr. Bright designates as the democratic age. To call it the
liberal age would be to court a party triumph ; and we should have to
define liberty, which resembles the camel, and enjoys more definitions
than any other object in nature. Democracy, if not the most scientific
notation, is the one that divides us least. The two ideas are not always
kept apart, and a veil hangs over the question how they come out in
respect of class government, equality, imperialism, education, toleration,
slavery, nationality, federalism, conquest, the right of minorities, the
reign of the higher law. Zeller has thouglit it worth his while to open
the ' Archiv fiir Geschichte der Philosophic ' with the admonition that

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 799

history should explain as well as narrate. The advice is not addressed to
the master of University, who knows the unpolitical cause of much poli-
tical effect, and always looks beneath the surface of vacant debates for the
derivation, if not for the original root of things. But he never sails under
the bare poles of theory, and pronounces as little as he can upon party
dogmatism. He shows himself a partisan like Keble when he asked
whether Disestablishment was not just ; or Quesnay when he said, ' Quand
on parle pour la raison et la justice, on a bien plus d'amis qu'on ne croit.'
He deserves the high praise that he will not satisfy inferior minds of his
own or any other way of thinking. For the sincere liberal he is full of
weighty lessons, meaning by sincere one who knows his cargo and his
course, who both thinks and acts with a mind applied to consequences,
who can appraise the saying of the philosopher, that liberalism will lose
India, and the Prussian minister's speech to our countryman : * You
will cease to be a nation before you have time to put your hand into your
breeches-pocket.' He avoids glaring contrasts and exact definitions, and
abstains with excessive abnegation from the statement of private opinion.
The Oxford movement was a wave of conservatism, and a liberal is by the
hypothesis an enemy of the church, a man who wants to set the bishops'
house in order, a follower of Colenso. Men like cardinal Newman and
the dean of St. Paul's still interpret the term in that sense, and German
Lutherans, for their own constitutional reasons, do the same. Dr. Bright
accepts the Tractarian nomenclature without remonstrance, regardless of
men who would thereby surrender the ground beneath their feet, and who,
believing that the doctrines of Laud are to those of Bradlaugh as heaven
to hell, yet glorify the Providence that sent the primate to the Tower
and the atheist to the house of commons. With the same extreme
reserve, he likes to speak conditionally of foreign countries. * Whatever
may be thought of the political aspect of the coup d'etat ' is the form of
his judgment upon it. The want of sharp outlines reminds one of the
Prague poet who went to see Beranger in 1847, and had to answer a few
questions. Was Prague in Hungary or in Poland ? In neither one nor
the other. Was Bohemia in Austria or in Germany ? In both. Was
the Prussian monarchy absolute or constitutional? Partly one, partly
the other. At last Beranger lost patience. * Frenchmen,' he cried, * like
things to be clear. What is not clear is not French.' The scruples and
qualifications and optatives of this history would not be admitted in a
French compendium.

All this caution is dismissed at the approach of transactions which
betray the faults of the national character, and are subject to considera-
tions by which we all are bound, not those for which man is not account-
able to man. * Such was the natural result of the position occupied by
the English in India. The rightfulness of the position may well be
questioned. ... At no time, it must be confessed, did they show in more
cruel fashion their fixed belief in themselves and in the rightfulness of
their cause, and their incapacity for understanding the rights or feelings
of those opposed to them. . . . The contest seemed to lie between two savage
races capable of no thought but that, regardless of all justice or mercy;
their enemies should be exterminated.' The right to applaud, and even
to exult at times, is justified by the generous integrity of such judgments

800 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Oct.

as this. History of a higher tone has never been written ; at the death
of Cavour, Doudan writes : Ceux qui Vaj^pellent un sUUrat ne savent
guere de quel hois se sont chaicffes la jjlupart cles lib^rateurs des nations.
Dr. Bright knows it well, and it nowhere mitigates the gravity of his
avenging sentences. If there is an exception, it is a tendency to be com-
placent in the Crimea, and to share some of our discredit with the French.
He follows Kinglake even on the boulevards, and in his account of the
plan of Paskie witch, which led to the disaster at Silistria, omitting his
really historic advice to march upon Constantinople through Vienna.
But when Kinglake assigns to the allies at least 24,000 men more than
the enemy at the Alma, he scarcely allows an excess of more than 5,000.
At Inkerman a somewhat unsteady regiment of the French line is aided
by the invincible courage of the English. If the fact is so, the tone is
not that of the sergeant's speech in giving the health of the French.

* Don't you remember when we saw them coming over the hill ? '

The duke of Wellington, who is buried and eulogised in 1852, is the
conventional hero with powers mellowed by age, loyal, trustworthy, too
good for party ; and the opportunity is lost of strengthening the shadow-
less Elizabethan portrait with the colours of prose. We have to estimate
his fitness as a statesman by his encouragement of Ferdinand VII, his
refusal to allow the elevation of the house of Orleans, his fancy for
Charles X and Polignac, his objection to constitutional government in
•Poland on the ground that it would imperil the tranquillity of Europe at
a time, September 1814, when there was too much liberalism about. While
Canning was straining all his resources to stay the invasion of Spain, the
duke showed his fidelity as a colleague by exhorting the French govern-
ment to push on boldly and defy him ; and when the first faltering steps were
taken towards popular education, Wellington gives the measure of his
superiority to the narrowness of party feeling by the dictum * that money
ought not to be levied upon the subject, or granted by parliament, for
the purpose of educating the people in popery, in the tenets of the uni-
.tarians, in those of the anabaptists, in those of any sect not in com-
munion with the church of England ; or at all, excepting in the tenets
of the church of England.' In Peel's great administration — great because
it included ten men of the rank and substance of premier — he ceased to
be listened to, and came to be treated as an august bore.

Masters of expediency and compromise, like Peel and Palmerston, are
convenient to the political historian who writes for all readers. Lord
Palmerston especially, as a sort of medium Englishman, fares well at his
hands. He deems that he was prejudiced in his judgments and material
in his aims, and in a characteristic paragraph on the war for the sale of

* a noxious and poisonous drug,' austere morality wrestles uneasily with
an acquiescent patriotism. The garbled Portuguese and Afghan de-
spatches he does not touch. It is only from 1835 onwards that he makes
•Lord Palmerston prominent as the manager of our foreign policy. * In
the period between November 1830 and the autumn of 1834 it was much
governed by the then prime minister, Lord Grey.' When Kinglake wrote
those words there were men living who could bear witness that they were
not only true, but considerably within the mark. Too much is made of
the British triumph in tlie fall and submission of Mehemet Ali. To be

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 801

in perfect keeping it should be said that, having been deposed by the sultan,
he was formally reinstated, and was even made hereditary pasha of
Egypt. So far, therefore, France under Guizot recovered her influence.
The marriage of Queen Isabella would hardly have provoked so loud an
outcry against the offending French, or so serious a rupture, but for the
previous enmity between Louis Philippe and Lord Palmerston. Dr.
Bright traces it back as far as the quadruple treaty, and the date is con-
firmed by what King Leopold writes, in 1840, on the authority of
Melbourne : Seit er vor vier Jahren in der spanischen Frage einen ihm
empfindlichen Widerspruch von Seiten des Konigs Louis Philippe erfuhr,
ist er noch nicht versohnt, und aus Bachsticht geneigt, Frankreick
schonungslos zu hehandeln. The ill-feeling began when they were
younger men ; and the outrageous memorandum in which Palmerston
justified his attitude towards the coup d'itat expressed sentiments of
long standing.

It belongs to the friendly treatment of Lord Palmerston to be severe
on the Spanish marriages ; but to say that so scandalous a breach of
morality has seldom occurred, and that the queen was doomed to an un-
fruitful union, is excessive. The choice lay, at last, between two brothers,
of whom the elder, for no good reason, was the candidate of France, and
the younger, who was a progresista, was preferred by England. The
French carried their point. They also wished the queen's sister to
marry the duke de Montpensier, and England assented ; but it was agreed
that the second marriage should be postponed. The French contrived
that they should be simultaneous. That is the extent of the breach of
faith which broke up the western alliance. Having conceded to England
that the husband of the queen of Spain should not be a French prince,
France stipulated at least for a Bourbon, and informed the English
cabinet that they would hold themselves absolved from their engagements
if any candidate was brought forward who did not descend from Philip V.
The warning had scarcely been conveyed to Lord Aberdeen when
negotiations were opened for a match with Leopold of Coburg. It was
rejected by the government ; Lord Aberdeen threatened to recall our
minister at Madrid, and Lord Palmerston was committed to the Spanish
liberals and to their candidate Don Enrique. Having kept faith abso-
lutely, they had a right to hold France to her bargain. But the French
were able to reply that Sir Henry Bulwer was responsible for Prince
Leopold ; that the court, if not the ministry, were interested in his success ;
that he was encouraged by the kings of Portugal and Belgium. After
three months of hesitation, Palmerston induced Prince Albert to decline
the proposal of Queen Christine ; but the French employed their plausible
materials so well that two generations have believed that the scheme
which he in fact demolished was his own ; and as late as last June,
M. de Mazade wrote that Lord Palmerston's first care on taking office in
1846 was to revive the candidature of Leopold. Duke Ernest, on the
contrary, testifies that he was incapable of harbouring a design favourable
to the house of Coburg. The rejection, not by France but by England,
of a prince connected with the royal family, who was the fittest candidate,
who was preferred by the queen of Spain, opened that conflict betweien
English and German notions oi" the function of monarchy in free stales
VOL. III. — NO. XII. ' 3 F

802 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Oct

which the dynastic literature has exposed. Accepting without challenge
Prince Albert's action in this country, Dr. Bright passes by the revealing
allusions of the duke of Coburg to what he feels as failure in his brother's
career : Ob Prinz Albert in seinem Verkehr mit dieser JSation gleich
von vornherein den richtigen Ton zu treffen wusste, will ich nicht
entscheide7i. Ich habe uber diesen Punkt oft in aller Liebe mit meinem
Bruder gehadert und immer die Empfindung gehabt, dass ih7i em
schweres Loos getroffen, sich dem grossen Inselvolke verstdndnissvoll
einfiigen zu milssen . . . Man hdtte streben mUssen ihn freundlicher zu
stimmen . . . Diegrosste Wdrme und opferfdhigste Neigung vermochten
sich zuweilen in schmerzliche Kdlte zu vei'wandeln, und oftmals sah man
ihn a7i jener Grenze, die filr Mdchtige und Hochgestellte so verfilhrerisch
sein mag, in Urtheilen und Anschauung en sich gef alien, die einem gewissen
Hayige zur Menschenverachtung entsprhigen . . . Es war eine ewige
Gedanhengdhrung in ihm, darauf gerichtet, die Menschen zu begluchen,
und er konnte gegen den MeJischen sich so hart wie moglich zeigen . . .
Man steigerte sich in abfdlliger Beurtheilung der vornehmen, sowie der
niedern politischen Halbwelt, welche sich vermass zu praktiziren und in
das Leben einzugreifen. This last sentence is from the panegyric of
Stockmar.

Mr. Kuskin came from Ha warden rejoicing that he had solved the
great Gladstonian mystery. Dr. Bright is less confident, and might
perhaps suspect a momentary illusion. His own key is assimilation ;
and he thinks that Mr. Gladstone absorbs in the shape of popular vapour
what he gives back in scientific showers. Consequently he has some
difiiculty and indecision in dealing with a letter, I presume to Dr. Hannah,
which was cited as evidence of a too rapid conversion to disestablishment.
The change was neither sudden nor subject to external cause. My own
testimony is needless, because Lord Selborne's knowledge reaches farther.
The Oxford supporters had due warning in 1863, and there were whigs
who, as early as April 1864, knew what was coming, and were enabled,
without help from prophecy, to forecast the fortunes of the party through
many later years. I even question the guarded doubt whether the govern-
ment in 1873 were conscious of diminished power. After the church and
the land, one of the ministers most interested in the upas tree said,
* Now comes education, and that will soon turn us out.' According to
Dr. Bright, the tories did wrong to refuse ofiice after their victory. It
may be a question whether opposition is to be considered before adminis-
tration, whether it is the higher function to govern or to prevent mis-
government, to exercise power or to control it. If he is a little strict
with Mr. Disraeli at this point, he speaks of him with respect after the
time of his attacks on Peel. Having spoken of Lord George Bentinck,
he adds : * The fire, the venom, and the acute parliamentary tactics were
supphed by his less distinguished henchman.' Hard words towards a
statesman who, if he left few friends on one side of politics, was honoured
with a public monument on the other, and who had a higher right than
the duke of Abrantes to say that it is better to be an ancestor than a
descendant. Apparently there is a reminiscence of the story that Peel
wanted to challenge Disraeli, whose violence was caused by the incon-
ceivable neglect of his fitness for ofiice, and whose wife answered the

IS8S HEVIEWS OF BOOKS 803

consoling Milnes, * The worm will turn.' In truth he repels the considerate
and sympathetic treatment which Dr. Bright extends all round, for he
liked to accentuate antagonism and to make it very real. He resisted the
polite habit of saying ' my right honourable friend,' when the friend was
an enemy, and objected emphatically to the incongruous friendships of
Northcote. Too much amenity he feared would teach the audience that
what does not affect fellowship does not affect character, and that parlia-
mentary contention is exaggerated and insincere. The pleasant concilia-
tion of the History of England would not have been to his Hking.

The actual mistakes are few and trivial ; and in several doubtful
places the author indicates opinions which, without being argued or
final, are worthy of attention. Earl Fortescue did not become lord lieu-
tenant of Ireland in 1841, but the lord lieutenant became Earl Fortescue ;
Mr. Bayne is Sir Edward Baines ; the duke d'Aumale was the fourth
son, not the eldest ; there are no archdukes in Eussia ; the duke de
Gramont was not war minister, unless figuratively ; the elector of Hesse,
in 1850, did not take flight before an insurgent chamber ; ' Paulo's younger
son ' should be * Francisco de Paula's younger son ; ' the treaty of 1866
was signed at Berlin on 8 April, not on 27 March. It is confusing to
read that in 1871 * Grevy was elected president, and Thiers put at the
head of the ministry.' One was president of the assembly, the other
head of the government. The imprecations of Sir John Hay do not fitly
represent a large section of opinion towards Lord Palmerston ; for the
indignant orator had personal motives of a kind that compelled respect.
That the reform debate of 1859 was memorable for the speeches of
Bulwer and Cairns is well said, by virtue of the prerogative, to mark the
force of arguments that are none the worse because they did not persuade,
and the rights of a cause that has failed ; but it is out of proportion.
Bulwer far surpassed himself on 26 April in the following year, when he
so impressed opponents that Ayrton turned in astonishment to Bernal
Osborne, saying that it was the finest speech on the representation of
the people he had ever heard. Sir Hugh Cairns never acquired in the
commons anything like the reputation and authority which his splendid
gift of intellectual speech brought him in the other house, where some
say that the great tradition which comes down from Mansfield and
Chatham ended at his death and, by the law of demand and supply, is
likely not to revive.

One of the disputed passages which Dr. Bright settles by implication
concerns the marriage of the queen. He praises Lord Melbourne for
bringing about an event which involved his own abdication, and evi-
dently does not assign to him any part in the arrangement by which the
marriage was to have been put off for three years. He says that Prussia,
by the treaty of Prague, obtained all that it desired ; thereby rejecting
the story that the king desired more, by several millions of souls, and
was restrained by the moderation of his son. It was supposed that Lord
Eussell, to screen the convention of Plombieres, obtained false assurances
from Turin, and conveyed them to parliament. Clearly, Dr. Bright does
not believe it. Nor does he admit that Lord Russell, when asserting our
neutrality and resisting the confederate proclivity of Napoleon III, spoke
without conviction, as the mouthpiece of an overruling cabinet led, while
. • -. ^: • r ' -3 F 2 3

804 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Oct;

he lived, by Lewis. He does not even hold England guilty of avoidable
delay in the affair of the Alabama. Thus, he drops more than one figure
in the American calculations. For those Englishmen whose sympathies
w^ere southern he has scant respect. He says of the wealthier classes :
* With their usual misapprehension of the true meaning of the word, they
supposed that the southerners came nearer to satisfy the ordinary defini-
tion of gentlemen than their northern brethren.' Dives perhaps might
reply that he was only adopting a saying of Burke, which Pinckney,
I think, quoted in congress ; and he would find solace in a northern
criticism of Arnold's latest utterance, to the effect that distinction is a
correlative of snobbishness, and incompatible with genuine equality. The
thing cannot be explained by the suspected thoughts of men too unintel-
ligent to know a gentleman when they see him. Macaulay, at least, was
not an aristocrat. He had done more than any writer in the literature
of the world for the propagation of the liberal faith, and he was not
only the greatest, but the most representative Englishman then living.
Yet Macaulay, in 1856, spoKe this remarkable prophecy, that the union
would not last ten years ; that it would be dissolved by slavery, and
would settle down into several distinct despotisms.

In the three wars which between 1860 and 1870 determined the isolation
of England, and generated Jingo, Dr. Bright does all that a few solid sen-
tences can do to make the issues impartially intelligible ; although each
contending party might add a rectifying word. He dislikes slavery, but
is not far from agreeing with Mr. Oliphant, that a dog with a master is
as good, as a dog without one. He thinks the abolitionists fanatical, and
shares that phase of federal opinion which was expressed by President
Buchanan : * The original and conspiring causes of all our future troubles
are to be found in the long, active, and persistent hostility of the northern
abolitionists, both in and out of congress, against southern slavery, until
the final triumph of their cause in the election of President Lincoln,'
Whilst he barely admits the strength of the pledges which Lincoln gave
against abolition, the disinclination to assign grave practical consequences
to impalpable dogma leaves a haze on the other side. That the theory
which gave to the people of the States the same right of last resort against
Washington as against Westminster possessed a certain independent force
of its own, that northern statesmen of great authority maintained it, that
its treatment in successive stages by Calhoun and Stephens forms as
essential a constituent in the progress of democratic thinking as Kousseau
or Jefferson, we are not told. The confederates are presented as men who
adopted a certain political theory because it suited their interests and
their passions. But beyond this, the immediate cause of secession, the
duration of the war, its balanced fortune, its historic grandeur, were very
much due to four or five men, most of whom took arms under compulsion
of an imperative law, in obedience to duty in its least attractive form. To
the cogency of the unwritten law, to the stern power of the disinterested
idea for which men died with a passion of sacred joy in the land of the
almighty dollar and the cotton-king, justice is not done. That which made
the conflict terrible, and involved Europe in its comphcations, was not the
work of premeditating slave-owners, but of men to whom state rights, not
slavery, were supreme, who would have giv6n freedoni to the slaves in
order, by emancipationj to secure independence. -Many good officers,

m

11888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 805

before resigning their commission, before, in Douglas's phrase, they
checked their baggage and took a through ticket, hesitated Hke Lee and
like A. S. Johnston, who wrote, ' I suppose the difficulties now will only
be adjusted by the sword. In my humble judgment, that was not the
remedy.' From the Seven-days' Battle to Appomattox, during three years,
the defence of the confederate capital rested upon Lee ; and although
McClellan beheved that he knew him by heart, and that the south had better
men, without him the end would have come in 1862 or 1863, as surely as
it would have come to the revolutionary war in 1796 or 1799 but for Bona-
parte and Massena. General Lee delivered the following opinion : * In
addition to the great political advantages that would result to our cause
from the adoption of a system of emancipation, it would exercise a salu-
tary influence upon our whole negro population.' The history of Eng-
land has not to estimate the political effects which would have ensued if
the corrections of the federal constitution adopted at Richmond had been
completed in timely pursuance of this advice ; but it ought to note that
there was more at work than fanaticism and ambition on one side and
provincial pride and private cupidity on the other.

That Austria took the final step towards war in 1866, by refusing to
consider territorial changes at the congress, is technically correct. But
the terms of the refusal were not so peremptory. Count Mensdorff made
it a condition qu'onexclura des deliberations toute combinaison qui ten-
drait d donner d un des dtats invites aujourd^hui d la reunion un agran-
dissement territorial ou un accroissement de puissance. Sans cette garantie
pr^alable qui icarte les pretentions ambitieuses et ne laisse plus de place
qu'd des arrangements 4quitables pour tous au meme degrS, il nous parai^
trait impossible de compter sur une heureuse issue des deliberations pro-
pos&es. This cautious language does not prohibit exchanges ; for Austria
had attempted, too late, to neutralise Italy by the offer of Venetia, with a
view to compensation in Silesia. Dr. Bright doubts whether Bismarck
was unscrupulous enough to use the duchies throughout as the means of a
quarrel with Austria. That statesman explained his purpose to General
Govone with the same laudable candour with which he spoke of ceding
the Rhine -frontier down to Goblenz. The duchies were too weak a basis
to justify a great war in the eyes of Europe, but they served to irritate
King William and to detach him from legitimacy : Chiamare V Austria a
parte delta guerra danese e vedere di cementare cosi Valleanza austro-prusr
iiana. Questa esperienza essere completamente fallita, o direi piuttosto
completamente riuscita, .,. e V esperienza avere guarito il rd e molte persone
suir alleanza austriaca. Govone' s despatches were published by Lamar-
mora, and suggested to that distant countryman of Machiavelli the perti-
nent gloss : In politica come in tutte le faccende della vita, il migliore
modo di essere furbo e di non ricorrere mai alle cosi dette furberie.

The theory of the war of 1870 is not so sound as that of 1866. The
agitation in France is described as a phase of that vulgar patriotism which
protects the feeble neighbour and detests the strong, as Thiers objected to
the consolidation of Italy, and every French politician, excepting OlHvier,
deprecated the consolidation of Germany. The candidature of the prince
of HohenzoUern becomes a mere pretext, inasmuch as he was the grandson

806

BEVIETVS OF BOOKS

Oct.

of a Murat, the grandson of a Beauharnais, and nearer to the French court
than the Prussian. Germany resents the arrogant demands, and the
French ambassador meets with a somewhat rough reception. With all
their faults, the proceedings of the two powers were more politic and more
reasonable. The candidate for the crown of Spain was a Prussian officer. He
had been recognised as a prince of the Prussian house. His father had been
quite lately prime minister to the king of Prussia, and had contributed, as
a trusted adviser, to the elevation of Bismarck. The French argued that
with such a man on the Spanish frontier they would have to guard the
Pyrenees in the event of war on the Rhine. They required that he should
withdraw, and expressed a hope that he would, by his own act, prevent a
conflict. When the French government had declared that a voluntary
withdrawal was all they demanded, the prince, by the advice of Prussia,
refused the proffered crown. Emile OUivier at once proclaimed that all
ground of quarrel was removed. The constitutional empire had won a
great diplomatic triumph, after the absolute empire for ten years had
endured the humiliation of failure. The success of the liberal and pacific
statesman was a check to the imperial tradition and to the men who de-
sired that the power of Napoleon should be transmitted to his son imdi-
minished by conditions of popular debate. Without his knowledge the
question was reopened. Whilst Ollivier declared himself satisfied,
Gramont asked for more. The Hohenzollern candidature, known to be
offensive to France, had been off and on for a year and a quarter, and had
been matured in secret. They asked to be assured that the prince, whose
mind had wavered so long, and had changed so suddenly, would waver and
change no more. They had carried Europe with them in protesting
against his election, even when, knowing what they knew of German
opinion and preparation, for their agents served them well, the words of
M0I6 to Baron Werther were repeated, forty years later, to his son, La
ffuerre est au bout de mes paroles. But until that despatch was written
to Benedetti France had not resolved to go to war.

Prussia had taken no irrevocably hostile part. While the confidential
reports of French officers found their way to the Wilhelmstrasse in the
original, the government could not be ignorant that France was discuss-
ing with Austria the place where their armies were to unite. At the
same time an old man of rare political experience and sagacity, out of
office, but deeply initiated, was missing from the tea parties of Berlin, on
a tour in the peninsula. But the Spanish crown was surrendered with
a good grace, and even the arrogant demands were not at once resented.
The correct Prussian showing the door to the gilded envoy, who may
still be seen in picture-books for the use of the philistine, was never seen
but there. But the seething waters were lashed by the ambiguous com-
munique, which was instantly hailed as a studied insult to France. The
leading organ of cultured Prussia said of it. Die fortgesezte Insolenz
hatte endlich die allerderbste Zurilckweisung erfahren. Die bisher
erlitteneri Beleidigungen waren reichlich tvettgemacht. Self-command
was not wanting at Ems or at Berlin, nor the faculty of entirely dis-
passionate calculation, which debate impairs, but which no statesman
even of the second rank ever permits to fail him in office hours. To give
way, without sulking, before the direct action of hostile force is a lesson

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS SOT

in elementary politics which no civilised government j&nds it difficult to
learn. Prussia might have accepted her diplomatic repulse as England
bore the dismissal of Crampton, America the surrender of the prisoners,
France the disavowal of Drouyn de Lhuys, Northern Germany itself
the dismantling of Luxemburg. There remained in reserve the means of
satisfying national feeling by demanding explanations of the haughty
language of Gramont. But they could not lose the advantage of being
attacked. The assured neutrality of Europe, the union of all the German
armies, were at that price. The telegram indicating the rebuff of
Benedetti secured them against the risk of a pacific reaction at Paris.
Dr. Bright, who has related what came to Palmerston when he received
in silence the complaint of Walewski, backed by the chorus of colonels,
could tell what fate would have attended OUivier if, while Germany rang
with the tidings of insult, he had protested that there was no offence
either meant or taken.

He thinks that we lost ground by our conduct during the war in
France, and lost it unjustly. If we were censured for having failed to
prevent or to abridge hostility, and for having made no friends by our
neutrality, this judgment would be correct. But it is not enough to
obtain defence against wild hitting. Even in the age of experimental
science, the area which reason commands is not extensive, and history,
by further contracting it, sacrifices itself. We go to historians for the
sake of what is reasonable : passion, and folly, and sin, we find better in
the poets. The cool reception of Thiers, or the sale of arms to the
French, is the declamation, not the real complaint. But we had not
taken note of the double train of gunpowder laid after the plebiscite,
and our agents did not ascertain what the mysterious travellers, Lebrun,
Bernhardi, and Salazar, carried about them. Therefore, when the crisis
came, we had forfeited somewhat of our weight and competence in
advice, and were like watchers of a game whose eyes have strayed
from the board. The decisive moment was when the emperor de-
manded security against the reappearance of Hohenzollern. Four days
earlier Gramont assured us that France would be content with the volun-
tary renunciation which he asked our aid in obtaining ; and when it was
obtained he pronounced it worthless, and gave an opening for effective
remonstrance. Lord Lyons only informed him that, although we might
be disappointed, deceived, and even slighted, it would make no differ-
ence, so that he might strike for the Rhine without risking the loss of
our friendship. Again, after Ferrieres, when a good deal depended on
coolness, and temper, and accuracy, and the government of defence was
in need of a judicious bottle-holder, our ambassador was away.

A dozen lines, from first to last, in the 570 pages would meet every
grievance. The question would remain whether it is best, with effacing
fingers, to make history with individual character, class interests, and the
fortuitous changes of opinion, or with the ceaseless conflict of defined
forms of thought. We begin to see dayhght in the CromwelHan era when
we know what a calvinist meant and an arminian, a presbyterian and an
independent, a baptist and a socinian. It would be a luminous moment
if, for the perpetual round of violence and weakness, folly and crime, sonie-^
body would display the operation of the original materials that supplied

808 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Oct.

the French revolution, the distinct systems that divided the three assem-
blies and governed the several constitutions : the eighteenth century
law of nature, the American rights of man, English parliamentary insti-
tutions, the abstract constitutionalism of Montesquieu, Voltaire's humani-
tarian code, protestant toleration, Jansenist theories of church and state,
the perfectibihty of the encyclopedists, the whiggism of Holbach, the
Helvetian doctrine of equality, Rousseau's democracy, the socialism of
Mably, Turgot's political economy, the unguarded sentence in the * Wealth
of Nations ' which gave to the ProveuQal priest the fulcrum to overturn
the monarchy of Lewis XIV, the conditional contract which Marat trans-
muted into a theory of massacre, the policy of the four Genevese who
worked Mirabeau ; and our times might be clearer if, instead of our own
devices, the historian explained what it is really all about, wherein a
conservative differs from whig and tory, where a liberal draws the line
against whig and radical, how you distinguish a philosophic from an
economic radical, or Manchester from Birmingham, at what point demo-
cracy begins, how it combines with socialism, and why some socialists
are liberal and some democrats tory. Impartiality would remain intact,
for the strength of a doctrine, that which has to be accounted for, is its
truth or semblance of truth ; its errors make themselves known by its
consequences and variations. The difficulty is that political symbolism
implies symbols, and a party seldom produces or obeys its charter. No
manifesto or election programme has the defining authority of a Shorter
Catechism ; and political teachers are not representative in the same sense
as Hammond or Chilling worth, Baxter or Barclay. Theology differentiates
towards exclusiveness, while politics develop in the direction of compre-
hension and affinity. Men who move along plain lines, like Seward and
Castelar, are not often the most efficacious ; and the alchemy that could
condense Thiers or Bismarck or Frere Orban into a formula, as Bulwer's
French cook put the Prize Durham into a pomatum-pot, is a lost art.
History does not work with bottled essences, but with active combinations ;
compromise is the soul, if not the whole of politics. Occasional con-
formity is the nearest practical approach to orthodoxy, and progress is
along diagonals. Most of the maxims that have made the times since
1776 different from wliat went before are international. Criminal and
philanthropic and agrarian legislation is simultaneous in many countries ;
the Reform Bill was carried in the streets of Paris, and purchase fell
between Metz and Sedan. Pure dialectics and bilateral dogmas have less
control than custom and interest and prejudice. The German loves
abstractions and the Frenchman definitions, and they are averse from
whatever is inconsistent and illogical. But the earliest history which is
still read in Germany begins, * There was once a count ; ' and Ranke is
always concrete, seldom puzzling over predestination or the balance of
trade. Almost the only man who in France has succeeded with deductive
history is the Milanese Ferrari ; even the best historian of the revolution,
Sorel, has not carried out the dogmatic method, and Renan would be likely
to lose readers if he required them to understand the gnostics.

Nevertheless, the avoidance of a keen poHtical edge is a risk even to
the most dispassionate and conscientious of writers. He does not see
th^t in 1874 it would have been better not to dissolve before the budget ;.

1888 BE VIEWS OF BOOKS 809

he looks on the ballot as a medicine for corruption, il6t for the graver
evil of pressure which makes men vote against their conviction, and
always involves a lie ; and he does not clearly separate expenditure on
insurance and defence from expenditure on the means of aggression.
The danger to the student is that moral indifference in poUtical think-
ing which Leroy Beaulieu homoeopathically declares to be a very good
thing as well as a very bad one : Cette sorte de scepticisme, d'ath^isme
politique, est le grand peril, lagrande difficult^ de tousnos gouvernements,
et en mime temps e'en est le principal point d'appui : c'est a lafois le mal
et le remide du mal. Acton.

History of the Boers in South Africa. By George McCall Theal.
(London : Swan Sonnenschein & Co. 1888.)

Mr. Theal's work is an able and honest contribution to the history of the
South African states, and is valuable alike for the impartial and temper-
ate style of the writer and for the detailed list of authorities which he
appends to each chapter. The chief fault to be found is that he has not
sufficiently confined his attentions to the Boers. The first chapter, which
gives a skeleton account of the various tribes of South Africa, contains
much matter which seems irrelevant. We have, however, no heart to
quarrel with the author, for this matter is (unfortunately for the purpose
of the book) precisely that which will interest English readers most. It
is no summary by a tourist litterateur, but a careful piece of work deserv-
ing of the attention both of the general reader and even of the student of
early English history. For instance, Mr. Theal's account of the systems
of common law and land tenure, of ' commendation ' and ' vassalage,' pre-
vailing among the Bantu race might almost, mutatis mutandis, serve for a
rough sketch of Anglo-Saxon institutions.

Perhaps the most valuable part of Mr. Theal's book is his account of
the abolition of slavery in South Africa, and of the political action of
missionaries. He has here used to good purpose the letters of the Boers
as well as the reports of the missionaries.

It has been so loudly and so persistently stated that the Boers ' trekked '
owing to the abolition of slavery that we have come to regard it as matter
of history. But Mr. Theal brings forward some very strong facts on the
other side, maintaining that, in the majority of cases, it was not the
abolition of slavery, but the injustice and jobbery accompanying the
abohtion, which sent so many law-abiding and, in some cases, com-
paratively wealthy men into voluntary exile. ' At whose expense' (I
am quoting Mr. Theal) * was this generous act (the emancipation) carried
out ? Agents of the imperial government had appraised the slaves, gene-
rally at less than their market value. Two-fifths of this appraisement,
being the share apportioned to the Cape, . . . had been offered to the
proprietors as compensation, if they chose to go to London for it, other-
wise they could only dispose of their claims at a heavy discount. Thus
in point of fact only one- third of the appraised amount had been received.
To all slave-holders this meant a great reduction of wealth, while to many
of those who were in debt it was ' the utter deprivation of all property.' ^

* F. Lion Cachet in the De Worstclstrijd cler TransvaUrs says that the discount

810 . REVIEWS OF BOOKS Oct.

Equally irritating was the feeling which, whether well founded or not, was
widely prevalent, that England, though the mother- country, had definitely
constituted herself the advocate of the black as against the white man.
* We complain,' says P. Retief, ' one of the ablest men among them,' in
an official document, * of the unjustifiable odium which has been cast upon
us by interested and dishonest persons . . . whose testimony is believed
in England to the exclusion of all evidence in our favour.' The whole
document is instructive.

Still more interesting to English readers is the sketch of the action of
the missionaries — action which often gave evidence of zeal rather than of
judgment. Dr. van der Kemp, one of the most famous of the early mis-
sionaries, writes : ' It was not so easy to eradicate the inveterate prejudices
against our work among the heathen out of the stony hearts of more bar-
barous inhabitants.'' The publication of these words in 1828 was most
unfortunate. The language was at least injudicious and serves to explain
the want of sympathy between the Boers and the missionaries. Perhaps
Mr. Theal does not lay sufficient stress on some good work done by the
missionaries. Dr. van der Kemp, for example, has given us valuable in-
formation about the Kaffirs, and the labours of Moffat and others are well
known. No doubt what was matter of common knowledge did not need
to be retold.

It was in 1837 that the emigrant farmers entered Natal. Here they came
face to face with the most powerful of native tribes — the Zulus — and held
their own against tremendous odds. The Zulus had already learned to
organise ; the white man had advantage in his gun and his horse, of both
of which he was master. The story is an exciting one. No massacres
daunted the spirit of the emigrants, no superiority of numbers made
them shrink from the encounter ; and the final victory of the Boers is
marked by the chapter headed : ' Installation by Mr. Pretorius (the Boer
commandant-general) of Panda as King of the Zulus.' There may have
been bad men, there certainly were some heroes, among the Boers.

Less interesting is the history of England's dealings with Natal,
which was finally annexed in 1843. Both in Natal and the Orange Free
State the English government seized territory which had been made a fit
habitation for man by the labours and lifeblood of Boer emigrants, and
only claimed their subjects after the latter had acquired something worth
having.

In the case of the Orange Free State, however, the frontier men did
not yield without a blow, and the indecisive battle of Boomplaats, 1848,
was described by Sir Harry Smith, the Cape governor, who commanded
in person, as * one of the severest skirmishes which had ever been wit-
nessed.' We miss in Mr. Theal's account of this battle a most interest-
ing story about Sir Harry Smith told in the Cape Monthly Magazine some
nine years ago. If correct, it deserved to be retold ; if not, to be refuted.
Any way, it would have been worth the telling, though it is too long to be
inserted here. As in Natal, there were divided counsels in the Boer camp,
and there was no further bloodshed. The territory across the Orange

tvas so heavy in some cases that for a slave worth 6,000 gulden the owner only received
450 gulden from his agent.

4

A

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 811

river was annexed to the empire, but formally returned to the Boers by
the treaty of 1854, and the * Orange Free State ' was established.

The story of Moshesh includes that of the battle of Berea, which gave
at least a negative victory to Moshesh, but was used by that wily chief as
a basis for securing favourable terms. It is curious to contrast the history
of the Zulus and the Basutos ; the former have trusted to the strong arm,
the latter in the main to more peaceful counsels : needless to say, they
have been wise in their generation.

The narrative of the founding of the Transvaal — the South African
Kepublic — introduces us to the subject of Dr. Livingstone's relations with
the Boers. It is unfortunately true that the friends and biographers of
the great missionary have not adopted temperate language or a judicial
method in dealing with this question. What Mr. Theal teUs us is
thoroughly to the point. This, however, is not the place for pronouncing
a definite judgment.

Mr. Theal, deserves the warmest thanks of all who are interested in
South African history. We shall welcome further contributions from
his pen, and, if we might make a suggestion, it would be that he should
give us a fuller study than he has done of Tshaka, the Zulu Napoleon,
and Moshesh, the Basuto Ulysses, ' man of many wiles ' — men of striking
ability, whose subjects were destined to engage in fierce conflict with
both Boers and British. The materials for such a study are probably
very scanty, but the subject is an interesting one.

Alexander J. McGregor.

The Owens College, its Foundation and Growth, in connection with the
Victoria University, Manchester. By Joseph Thompson, (Man-
chester, 1886.)

This is a very complete history of Owens college from its first beginning
to its present position as part of the Victoria University. It is a most
instructive narrative, as showing the widespread influence of well-directed
charity and the value of working for an institution in its dark days, with
the hope of what it may at some time or other achieve. There is, as far
as we can see, no want of completeness in Mr. Thompson's story. If
anything, there is too sensitive a disposition to give full credit to every
one who can by possibility claim any credit. The book is a little too
much overladen with extracts from minutes of meetings and the some-
what cumbersome technicalities of English business. A valuable part of
the work is formed by the biographies of the men who have more closely
identified themselves with the development of the movement. John
Owens was a remarkable man, but the college owes its name and its
endowment to the advice of a friend who might have had the fortune which
endowed the college, for himself. The growth of the college has been
that of an organism. It developed slowly but steadily for twenty-one
years, taking into itself surrounding elements which it was able to as-
similate healthily. This gives the best hope for prosperity in the future.
An institution can hardly fail to succeed which has taken shape so much
from the needs which it aimed to satisfy. The book is handsomely
printed, is furnished with a wealth of tables and an excellent index.

812 REVIEWS OF BOOKS Oct.

Dr. G. P. Fisher's History of the Christian Church (New York :
Scribner. 1887) adds another to the number of text-books on a subject
where there are already many and where none are good. Yet Dr. Fisher's
is certainly amongst the best which have yet appeared in temper and
impartiality. It seems quite possible that American writers may make
important contributions to ecclesiastical history, because their aloofness
from controversies enables them to look upon the past without the
prejudice which attaches even to the best disposed European writer. Of
course impartiality has its drawbacks. An American who is free from
prejudice is also untouched by sentiment, and much of the essence of the
past of Christendom evaporates under his treatment. The plain and
practical view of matters has its advantage in pointing out the immediate
issues of a question ; but it often fails to appreciate motives, and to dis-
cern the influence of sentiments which were an essential part of the life
of men who defy a purely reasonable analysis. Still Dr. Fisher approaches
his work in a large and liberal spirit ; he has read carefully the best
modern authorities ; he has not taken a narrow view of his subject, nor
overlooked the political and social influence of the church, and his attempt
to trace the development of theological opinion is on the whole successful.
The most interesting part of the book, to an English reader, is the last
two hundred pages, in which the chief place is given to the religious history
of America, which culminates in the development of christian philanthropy
in the modern sense. The book ends with a hopeful forecast of an as-
sociation of all bodies of christians to form a society for doing good on a
christian basis.

Die Stellung Augustins in der Puhlicistih des Gregorianischen
Kirchenstreits ; von Carl Mirbt (Leipzig : Hinrich. 1888) is an elaborate
attempt to estimate the influence exercised by the writings of Augustine
in the great crisis of the eleventh century. For this purpose, Herr Mirbt
has analysed the plentiful literature of pamphlets to which the struggle
between Gregory VII and Henry IV gave rise, and he has collected the
passages in which Augustine is quoted by writers on both sides of the.
controversy. The general result is to prove that Augustine was well
known, better than any of the fathers except Gregory I, and that his.
conceptions of the church, the relations between church and state, the
validity of excommunication, and the nature of ordination were accepted
by all writers, though they were differently applied. The book is a useful
contribution towards an estimate of Augustine's influence on the history
of theological opinion, and, further, throws much light on what Herr Mirbt
calls the Publicistik of the eleventh century.

M. Thuasne in a handsome little book. Gentile Bellied et Sultan
Mohammed II (Paris : Leroux. 1888), has done his best to illustrate
Gentile Bellini's sojourn in Constantinople in 1479-80, and to trace what
is discoverable of his artistic activity during that period. Unfortunately,
Mohammed's son and successor, Bayazid II, being a strict Mussulman^
sold all his father's pictures in the bazaar. Many of them were lost, but
some found their way into the hands of European merchants. The most
important of these relics is the portrait of Mohammed II, now in the pos-

1888 REVIEWS OF BOOKS 813

session of Sir Henry Layard, a reproduction of which by photography
forms the frontispiece to M. Thuasne's work. From an historical point of
view the interest of the book hes in the use which M. Thuasne has made
of a manuscript in the Bibliotheque Nationale, ' Historia Turchesca di
Gio. Maria Angiollo schiavo et altri schiavi dall' anno 1429 sin' al 1513.'
Judging from the portrait of Mohammed II and some anecdotes about him
which M. Thuasne prints in his appendix, it would seem that this history
deserved to be published in extenso.

La SchiavitA in Boma dal secolo XVI al XIX, by Signor Bertolotti
(Rome : tip. delle Mantellate, 1887), is a collection of documents which
show that slavery, in some degree, existed in papal Rome till the begin-
ning of the present century. It is certainly remarkable to find that papal
authorisations for the sale and emancipation of slaves were issued as late as
1795 ; but Signor Bertolotti does not examine into the number of slaves
who existed in Rome, but confines himself to showing that the institution
of slavery was still recognised. Perhaps this is not so important a point
as he thinks. His evidence tends to show that it was reduced to very
narrow limits, and it may well have been the case that social conditions
rendered slavery the best way of dealing with Moorish captives, at all
events a method which did not loudly call for legislative abolition. His
evidence scarcely justifies the impassioned diatribe with which his pamphlet
closes.

We are glad to see that the Canadian Institute has decided to make
itself the vehicle for publishing information respecting the Indian peoples
of the Dominion, and has issued a circular asking for the results of any
observations which may furnish data respecting the political and social
institutions, the customs, beliefs, pursuits, modes of thought, habit,
exchange, the devolution of property and office, which obtain among the
Indians. It is much to be wished that this appeal may lead to the ac-
cumulation and codification of a mass of trustworthy evidence on the
subjects under inquiry, as the advance of European civilisation is rapidly
sweeping away much evidence of the highest importance for sociological
investigation.

In our review of Professor Loserth's edition of Wycliffe's treatise ' De Ecclesia '
(above p. 572) it was stated that the learned editor had mistaken the vigil of the
Purification for ' Whitsuntide.' The mistake was the reviewer's, since both dates occur
at different places in the manuscript. This correction, which is due to the scholarly
accuracy of Dr. Loserth, does not affect the criticism as to the year in which the
manuscript was written.

814

Oct

List of Historical Books receiitly pttblished

I. GENERAL HISTORY

(Including works relating to the allied branches of knowledge and works
of miscellaneous contents)

Adams (H. B.) The study of history in
American colleges and universities.
Pp. 299. Washington : Government
printing office.

AuBiGNE (Agrippa d'). Histoire univer-
selle, 6dit6e par M. A. de Euble pour la
Soci6te de I'histoire de France. II :
[1560-1568]. Pp.374. Paris : Laurens.
9f.

BouBDEAU (L.) L'histoire et les his-
toriens : essai critique sur I'histoire
consid6r6e comme science positive.
Paris : Alcan. 7-50 f.

DoLLiNGEE (I. von). Akademischc Vor-
trage. I. Pp. 427. Nordlingen : Beck.
7 m.

Ellinger (G.) Die antiken Quellen der
Staatslehre Machiavelli's. Pp. 62.
Tiibingen : Laupp. 1'50 m.

KuRTH (G.) Les origines de la civilisa-
tion moderne. Pp. 380, 390. Paris :
Laurens. 12mo. 7 f.

Kydd (S.) a sketch of the growth of
public opinion ; its influence on the
constitution and government. Pp. 84.
London : Stock. 2/.

Laurence -Archer (J. H.) Orders of
chivalry, compiled from the original
statutes of the various orders of knight-
hood, &c. Illustr. London : Allen.
4to. 63/.

Navarro (M.) & Berenguer (P. A.) Notas
de historia militar arregladas al pro-
grama formulado y aprobado por la
direccion de instruccion militar. Pp.
410, 389. Toledo : Fando. 4to. 18 pes.

Spiegel (F.) Die arische Periode und
ihre Zustande. Pp. 330. Leipzig :
Friedrich.

Stein (H.) Inventaire sommaire des
tables des periodiques historiques en
langue franpaise. Pp. 38. Leipzig :
Harrassowitz.

Teule (E. de). Chronologic des docteura
en droit civil de 1' university d' Avignon
[1303-1791]. Pp. 171. Paris: Le-
chevalier. 4 f.

Yesares Blanco (K.) Ensayos criticoa
sobre las tres edades de la historia :
I. Tiempos prehistoricos. Pp. 74.
Madrid : Gomez P6rez.

II. ORIENTAL HISTORY

Batavia. — Dagh-register gehouden int
casteel Batavia vant passerende daer
ter plaetse als over geheel Nederlandts-
India [1653]. Ed. by J. A. van der
Chijs. Pp.177. The Hague: Nijhoff.
2-50 fl.

Bokemeyer (H.) Die Molukken : Ge-
schichte und quellenmassige Darstel-
lung der Eroberung und Verwaltung der
ostindischen Gewiirzinseln durch die
Niederlander ; mit einem Anhang von
bisher ungedruckten Aktenstiicken.
Pp. 364, 139, map. Leipzig : Brock-
haus. 12 m.

Bretschneider (E.) MediflBval researches
from Eastern Asiatic sources: frag-
ments towards the knowledge of the
geography and history of central and
western Asia, from the 13th to the
17th century. 2 vol. Pp. 700. London :
Trubner. 21/.

Japan. — Gold- und Silber-Miinzen Japan's
bis auf die Neuzeit. Pp. 30, 9 plates.
Berlin : Weyl. 3 m.

JoNGE (J. K. J. de) De opkomst van het
Nederlandsch gezag in Ost-Indie ;
verzameling van onuitgegeven stukken
uit het oud-koloniaal archief bewerkt
door. XIII. Ed. by M. L. van Deventer.
Pp. 144, 551. The Hague: Nijhoff.
7-50 fl.

Lane-Poole (S.) & GiBB (E. J. W.)
Turkey. Pp. 386. London: Unwin.
5/.

MoNTERo Y Vidal (J.) Historia de la
pirateria malayo-mahometana en Min-
danao, J0I6, y Borneo. 2 vol. Pp. 783.
Madrid : Tello. 4to. 22 pes.

Beinach (T.)
80, illustr.
2-50 f.

Les monnaies juives. Pp.
Paris : Leroux. 18mo.

1888 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED 815

Sauvaire (H.) Mat^riaux pour servir a
I'histoire de la numismatique et de la
m6trologie musulmanes. Pp. 64. Paris :
Imp. nationale.

Strassmaier (J. N.) Babylonische Texte.
Inschriften von Nabonidus, Konig von
Babylon [555-538 v. Chr.], von den
Thontafeln des Britischen Museums

copirt und autographirt. Ill : No
541-807 [vom elften bis zum vierzehn-
ten Jahre der Regierungl. Leipzig :
Pfeiffer. 12 m.
Wiedemann (A.) Aegyptische Geschichte.
I. (Handbiicher der alten Geschichte.
Ser. I. 1.) With supplement. Gotha :
F. A. Perthes. 16 m.

III. GEEEK AND ROMAN HISTORY

Abraham (F.) Tiberius und Sejan. Pp.

18. Berlin : Gaertner. 4to. 1 m.
Amadori (C.) Roma sotto i patrizi : studi

monografici. Pp. 64. Alessandria:

Tasso.
Brunon. Eecherches sur le champ de

bataille de Zama. Pp. 23, map. Mont-

pellier : Boehm.
BoETTicHER (A.) Die Akropolis von

Athen, nach den Berichten der Alten

und der neuesten Erforschungen. Pp.

295, illustr. Berlin : Springer. 20 m.
BoNGHi (R.) Storia di Roma. II : Crono-

logia e fonti della storia romana. Pp.

710, 3 plates. Milan : Treves. 12 1.
Carle (G.) Le origini del diritto romano :

recostruzione storica dei concetti che

stanno a base del diritto pubblico e

private di Roma. Pp. 633. Turin:

Bocca. 12 1.
GuRTius (E.) Griechische Geschichte.

II : Bis zum Ende des peloponnesischen

Kriegs. 6th ed. corrected. Pp. 888,

map. Berlin : Weidmann. 10 m.
DioDORi bibliotheca historica; editionem

primam curavit I. Bekker, alteram L.

Dindorf, recognovit F. Vogel. I. Pp.

xcvi, 533. Leipzig : Teubner. 3*60 m.
Frontini (luli) Htrategematon libri IV,

ed. G. Gundermann. Pp. 176. Leipzig :

Teubner. 1*50 m.
Ghedini (P.) Sulle condizioni economiche

deir antica Roma : studio. Pp. 51.

Verona: Annichini.
Habel (P.) De pontificum Romanorum

inde ab August© usque ad Aurelianum

condicione publica. (Breslauer philo-

logische Abhandlungen, III, 1.) Pp.

100. Breslau : Koebner. 2 m.
Hermann (K. F.) Lehrbuch der grie-

chischen Antiquitaten, ed. by H.

Bliimner and W. Dittenberger. II, 2 :

Kriegsalterthiimer, by H. Droysen. I.

Pp. 184, plate. Freiburg : Mohr. 5 m.
HoFER (P.) Die Varusschlacht, ihr

Verlauf und ihr Schauplatz. Pp. 333,

map. Leipzig : Duncker & Humblot.

7-20 m.

Inscriptionum Latinarum, Corpus, con-
silio et auctoritate academisB litterarum
regiae Borussicse editum. XII : In-
scriptiones Galliae Narbonensis, ed O.
Hirschfeld. Pp. xxviii, 38 & 976, 3
maps. Berlin : Reimer. Fol. 90 m.

Ephemeris epigraphica : Corporis

inscriptionum Latinarum supple-
mentum, edita jussu instituti archaeo-
logici Romani cura T. Mommseni, I. B.
Rossii, 0. Hirschfeldi. VII, 1, 2 :
Additamenta altera ad corporis vol.
VIII., by J. Schmidt. Pp. 271, 2 maps.
Berlin : Reimer. 8 m.

Kruger (P.) Geschichte der Quellen und
Litteratur des romischen Rechts. (Bin-
ding's Systematisches Handbuch der
deutschen Rechtswissenschaft, I, 2.)
Pp. 395. Leipzig: Duncker & Hum-
blot. 9 m.

Megarische Inschriften. Ed. by F.
Bechtel. (Collitz and Bechtel's Samm-
lung der griechischen Dialekt-In-
schriften. Ill, 1.) Pp. 59. Gottingen :
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. 2-40 m.

Merkel (J.) Abhandlungen aus dem
Gebiete des romischen Rechts. Ill :
Ueber die Entstehung des romischen
Beamtengehaltes und iiber romische
Gerichtsgebiihren. Pp. 174. Halle :
Niemeyer. 4 m.

Metier (W.) Epistulae imperatorum
Romanorum ex collectione canonum
Avellana editse. I. Pp. 22. Gottingen :
Dieterich. 4to. 80 pf.

PoDSCHiwALOW (A. M.) Monuaies des
rois du Bosphore cimmerien ; dynasties
des Spartocides et des Ach6menides.
With 2 plates. Paris : Leroux. 4to.
8f.

Schmidt (M. C. P.) Zur Geschichte der
geographischen Litteratur bei Griechen
und Romern. Programm. Pp. 27.
Berlin: Gaertner. 4to.

Schneider (R.) Portus Itius. Pp. 19,
with map by A. Brecher. Berlin :
Gaertner. 4to. 1 m;

IV. ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY

Agathangelus und die Akten Gregors von

Armenien, neu herausgegeben von P.

de Lagarde. Pp. 163. Gottingen:

Dieterich. 4to. 7 m.
Arbeo's Vita Corbiniani in der urspriing-

lichen Fassung. Edited by S. Riezler.

Pp. 58. Munich : Franz. 4to. 1*70 m.

Arnold (C. F.) Die Neronische Christen-
verfolgung : eine kritische Unter-
suohung zur Geschichte der altesten
Kirche. Pp. 120, plate. Leipzig:
Richter. 4 m.

Balan (P.) Fra Paolo Sai-pi : note. Pp.
92. Venice: Cordelia. 50 cent.

816 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED Oct:

Beissel (S.) Geschichte der Trierer
Kirchen, ihrer Keliquien und Kunst-
schatze. I : Griindungsgeschichte.
Pp. 240, illustr. Treves : Paulinus-
Druckerei. 3-50 m.

Benedict's XIV. Briefe an den Canonicus
Pier Francesco Peggi in Bologna
[1 729-1758], nebst Benedicts Diarium
des Conclaves von 1 740, herausgegeben
von F. X. Kraus. Zweite Ausgabe ver-
mehrt mit Flaminio Scarselli's Bio-
graphic des Papstes und einer Biblio-
graphic seiner Werke. Pp. 308, por-
traits. Freiburg : Mohr. 8 m.

Chevalier (abb6 G.) Histoire de saint
Bernard, abbe de Ciairvaux. Pp. 413,
445. Bruges : DescUc & De Brouwer.
12 f.

Chirat (A.-H.) Sainte Catherine de
Sienne et I'Eglise au quatorzi^me si^cle.
Pp. 404. Paris : Delhomme & Bri-
guet. 6 f.

Dahmen (J.) Das Pontifikat Gregors II,
nach den Quellen bearbeitet. Pp. 120.
Diisseldorf : Schwann. 1.20 m.

DoRNETH (J. von). Martin Luther; sein
Leben und sein Wirken. II. Pp. 194.
Hanover : Schmorl & Seefeld. 2 m.

Doublet (abb6). Lemons d'histoire eccle-
siastique. II : L'6glise, de Constantin
a saint Gr^goire VII. Pp. 496. Paris :
Berche & Tralin. 3-50 f.

Franciscans. — Epistolae missionariorum
ordinis S. Francisci ex Frisia et Hol-
landia, ediderunt M. a Civetia et T.
Domenichelli. Pp. 403. Quaracchi :
typ. Coll s. Bonaventuree.

Garenfeld (V.) Die Trierer Bischofe
des vierten Jahrhunderts. Pp. 77.
Bonn : Behrendt. 1-20 m.

Kayser (K.) Placidus von Nanantula,
De honore ecclesias: ein Bcitrag zur
Geschichte des Investiturstreits. Pp.
65. Kiel : Universitats-Buchhandlung.
Im.

Jaffe (P.) Eegesta pontificum Eomano-
rum ab condita ecclesia ad annum post
Christum natum MCXCVIII. Ed. II,
correctam et auctam auspiciis G. Wat-
tenbachii curaverunt S. Loewenfeld, F.

Kaltenbrunner, P. Ewald. II. Pp.
823. Leipzig : Veit. 4to. Two volumes
complete 94 m.

Lea (H. C.) A history of the Inquisition
of the middle ages. II, III. London :
Sampson Low.

Le Couteulx (D. C.) Annales ordinis
Cartusiensis [1084-1429]. 2 vol.

Paris : Lechevalier. 4to. 50 f.

Lefranc (A.) La jeunesse de Calvin.
Paris : Fischbacher. 6 f.

L'HuiLLiER (dom A.) Vie de saint
Hugues, abb6 de Cluny [1024-1109].
Pp. 648, plates. Paris : Palm6. 12 f .

Livius (rev. T.) S. Peter, bishop of
Kome ; or the Eoman episcopate of the
prince of the apostles. Pp. 560. Lon-
don : Burns & Gates.

Marcks (J. F.) Die politisch-kirchliche
Wirksamkeit des Erzbischofs Agobard
von Lyon, mit besonderer Kiicksicht
auf seine schriftstellerische Thatigkeit.
Pp. 43. Leipzig : Fock. 4to. 1 m.

NuRNBERGER (Dr.) Aus dcr litterarischen
Hinterlassenschaft des heiligen Boni-
fatius und des heiligen Burchardus,
Pp. 48. Neisse : Graveur. 1 m.

EoTERT (F.) Bischof Eeinkens und seine
Heifer : ein Beitrag zur inneren Ge-
schichte des Altkatholizismus, grossten
Teils aus dem Nachlasse des Altkatho-
lischen Boten. Pp. 218. Leipzig :
Bust. 3 m.

ScHULTE (J. F. von). Der Altkatholicis-
mus : Geschichte seiner Entwickelung,
inneren Gestaltung, und rechtlichen
Stellung in Deutschland. Pp. 683.
Giessen : Eoth,

Sturmhoefel (K.) Gerhoh von Eeichers-
berg iiber die Sittenzustande der zeit-
genossischen Geistlichkeit. II. Pp.
44. Leipzig : Hinrichs. 4to. 1*60
m.

Werckshagen (C.) Luther und Hutten :
eine historische Studie iiber das Ver-
haltnis Luthers zum Humanismus in
den Jahren 1518-1520 ; mit einem
Vorwort von W. Bender. Pp. 94.
Wittenberg : Herros6. 1-50 m.

V. MEDIEVAL HISTOEY

Capitulaires carolingiens, Choix de, r6-
imprim6s d'apr^s I'^dition et avec les
notes de M. A. Boretius. Pp. 44. Paris :
Picard. 3 fr.

Chevalier (abb6 U.) E^pertoire des sour-
ces historiques du moyen kge : Bio-
bibliographie. Supplement. Pp. 2374-
2846. Paris : Palme. 4to. 10 f .

Desimoni (G. C) Guglielmo Embriaco
alia prima crociata. Pp. 24. Genoa :
tip. deir Istituto Sordomuti.

DuRRiEU (P.) Jean sans Peur, due de
Bourgogne, lieutenant et procureur
g6n6ral du diable es parties d'Occident.
Pp. 36. Nogent-le-Eotrou : Daupeley-
Gouverneur.

Gasquet (A.) Etudes byzantines: I'em-

pire byzantin et la monarchic franque.

Paris : Hachette. 10 f.
Grece, Documents inedits relatifs k I'his-

toire de la, au moyen age. Edited by C.

N. Sathas. VII. Pp. Ixvii, 302. Paris :

Maisonneuve. 4to. 20 f.
Kugler (B. von). Analekten zur Kritik

Alberts von Aachen. Pp. 34. Tii-

bingen : Fues. 4to. 1 m.
MiJNTz (E.) Etudes iconographiques et

arch^ologiques sur le moyen age. I.

Pp. 179. Paris : Leroux. 12mo. 5 f,
NuTT (A.) Studies on the legend of the

Holy Grail, with especial reference to

1888 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED 817

the hypothesis of its Celtic origin. Pp.
281. London : Nutt.

Phobopoulos (L.) Elpiju-n fi 'Adrfvaia, avro-
Kpa.Teia'Pci}fjt.alwv [y6g-8o2]. Meposa': [769
-788]. McT^ elaraywyTJs irepi tS>v troKi-
riKuv (Tvveirelup rrjs eiKovo/JLaxias [726-
775]- Pp- 60. Leipzig : Stauffer.

Prou (M.) Etudes sur les relations
politiques du pape Urbain V avec
les rois de France Jean II et Charles V.
[1362-1370]. (Biblioth^que de I'Ecole
des Hautes Etudes, LXXVI.) Paris:
6 f.

Sebensen (S. K.) Araberne og deres
kultur i middelalderen. Pp. 196. Co-
penhagen : Hest. 2-50 kr.

SoMMEBFELDT (G.) Die Eomfahrt Kaiser
Heinrichs VII [1310-1313]. I. Mit
Exkurs : Die beiden Speierer Keich stage
der Jahre 1309-1310. Pp.57. Konigs-
berg : Grafe & Unzer. 1-20 m.

Stebnfeld (K.) Karl von Anjou als
Graf der Provence [1245- 1265]. (Jas-
trow's Historische Untersuchungen, X.)
Pp. 337, 2 maps. Berlin: Gaertner.
9 m.

VI. MODERN HISTORY

Bigelow (J.) France and the confederate
navy [1862-1868] : an international epi-
sode. London : Sampson Low. 7/6.

Bois (M.) Guerre franco-allemande de
1870-1871 ; la defense nationale.
5 maps. Paris : Dentu. 6 f.

Buxton (S.) Finance and politics : an
historical study [1783- 1885]. 2 vol.
Pp. 785. London : Murray." 26/.

Galloway (W.) The battle of Tofrek,
fought near Suakin [March 22, 1885]
under major-general sir J. C. McNeill.
Maps and plans. London: W.H.Allen.
4to. 21/.

GuiLLON (E.) La France et I'lrlande pen-
dant la revolution ; Hoche et Humbert
d'apr^s les documents in6dits des ar-
chives de France et de I'lrlande. Paris :
Colin. 12mo. 3'50 f.

HuYGENS (C), de zoon. Journalen. Ill:
Voyage de Cell [1680], Journaal [1682],
Reisjournaal [1649-1650]. (Werken van
het Historisch Genootschap gevestigd
te Utrecht. N.S. XLVI.) Pp. 162.
Utrecht: Kemink. 2-20 fl.

Kebvyn de Lettenhove (baron). Rela-
tions politiques des Pays-Bas et de
r Angleterre sous le r^gne de Philippe II,
publi6es par. VI : Gouvernement du
due d'Alba. II: [1570-1573] (Col-
lection de documents in^dits relatifs a
I'histoire de Belgique.) Brussels :
Hayez. 4to.

Lane-Poole (S.) Life of Stratford Can-
ning, viscount Stratford de Eedcliffe,
from his memoirs and private and
official papers. 2 vol. Pp. xxx. 519, 475,
portraits. London : Longmans. 36/.

Lehautcoubt (P.) Les expeditions fran-
<?aises au Tonkin. I. Pp. 548, plates.
Paris : Au ' Spectateur militaire.' 8 f.

Maguibe (T. M.) Summary of modern

military history. Pp. 268. Dublin:
McGee. 6'.

Malleson (colonel G. B.) Prince Eugene
of Savoy. Portrait and maps. London:
Chapman & Hall. 6/.

Mitlleb (W.) Politische Geschichte der
Gegenwart. XXI: Das Jahr 1887.
Pp. 316. Berlin : Springer. 4 m.

PiGAFETTA (V.) Premier voyage autour du
monde sur I'escadre de Magellan [1519-
1522] ; d^couverte du d6troit de Le
Maire [1615-1617]. Paris: Dela-
grave. 16mo. 1 f.

EiMiNi (baron de), Memoirs of. Pp. 320.
London : Remingtons. 12/.

Savoy.— Relazioni diplomatiche della
monarchia di Savoia dalla prima alia
seconda ristorazione [1559-1814].
Edited by A. Manno, E. Ferrero, and
P. Vayra. Francia : periodo III, vol.
ii. [1715-1717]. Pp.473. Turin :Bocca.

Stoebk (F.) Nouveau r6cueil g^n^ral de
trait^s et autres actes relatifs aux rap-
ports de droit international. Continua-
tion du grand recueil de G. F. de
Martens. 2« s6rie, XIII, 1. Pp. 260.
Gottingen : Dieterich. 11 m.

Stoffella d'Alta Rupe (E.) Abr^g^ de
I'histoire diplomatique de I'Europe k
partir de la paix de Westphalie jusqu'^
nos jours. Pp. 340. Vienna : Seidel.
10 m.

Taneba (Hauptmann C.) Die Schlachten
von Beaumont und Sedan. (Der Krieg
von 1870-71 dargestellt von Mitkam-
pfern. III.) Pp. 235, map. Nordlingen :
Beck. 2 m.

Tonkin, L' affaire du: histoire diploma-
tique de l'6tablissement de notre pro-
tectorat sur I'Annam et de notre con-
flit avec la Chine [1882-1885], par un
diplomate. Paris : Hetzel. 7'60 f.

VII. FRENCH HISTORY

Babeau (A.) La France et Paris sous le
directoire : lettres d'une voyageuse
anglaise, suivies d'extraits des lettres
de Swinburne [i 796-1 797], traduites
et annot^es. Paris : Didot. 12mo.
3-50 f.

Balincoubt (E. de). Daniel Bargeton,
avocat au parlement [1678-1757],
d'apres sa correspondance et des docu-

VOL. III. — NO. XII.

ments in6dits extraits des archives du
chateau de Cabri^res. Pp. 40. Nlmes :
Chastanier.

Beaune, Deux relations in^dites de la
prise de, [1595], suivies de notes 6gale-
ment incites sur la Ligue en Bourgogne
et de deux autres relations peu connues.
Pp. 88. Beaune : Devis.

Beaubepaibe (C. de). Nouveau recueil

3g

818 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED Oct.

de notes historiques et archeologiques
concernant le departement de la Seine-
Inferieure et plus specialement la ville
de Kouen. Pp. 420, plates. Kouen :
M6t6rie. 12 f.

Bertin (G.) Madame de Lamballe,
d'apr^s des documents in^dits. Por-
trait. Paris : Bureaux de la ' Revue
Eetrospective.' 10 f.

Cadier (L.) Les etats de B6arn depuis
leurs origines jusqu'au commencement
du seizi^me si^cle : etude sur I'histoire
et Tadministration d'un pays d'^tats.
Pp. 489. Paris : Picard. 10 f.

Chknon (E.) Etude sur I'histoire des
alleux en France, avec une carte des

, pays allodiaux. Pp. 246. Paris: La-
rose & Forcel. 7 f.

CoMMissAiRE (S.) M6moires [1834-1871].
2 vol. Pp. 412, 414. Lyons : Meton.
18mo. 6 f.

CuRzoN (H. de). La maison du Temple
de Paris : histoire et description. 2
plates. Paris : Hachette. 7*50 f.

Delaborde (H. F.) L'expedition de
Charles VIII en Italie : histoire diplo-
matique et militaire. Pp. 699, illustr.
Paris : Firmin-Didot. 30 f .

Delpoux (P.) Histoire de la grande
revolution. I : La vieille France.
Pp. 40. Marseilles : Barlatier.

Deramecourt (abb6 A.) Le clerge du
diocese d'Arras, Boulogne, et Saint-
Omer pendant la Revolution [1789-
1802]. IV: La derni^re persecution;
la restauration du culte. Pp. 588.
Paris : Bray & Retaux. 6 f.

Duchateau (abb6). Histoire du diocese
d'0rl6ans depuis son origine jusqu'a
nos jours. Pp. 544, illustr. Orleans :
Herluison. 8 f.

Estoile (P. de 1'). Memoires-Journaux
de, publics par MM. Brunet, Cham-
pollion, Halphen, Lacroix, Ch. Read,
&c. Edition conforme aux manuscrits
originaux et suivie d'une 6tude biogra-
phique et d'une table, par P. Bonnefon.
I: Journal de Henri III [1574-1580].
Paris : Lemerre. 6 f .

Falloux (comte de). M6moires d'un
royaliste. Pp. 600, 594, illustr. Paris :
Perrin. 16 f.

Font-Reaulx (H. de). Le cardinal de
Richelieu et Louis XIII. Pp. 224.
Lille : Lefort. 1-50 f.

Froissart (J.) Chroniques. VIII : De-
puis le combat de Pontvallain jusqu'a
la prise d'Ardres et d'Audruicq [1370-
1377]- I ' Sommaire et commentaire
critique, par S. Luce. II : Texte et
variantes par G. Raynaud. Pp. 169,
337. Paris : Laurens. 18 f.

Froitzheim (J.) Zu Strassburgs Sturm-
und Drangperiode [1770-1776] : ur-
kundliche Forschungen, nebst einem
ungedruckten Briefwechsel. (Beitrage
zur Landes- und Volkeskunde von El-
sass-Lothringen, VII.) Pp. 88. Strass-
burg : Heitz. 2 m.

Gachon (P.) Les 6tats de Languedoc et
I'edit de Beziers [1632]. Paris : Ha-
chette. 7-50 f.

Gaffarkl (P.) Campagnes du consulat
et de I'empire : p6riode des succes
[1800-1807]. Pp. 319, illustr. Paris:
Hachette. 2-60 f.

Gazeau de Vautibault. Les d'0rl6ans
au tribunal de I'histoire. II : Le regent
[1674-1723] ; la r^gence ; Orleans-
Sainte-Genevi^ve [1703-1752]. Ill:
Philippe-Louis d'Orl^ans, dit le Gros-
Philippe [1725-1785] ; Philippe-Ega-
lite [1 747- 1 793], sa vie avant la revo-
lution. Paris : J. Levy. 12mo. 3-50 f.

Hkricault (C. d'). Histoire anecdotique
de la France. II : Le moyen ^ge. Pp.
493, illustr. Paris : Bloud & Barral.
5f.

JuRiEN DE LA Graviere (vice-amiral).
Les gloires maritimes de la France :
I'amiral Baudin. 7 maps. Paris :
Plon. 18mo. 4 f.

La Borderie (A. de). Histoire de Bre-
tagne : critique des sources. I : Les
trois vies anciennes de saint Tudual.
Texte latin et commentaire historique.
Pp. 135. Paris : Champion. 3-50 f.

Langlois (C. V.) Textes relatifs a I'his-
toire du parlement depuis les origines
jusqu'en 13 14. (Collection de textes
pour servir a retude et al'enseignement
de I'histoire, V.) Paris : A. Picard.
6-50 f.

Le Mene (J. M.) Histoire du diocese de
Vannes. I. 98 illustr. Paris : Le-
chevalier. 8 f.

Leroux (A.) Nouveaux documents his-
toriques sur la Marche et le Limousin.
(Leroux & Fage's Archives historiques
de la Marche et du Limousin, I.)
Paris : Lechevalier. 7*50 f.

Inventaire-sommaire des archives

departementales du departement de
la Haute-Vienne. Serie H. Supplement.
Pp. 309. Limoges : Gely. 4to. 15f .

Mavidal (J.) & Laurent (E.) Archives
parlementaires de 1787 a i860. Recueil
complet des debats l^gislatifs et politi-
ques des chambres frangaises. 1"
serie [1787 k 1799]. XXIX: [du 29
juillet au 27 aout 1791J. Pp. 799.
Paris : Dupont. 20 f.

2« serie [1800 a i860]. LXVII : [du

19 fevrier au 22 mars 1831]. Pp. 808.

20 f.

MoNCEAUx (P.) Le grand temple du
Puy-de-D6me ; le Mercure gaulois et
I'histoire des Arvernes. Pp. 110.
Nogent-le-Rotrou : Daupeley-Gouver-
neur.

Planiol (M.) L'assise au comte Geffroi :
etude sur les successions feodales en
Bretagne. Pp. 106. Paris : Larose &
Forcel. 3 f.

Petit (J. A.) Histoire contemporaine de
la France. XI: Republique de 1848.
Pp. 516. Paris : Palme. 6 f.

Port (C.) La Vend6e angevine : Les

1888 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED 819

origines; I'insurrection [Janvier 1789-
31 mars 1793], d'apr^s des documents
in6dits. 2 vol. Paris : Hachette. 15 f.

Roche-Skvre (J. de). Les derniers jours
de Barbe-Bleue (Gilles de Rais). Pp.
366. Nantes : Grimaud. 18mo. 3*50 f.

Saint-Quentin, Archives anciennes de la
ville de, publi^es par E. Lemaire et
prec6d6es d'une 6tude sur les origines
de la commune de Saint-Quentin par
A Giry. I: [1076-1328]. Illustr. Paris:
Champion. 4to. 35 f.

Tesse (marechal de). Lettres a madame
la duchesse de Bourgogne, madame la
princesse des Ursins, Madame de Main-
tenonj etc., publiees par le comte de
Rambuteau. Paris : C. L6vy. 7*50 f.

ViLLELE (comte de). Memoires et corres-
pondance. II. Paris : Perrin. 7*50 f.

VissAc (M. de). Chronique de la Ligue

dans la Basse-Auvergne. Paris : Le-

chevalier. 12mo. 6 f .
Weill (A.) Histoire v6ridique et vecue

de la revolution de 1848, depuis le 24

f6vrier jusqu'au 10 decembre, sur des

notes prises au jour le jour. Pp. 200.

Paris : Dentu. 18mo. 3 f.
Welschinger (H.) Le due d'Enghien

[1772-1804I. ^Paris: Plon. 8 f.
Welvert (E.) Etude critique de quelques

textes relatifs a la vie secrete de Louis

XV. Pp. 12. Nogent - le - Rotrou :

Daupeley-Gouverneur.
Zeller (B.) La fin de Henri IV; le

grand dessein [i 604-1 610]. Illustr.

Paris : Hachette. 32mo. 50 c.
Zeller (B.) & Luchaire (A.) Louis XI

et son gouvernement [1461-1483J.

Illustr. Paris : Hachette. 18mo.

50 c.

VIII. GEEMAN HISTORY

(Including Austria-Hungary)

Arneth {A., Ritter von). Maria Theresia.
Pp. 85. Leipzig : Duncker & Humblot.
1 m.

Bielfeld (H.) Geschichte des magde-
burgischen Steuerwesen von der Re-
formationszeit bis ins achtzehnte Jahr-
hundert. (Schmoller's Staats- und social-
\vissenschaftlicheForschungen,VIII,l).
Pp. 196. Leipzig : Duncker & Hum-
blot. 4-60 m..

Binhack (F.) Die Markgrafen im Nordgau,
als Einleitung zur Geschichte des

, Cisterzienserstiftes Waldsassen nach
handschriftlichen Quellen bearbeitet.
Pp. 28. Amberg : Habbel. 50 pf.

Bod (Petrus). Historia Hungarorum
ecclesiastica, inde ab exordio Novi
Testament! ad nostra usque tempora.
Ed. L. W. E. Rauwenhoff & C. Czalay.
I, 1, 2. Pp. 477. Leyden : Brill. 6 fl.

Braun (J. W.) Luise Konigin von
Preussen in ihren Briefen. Pp. 194.
Berlin : Hentze. 5 m.

BucHHOLz (G.) Ekkehard von Aura :
Untersuchungen zur deutschen Reichs-
geschichte unter Heinrich IV und
Heinrich V. I. Pp. 275. Leipzig:
Duncker & Humblot. 6 m.

Caesarius von Heisterbach, Wunderbare
und merkwiirdige Geschichten aus den
Werken des ; ausgewahlt, iibersetzt, und
erlautert von A. Kaufmann. I. (Annalen
des historischen Vereins fiir den Nie-
derrhein, XL VII.) Pp. 230. Cologne :
Boisser^e. 4 m.

Cologne. — Das Judenschreinbuch der
Laurenzpfarre zu Koln, unter Mitwir-
kung von M. Stern herausgegeben von
R. Hoeniger. Berlin : L. Simson.

Cronthal (M.) Die Stadt Wiirzburg im
Bauernkriege. Nebst einem Anhang:
Geschichte des Kitzinger Bauernkriegs
von Hieronymus Hammer, Burger von
Kitzingen. Ed. by M. Wieland. Pp.
182. Wiirzburg : Woerl. 3 m.

Dahn (F.) Geschichte der deutschen Ur-
zeit. (Geschichte der europaischen
Staaten.) I. With index. Gotha:
F. A. Perthes. 29 m.

Dreher (T.) Das Tagebuch iiber Fried-
rich von Hohenzollern, Bischof von
Augsburg [i486- 1 505], historisch erlau-
tert und zum Lebensbilde erweitert.
Pp. 252. Freiburg im Breisgau : Herder.
3 m.

Falkson (F.) Die liberale Bewegung in
Konigsberg [1840-1848] : Memoiren
blatter. Pp. 202. Breslau: Schott-
lander. 2 m.

GiESEBRECHT (W. von). Geschichtc der
deutschen Kaiserzeit. V, 2 : Fried -
rich I. Kampfe gegen Alexander III,
den Lombardenbund, und Heinrich den
Lowen. Pp. 447-979. Leipzig :
Duncker & Humblot. 11 m.

GuTSCHE (0.) Deutsche Geschichte von
der Urzeit bis zu den Karohngern.
Pp. 160. Stuttgart : Cotta. 2 m.

Hayn (K.) Ritter Hilger Quattormart
von der Stessen : ein Beitrag zur
Familien- und Stadtgeschichte Kolnsim
vierzehnten Jahrhundert. (Lindner's
Miinsterische Beitrage zur Geschichts-
forschung, XII.) Pp. 86. Paderborn :
Schoningh. 2 m.

Jena, Urkundenbuch der Stadt, und ihrer
geistlichen Anstalten. I: [i 182-1405].
Ed. by J. E. A. Martin. . (Thiiringische
Geschichtsquellen, VI, 1.) Pp. 649.
Jena : Fischer.

Jungfer (J.) Die schwedischen und
brandenburgischen Kriegsdienste Land-
graf Friedrichs von Homburg. Pp. 22.
Berlin : Gaertner. 1 m.

Keintzel (G.) Ueber die Herkunft der
Siebenbiirger Sachsen. Pp. 52. Her-
mannstadt : Michaelis. 4to. 80 pf.

Koch (H. H.) Die Reformation im Her-
zogthum Julich. I, II. Pp. 112.
Frankfurt : Foesser. 1-75 m.

3 G 2

820 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED Oct.

KoHLER (J.) Beitrage zur germanischen
Privatrechts-Geschichte. III. Zur
Geschichte des Kechts in Aleman-
nien, insbesondere das Kecht von
Kadelburg. Pp. 44. Wiirzburg :
Stahel. 1-80 m.

KosTLiN (D. J.) Die Baccalaurei und
Magistri der Wittenberger philoso-
phischen Fakultat [i 503-15 17], aus
der Fakultatsmatrikel veroffentlicht.
Pp. 29. Halle. (Programm.)

Lempens (C.) Geschichte der Stadt
Elberfeld von den altesten Zeiten bis
in die Gegenwart. Pp. 88, 2 plates.
Elberfeld : Loewenstein. 1-50 m.

Lindner (T.) Die Verne. Pp. 692.
Paderborn : Schoningh. 12 m.

Malleson (colonel G. B.) Life of prince
Metternich. Pp. 217. London : Allen.
2/6.

Manitius (M.) Deutsche Geschichte
unter den sachsischen und salischen
Kaisern. Pp. 320. Stuttgart : Cotta.
4 m.

Marburg. — Catalogus studiosorum scholae
Marpurgensis. Ed. J. Caesar, IV :
[1605-1628J. Pp. 204. Marburg :
Elwert. 4to. 7-50 m.

Mehlis (C.) Studien zur altesten Ge-
schichte der Kheinlande. X. Pp. 113,
4 plates. Leipzig : Duncker & Hum-
blot. 3 m.

Mell (A.) Die historische und territo-
riale Entwicklung Krains vom zehnten
bis ins dreizehnte Jahrhundert, quel-
lenmassig dargestellt. Pp. 136. Graz :
Styria. 2 m.

Meyer (M.) Geschichte der preussischen
Handwerkerpolitik. II : Die Hand-
werkerpolitik Konig Friedrich Wil-
helm's I [1 7 1 3-1 740]. Pp. 394. Min-
den : Bruns. 10 m.

Muhlbacher (E.) Deutsche Geschichte
unter den Karolingern. Pp. 160.
Stuttgart : Cotta. 2 m.

Mullenhofp (K.) Deutsche Altertums-
kunde. II. Pp. 407, maps. Berlin :
Weidmann. 4 m.

Peyre (X.) Les Brandebourg ou la
Prusse, son origine et ses Evolutions:
lettres d'un ancien page de cour a
Guillaume I^', empereur d'AUemagne.
Pp. 290. Montpellier : Hamelin. 18mo.

Pfister (major A.) Konig Friedrich von
Wiirttemberg und seine Zeit. Pp. 381,
portraits. Stuttgart : Kohlhammer.
6 m.

Philippi (F.) Das westfalische Veme-
gericht und seine Stellung in der
deutschen Kechtsgeschichte. Pp. 20.
Stettin : Herrcke & Lebeling. 60 pf.

Pichler (F.) Virunum. Pp. 294, with
atlas of 48 plates in 4to. Graz:
Leuschner & Lubensky. 12 m.

KiCHTER (A.) Der Keichstag zu Niirn-
berg [1524], nach den gedruckten
Quellen und mit Benutzung von Archi-
valien dargestellt. Pp. 134. Leipzig :
Fock. 1-80 m.

Salis-Mabschlins (M. von). Agnes von
Poitou, Kaiserin von Deutschland : eine
historisch-kritisch-psychologische Ab-
handlung. Pp. 91. Ziirich : Ru-
dolphi & Klemm.

ScHOBER (K.) Quellenbuch zur Ge-
schichte der osterreichisch-ungarischen
Monarchic. II : Der Zeitraum von
1246 bis zum Tode Friedrichs III. Aus
den Quellen zusammengestellt und mit
Uebersetzungen sowie mit erlauternden
Noten versehen. Pp. 360. Vienna :
Holder. 4 m.

VocHEZER (J.) Geschichte des fiirstlichen
Hauses Waldburg in Schwaben. I.
Pp. 994, plates. Kempten : Kosel.
15 m.

Wackenrode's (Christoph Benjamin) Cor-
pus bonorum des Magistrats der konig-
lichen Residenzien Berlin [1771]. Ed. by
F. Brose. (Schriften des Vereins fiir die
Geschichte Berlins, XXIV.) Pp. 160.
Berlin : Mittler. 3 m.

Waddington (A.) L 'acquisition de la
couronne royale de Prusse par les Ho-
henzollern. (Biblioth^que de la faculty
des lettres de Lyon, IX.) Paris : Le-
roux. 7*50 f.

Wedel (H. F. p. von). Urkundenbuch
zur Geschichte der [Graf en und Herren
von Wedel. II : Die Herren von Wedel
im Markischen Lande iiber der Oder,
im Herzogthum Pommern, und im
Bisthum Camin [1269-1348J. I :
[1269-1323]. Pp. 108. Leipzig : Her-
mann. 12 m.

Weerth (0.) Die Grafschaft Lippe und
der siebenjahrige Krieg. Pp. 191.
Detmold : Hinrichs. 2 m.

Weiss (F. G. A.) Chronik der Stadt
Breslau von der altesten bis zur neues-
ten Zeit. Pp. 1185, illustr. Breslau :
Woywod. 13-50 m.

Werdensteiner Chronik, Die : eine
Quelle zur Geschichte des Bauern-
krieges in Allgau. Ed. by F. L, Bau-
mann. Pp. 36. Kempten : Kosel. 1 m.

Westfalischen Siegel des Mittelalters,
Die. II, 2. Ed. by G. Tumbiill. Pp.
48, 23 ; 35 plates. Miinster : Eegens-
berg. Folio. 15 m.

Wolf (G.) Zur Geschichte der deutschen
Protestanten [1555-1559.] Nebst ar-
chivalischen Beilagen. Pp.473. Berlin:
Seehagen. 8 m.

WoLFSGRUBER (C.) Die Kaisergruft bei
den Kapuzinern in Wien. Pp. 366,
illustr. Vienna : Holder. 7 m.

WoRMSTALL (J.) Uebcr die Chamaver,
Brukterer, und Angrivarier, mit Eiick-
sicht auf den Ursprung der Franken
und Sachsen : neue Studien zur Ger-
mania des Tacitus. Pp. 24. Miinster :
Coppenrath. 1 m.

ZwiEDENECK-SiJDENHORST (H. VOn). Dcut-

sche Geschichte im Zeitraum der
Griindung des preussischen Konig-
thums. Pp. 320. Stuttgart: Cotta.
4 m.

1888 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED 821

IX. HISTOKY OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND

Chalumeau (abb6). Etude sur Marie
Stuart. Pp. 51. Nice : Cauvin-Em-
pereur.

Belmore (earl of). Parliamentary me-
moirs of Eermanagh and Tyrone [1613-
1885]. Pp.366. Dublin: Thorn. 10/6.

Eastebby (W.) The history of the law of
tithes in England. Pp. 126. Cam-
bridge : University press. 7/6.

Edward III. (king), Year-books of the
reign of. XIV. Edited and translated
by L. 0. Pike. London: PubHshed
under the direction of the master of
the rolls. 10/.

Franqtjeville (comte de). Le gouverne-
ment et le parlement britanniques.
Ill : La procedure parlementaire. Pp.
576. Paris: Eothschild.

Hamilton (J. A.) Life of Daniel O'Con-
nell. Pp. 224. London: Allen. 2/6.

Hassencamp (E.) The history of Ireland
from the reformation to the union.
Translated from the German by E. A.
Kobinson. Pp. 354. London: Son-
nenschein. 9/.

Heanley (rev. K. M.) Memoir of Edward
Steere, third missionary bishop in cen-
tral Africa. Pp. 452. London: Bell
& Sons. 8/6.

Henry VIII, Calendar of letters and
papers, foreign and domestic, of the
reign of. Arranged by J. Gairdner.
XI. London: Published under the
direction of the master of the rolls. 15/.

Historical Manuscripts Commission.
11th report. Appendix V : Earl of
Dartmouth's MSS : H.M. Stationery
office. 2/8.

HosACK (John). Mary Stuart: a brief state-
ment of the principal charges which
have been brought against her, toge-
ther with answers to the same. Pp. 94.
8vo. London : Blackwood. 2/6.

HosMER (J. K.) Young sir Harry Vane.
Pp. 500. London : Sampson Low.
18/.

Hutchinson (John Hely). The commercial
restraints of Ireland considered in a
series of letters to a noble lord, contain-
ing an historical account of the affairs
of that kingdom [Dublin, 1779]. Ke-
edited, with a sketch of the author's
life, notes, &c., by W. G. Carroll.
Pp. 300. Dublin : Gill. 1/6.

McClure (rev. E.) A chapter in English
church history; being the minutes of
the Society for promoting Christian
Knowledge [1698- 1704], together with
abstracts of correspondents' letters.
Pp. 376. London : S. P. C. K. 5/.

MuLLiNGER (J. Bass). History of the
university of Cambridge. London :
Longmans. 2/6.

Osborne (Dorothy). Letters to sir Wil-
liam Temple [1652- 1654]. Pp. 326.
London : Griffith & Farran. 21/.

Eeid (T. W.) Life of W. E. Forster. 2
vol. Pp. 1154. London : Chapman
& Hall. 32/.

Scott (J.) Berwick-upon-Tweed: the
history of the town and guild. Pp. 495.
London : Stock. 4to.

Stephen (Leslie). Dictionary of national
biography. XVI : Drant-Edridge.
London : Smith & Elder. 15/.

X. ITALIAN HISTORY

(Including Monaco)

AvoLio (C.) La schiavitu domestica in
Sicilia nel secolo sestodecimo. Pp. 29.
Florence : tip. Cooperativa.

Baggiolini (E.) Lo studio generale di
Vercelli nel medio evo. Pp. 141. Ver-
celli : G. B. dell' Erra.

Beccaria (G.) La regina Bianca [di Na-
varraj in Sicilia : prospetto critico. Pa-
lermo : Vena. Pp. 140. 4 1.

Beltrami (L.) Aristotele da Bologna al
servizio del ducadi Milano [1458 -1464] :
documenti inediti. Pp. 38. Milan :
tip. A. Colombo & A. Cordani.

Bologna. — Statuti delle universita e dei
collegi dello studio bolognese. Edited
by C. Malagola. Pp. xxiv, 524. Bo-
logna : Zanichelli. Fol.

Brambilla (C.) Tremisse di Eotari, re
dei Longobardi, nel museo civico di
Brescia ; ducato pavese o fiorino d' oro
di Filippo Maria Visconti, conte di Pa-
via. Pp. 32. Pavia : Fusi.

Calvi (F.) Bianca Maria Sforza- Vis-
conti regina dei Eomani, imperatrice

germanica, e gli ambasciatori di Lodo-
vico il Moro alia corte Cesarea, secondo
nuovi documenti. Pp. 180. Milan :
Vallardi. 3 1.

Campori (G.) & Solerti (A.) Luigi, Lu-
crezia, e Leonora d'Este : studi. Pp.
211. Turin : Loescher. 6 1.

Cassani (G.) Dell antico studio di Bo-
logna e sua origine. Pp. 315. Bo-
logna : Eegia tip. 5 1.

Chroust (A.) Untersuchungen iiber die
langobardischen Konigs- und Herzogs-
Urkunden. Pp. 212. Graz : Styria.
4 m.

Clerico (C, G.) Un po' di storia religiosa-
civile eporediese in diciannove tavole
cronologiche. Pp. 43. Ivrea : tip.
Tomatis. 4to.

Colloredo, Capitoli e documenti della
giurisdizione de' nobili signori di [1622].
(Statuti friulani.) Pp. 29. Udine:
tip. del Patronato. 4to.

Cristofori (F.) Le tombe dei papi in
Viterbo e le chiese di S. Maria in Gradi,

822 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED Oct,

di S. Francesco, et di S. Lorenzo : me-

morie e documenti sulla storia medio-

evale viterbese. Pp. 470, illustr.

Siena : tip. S. Bernardino. 5 1.
Fitting (H.) Die Anfange der Rechts-

schule zu Bologna. Pp. 129. Berlin :

Guttentag. 3 m.
Ghiron (I.) Annali d' Italia in continua-

zione al Muratori e al Coppi. I : [i86i-

1863]. Pp.400. Milan: Hoepli. 6 1.
Malagola (C.) Monografie storiche sullo

studio bolognese. Pp. 469. Bologna :

Zanichelli.
Marcionni (T.) Campagna del 1859:

memorie di un volontario. Pp. 53.

Florence : Bencini. 16mo.
Mazzi (A.) Studt bergomensi. Pp. 329.

Bergamo : tip. Pagnoncelli. 3'50 1.
Medici, II parentado fra la principessa

Eleonora de', e il principe don Vincenzo

Gonzaga : documenti inediti. Pp. 192.

Florence : Stianti. 16mo. 6 1.
Padua. — I munimenti della universita di

Padova [1222-1318] raccolti da A.

Gloria e difesi contro il padre Denifle.

Pp. 35. Padua : Giammartini.
Pkllegrini (A.) Iscrizioni ceramiche d'

Erice e suoi dintorni. Pp. 122, plates.

Palermo : tip. dello Statute.
Perrens (F. T.) Histoire de Florence

depuis la domination des Medicis jus-

qu'^ la chute de la R6publique [1434-

153 1]. I. Paris: Quantin. 7'50 f.
Pertile (A.) Storia del diritto italiano

dalla caduta dell' impero romano alia

codificazione. VI. Pp. 989. Padua:

Salmin. 7*50 1.
Perugia. — Cronache della citta di Perugia,

edite da A. Fabretti. II: [1393-1561].

Pp. 247. Turin: Tipi privati dell'

editore.
Rodocanachi (E.) Cola di Rienzo : his-
toire de Rome de 1342 a 1354. Pp.

447, illustr, Paris : Lahure. 7-50 f.
Saige (G.) Documents historiques rela-

tifs a la principaut6 de Monaco depuis

le quinzi^me siecle. I: [1412-1429].

Paris : A. Picard. 25 f.
Savoy.— II Risorgimento d' Italia, narrato

dai principi di casa Savoia e dal parla-

mento [1848-1878]. Edited by F. Ma-

riotti. Pp. 323. Florence : Barbara.

16mo. 2 1.
ScARDovELLi (G.) La battaglia del Taro

[1495]. Pp. 30. Mantua: tip. Aldo

Manuzio. 16mo.
ScHNEEGANS (A.) Sicilien : Bilder aus

Natur, Geschichte, und Leben. Pp. 452.

Leipzig : Brockhaus.
ScRiNzi (G.) S. Antonio di Padova e il

suo tempo. Pp. 631. Verona: Cer-

quetti & Marchiori. 16mo. 4-50 1.
Verdi (A.) Gli ultimi anni di Lorenzo

de' Medici, duca d' Urbino [1515-1519].

Pp. 117. Este : Pietrogrande.
VicENZA. — Statuta canonicorum ecclesiaa

vicentinse anno Domini MCCCVIIII.

Pp. 50. Vicenza : Rumor.
ViT (V. de). Adria e le sue antiche epi-

grafi illustrate. I. Pp.410. Florence:

Cellini. 5 1.

XI. HISTOKY OF THE NETHEKLANDS

Alexandre (J.) Rerum Leodiensium
status anno MDCXLIX. Reproduc-
tion, traduction, et notes. Pp. 212.
Li^ge : Grandmont-Donders.

Bastelaer (D. a. van). Memoires arch^o-
logiques. IV. 11 plates. Mons :
Manceaux.

Benninge (Sicke). Kroniek. I, II ;
uitgegeven en met kritische aanteeke-
ningen voorzien door J. A. Feith.
(Werken van het Historisch Genoot-
schap gevestigd te Utrecht, N.S.
XLVIII.) Pp. Iviii, 183. Utrecht:
Kemink. 2-40 fl.

Dorp (jonkheer Arend van), Brieven en
onuitgegeven stukken van ; uitgegeven
door J. B. J. N. ridder de van der
Schueren. 2 vol. (Werken van het
Historisch Genootschap gevestigd te
Utrecht, XLIV, L.) Pp. xlix, 479, &

507. Utrecht : Kemink. 14-10 fi.
Gachard (M. a.) Recueil des anciennes

ordonnances de la Belgique. Ordon-
nances des Pays-Bas autrichiens. 3"
s6rie [1700 1794]. VI: [du 27 mars
1744 au 22 decembre 1750]. Pp. 660.
Brussels : Gobbaerts. Fol. 15 f.
GiLLioDTs van Severen (L.) Coutumcs
des pays et comt6 de Flandre. Cou-
tume de la pr6v6te de Bruges. I. Pp.

508. Brussels : Gobbaerts. 4to. 12 f.

GiLLioDTS VAN Severen (L.) Histoire de
la magistrature brugeoise. Pp. 24.
Bruges : De Plancke. 1*25 f.

Goethals (F. V.) Archeologie des
families de Belgique. Pp. 128. Brus-
sels : Van Trigt. 4to. 20 f.

HoYois (J.) Tournai au treizi^me siecle.
Pp. 73. Ghent : Lehaert, Siffer, & Co.
1-25 f.

Kesteloo (H. M.) De stadsrekening
van Middelburg. Ill: [1500-1549].
Pp. 170. Middelburg: Altorfter.
1-60 fl.

Man (J. C. de). Vluchtbergen in Wal-
cheren, waarvan in 1887 nog over-
blijfselen waren te finden. Pp. 165,
plates. Middelburg : Altorffer, 2 fl.

Marnette (E. de), La principaut6 de
Liege et les Pays-Bas au seizi^me
siecle ; correspondances et documents
politiques, recueillis et publics par.
I. Pp. 390. Liege : Grandmont-Don-
ders. 15 f.

MiRGUET (V.) Essai d'une histoire des
Beiges et de leur civilisation. Pp. 336.
Huy : Mignolet. 3-50 f.

Nameche (Mgr. A. J.) Cours d'histoire
nationale. V : P^riode espagnole.
XXI. Pp. 394. Louvain: Fonteyn.
4f.

Jean IV et la fondation de I'uni-

1888 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED 823

versit6 de Louvain. Pp. 342. Louvain :
Fonteyn. 2-50 f.

Nassau (Lodewijk van). Correspondentie
van en betreffende ; en andere onuit-
gegeven documenten : verzameld
door P. J. Blok. (Werken van het
Historisch Genootschap gevestigd te
Utrecht, N.S. XLVII.) Pp. 210.
Utrecht : Kemink. 2-90 fl.

Netscher (P. M.) Geschiedenis van de
kolonien Essequebo, Demerary, en
Berbice, van de vestiging der Neder-
landers aldaar tot op onzen tijd. Pp.
42H. The Hague : Nijhoff. 4-80 fl.

EiDDER (A. de). Les Pays-Bas pendant
le r^gne de Philippe-le-Beau et de
Charles-Quint, d'aprls les relations des
anibassadeurs venitiens. Pp. 44.
Ghent : Leliaert, SifPer, & Co. 75 c.

(From the 'Magasin litteraire et scien-
titique,' 1887, No. 6.)

Stein (H.) Olivier de la Marche, his-
torien, po^te, et diplomate bourguignon.
Portrait. Paris : Picard. 4to. 10 f.

Utrecht. — Quedam narracio de Gro-
ninghe, de Thrente, de Covordia, et de
diversis aliis sub diversis episcopis
Trajectensibus ; uitgegeven door C.
Pijnacker Hordijk. (Werken van het
Historisch Genootschap gevestigd te
Utrecht, N.S. XLIX.) Pp. xxviii, 139,
Utrecht : Kemink. 1-80 fl.

Veen (S. D. van). De gereformeerde
kerk varl Friesland [1795- 1804]. Pp-
298. Groningen : Wolters. 2-90 fl.

Verbeek (D.) & GoRTEL (H. van). Ge-
schiedenis der Neder-Veluwe. I. Map.
Barneveld : Boonstra.

XII. SCANDINAVIAN HISTOEY

Arnheim (F.) Die Memoiren der Konigin
von Schweden, Ulrike Luise, Schwester
Friedrichs des Grossen : ein quellen-
kritischer Beitrag zur Geschichte
Schwedens im achtzehnten Jahrhun-
dert. Pp. 142. Halle : Niemeyer.
3-60 m.

Baur (J. B.) Die Kapuziner und die
schwedische Generalitat im dreissig-
jahrigenKriege. Pp.72. Brixen : Weger.

Christian IV (kong). Egenhaendige
breve. Ed. by C. F. Bricka & J. A.
Fredericia. XIV: [1619-1623]. Pp.
160. Copenhagen : Klein. 3 kr.

Denmark. — Aktstykker og oplysninger til

rigsraadets og staender modernes his-
toric i Kristian IV's tid. Ed. by K.
Erslev. II, 1. Pp. 320. Copenhagen :
Klein. 3 kr.

Forordninger, recesser, og andre

kongelige breve, Danmarks lovgivning
vedkommende. (Corpus constitutionum
Daniffi.) [1558-1660]. Ed. by V. A.
Secher. I, 2. Pp. 160. Copenhagen :
Klein. 2 kr.

Sweden. — Sveriges ridderschaps och adels
rikdags-protokoll, frSn och medSr 17 19.
IX : [1738-9]. Ed. by C. Silfverstolpe.
Pp. 567 & 32. Stockholm: Norstedt.
6-75 kr.

XIII. SLAVONIAN AND LITHUANIAN HISTOEY

Brondsted (M. von). Die russische Kirche
in Livland unter Nikolaus I, nach dem
Werke J. Listowski's, ' Philaret, Erz-
bischof von Tschernigow : ' ein kultur-
historischer Beitrag. Pp. 32. Berlin :
Nagel. 40 pf.

BujACK (G.) Zur Bewaffnung und Krieg-
fiihrung der Eitter des deutschen Or-
dens in Preussen. Pp. 22, plate.
Konigsberg : Koch. 4to. 1*50 m.

Cracow.— Collectanea ex archivio collegii
historici Cracoviensis. IV. (Scriptores
rerum Polonicarum, XII.) Pp. 531.
Cracow : Friedlein. 12 m.

Friedensburg (F.) Schlesiens Miinz-
geschichte im Mittelalter. II : Miinz-
geschichte und Miinzbeschreibung.
(Codex Diplomaticus SilesisB, XIII.)
Pp. 322. Breslau : Max. 4to. 12 m.

Kaindl (K. F.) Zur Geschichte der Stadt
Czernowitz und ihrer Umgegend. Pp.
25. Czernowitz : Pardini.

Napiersky (J. G. L.) Die Erbebiicher der

Stadt Kiga [1384-1579]. Pp. Ixxxiii,
515. Kiga : Kymmel. 10 m.

Perdomo (P. L.) La Eussia : studio
storico sul progresso ed avvenire degli
Slavi. Pp. 123. Brescia : tip. istituto
Pavoni. 1-50 1.

Poland.— Codicis diplomatic! Poloniae
minoris pars III [1333-1386]. (Monu-
menta medii aevi historica res gestas
PoloniaB illustrantia, X.) Pp. xxxiii,
48. Cracow ; Friedlein. 10 m.

PoLKowsKi (I. K,) Sprawi wojenne krola
Stefana Batorego [1576-1586J. Pp.
xxxi, 430. Cracow : Akademie. 4 fl.

Senet (E. a.) L'eglise de l'unit6 des
flares (moraves) ; esquisses historiques
pr6c6d^es d'une notice sur l'eglise de
l'unit6 de Boheme et de Moravie et le
pi6tisme allemand du dix-septi^rae
si^cle. Paris : Monnerat. 12mo. 3-50 f.

Zaleski (D.) Panowanie Stanislawa
Augusta do czasu sejmu czteroletniego.
Pp. 415. Cracow : Waraohau. 18 m.

XIV. HISTOEY OF SPAIN AND POEUGAL

Domingo Palacio (T.) Documentos del
archivo general de la villa de Madrid,
I. Pp. 483, facsimiles. Madrid : imp.
Municipal. 4to. 17-50 pes.

Fuente (V. de la). Historia de las uni-

versidades, colegios, y demas estableoi-
mientos de enseuanza en Eapaiia. III.
Pp. 420. Madrid : imp. de Fu.entene>
bro. 4to. 6 pes.
GouRY DU RosLAN (J.) Essai sur I'hia-

824 HISTORICAL BOOKS RECENTLY PUBLISHED Oct.

toire 6conomique de I'Espagne. Paris :
Guillaumin. 7*50 f.

GuERRA civil, estudio critico sobre la
liltima. II. Pp. 512. Burgos :
Arnaiz. 4 "50 pes.

Lafuente (M.) & Valera (J.) Historia
generale de Espana, desde los tiempos
primitivos hasta la muerte de Fernando
VII, continuada desde dieha 6pocha
hasta nuestros dias. IV- VI. Barce-
lona : Montaner y Simon. 4to.

Vila (F.) Sesenta anos en un tomo :
apuntes para la historia politica, social,
literaria, y artistica de Espafia [i8o8-
i868]. Pp. 444. Madrid : Murillo. 4to.

WiLKENS (C. A.) Geschichte des spani-
schen Protestantismus im sechzehnten
Jahrhundert. Pp. 259. Giitersloh :
Bertelsmann. 4 m.

Zuniga (don Juan de), virey de Napoles,
Cartas y avisos dirigidos a [1581].
Madrid : Ginesta. 12mo.

XV. SWISS HISTOEY

Anshelm (Valerius), Die Berner Chronik

des, herausgegeben vom Historischen

Verein des Kantons Bern. III. Pp.

498. Bern : Wyss. 7-50 f.
BoiLLOT (capitaine). Essais de levee et

d' organisation d'une force nationale en

Suisse [novembre 1798 a mars 1800].

Pp. 191, 13 plates. Bern: Jent &

Eeinert. 2*50 m.
DuBi (H.) Die alten Berner und die

romischen Altertiimer. Pp. 42. Bern :

Huber. 4to. 1-20 m.
Geiser (K.) Geschichte der bernischen

Verfassung [1191-1471]. Pp.86. Bern:

Biichler. 1"60 m.
Heer (G.) Zur fiinfhundertjahrigen

Gedachtnisf eier der Schlacht bei Naf els.

Pp. 231, map. Glarus : Baeschlin. 3 m.
Helvetischen Republik, Amtliche Samm-

lung der Acten aus der Zeit der, [1798-
1803]. Ed. by J. Strickler. II: [June-
Sept. 1798J. Pp. 1237. Basle:
Schneider. 4to. 15 m.

Huber (E.) System und Geschichte des
schweizerischen Privatrechts. II. Pp.
552. Basle : Detloff. 9 f.

Keller (J.) Beitrage zur politischen
Thatigkeit Heinrich Zschokke's in den
Eevolutionsjahren [1798-1801]. Pp.
73, portrait. Aarau : Sauerlander.

Stocker (A.) Vor vierzig Jahren : Ge-
schichtliches iiber die Entstehung des
Sonderbundes und dessen Beziehungen
zum Auslande. Pp. 97. Lucerne :
Gebhart.

Wanner (M.) Forschungen zur altesten
Geschichte des Kletgaus. Pp. 78.
Frauenfeld : Huber. 2 f .

XVI. HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND

OF CANADA

Bancroft (H. H.) History of the Pacific
States of North America. XXXII :
Popular tribunals. II. Pp. 772. San
Francisco : the History company.
^4-50.

Brightly (F. F.) Digest of the laws and
ordinances of the city of Philadelphia
[1 701-1887]. Pp. 1071 & 25. Phila-
delphia: Kay. ^7-50.

Chapman (T. J.) The French in the
Alleghany valley. Pp. 209. Cleveland,
Ohio: Williams. ^1-25.

Crawford (S. W.) The genesis of the
civil war : the story of Sumter. Pp.
600, illustr. New York: Webster.
^3-50.

Hamilton (A.), Jay (J.), & Madison (J.)
The Federalist : a commentary on the
constitution of the United States. Ke-
printed from the original text, and
edited by H. C. Lodge. London : Fisher
Unwin. 10/6.

HoLST (H. von). Verfassung und Demo-
kratie der Vereinigten Staaten von
Amerika. I : Staaten sou veranetat und
Sklaverei. V : Von der Inauguration
Buchanan's bis zur Zerreissung der
Union. 1. Pp.284. Berlin: Springer. 6m.

HoRSFORD (E. N.) Discovery of America
by Northmen. Pp. 113, illustr. Boston.
London: Triibner. 4to. 31/6.

HowLEY (very rev. M. F.) Ecclesiastical
history of Newfoundland. Pp. 426,
illustr. Boston : Doyle & Whittle.

Kearney (J. W.) Sketch of American
finances [1789- 1835]. Pp. 160. New
York : Putnam. 12mo. $1.

Schmidt (Emil). Die altesten Spuren
der Menschen in Nordamerika. Pp.
58. Hamburg : Kichter. 1*20 m.

Woolsey (S. C.) A short history of the
city of Philadelphia from its foundation
to the present time. Pp. 288. Boston :
Eoberts. ^1-25.

1888

825

Contents of Periodical Pitblications

I. FRANCE

Revue Historique, xxxvii. 2. July — A.
LucHAiRE : Louis le Gros and his court
[dealing with the rivalry of the houses
of Eochefort and Garlande, the govern-
ment of Stephen de Garlande, the
abbot Suger, and Ralph of Verman-

dois]. G. Faoniez : Pire Joseph and

RicJielieu ; the antecedents of the
breach with Austria [1632-1635], con-
tinued. A. Lebegue : On the tauro-

bolia and Christianity [maintaining
the sacrifices to have been not to
Mithra but to Cybele, and offering sug-
gestions as to cause of their association

with Mithra- worship] C. V. Lan-

GLOis : The preliminaries of the Eng-
lish expedition of Louis of France
[1215 ; printing a letter to king John,
January 12 16, describing the political
situation] E. Hammond : The mis-
sion of the comte de Guines to Berlin
[1769; from materials in the French
foreign office].

Revue des Questions Historiques, xliv. 1.
J. P. P. Martin : The Am Teaa-dpooi/ of

Tatian P. Allard : Diocletian and

the Christians, before the establishment

of the tetrarchy [285-293]. G. de

BouRGES : The comte de Vergennes ; his
diplomatic missions in Germany to the
elector of Treves and the elector of
Hanover, from unpublished documents
[1750-1752] J. Viard: The extra-
ordinary sources of the royal revenue
2inder Philip of Valois [dealing with
(1) subsidies from the provinces and
towns, (2) church tenths, (3) loans ]
Comte de Mas-Latrie : Recent dis-
coveries in Cyprus [medieval].

Bibliotheque de rEcole des Chartes, xlix.
2, 3. — H. MoRANViLLE prints extracts
from the ^ jornalia thesauri'' and ^ ex-
tractus thesauri' [i 345- 141 9] ; part I

[to 1355] A. Castan discusses the

origin of the na-me Chrysopolis given to
the town of Besangon from the ninth
century downwards [giving various
views, and concluding for a play on the

coin byzantius or besant] E. Moli-

NiER : Inventory of the papal treasury
under Boniface VIII [1295], continued

from vol. xivii. and concluded F.

Funck-Brentano : Philip the Fair and
the nobility of Franche-Comti ; part ii.,

containing pieces justificatives [1294-

1306] A. Lb Vavasseur: Cosneau's

• Le Conn4table de Richemont.'

Revue d'Histoire Diplomatique, ii. 3. —
A. Geffroy : A negotiation at the court
of Catherine II [the mission of general
Stedingk. ambassador of Gustavus III

of Sweden, 1791]. A. Vandal :

Molidre and Turkish ceremonial at the
court of Louis XIV [showing that the
Turkish scenes in the ' Bourgeois
Gentilhomme' are a parody of what
actually occurred at the reception of a
Turkish ambassador in 1669 ; with
documents relating to this embassy],

L. Olivi : Correspondence of an

agent of the Duke of Modena at the
court of Vienna [1659-6.0. The re-
ports given in this number concern
chiefly the wars of Sweden with Bran-
denburg and Denmark, and the rela-
tions of Sweden to the empire] A.

de Vorges : Plan for the dismember-
ment of France by the allies in 181 5
[map of France showing the proposed
arrangement drawn up by the Prussian
general Knesebeck; its rejection was
owing to the opposition of Alexander I].

Amongst the comptes rendus are

several of exceptional importance ; they
relate (1) to the collection of treaties
between Portugal and foreign powers
published by the Portuguese foreign
office ; (2) to the publications of the
Russian imperial historical society of
St. Petersburg (pp. 410-427] ; (3) to
the archives of prince Woronzow.

Annales de TJicole Libre des Sciences
Politiques, iii. 3. July. — A. Lebon :
The origins of the German constitution
[sketching the development of the pre-
sent constitution of the empire from
the federation of 18 15, the revolution-
ary constitution of 1848, and the north

German confederation of 1867] R.

KoECHLiN : The policy of France at the
congress of Bastadty^iih article [relating
the discussions on the question of the
secularisation of the ecclesiastical terri-
tories during March 1798, the breach
with Austria, and the origin of the
second coalition].

Bulletin de la Societe de THistoire du
Frotestantisme Fran9ai8, xxxvii. 6-8.

826 CONTENTS OF PERIODICAL PUBLICATIONS Oct.

Jime-August - M. Lelikvke : The trial
of Anne du Bourg [1559], two articles ;
with proems verbal of his degradation.

N. W. prints some vianusa-ipt

verses relating to the death of Servetus

[1553]- C- Sagniez : Huguenot

jrrisoners at the fort of Alais [1690],
with list, &c F. Teissier prints let-
ters of P. Corteiz [1732], three articles.

A. Bernus : Antoine de Chandieu

from his unpublished journal. IV :
[1 572-1 583]. Letter of Beza [19

Nov. 1573] M. DE RiCHEMOND :

Liberty of conscience at La Bochelle
[163 1] ; the case of Daniel Ligonnier.

Comptes rendus de 1' Academie des Inscrip-
tions et Belles-lettres. — Oct. -Dec. 1887
— G. Boissier: Un plan de Rome et
une vuedu Forum a la fin du quinzi^me

siecle C. Robert & Deloche : Les

monruiies d'or du roi d^ Austrasie Th^o-

debert F^. March — J. Oppert : La

condition des esclaves a Babylorie,

La Controverse et le Contemporain. — May
— Leotard : La condamnation de Louis
XIV devant Vhistoire.=^May-July —
Abbe DouAis : Capucina et huguenots
dans le Languedoc sous Henri IV, Louis
XIII, et Louis XIV. July-C. Bel-
let: Les iv^nements de lySS en Dau-
phin^, continued.

Le Correspondant. — June 25— Due de
Broglie : The due d'Enghien.

Journal Asiatique. — April— J. Darmes-
teter : Inscriptions de Caboul ; 6pi-
taphes de I'empereur Baber et d'autres
princes mogols.

Nouvelle Revue. — May 1— Marquis de
CASTi-LLANE '. Lc comtc dc Falloux :
essai de psychologie politique.

Nouvelle Revue Historique du Droit. —
May — A. Rivier : L' university de
Bologne et la premiere renaissance

juridique H. d'Arbois de Jubain-

viLLE : La saisie dans la loi salique
et dans le droit irlandais.

La Revolution Fran^aise. — May — J.
DoiNEL : Les conspirations dans le

Loiret sous le consulat. P. Gak-

FAREL : L' Evasion de sir Sidney Sinith.

^=June — N. Parfait : Marceau.

J. F. Thenard : Si^yds decteur. La

politique 6trangire du comitd de salut
public en Van II. — G. Gbosjean : Les
relations de la France et de la Toscane
[i795-i8o3].==J't*Z^ — The Same : Les
relations de la France et des Deux-
S idles [1 789-1 793] The same: Ex-
trait de la correspondance de Talleyrand
avec Bonaparte.

Eevue Archtologique. — January — E.
Renan : Inscription phinicienne et

grecque dicouverte au Pir6e E.

MtNTz : L^antipape CUment VII :
essai sur I'histoire des arts a Avignon
vers la fin du quatorzi^me siecle.

Revue Celtique. — April, July — H. d'Ar-
bois de JuPAiNviLLE : Rechcrchcs sur
Vorigine de la p^'opi'iM foncit^re et des

noms de lieu en France, continued.

July — The same : Le char de guerre
des Celtes dans quelques textes his-
toriques.
Revue Critique d'Histoire et de Littera-
ture. — June 18 — R. Cagnat : The
geography of the Roman province of
Africa [on Tissot and Reinach's work].
July 23— H. Derembourg : Aboii
Hanifa of Dinaivar [on Guirgass's edi-
tion] A. Hauvette : Berger on

' the Geography of the loniansJ'-
August 6 — H. d'Arbois de Jubainville :
Milllenhoff^s ' German Antiquities,^
TT. i:^— ^A. Chuquet : Recent litera-
ture of the French revolution. 20 —

G. Maspero : The ancient Red Sea
trade [on Lieblien's work].
Revue des Deux Mondes. — May 1 — V.
DuRUY : Etat politique et moral de la
Grdce avant la do^nination mac^o-

ntp.nnp.. 1 5 — E. Lavisse : Lafonda-

tion du saint-empire d'' Allemagne.

A. Laugel : Le dernier connitable de
France : le due de Lesdiguieres.^=
June 1 — A. Geffroy : Die role de la
richesse dans Vancienne Rome sous la

rdpublique. C. de Mazade : Un

chancelier d'ancien regime : M. de
Metternich et la revolution de juillet.
==15.— Due DE Noailles : Le pouvoir
executif aux Etats- Unis.

Revue d'Economie Politique. — July — G.
Platon : Le droit de propria dans la
socidti franque et en Germanic, con-
tinued.

Revue des Etudes Julves.— J"ant^ari/-
July—V. ViDAL : Les Juifs de Rous-

sillon et de Cerdagne, concluded.

I. Loeb : Josef Haccohen et les chro-

niqueurs juifs The same : Les

ndgociayits juifs a Marseille au milieu

du treizi^me siecle The same : Le

prods de Samuel ibn Tibbon, con-
tinued J. HaliLvy : Note sur Vin-

scription pMnicienne du Pir^ H.

Graetz : Les monnaies de Simon.

T. Reinach : Mithridate et les Juifs.

P. L. Bruzzone : Les Juifs des dats de

Veglise au dix-huitieme siecle S.

Reinach : Note sur V inscription pMni-
cienne du Pirie.

Revue Maritime et Coloniale. — July—
A. Doneaud du Plan : Campagne de
Rio Janeiro [171 1], concluded.

Revue du Monde Catholique.— Jwne —
E. DE Barthelemy : L'histoire de

Charles VII. Duglas : Une page

dliistoire du r^gne de Louis-Philippe.
== June - July— V. Fkval : Sainte
Radegonde et son temps, continued.

Revue du Monde Latin. — May— J), de
Barral : Bonaparte et la curie romaine

au lendemain du concordat. May-

June — L. MiLLio : Souvenirs d'une
rigence frangaise en Pidmoiit : Marie
Christine de France, duchesse de Sa-

voie.
Revue de la Revolution.

April — U,

1888 CONTENTS OF PERIODICAL PUBLICATIONS 827

Welschinger : La mission de Rial d

Vincennes [20 March 1804]. Comte

MoLK : Les cent jours. ■== May — G.
BoHD : La France moderne et Vancien

regime E. Birk : Paris en 1793.

-G. BoRD : Le comte Puisaye et

V insurrection girondine en Normandie
[an H].== May -June — A. Babeau : La
France et Paris sous le directoire d6-
peints par un voyageur anglais.===

July — Papiers inidits de Choudieu. —
La situation diplomatique de la France
en mars 1 792 ; lettre de Custine.
Seances et Travaux de rAcademie des
Sciences Morales et Folitiques. — July —
H. Carnot : Les premiers ichos de la
revolution franqaise au-deld du Rhin
— P. GuiRAUD : Un document nouveau
sur les assembUes provinciales de Vam-
pire romain.

II. GERMANY AND AUSTRIA

Sybel's Historische Zeitschrift. lix. 2.
Munich. — G. von Below : On the origin
of German town-government, continued
from vol. Iviii. 2 [considering the lown
in its characters of a market-place, a
walled space, the possessor of a sepa-
rate jurisdiction, and of privileges above
the outlying country. The question of

jurisdiction is treated in detail] B.

Gebhart : Mathias Doring the minorite
[a biography illustrating the position
of a patriotic antihierarchical German
friar of the fifteenth century], with

appendix of documents. M. L.

prints a meynoir of Stein [16 March
1813], showing for the first time the
origin of the German administrative
council ; and six letters of Gneisenau

[1814-I83I]. T. SCHIEMANN : ' Est-

%ind Livldndische Brieftade,^ IV [on
Toll and Sachsendahl's publication of
coins and seals].=3. — M. Lenz : Cri-
ticism of Sezyma RaMn, continued

from vol. lix. 1. B. Niese : TJie

legends of the foundation of Rome
[considering them as hypotheses to
account for later facts, and tracing the
Sabine connexion to the alliance of c.

354-327 B.C.] S. Lowenfeld: Paul

Ewald [obituary notice] 0. M.

prints a letter of the Great Elector to
queen Charlotte Amalie of Denmark

[May 167 1], M. L. prints a memoir

of Stein [10 June 1813] and a letter
to him from Gneisenau [11 July 1813]
on the armistice.

Historisches Jahrbuch der Gorres-Gesell-
schaft, ix. 3. Munich. — K. Eubel :
The minorite Heinrich Knoderer, bi-
shop of Basle [1275] and archbishop of
Mentz [1285]: a biography [especially
full as to Heinrich's relation to Eudolf

of Habsburg]. F. Ehrle : The

eleemosynary ordinances of Nuremberg
[1522] and Ypres [1525]. I: Nurem-
berg [giving extracts from the raths-
biicher, 1 520- 1524, and the text of the
ordinance of 1522, and comparing these
arrangements, which are of a mixed
catholic and protestant origin, with
those due to purely protestant activity].

J. VON Pflugk-Harttung : Papal

schools of writing [down to Honorius
IIJ.

Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft ftir altera
Deutsche Geschichtskunde, xiv. 1.
Hanover. — W. Lippert : The autJior-

ship of the canons of Gallic councils of
the fifth and sixth centuries [showing
that the names given in the ' adnotatio '
attached to the collections cannot be
accepted on its evidence alone as the
authors of the various sets of canons ;
with notes on the diction of certain
councils, and on the ' "Vita Melanii,'
which the writer argues is not contem-
porary] F. KuRZE : The date and

composition of Thietmar^s chronicle
[the article is based on a minute exami-
nation of the different hands in the
original manuscript, tending to fix the
approximate date of composition of the
several parts, and to prove that the
passages in books i-iv borrowed from
the Quedlinburg annals were later
insertions by Thietmar. The author's
death is placed not in 1019 but in

1 01 8] H. Steffen : Criticism of the

Xanten annals [dealing with the second
division of the annals, extending from
790 to 873, but only independent from
831, and probably the work of at least
four chroniclers ; with notes on the
chronology of the annals, the probable
place of composition, and general cha-
racter and value] A. NiJRNBERGER :

The supposed spuriousness of the ser-
mons of St. Boniface [defending them

against Hahn]. 0. Holder-Egger :

On the text of Saxo and of Siieno
Aggcson [dating the Angers fragment of
Saxo neither 6. 1200 (with Waitz,
Bruun, and A. Holder) nor late in the
fourteenth century (with P. Hasse), but
midway between the two ; maintaining
that the notes in it are not various
readings but explanatory glosses ; and
examining its relation to the editio prin-
ceps of 1 5 14. The writer shows that
the printed text of Saxo (at least his
first book) is full of glosses ; and argues
that Stephanius' edition of Sueno is
derived from an older tnanuscript than
that from which Lyskander's transcript
(the only one preserved) was taken].

M. Manitius : On the history of

Sulpicius Severus' works on St. Martin
in the middle ages [tracing their use in

later biographies of the saint]. W.

Wattenbach prints a contemporary
poem on St. Audoenus [an acrostic].

Dr. Falk prints extracts from

necrologies. 0. Holder-Egger : On

a fragment of Ekkehard's chronicle [at

828 CONTENTS OF PERIODICAL PUBLICATIONS Oct.

Stuttgart]. S. LowENFELD publishes

three letters of Clement III [1189]
translated from the Armenian by Dr.
Karamianz.— M.Perlbach : Johannes
Dtagloss's materials for German his-
tory in his first six books [to 1240].

L. VON Heinemann : On the biography
of the chronicler Dietrich Engelhus.

W. Wattenbach : Notes from

manuscript catalogues [Erfurt and
Florence].

K. B. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu
Munchen. Sitzungsberichte derphilos.-
philol. und hist. Classe. 1888, 2.— F.
Gregobovius : The first capture of
Athens by the republic of Femce [1394],
•with two documents from the Venetian
archives M. Lossen : On the his-
tory of the papal nunciature at Cologne

[1573-1595]. Wolfflin: War and

peace in Roman proverbs. F. von

LoHER : On dolmens, their varieties,
distribution, and character ; their
Aryan origin ; German modes of
burial.

Zeitschrift des Vereins fur Hessische Ge-
schichte undLandeskunde. New Series,
xiii. Cassel. — H. Brunner: The policy
of William VII of Hesse before and
after the outbreak of the seven years'
war, down to the convention of Kloster

Seven inclusive. G. Wolff : History

of the Chatti, a fragment from the
literary remains of Albert Duncker.

Brieger's Zeitsclirift fiir Kirchenge-
schichte, X. 1. Gotha. — W. Wiesener:
The foundation of the bishopric of
Pomerania [1140] and the removal of
the see f rom Wollin to Cammin [c. 1191].

W. GuNDLACH : Two unpublished

works of Hincmar, archbishop of
Bheims, first article [printing the
treatise referred to by Flodoard, cap.

xviii.] F. Philippi : The so-called

' artikelbrief ' of John ofLeyden [1535],
printing the text of the document.

Denifle & Ehrle's ArcMv fiir Liter atur-
iind Kirchengeschichte des Mittel-
alters, iv. 1, 2. Freiburg. — F. Ehrle :
The Spirituals and their relation to the
Franciscan order and to the Fraticelli,
II. The different sections among the
Spirituals : (1) the followers of Angelo
de Clarino, continued [with examination
of objections], (2) the Spirituals of Tus-
cany, (3) of Provence [with numerous
documentary illustrations. The writer
adds the narrative contained in the
* Chronica xxiv Mmistrorum Genera-
lium ' (written c. 1378) of the spiritual
movement in Narbonne and B6ziers and
three short defences of their action (writ-
ten 1316-1317)]. III. The relation of
the Spirituals to the Fraticelli : (1) On
the materials of the history, (2) the re-
lation of the sections [defining and
limiting the denotation of * Fraticelli '].

IV. TJie relation of the Spirituals to

tJie supporters of ' observance.' The

same : The ' treasure of Constantine '
in the papal chamber in the thirteenth
and fourteenth centuries^ with inven-
tories.

Archiv fiir Oesterreichische Geschichte,
Ixxii. 1. Vienna. — H. K. von Zeiss-
BERG : On the history of the evacuation
of Belgium and of the Polish insurrec-
tion [1794], from Lacy's statements to

the emperor. B. Schroll prints the

necrology of the collegiate foundation of
Spital am Pyrn, in Upper Austria
[begun in the fourteenth century and
continued to c. 1600], with notes and
index ; and gives a calendar of docu-
ments [1190-1417] relating to the hos-
pital [which preceded the establish-
ment of secular canons there], also with

an index A. Czerny prints letters

of and to Georg von Peurbach, the
astronomer [1453-1456].

Mittheilungen des Instituts fiir Oester-
reicMsclie GescMchtsforscliuiig, ix. 3.
Innsbruck. — J. Truhlar : On the
manuscript controversy in Bohemia
[arguing strongly for the spuriousness of
the Koniginhof (Kralove Dvfir) and Grii-

neberg manuscripts]. F. Thaner:

On the legal importance of the papal
registers [in the distinction of genuine

from spurious papal letters, &c.]

H. HooGEWEG : The crusade of Damietta
[1218-1222] continued. Ill: The loss
of Damietta and evacuation of Egypt.
H. V. Sauerland prints the speech of
tJie embassy of duke Albert III of
Austria to pope Urban VI on the occa-
sion of the return of the territories of
duke Leopold III to the Roman obedi-
ence, written by Henry Hembuche,
known as Henry of Langenstein [c. 1387].

• S. Steinherz prints two letters of

Budolf IV on his journey to the Tirol

in the winter of 1363. A. Busson :

SchottmUller's ' Untergang des Templer-
Ordens.'

Treitschke & Delbriick's Preussische Jahr-
biicher, Ixii. 1. July — Berlin.— C.
BoRNHAK : The vehmgericht [on
Lindner's ' Die Veme '] 3. Sep-
tember— J. Mahly : The origin of the
Tell story.

Zeitschrift fUr Katholische Theologie,
xii. 3. Innsbruck.— H. Kellner : The
Roman governors of Syria and Judcea
in the time of Christ and the apostles^
with a note on the census of Quirinius.

H. Grisar : On the collections of

papal letters and their theological value
[dealing with the Bullaria, the new
edition of Jaffe's ' Reg. Pontif.,' the
publications of Thiel, cardinal Pitra,

&c.]. M. Flunk : On a Roman

inscription containing the name of L.
Sergius Paullus.

1888 CONTENTS OF PERIODICAL PUBLICATIONS 829

III. GKEAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND

ArchsBological Journal, No. 177— E. C.
Batten: TJie Saxon church of St.

Lawrence, Bradford-on-Avon G.F.

Browne : Bradboume cross, Derby-
shire E. A. Freeman : Saint Paul

Trois-Chdteaux [Augusta Tricasti-

norum] J. Wordsworth, bishop of

Salisbury : The seals of the bishops of

Salisbury, with plates C. E. Pont-

ING : Edhigton church, Wiltshire

M. W. Taylor : Pre-historic graves in
Wynaad, southern India.= l78.— J.
L. Andre : English ornamental lead-
work E. J. Hopkins : TJie English

medieval church organ. — J. A, Gotch :

Longford castle and Longleat W. T,

Watkin : Roman inscriptions found in
Britain in 1887.
Archaeological Review, No. 5. July—
M. Kovalevsky: Survivals of Ira-
nian culture in the Cau/iasian high-
lands. — J. Jacobs: Junior-right in
Genesis [an attempt to show that the
primitive Hebrew principle of descent
was to the youngest son] E. Pea-
cock : The history of the word ' hearse '
in England [illustrating the change
from the original sense of 'harrow,'
through the harrow-shaped church
ornament used in funerals, to the
modern use of the word] .=6. August
— G. L. Gomme : Exogamy and poly-
andry [criticism of McLennan, with
illustrations from old British customs].

E. J. Miles: Aventicum, the

Eoman metropolis of Helvetia F.

Haverfield: Roman remains in Sussex:

index notes M. Kovalevsky : Vil-

lenage in England during the first half
of the seventeenth century [with docu-
ments]. L. TouLMiN Smith: The

hook of accounts of the bakers of York.
=7. September — G. L. Gomme : The
permanence of village communities
under successive conquests [illustrated

from northern India] S. Lane

Poole: Coins at the Hermitage, St.

Petersburg G. L. Gomme: The

village community at Aston and Cote,

Bampton-in-the-Bush J. T. Bent.

The Pisan game [' giuoco del Ponte ']:

• J. H. Round : The suitors of the

county court [onF. W. Maitland's article,
supra, p. 417].

Church Quarterly Review, No. 52. July
— Ancient and modern church organi-
sation [chiefly in criticism of E.

Hatch's views]. Francis of Assisi

and the renaissance [based on H.
Thode's work] Creighton's 'His-
tory of the Papacy,' iii, iv Har-

n-ack's * History of Church Doctrine'

[polemical] Tithe legislation [since

1836].

Dublin Review. 3rd Series. No. xzzix.
July.— Miss A. M. Clerke : Memoirs
of a royalist [the comte de Falloux].

E. Peacock: Borough English.

[seeking the origin of the custom in the

conditions of Aryan settlement]

TJie Greville memoirs [with particular
reference to Roman catholic questions
in the present reign].
Edinburgh Review, No. 343. July-
Memoirs of M. de Falloux [of interest
for the history of the royalist party in
France since 1830] English eye-
witnesses of the French revolution
[partly from manuscript and private

sources] The Ochtertyre papers.

The marshal de Villars [a bio-
graphy reaching down to 1706, based
on the recent complete edition of his

memoirs] DowelVs 'History of

Taxation.''

Fortnightly Review, N.S. cclxi. Septem-
ber— Lord Wolseley : Military ge-
nius [criticism of great commanders].
—Colonel W. W. Knollys: One hun-
dred years ago [a sketch of society].
Law Quarterly Review, No. 15. July
— M. Kovalevsky: Vinogradoff on early
English land tenure [chiefly a sum-
mary of the Russian professor's results,
maintaining 'the existence of free
communes long before the creation of
the manor, the class of freemen being
preserved during whole centuries not
only in the Danish provinces, where
they are known under the name of
sokmen, but also in other parts of
England, where the terminology used
by Domesday Book might easily induce
the scholar to take then for a servile
class. He also rejects every relation
between the open-field system and that
of cultivating the ground in common,
the latter being totally unknown to the
Anglo-Saxons. Once more, in accord-
ance with the Russian historical school,
he attributes the origin of the ♦' virgate "
system to the general desire of equalis-
ing the shares possessed by each house-
hold in the common fields, with regard
to the quality of ground and the ad van-
tages of its situation. . . . Professor
Vinogradoff tries to establish that the
•' hides," the " virgates," and the
" bovates " were nothing else but fiscal
units, and that the real distribution of
the ground in the agrarian community
did not correspond on the whole with
the description given in the surveys.']

C. I. Elton : On ♦ Domesday

Studies.'

The Month. — July, September— 3. H.
Pollen : The arrest and examination,
trial and execution of father Henry
Garnet, two articles.

National Review, No. 65. July — S.
Leighton : The rise, progress, and
decline of nonconformity in Wales. ^==^
66. August— F. R. Y. Radcliffe : A

830 CONTENTS OF PERIODICAL PUBLICATIONS Oct.

few Stuart papers [printing letters
1678-1680].

Nineteenth Century, No. 137. July —
W. E. Gladstone : The Elizabethan
settlement of religion.=lZ%. August
— Mademoiselle Blaize de Buky :

Madame de Pompadour. -Goldwin

Smith : American statesmen, concluded
[Daniel Webster, John C. Calhoun,
Andrew Jackson, <S:c.]

Quarterly Eeview, No. 333. July —

Admiral Coligny [a biography based

on recent literature]. Scotland and

Scotsmen in the eighteenth century

[from the Ochtertyre papers] Re-

mhiiscences of the Coburg family

The history and reform of convocation.
— Fifty years ago [a review].
Scottish Review, No. 23. July — Gior-
dano Brmio before the Venetian inqui-
sition [based on Previti's work], first
article.

IV. HOLLAND AND BELGIUM

Bijdragen voor Vaderlandsche Geschie-
denis en Oudheidkunde, 3rd ser. iv.
3, 4. The Hague.— F. G. Slothouwer :
On king Louis of Holland, with letters
[October 1813, June 1814, December

i8io]. E. Frdin : On writings

ascribed to Francis Junius and Frayicis

Balduinus (Bauduin) [1565 6].

J. E. Heeres : Groningen during the
stadtlioldership of William IV [1749-

1752]- W. J. baron d'Ablaing van

GiEssENBURG : General von Billow's
march from Milnster to Holland [1813].

J. L. VAN Dalen : Dort in 181 3

[with an account of the siege] S.

MuLLER Fz. : Jan van Naeldivijck's
chronicles of Holland [an account of
the work which goes down to 1 461, from
the unpublished Cottonian manu-
scripts, with extracts]. K. Fruin

reprints with notes two letters from
Hessels's edition of Ortelius'' epistles.

Bibliography of works on Dutch

history from 1887 to May 1888.

Bulletin de I'Acadlnue Boyale de Bel-

%i(lXiQ.— November 1887— Baron Kervyn
DE Lettenhove : La dernidre sAance
du conseil avant le supplice de Marie
Stuart, d'apres des documents inedits.

Wphrtiary — M. PhiLIPPSON : Le

supplice de Marie Stuart Baron

Kervyn de Lettenhove : La fete de la

Toussaint a Fnthp.ri.ngay. March -

M. Philippson : L'assassinat de Henri

Darnley, dpoux de Marie Stuart

April — Baron Kervyn de Lettenhove :
Reply to M. Philippson.
Messager des Sciences Historiques de
Belgique, 1888, 1, 2. Ghent— A. Ver-
HAEGHEN : On families descended from

Henry I, duke of Brabant. M.

Heins : Ghent in the fourteenth cen-
tury, two articles. P. Claeys : His-
tory of the Glide souveraine ct chevali^.re
des escrimeurs, or Chef-confririe de
Saint-Michel, at Ghent, continued ; two
articles V. Vander Haeghen : Je-
suits at Ghent in the sixteenth century,
addenda [1 586-1597].

V. ITALY

Archivio Storioo Italiano, 5th ser. i. 2.
Florence. — D. Bertolini: On the sta-
tutes of the city of Concordia in Friuli

[1349], with the text. P. Villari :

New questions relative to Savonarola
[dealing with F. C. Pellegrini's article
on the author's new edition of his work
on Savonarola]. L. Zini : The me-
moirs of the due de Broglie, continued.

G. MoNTicoLo : Cecchetti's ' La

Vita dei Veneziani nel 1300.' E.

Casanova prints a catalogue of a monas-
tic library of 1140 [that of S. Barto-

lommeo d'Anghiari] Calendar of

Strozzi charters, continued.^^=3.— C.
Errera prints an unpublished charter

of Berengar II and Adelbert [960.J

L. Zini : The memoirs of the due de

Broglie, concluded G. Sommi Pi-

CENARDi : The exhumation of the re-
mains of the Medici princes [18571,
printing the official record with notes.

G. KoNDONE : Villari and Gherardi

on Savonarola L. Zdekauer : Sur-
vey of German literature [1880-1887]

on Italian medieval history F.

Tocco prints two documents relating to
the Italian beghini [1322, 1327] C.

GuASTi prints a deed of benefaction to
the hospital of Santa Maria Nuova in

Florence [1407]. Calendar of

Strozzi charters, continued.

Rivista Storica Italiana, v. 2. Turin.—
A. Coen : Vettius Agorius Prcetextatus,

concluded. G. de Leva: The papal

policy in the controversy on the Augs-
burg Interim [partly from unpublished
sources at Florence and Eome, making
particular use of the papers of cardinal

Cervini]. G. Biooni : Priscillian

[on Schepss's discovery]. C. Vas-

SALLO : Works on the history of Asti.

A. Zalla : Villari' s ' Savonarola. '

[on the new edition].

Archivio Storico per le Province Napole-
tane, xiii. 2. — B. Maresca publishes in
their entirety the memoirs of the duke
di Gallo [of high importance for the
history of the Two Sicilies from 1782 to
1 82 1, including numerous documents
and private letters of queen Caroline,
king Joachim Murat, Ac]

Archivio della B. Societa Romana di Storia
Patria. xi. 2.— G. Cuononi : Memoirs of
the life and loritings of cardiyial G. A.
Sala [ti839], concluded E. Motta

1888 CONTENTS OF PERIODICAL PUBLICATIONS 831

publishes documents from the Milanese
archives relating to Paul II and to
cardinal Riario. I : A letter from
Cicco Simonetta [19 Feb. 1471] to the
Milanese ambassador at Eome. II :
A letter describing the death of cardi-
nal Eiario [1474]. G. Tomassetti:

Account of the Roman Campagna,
chiefly in the middle ages, continued. —
F. Gallina : Abyssinians in Rome from
the fifteenth century onwards [inscrip-
tions]. A. Luzio and R. Reniek

print an account of the death of the
duke of Gandia by Gian Carlo Scalona

[16 June 1497] G. B. Cao-Mastio

& D. Feliciangeli : A thirteenth cen-
tury inquest on the rights of the abbacy
of Farfa to Montefalcione, edited and
explained.

ArcMvio Storico Siciliano. New Series,
xiii. l.^V. Di Giovanni : The ethnogra-
phical division of the population of
Palermo in the eleventh, twelfth, and
thirteenth centuries [with calendar of
documents, an instrument of 1328 on
the tax called ' rachaba,' and a note on
the prffitor and prsetorium of Palermo

in the fourteenth century] Baron

R. Stakrabba continues his calendar
of the notarial minutes of Adamo di

Citella [1298-1299] G. Cosentino

prints a document [i 491] on the offering
of two slaves to Maria SS. delta Catena
[in payment of a vow by the captain of
a galley].

Arohivio Veneto, xxxv. 1. — V. Bellemo :
Nicolo de^ Conti the traveller [inquiry
into his family and his relation to the

cosmographer Fra Mauro]. B. Cec-

chetti : The ancient financial system
of Venice [currency, exchange, banks

loans, *c.] M. Caffi : Venetian

painters in the fourteenth century.

B. C. : Old Venetian musical instruments
[of the fourteenth and fifteenth cen-
turies] V. Joppi prints a diary

written in the German camp during
the war of the league of Cambray,

concluded H. Simonsfeld : On the

' Cronaca Altinate ' [controverting R.
Galli's hypothesis of the composition
and estimate of the value of book vii.]
-L. Frati: An unknown manu-
script of the letters of Francesco Bar-
6aro [1414-1451] C. Cipolla: Sta-
tutes of the country of Verona, con-
tinued [Cavalpone, 11 80- 1307] G.

PiETROGRANDE publishes an inscription
[1782] to St. Pietro Orseolo, doge of

Venice [f 997] P. G. Molmenti

prints a Venetian law-case [1775]

V. Rossi : On some recently published

poems on Charles VIII in ftaly. 2.

■ — N. Papadopoli : Notes on engravers
at the mint of Venice. — V. Bellemo :
Education in Chioggia down to the

fifteenth century. A. Schiavon :

Guariento, a Paduan painter of the

fourteenth century. G. Giurlato:

Venetian memorials in Roman monu-

m'ints, continued A. Medin prints a

fragment of a serventese in praise of Can-

grande I delta Scala. C. Cipolla:

Statutes of the country of Verona, con-
tinued [Castelnuovo dell' Abate, 1237-

1260] G. Paleri prints the will of

Liberate da Sovemigo [1485]. G.

PiETROGRANDE ! MichcU Louigo the

archivist, and his family. A.

Bertholdi: Topography of the Vero-
nese in the fifteenth century, with a
plate.

VI. EUSSIA

(Communicated by W. R. Morfill)

The Antiquary (Starina). — June, July,
August — Memoirs of Paul V Chichagov
[continued, dealing with the war be-
tween Russia and Sweden in 1788, the
death of admiral Greig, and his splendid
funeral, &c.]==June — N. Schilder :
Prince William, afterwards German
emperor, in Russia in 181 7 [he escorted
his sister when she went to be married

to Nicholas]. The Russians in

Hungary in 1859 [correspondence of

Paskevich, Berg, and others]. St.

Petersburg in the olden time [extracts
from the newspapers of the year 1 800,
illustrating government and social life

in the reign of Paul]. An account

of a riot among the peasantry in the
government of Riazan [1850-1851] in
consequence of the hard treatment
the serfs received from a landed pro-
prietor, named Ivanov]. Prince

V. Dabizhe : San Stephano and Con-
stantinople in February 1878, ended.
^=July— The archimandrite Leo-

NiDE : The origin of the Russian princess
Olga [to show that this princess, who
married Igor in 903, came from Pleskov
in Bulgaria and not from Pskov, as

generally believed]. Michael K.

Bobrovski, 1784- 1848 [important for a
study of the circumstances of the
return of the Greco-Uniates to the
orthodox church under Siemaszko].

July-August — A. M. Voinov : The

battle of Zivin in Asiatic Turkey,
June 13, 1877 [explanatory of his con-
duct on that day which led to the

defeat of the Russians] D. Anuchin :

Vladimir A. Cherkaski, as the organiser
of the Bulgarian govemnient.==
August — The emperor NicJwlas : his
decisions in various cases [showing his
good sense and kindness of heart].
The Historical Messenger (Istoricheski
Yiestmk).— June- July — A. S. Trachev-
SKi : Russia during the Crimean

war [continued] . June — A. Boboz-

DiN : Some cJiaracteristics of the em-

832 CONTENTS OF PERIODICAL PUBLICATIONS Oct.

peror Paul [documents from the
archives of the senate illustrating his
clemency and also his violent outbursts

of anger]. N. S. Kuteinikov : TJie

cradle of Christianity in Bussia [ac-
counts of churches at Kiev and other
■p\a,ces].==July — A gentle and true
wife [a typical Kussian woman of the
•^eighteenth century: extracts from the
letters of countess E. Eumiantzov to
her husband the field-marshal and

celebrated Kussian general] J. P.

MozHAiSKi : Notices of the archiman-
drite Photius, collected at his birth-
place in the government of Novgorod.
=Augiist —Th. M. Umanetz : The
P.oconsul of the Caucasus, chap.

i-vi. [an account of the rule of Yer-
molov in the Caucasus, very important

for the history of the country].

A. A. GoLUBEV : The hetman Ilyushka
Po?wmarev [one of the chief agents in
the rebellion of Stenka Kazin in South
Russia in 1670: the details are from
a manuscript preserved in private

hands] An episode in the monastic

life of the last century [Jiccount of a
riot of the serfs on property belonging
to the Novo-spasski monastery of Mos-
cow in the government of Tambov in
1756, illustrating serf life of the period,

taken from government documents] .

The nine-hundredth anniversary of the
introduction of Christianity into Russia.

VII. SPAIN

Boletln de la Real Academia de la
Historia, xii. 4. April — A. Euiz com-
municates details of miliarium near
Castellon de la Plana (Hiibner, 4949).

C. Febnandez Duro : A map by

Dulceri or Dulcert, dated 1339 [the
earliest Catalan map hitherto known,
important as showing the contem-
porary knowledge of Africa and the
Canaries. It is compared with the
Atlas Catalan of 1375 and the African
travels of a Spanish Franciscan in 1345-
50]. Also notes on maps by Jacopo Bus-
so of Messina and Diego Bibero, a Por-
tuguese established in Spain [16th cen-
tury] F. Codeea describes Arabic

coins discovered by C.Pujol F. Dan-

VI la: The history of the chapin [or

clog] in Spain. ^5. May— 3. Villa-

Amil contributes data as to the early
Jewish ifihabitants of Galicia. La-
tin inscriptions from Cadiz and Sagun-
to and a miliarium at Hostafranchs,

Barcelona A. Fernandez-Guerra

describes a bronze tessera hospitalis
[a.d. 40, important as giving for the
first time unmutilated the names of
the consuls for the first half of that
year, viz. C. Seecanius Bassus and

Q. Terentius Culleo] F. Codera

describes his commission to Algiers,
Constantine, and Tunis in search of
Arabic MSS. relating to Spanish his-
tory A. MuNoz Y Gomez prints the

schedule of debts paid by Isabella to
inhabitants of Jerez de la Frontera for

stores supplied to Columbus 6.

June— Latin inscriptions fi-om the site
of Jdtiva and from Cordova [the latter

sought for in vain by Hiibner]

Arabic inscriptimis from Avila.

N. Rabal describes a visit to the ruins
of the Celtiberian Termes and tJie

Boman Termanica. J. L. Castril-

LON contributes a notice of the historian

Ldzaro Diaz del Valle F. Codera

collects notices from Aben Hazam of
the Hammudies of Malaga and Alge-
ciras and of the Tochibies [genealogies
are added].- — E. Saavedra and F.
Codera give Arabic inscriptions from
the ancient Xela [relating to the
Sultan Abulhasan and one of his
wives].
Eevista Contemporanea. ilfai/— Jimenez
DE LA EsPADA : Juan de Castellanos y
su historia del nuovo reino de Granada,
continued.

VIII. UNITED STATES OF AMEBIC A

Magazine of American History, xix. 6.
June — Alice D. Le Plongeon : The

con2uest of the Mayas, continued.

G. E. Manigault : The military career
of general George Izard [1776- 1826].
L. H. Porter : Popular govern-
ment in Virginia [1606-1776] Hon.

C. K. Tuckerman: Personal recollec-
tions of William H. Seward. Judge

W. A. Wood : Daniel Webster's visit
to Missouri [1837].— — Letters on the
beginnings of Ohio [by general J. M.
Varnum, 2 Jan. 1788, and general

Rufus Putnam, 27 Oct. 1788]. xx. 1.

July — Mrs. M. J. Lamb : Chief-justice

M. R. Waite [f 23 March 1888]

Judge W. J. Bacon : The continental

congress. Hon. C. K. Tuckerman :

Personal recollections of Ayidreio John-
soH. —- Senator J. S. Fowler: East

Tennessee one hundred years ago.

Hon. J. L. M. Curry : A chapter in
the history of Spain in relation to

American affairs [1808] General M.

Read publishes Washington's diary for

August 1 781 Letter of Montcalm

[26 April I744].==5. August— Bey.

I. S. Hartley : Roscoe Conkling.

Mrs. M. J. Lamb : Philadelphia in 1 750.

Hon C. K. Tuckerman : Personal

recollections of general Grant

Alice D. Le Plongeon: TJie con-

qu£st of the Mayas, concluded. J.

R. Gibson, jun., prints lieutenant
Tjerck Beekman's journal [1779] on
the expedition against the Six Nations.

Unjmblished letters of Washington.

Petition of the Dutch church at

New York to governor the earl of Bello-
mont [1698].

INDEX

THE THIED VOLUME

ARTICLES, NOTES, AND DOCUMENTS

Australia, The settlement of : by E.

C. K. Gonner, 625
Ayerst, Bev. William, Letters of

[1706-1721] : edited by C. E. Doble,

751

BoraNB, Benoit de: by Sidney J.
Owen, 63

Canadian Institute, The, 813
Carucage, The great, of 1198: by
J. H. Bound, 501

— by Miss Kate Norgate, 702
Charles I and the earl of Glamorgan,

Note on : by S. E. Gardiner, 125
Chatham, Francis, and Junius : by

Leslie Stephen, 233
Clement VII, Pope, A letter of [1524] :

edited by the Rev. C. W. Boase, 321
Cond6, The great: by J. B. Perkins, 478
County court, The suitors of the : by

F. W. Maitland, 417
Cromwell and the insurrection of

1655, i. : by C. H. Firth, 323

— i. ii. : by E. F. D. Palgrave, 521, 722

Dante, The tomb of: by the Eev. E.
Moore, 635

Eleanor of Castile, Queen, The death

of : by W. H. Stevenson, 315
Elizabethan presbyterianism ; by W.

A. Shaw, 655
Evelyn's diary, A passage in : by G.

Nutt, 521
Ewald, Paul, and Pope Gregory I : by

J. E. Seeley, 295
Exogamy, The origin of : by the late

J. F. McLennan and D. McL., 94

Fabyan, Robert, A deed of : edited by
E. J. L. Scott, 318

Garnet, Two declarations of, relating

to the gunpowder plot: edited by

S. E. Gardiner, 510
Glamorgan, the earl of, and Charles I,

Note on : by S. E. Gardiner, 125
Gneist on the English constitution:

by G. W. Prothero, 1
Gregory I, Pope, and Paul Ewald : by

J. E. Seeley, 295

VOL. III. — NO. XII.

Gundrada, wife of William of Warren,
The parentage of : by E. A. Free-
man, 680

Hrotsvitha of Gandersheim: by Wi
H. Hudson, 431

Junius, Chatham, Francis, and: by
Leslie Stephen, 233

Manchester's quarrel with Cromwell ;

by Lieut.-Col. W. G. Boss, 519
Munster, The plantation of [1584-

1589] : by B. Duntop, 250

Naseby, the battle of : by Lieut.-Col.

W. G. Boss, 668
Northmen in the Isle of Man : by G.

Vigfusson, 498

Ori^eans, The claim of the house of,
to Milan : by Miss A. M. F. Bobinson
(Madame James Darmesteter), 34,
270

Ph^acians, The Homeric : by W. Keith
Leask, 292

Beading abbey. Lord FingalPs cartu-
lary of : edited by S. Barfield, 113

Sedan, The campaign of: by W.

O'Connor Morris, 209
Semiramis, The legend of : by the Eev.

A. H. Sayce, 104
Surrey, The West- Saxon conquest of :

by H. E. Maiden, 422

Thame, The visitation of the monastery
of [1526] : edited by the Bev. G. G,
Perry, 704

Theophylaktos Simokatta, The chro-
nology of : by J. B. Bury, 310

Thessalian inscription, A, contem-
porary with the second Punic war :
by G. Nutt, 294

Waterloo, Two diaries of : by H. Nie-
man and Cornet E. H. Bullock,
539

Wolsey, Thomas, The early life of :
by the late T. W. Cameron, 458

3 H

834

INDEX TO THE THIRD VOLUME

LIST OF REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Abbey (C. J.) The English church
and its bishops [1700-1800]: by
H. O. Wakeman, 383
Archaeological Eeview, The, 604
Ashley (W. J.) The early history of
the English woollen industry : by
the Eev. W. Cunningham, 567

Baines (E.) History of Lancashire :

edited by J. Croston, i., 397
Baird (H. M.) The Huguenots and

Henry of Navarre : by P. F. Willert,

680
Bancroft (H. H.) Histoi-y of the

Pacific States, i.-viii. : by A. K.

Ropes, 182

— vol. xxiv. : by J. A. Doyle, 695
Barb6 (L. A.) The tragedy of Gowrie

House : by the late T. W. Cameron,

793
Bertolotti (A.) La schiavitu in Ronia

dal secolo xvi al xix, 813
Beveridge (H.) The trial of Maha-
rajah Nanda Kumar : by H. G. K.,

178
Bibesco (Prince G.) En Mexique, 1862,

606
Bibliotheca historica, 189
Boutmy (E.) La diveloppement de la

constitution en Angleterre : by W.

J. Ashley, 570
Bright (J. F.) History of England, iv.

[1837-1880] : by Lord Acton, 798
Brodrick (Hon. G. C.) History of the

university of Oxford', by J. Bass

Mullinger, 163
Broglie, Souvenirs du feu due de, iv.,

398

— (E. de) Mabillon : by Lord Acton, 685
Brushfield (T. N.) The occupation of

the see of Exeter [1419-1420], 189

Caix de Saint-Aymour (vicomte de)
Becueil des instructions donnies aux
amhassadeurs et ministres de France,
iii. : Portugal : by R. Lodge, 387

Charv6riat (E.) Les affaires religieuses
en Boheme au seizidine siicle : by W.
R. Morfill, 172

Chute (C. W.) History of the Vyne in
Hampshire : by M. Burrows, 382

Craig-Brown (T.) History of Selkirk-
shire : by the Editor, 791

Croston (J.) County families of Lanca-
shire and Cheshire, 380

Czartoryski (Prince Adam), Mimoires,
edited by C. de Mazade : by C. A.
Fylfe, 392

Davis (M.) Hebrew deeds of English
Jews : by A. Neubauer, 771

Delpech (H.) La tactique au treizidm>e
sidcle : by the Rev. Hereford B.
George, 142

Dierauer (J.) Geschichte der schiueize-
rischen EidgenossenscJiaft, i. : by the
Rev. W. A. B. Coolidge, 568

Eaton (Nathaniel) The Iwly calendar,
606

Federico I, Gesta di, in Italia, edited
by E. Monaci: by Count Ugo
Balzani, 135

Fisher (G. P.) History of the Chris-
tian Church, 812

Forneron (H.) Louise de Keroualle, 605

Fr6my (E.) L^acaddmie des dernier s
Valois [1570-1585] : by Miss E. B.
Hamilton, 576

Gasquet (F. a.) Henry VIII and the
English monasteries, i. : by the
Editor, 373

— (J.) Jean VIII et la fin de V empire
carolingien, 396

Gneist (R.) History of the English con-
stitution : by G. W. Prothero, 1

— (English translation) : by G. W.
Prothero, 161

Hannay (D.) Admiral Blake, 187
Hearn (W. E.) The government of

England: by D. G. Ritchie, 656
Henry VIII, Letters and paper s,foreig7i

and do7nestic, of the reign of, x. : by

the Editor, 373
Higden (Ranulph) Polychronicon,

edited by J. R. Lumby, ix., 789
Hill (F. H.) George Canning, 188
Historical manuscripts commission,

Tenth report, appendix iv. : by F.

York Powell, 169
Honiger (R.) Das Judenschreinbuch

der Laurenzpfarre zu KQln : by A.

Neubauer, 771

Jackson (T. G.) Ddlmatia, the Quar-
nero, and Istria : by the Rev. H. F.
Tozer, 367

Jewish chronicles, Mediceval, edited
by A. Neubauer: by M. Fried-
lander, 360

Keene (H. G.) The fall of the
Moghul empire of Hindustan, 604

Kittel (R.) Geschichte der Hebrder, i. :
by W. Robertson Smith, 351

Lanzac de Laborie (L. de) Jean-
Joseph Mounier: by H. M. Stephens,
390

Laughton (J. K.) Studies in naval
history : by M. Burrows, 592

Laurie (S. S.) Lectures on the rise
and early constitution of univer-
sities : by the Rev. H. Rashdall,
137

INDEX TO THE THIRD VOLUME

885

Lavoix (H.) Catalogue dcs monnaies

musulmanes de la bibliotMque

nationale, 603
Lea (H. C.) History of the inquisition

of the middle ages : by Lord Acton,

773
Lehmgriibner (H.) Benzo von Alba :

by the Rev. J. H. Maude, 554
Lupton (J. H.) Life of John Colet :

by the Editor, 675
Lyte (H. C. Maxwell) History of the

university of Oxford down to 1530 :

by J. Basa Mullinger, 163

Maitland (F. W.) Select pleas of the

crown, i. [1200-1225] : by J. H.

Round, 788
Mirbt (C.) Die Stellung Augustins in

der Publicistik des Gregorianischen

KirchenstreitSf 812
Molinier (C.) Etudes sur qu£lques

manuscrits concernant V inquisition :

by H. C. Lea, 561
Montero y Vidal (J.) Historia general

de Filipinas, i. : by E. Armstrong,

582
Morris (W. B.) Life of Saint Patrick,

607
Moyen dge, Le, 398

Nicholas Papers, edited by G. F.

Warner, 186
North (Hon. Roger) Autobiography,

edited by A. Jessopp : by 0. Airy,

174

Peele (George) Works, edited by

A. H. Bullen, 607
Pierling (P.) Bathory et Possevino:

by W. R. Morfill, 379
Plenkers (W.) Er Frederik IPs datter

Anna gaaet over til katholicismen ? :

by A. W. Ward, 795
Price (J. E.) Descriptive account of

the guildhall of London : by the

Rev. W. J. Loftie, 154
Pulszky (A.) The theory of law and civil

society : by H. Sidgwick, 761

Ramsey Cartularium, edited by W. H.

Hart and P. A. Lyons: by T. F.

Tout, 365
— Chronicon, edited by W. D.

Macray : by T. F. Tout, 365
Ranke (L. von) Zur Geschichte

Deutschlands und Frankreichs im

neunzehnten Jahrhundert : by A.

W. Ward, 184
Rankin (J.) Handbook of the church

of Scotland, 607
Renan (E.) Histoire dupeuple d' Israel,

i. : by W. Robertson Smith, 127
Rhys (J.) Celtic heathendom : by F.

York Powell, 55
Richey (A. G.) Short history of the

Irish people, 398

Roger of Wendover, The Floivers of
History, edited by H. G. Hewlett :
by W. H. Stevenson, 353

Russian periodical publications. No-
tices of : by W. R. Mortill, 207, 414,
623, 831

Rye (W.) Records and record search-
ing, 607

Schmidt (G.) Pdbstliche Urkunden
und Regesten [1295-1352]: by H.
C. Lea, 364

Schottmiiller (K.) Der Untergang des
Templer-Ordens : by H. C. Lea,
149

Schroeder (S.) The fall of Maxi-
milian's empire, 606

Scrutton (T. E.) Commons and com-
mon fields : by F. W. Maitland, 568

Simonsfeld (H.) Der Fondaco dei
Tedeschi in Venedig : by H. F.
Brown, 563

Skene (W. F.) TJie traditionary ac-
counts of the death of Alexander
III: by T. A. Archer, 362

State papers. Calendar of. Domestic
series [1641-3], edited by W. D.
Hamilton : by C. H. Firth, 581

Strachan-Davidson (J. L.) Selections
from Polybius : by A. Tilley, 767

Taylor (John), the water poet, Early
works of, 606

Theal (G. McC.) History of the Boers
in South Africa : by A. J. McGre-
gor, 809

Thevenin (M.) Textes relatifs aux in-
stitutions privies et publiquss aux
ipoquss mirovingienne et carotin-
gienne, 396

Thompson (J.) The Owens College,
Manchester, 811

Thuasne (L.) Gentile Bellini et sultan
Mohammed II, 812

Traill (H. D.) Shaftesbury, 187

Trotter (L. J.) History of India under
Queen Victoria [1836-1880] : by S.
J. Owen, 595

VoGtJB (Vicomte C. M. de) Souvenirs

et visions : by W. R. Morfill, 602
Weir (A.) The historical basis of

modem Europe [1760-1815]: by

A. R. Ropes, 390
Western Antiquary, The, 608
WycUffe (J.) De Ecclesia, edited by

J. Loserth: by R. L. Poole, 571,

813

York, Historians of the church of,
edited by J. Raine, ii. : by Miss E.
Thompson, 158

Zdekauer (L.) Statutum Potestatis
Comunis Pistorii: by Count Ugo
Balzani, 555

836

INDEX TO THE THIRD VOLUME

LIST OF WRITERS

Acton, Lord, 585, 773, 798
Airy, Osmund, 174
Archer, T. A., 362
Armstrong, E., 582
Ashley, Professor W. J., 670

Balzani, Count Ugo, 135, 555

Barfield, S., 113

Boase, Rev. C. W., 321

Brown, Horatio F., 563

Burrows, Professor Montagu, 382, 592

Bury, John B., 311

Cameron, the late T. W., 458, 793
Coolidge, Eev. W. A. B., 558
Creighton, Rev. Professor M., 373, 575,

791
Cunningham, Rev. W., 667

Darmesteter, Madame James, 34, 270,

791
Doble, C. E., 751
Doyle, J. A., 595
Dunlop, R., 250

Firth, C. H., 323, 581

Freeman, Professor Edward A., D.C.L.,

680
Friedlander, M., 360
Fyffe, C. A., 392

Gardiner, Samuel R., LL.D., 125,

510
George, Rev. Hereford B., 142
Gonner, E. C. K., 625

Hamilton, Miss E. Blanche, 676
Hudson, W. H., 431

Lea, Henry C, 149, 364, 561
Leask, W. Keith, 292
Lodge, R., 387
Loftie, Rev. W. J., 154

McGreoor, Alexander J., 809
McLennan, the late J. F., 94
Maitland, F. W., 417, 568
Maiden, H. E., 422
Maude, Rev. J. H., 554
Moore, Rev. E., D.D., 635
Morfill, W. B., 172, 207, 379, 414, 602,
623, 831

Morris, W. O'Connor, 209,
Mullinger, J. Bass, 163

Neubauer, a., 771
Norgate, Miss Kate, 702
Nutt, a., 294, 521

Owen, Sidney James, 63, 595

Palgrave, Reginald F. D., C.B., 521,

722
Perkins, J. Breck, 478
Perry, Rev. George G., 704
Poole, Reginald L., 571
Powell, F. York, 169, 553
Prothero, G. W., 1, 161

Rashdall, Rev. H., 137

Ritchie, D. G., 556

Robinson, Miss A. Mary F. See

Darmesteter, Madame James
Ropes, Arthur R., 182, 389
Ross, Lieut.-Colonel W. G., R.E., 519,

668
Round, J. H., 501, 788

Sayce, Rev. A. H., 104

Scott, Edward J. L., 318

Seeley, Professor J. R., 295

Shaw, WilHam A., 655

Sidgwick, Professor H., Litt. D., 761

Smith, W. Robertson, LL.D., 127, 351

Stephen, Leslie, 233

Stephens, H. Morse, 390

Stevenson, W. H., 315, 353

Thompson, Miss Edith, 158
Thorpe, Francis Newton, 539
Tilley, Arthur, 767
Tout, Professor T. F., 365
Tozer, Rev. H. F., 367

VmFussoN, Gudbrand, 498

Wakeman, Henry Offley, 383

Ward, Professor A. W., Litt. D., 184,

795
Willert, P. F., 580

K., H. G., 178
McL., D., 94
L.-P., S., 603

END OF THE THIRD VOLUME

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